an address presented to the king, august th, when those from the massachuset's colony were, by that worthy citizen, sir henry ashurst, baronet : to their most excellent majesties, king william and queen mary of england, &c., the humble address and petition of the general court of your majesties most ancient colony of new-plymouth in new-england. new plymouth colony. general court. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an address presented to the king, august th, when those from the massachuset's colony were, by that worthy citizen, sir henry ashurst, baronet : to their most excellent majesties, king william and queen mary of england, &c., the humble address and petition of the general court of your majesties most ancient colony of new-plymouth in new-england. new plymouth colony. general court. hinckley, thomas, ca. - . ashurst, henry, ?- . sheet ( p.) printed for r. baldwin, london : . reports the return of the charter government and requests the confirmation of the "liberties" of which the colony had been deprived by governor andros. dated and signed: june th, . tho. hinckley, governour. in the name, and by the appointment of your majesties said general court. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng massachusetts -- history -- new plymouth, - -- sources. broadsides -- england -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an address presented to the king , august th . . when those from the massachuset's colony were , by that worthy citizen , sir henry ashurst , baronet . to their most excellent majesties , king william and queen mary , of england , &c. the humble address and petition of the general court of your majesties most ancient colony of new-plymouth in new-england , humbly sheweth , that whilst we contemplate the wonderful and glorious appearance of the most high god , by whom kings reign , and princes decree acts of justice , in raising up your majesties in that noble and illustrious , though hazardous undertaking , to preserve the three kingdoms from arbitrary power , popery , and slavery , and therein made you their saviour , through his presence with you , and so moved the hearts of the people to say , as sometimes they did to gideon , do thou rule over us , for thou hast delivered us , &c. we , whose good is wrapt up in theirs , cannot but according to our duty , render our unfeigned thanks , first , to almighty god the author thereof , and then to your majesties , as the happy instrument in his blessed hand , and take this first opportunity to congratulate your excellent majesties quiet accession to the crown ; humbly imploring the god of all grace to be with you , guiding , protecting , blessing , and making both your majesties a blessing to the nations over whom he hath or may set you , to lay the foundation of happiness for many generations : and , as duty binds us , we humbly signifie to your majesties the ready allegiance and obedience which our people bear unto you , who on the first intelligence of what was done by the parliament of england , did with the greatest joy and solemnity our mean condition would capacitate us unto , proclaim your majesties king and queen of england , &c. which being first done , they proceeded to the election of the governour and assistants , according to their former and accustomed way and order from the first constitution of the government in this colony , which we have enjoyed for more than threescore and six years , and therefore humbly conceive , we have good title thereunto by prescription , which , according to cook ( that oracle of the law ) is one of those ways whereby corporations , or bodies politick do commence and are established . besides that , we have been from time to time owned and acknowledged therein as such by king charles the second in sundry of his royal letters unto us , assuring us , that we should enjoy all our liberties , both ecclesiastical and civil , without the least violation ; and that he would always remember the ready , manifestations , upon all occasions of the loyalty , duty , and affection of his good subjects of this colony for their advantage ; with many other expressions of great grace and favour , as in his royal letters of the d. of april , . and of the th . of april , . and th . of feb. / . may more fully appear . and by king james the second in his royal letters of the th . of june , . promising at all times to extend his royal care and protection of us in the preservation of our rights , &c. which we also quietly enjoyed without any interruption , till after the sixty six years aforesaid , they were in the year injuriously taken from us by sir edmond andros his illegal arbitrary government over us , which ●ow being ceased by the surrender of his government , and his person with other ill instruments seized by sundry gentlemen , lovers of their country , encouraged by your princely declarations , and noble example , &c. in doing of which , though we had no hand , yet do partake of the benefits thereof , in being freed from many arbitrary , tyrannical invasions we were exposed unto , on our persons , lands , rights , and liberties ; and we being left without government , were humbly confident , that it would not in the least be displeasing to your gracious majesties for us to resume a government on our former foundation , so surreptitiously taken from us , without the least intimation of any misgovernment , or direct notice to us from his majesty of his pleasure for our surrender . we now further also become your majesties most humble suppliants , that the bright rays of your princely favour may be cast on this your poor nursling , being the first english plantation erected in new england , whose predecessors , that they might enjoy the liberty of their consciences in the pure scriptural worship of god ( without offence to other worthy persons of a different perswasion ) under the desirable protection of their soveraign , and the enlargement of his dominions , did at their own proper cost and charge , run that hazardous , amazing adventure with their wives and children , first to break the ice into this vast american desart , where they had no friend nor house to shelter them from the extremities of hunger and cold , nor from wild men and wild beasts , which they had to conflict with , arriving here in november . that now they may be cherished by the influence of your favourable grant and confirmation of all our former liberties , ( especially religious , the main end of that great adventure ) either by a charter or act of parliament , as to your princely wisdom and clemency seems fit for the good government and welfare of this your majesties colony , for which we crave your princely clemency , and prostrate our selves humble petitioners on your behalf unto heaven's soveraign , that your majesties may be under a confluence of such divine blessings , as may make your reign long and prosperous . so prays your majesties most loyal and dutiful subjects , tho. hinckley , governour . in the name , and by the appointment of your majesties said general court. plymouth in new-england , june th . . london : printed for r. baldwin . mdclxxxix . new english canaan, or new canaan containing an abstract of new england, composed in three bookes : the first booke setting forth the originall of the natives, their manners and customes, together with their tractable nature and love towards the english : the second booke setting forth the naturall indowments of the countrie, and what staple commodities it yeeldeth : the third booke setting forth what people are planted there, their prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it, together with their tenents, and practise of their church / written by thomas morton ... morton, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) new english canaan, or new canaan containing an abstract of new england, composed in three bookes : the first booke setting forth the originall of the natives, their manners and customes, together with their tractable nature and love towards the english : the second booke setting forth the naturall indowments of the countrie, and what staple commodities it yeeldeth : the third booke setting forth what people are planted there, their prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it, together with their tenents, and practise of their church / written by thomas morton ... morton, thomas, - . , [ ] p. printed for charles greene, and are sold in pauls church-yard, [s.l.] : [ ?] date of imprint suggested by stc ( nd ed.). signatures: a- a⁴. imperfect: tightly bound, with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng indians of north america -- massachusetts. new england -- description and travel. massachusetts -- description and travel. massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - simon charles sampled and proofread - simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new english canaan , or new canaan . containing an abstract of new england . composed in three bookes . the first booke setting forth the originall of the natives , their manners and customes , together with their tractable nature and love towards the english. the second booke setting forth the naturall indowments of the countrie , and what staple commodities it yeeldeth . the third booke setting forth what people are planted there , their prosperity , what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it ; together with their tenents , and practise of their church . written by thomas morton of cliffords inne , gent ▪ upon ten yeeres knowledge and experiment of the countrie . printed for charles greene , and are sold in pauls church-yard . to the right honorable , the lords and others of his majesties most honorable privy councell , commissioners , for the government of all his majesties forraigne provinces . right honourable the zeale which i beare to the advauncement of the glory of god , the honor of his majesty , and the good of the weale publike , hath incouraged mee to compose this abstract , being the modell of a rich hopefull and very beautifull country , worthy the title of natures master-peece , and may be lost by too much sufferance . it is but a widowes mite , yet all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring from thence , where i have indevoured my best , bound by my allegeance , to doe his majesty service . this in all humility i present as an offering , wherewith i prostrate my selfe at your honorable footstoole . if you please to vouchsafe , it may receave a blessing , from the luster of your gracious beames , you shall make your vassaile happy , in that hee yet doth live , to shew how ready hee is and alwayes hath bin , to sacrifice his dearest blood , as becometh a loyall subject , for the honor of his native country . being your honors humble vassaile thomas morton . the epistle to the reader . gentle reader , i present to the publike view an abstract of new england ; which i have undertaken to compose by the incouragment of such genious spirits as have been studious of the inlargment of his majesties territories , being not formerly satisfied , by the relations of such as through haste , have taken but a superficiall survey thereof , which thing time hath enabled mee to performe more punctually to the life , and to give a more exact accompt of what hath been required ; i have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to communicat the knowledge , which i have gained and collected together , by mine owne observation , in the time of my many yeares residence in those parts , to my loving country men : for the better information of all such as are desirous to be made partakers of the blessings of god in that fertile soyle , as well as those that , out of curiosity onely have bin inquisitive after nouelties . and the rather for that i have observed , how divers persons ( not so well affected to the weale publike in mine opinion ) out of respect to their owne private ends ; have laboured to keepe both the practise of the people there , and the reall worth of that eminent country concealed from publike knowledge , both which i have abundantly in this discourse layd open , yet if it be well accepted , i shall esteeme my selfe sufficiently rewardded for my undertaking , and rest . your wellwisher , thomas morton . in laudem authoris . t ' excuse the author ere the worke be shewne is accusation in it selfe alone , and to commend him might seeme oversight , so divers are th' opinions of this age , so quick and apt , to taxe the moderne stage , that hard his taske , is that must please in all example have wee from great caesars fall , but is the sonne to be dislik'd and blam'd , because the mole is of his face asham'd , the fault is in the beast not in the sonne give sicke mouthes sweete meates fy they relish none , but to the sound in censure he commends , his love unto his country his true ends , to modell out a land of so much worth , as untill now noe traveller seth forth , faire canaans second selfe , second to none , natures rich magazine till now unknowne , then here survay , what nature hath in store , and graunt him love for this , he craves no more . r. o. gen. sir christoffer gardiner , knight . in laudem authoris . this worke a matchles mirror is that shewes , the humors of the seperatiste , and those so truely personated by thy pen , i was amaz'd to see 't , herein all men , may plainely see as in an inter-lude , each actor , figure and the scaene well view'd , in connick tragick and in a pastorall stife , for tyth of muit and cummin shewes their life , nothing but opposition , gainst the right , of sacred majestie men , full of spight , goodnes abuseing , turning vertue out of dores , to whipping stocking and full bent , to plotting mischiefe , gainst the innocent , burning their houses , as if ordained by fate , in spight of lawe , to be made ruinate , this taske is well perform'd and patience be , thy present comfort and thy constancy , thine honor , and this glasse where it shall come , shall sing thy praises till the day of doome . sir. c. g. in laudem authoris . bvt that i rather pitty i confesse , the practise of their church , i could expresse my selfe a satyrist ; whose smarting fanges , should strike it with a palsy , and the panges , beget a feare , to tempt the majesty , of those , or mortall gods , will they defie the thundering jove , like children they desire , such is their zeale , to sport themselves with fire , so have i seene an angry fly , presume , to strike a burning taper , and consume his feeble wings , why in an aire so milde , and they so monstrous growne up , and so vilde , that salvages can of themselves espy their errors , brand their names with infamy , what is their zeale for blood , like cyrus thirst , will they be over head and eares , a curst a cruell way to found a church on , noe , t' is not their zeale , but fury blinds them soe , and pricks their malice on like fier to joyne , and offer up the sacrifice of kain ; jonas , thou hast done well , to call these men home to repentance , with thy painefull pen. f. c. armiger . new english canaan , or new canaan . the authors prologue . if art & industry should doe as much as nature hath for canaan , not such another place , for benefit and rest , in all the universe can be possest , the more we proove it by discovery , the more delight each object to the eye procures , as if the elements had here bin reconcil'd , and pleas'd it should appeare like a faire virgin , longing to be sped , and meete her lover in a nuptiall bed , deck'd in rich ornaments t' advaunce he state and excellence , being most fortunate , when most enjoy'd , so would our canaan b● womb if well imploy'd by art & industry whose ofspring , now shewes that her fruitfu● not being enjoy'd , is like a glorious tombe admired things producing which there dy● and ly fast bound in darck obscurity , the worth of which in each particuler , who lift to know , this abstract will declare . new english canaan , or new canaan . the first booke . containing the originall of the natives , their manners , & customes , with their tractable nature and love towards the english. chap. i. prooving nevv england the principall part of all america , and most commodious and fitt for habitation . the wise creator of the universall globe , hath placed a golden meane betwixt two extreames : i meane the temperate zones , betwixt the hote and cold ; and every creature , that participates of heavens blessings , with in the compasse of that golden meane , is made most apt and fit , for man to use , who likewise by that wisedome is ordained to be the lord of all . this globe may be his glasse , to teach him how to use moderation , and discretion , both in his actions and intentions . the wise man sayes , give mee neither riches nor poverty ; why ? riches might make him proud like nebuchadnezar , and poverty despaire , like iobs wife ; but a meane betweene both . so it is likewise in the use of vegetatives , that which hath too much heate or too much colde , is said to be venenum , so in the use of sensitives , all those animals , of what genus or species soever they be , if they participate of heate or cold , in the superlative , are said to be inimica naturae , as in some fishes about the isle of sall , and those ilandes adjoyninge , betweene the tropickes , their participatinge of heate and cold , in the superlative is made most manifest , one of which , poysoned a whole ships company that eate of it . and so it is in vipers , toades , and snakes , that have heate or cold in the superlative degree . therefore the creatures that participate of heate and cold in a meane , are best and holsomest : and so it is in the choyse of love , the middell zone betweene the two extreames is best , and it is the●efore called zona temperata , and is in the golden meane ; and all those landes lying under that zone , most requisite and fitt for habitation . in cosmography , the tw● extreames are called , the one torrida zona , lying betweene the tropickes , the other frigida zona , lyin● neare the poles : all the landes lying under , eithe● of these zones , by reason , they doe participate to much of heate or cold , are very inconvenient , and are accompanied with many evils . and allthough i am not of opinion with aristotle , that the landes under torrida zona , are alltogether uninhabited , i my selfe having beene so neare the equinoctiall line , that i have had the sunn for my zenith , and seene proofe to the contrary , yet cannot i deny , but that it is accompanied with many inconveniences , as that fish and flesh both will taint in those partes , notwithstanding the use of salt which cannot be wanting there , ordained by natures hande-worke . and that is a great hinderance to the settinge forth and supply of navigation , the very sinewes of a florishing common-wealth . then barrennesse , caused through want of raines , for in most of those partes of the world it is seldome accustomed to raine , untill the time of the tornathees ( as the portingals phrase is , who lived there ) and then it will raine about . dayes together , which moisture serveth to fructify the earth for all the yeare after , duringe which time is seene no raine at all : the heate and cold , and length of day and night , being much alike , with little difference . and these raines are caused by the turning of the windes , which else betweene the tropickes , doe blow trade , that is allwayes one way . for next the tropicke of cancer it is constantly north-●ast , and next the tropicke of capricorne it is southwest ; so that the windes comming from the poles , do keepe the aire in those partes coole , and make it temperate and the partes habitable , were it not for those and other inconv●niences . this torrida zona is good for grashoppers : and zona temperata for the ant and bee. but frigida zona good for neither , as by lamentable experience of captaine davis fate , is manifest , who in his inquest of the nortwest passage for the east india trade was frozen to death . and thefore for frigida zona , i agree with aristotle , that it is unfit for habitation : and i know by the course of the caelestiall globe , that in groeneland many degrees short of the pole articke , the place is too cold , by reason of the sunns absence almost six monethes , and the land under the continuall power of the frost ; which thinge many more navigators have prooved with pittifull experience of their wintringe there , as appeareth by the history , i thinke , they will not venture to winter there againe for an india mine . and as it is found by our nation under the pole articke , so it is likewise to be found under the antarticke pole , yet what hazard will not an industrious minde , and couragious spirit undergoe , according to that of the poēt . impiger extremos currit mercator ad indos per mare pauperiem fugiens , per saxa , per ignes . and all to gett and hord up like the ant and the bee , and yet as salomon saith , hee cannot tell whether a foole or a wise man shall enjoy it . therefore let us leave these two extreames , with their inconveniences , and indeavour to finde out this golden meane , so free from any one of them . behold the secret wisedome of allmighty god , and love unto , our salomon to raise a man of a lardge hart , full of worthy abilities to be the index or loadstarre , that doth point out unto the english nation , with ease and comfort how to finde it out . and this the noble minded gentleman , sir ferdinando gorges knight , zealous for the glory of god , the honor of his majesty , and the benefit of the weale publicke , hath done a great worke for the good of his country . and herein this , the wondrous wisedome and love of god , is shewne , by sending to the place his minister , to sweepe away by heapes the salvages , and also giving him length of dayes , to see the same performed after his enterprise was begunne , for the propagation of the church of christ. this judicious gentleman , hath found this goulden meane , to be scituated about the middle of those two extreames , and for directions you may proove it thus : counting the space betweene the line and either of the poles , in true proportion , you shall finde it to be . degrees : then must we finde the meane , to be neare unto the center of . and that is about . degrees , and then incline unto the sotherne side of that center , properly for the benefit of heate , remembringe that sol & homo generat hominem ; and then keepe us on that same side , and see what land is to be found there , and we shall easily discerne that new england is on the south side of that center . for that country doth beginne her boundes at . degrees of northerne latitude , and endes at . degrees of the same latitude , and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently , but is oppressed with neither : and therefore may be truly sayd to be within the compasse of that golden meane , most apt and fit for habitation and generation , being placed by allmighty god the great creator , under that zone , called zona temperata , and is therefore most fitt for the generation and habitation of our english nation , of all other , who are more neere neighbours to the northerne pole , whose land lyeth betweene . and . degrees of the selfesame latitude : now this new ●ngland though it be nearer to the line , then that old england by . degrees of latitude , yet doth not this exceede that other in heate or cold , by reason of the cituation of it ; for as the coast lyeth , being circularly northeast and southwest , opposite towards the sunnes risinge , which makes his course over the ocean , it can have litle or no reflecting , heat of the sun-beames , by reason of the continuall motion of the waters , makinge the aire there the cooler and the constanter ; so that for the temperature of the climent , sweetnesse of the aire , fertility of the soile , and small number of the salvages ( which might seeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate minde , ) this country of new england is by all judicious men , accounted the principall part of all america , for habitation and the commodiousnesse of the sea , ships there not being subject to wormes , as in virginea and other places , and not to be paraleld in all christendome . the massachussets being the middell part thereof , is a very beautifull land not mountany , nor inclininge to mountany , lyeth in . degrees , and . minutes , and hath as yet the greatest number of inhabitants , and hath a very large bay to it , divided by islands into . great bayes , where shippinge may safely ride all windes and weathers , the windes in those partes being not so violent as in england by many degrees , foe there are no shrubbs seene , to leane from the windes as by the sea coast of england , i have seene them leane , and the groundage is a sandy sleech free from rockes to gaule cables , but is good for anchorage , the rest of the planters are disperst among the coasts betweene . and . degrees of latitude , and as yet , have very little way into the iland , the riches of which country i have set forth in this abstract as in a landskipp , for the better information of the travellers , which hee may peruse and plainely perceave by the demonstration of it , that it is nothing inferior to canaan of israel , but a kind of paralell to it , in all points . chap. ii. of the originall of the natives . in the yeare since the incarnation of christ , . it was my chance to be landed in the parts of new england , where i found two sortes of people , the one christians , the other infidels , these i found most full of humanity , and more friendly then the other : as shall hereafter be made apparant in dew-course , by their severall actions from time to time , whilest i lived among them after my arrivall in those partes , i endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes that i could to find out from what people or nation , the natives of new england might be conjectured originlly to proceede , & by continuance & conversation amongst them , i attaned to so much of their language , as by all probable conjecture may make the same manifest , for it hath been found by divers , and those of good judgement that the natives of this country , doe use very many wordes both of greeke and latine , to the same signification that the latins and greekes have done , as en animia , when an indian expresseth , that hee doth any thing with a good will ; and pascopan signifieth gredy gut , this being the name of an indian that was so called of a child , through the greedinesse of his minde , and much eating , for pasco in latine signifieth to feede , and pan in greeke signifieth all , and pasco nantum , quasi pasco nondum , halfe starved , or not eating , as yet ; equa coge , set it upright , mona is an island in their language , quasi monon , that is alone , for an island is a peece or plott of ground standing alone , and devided from the mane land by force of water . cos is a whetstone with them . hame an instrument to take fish , many places doe retaine the name of pan , as pantneket and matta pan , so that it may be thought that these people heretofore , have ha● the name of pan in great reverence and estimation and it may bee have worshipped pan the great god o● the heathens : howsoever they doe use no manne● of worship at all now : and it is most likely that th● natives of this country , are descended from people bred upon that part of the world , which is towarde● the tropicke of cancer , for they doe still retaine the memory of some of the starres one that part of thea caelestiall globe , as the north-starre , which with them is called maske , for maske in their language signifieth a beare , and they doe divide the windes into eight partes , and it seemes originally , have had some litterature amongst them , which time hath cancelled and worne out of use , and where as it hath beene the opinion of some men , which shall be nameles , that the natives of new-england may proceede from the race of the tartars , and come from tartaria into those partes , over the frozen sea. i see no probality for any such conjecture , for as much , as a people once setled , must be remooved by compulsion , or else tempted thereunto in hope of better fortunes , upon commendations of the place , unto which they should be drawne to remoove , and if it may be thought , that these people came over the frozen sea , then would it be by compulsion , if so , then by whome , or when ? or what part of this mane continent may be thought to border upon the country of the tartars , it is yet unknowne , and it is not like , that a people well enough at ease , will of their one accord undertake to travayle over a sea of ice , considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with , as first whether there be any land at the end of their unknowne way , no land beinge in view , then want of food to sustane life in the meane time upon that sea of ice , or how should they doe for fuell , to keepe them at night from freezing to death , which will not bee had in such a place , but it may perhaps be granted that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattred trojans : for after that brutus , who was the forth from aneas , left latium upon the conflict had with the latines , ( where although hee gave them a great overthrow , to the slaughter of their grand captaine and many other of the heroes of latium , yet hee held it more safety to depart unto some other place , and people , then by stayi●g to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtfull conquest , which as history maketh mention hee performed ; ) this people were dispersed there is no question , but the people that lived with him , by reason of their conversation with the graecians and latines , had a mixed language that participated of both , whatsoever was that which was proper to their owne nation at first ; i know not for this is commonly seene where . nations traffique together , the one indevouring to understand the others meaning makes thē both many times speak a mixed language , as is approoved by the natives of new england , through the coveteous desire they have , to commerce with our nation , and wee with them . and when brutus did depart from latium , we doe not finde that his whole number went with him at once , or arrived at one place ; and being put to sea might encounter with a storme , that would carry them out of sight of land , and then they might sayle god knoweth whether , and so might be put upon this coast , as well as any other ; compasse i beleeve they had none in those dayes ; sayles they might have , ( which daedalus the first inventor thereof ) left to after ages , having taught his sonne icarus the use of it , who to his cost found how dangerous it is , for a sonne not to observe the precepts of a wise father , so that the icarian sea , now retaines the memory of it to this day , and victuals they might have good store , and many other things fittinge , oares without all question , they would store themselves with , in such a case , but for the use of compasse there is no mention made of it at that time ( which was much about sauls time the first that was made king of israell . ) yet it is thought ( and that not without good reason for it ) that the use of the loadstone , and compasse was knowne in salomons time , for as much as hee sent shippes to fetch of the gould of ophir , to adorne and bewtify that magnificent temple of hierusalem , by him built for the glory of almighty god , and by his speciall appointment : and it is held by cosmographers to be . yeares voyage from hierusalem to ophir , and it is conceaved that such a voyage could not have beene performed , without the helpe of the loadstone and compasse . and why should any man thinke , the natives of new england , to be the gleanings of all nations , onely because by the pronunciation and termination their words seeme to trench upon severall languages , when time hath not furnished him with the interpretation thereof , the thinge that must induce a man of reasonabe capacity to any maner of conjecture , of their originall , must by the sence and signification of the words , principally to frame this argument by , when hee shall drawe to any conclusion thereupon , otherwise hee shall but runne rounde about a maze ( as some of the fantasticall tribe use to do about the tythe of muit and comin . ) therfore since i have had the approbation of sir christopher gardiner knight an able gentl. that lived amongst them & of david tompson a scottish gentl. that likewise conversant with those people both scollers and travellers that were diligent in taking notice of these things as men of good judgement . and that have bin in those parts any time ; besides others of lesse , now i am bold to conclude that the originall of the natives of new england may be well conjectured to be from the scattered trojans , after such time as brutus departed from latium . chap. iii. of a great mortality that happened amongst the natives of nevv england neere about the time , that the english came there to plant . it fortuned some few yeares , before the englis● came to inhabit at new plimmouth in new england that upon some distast given in the massachussets bay by frenchmen , then trading there with the native for beaver , they set upon the men , at such advantage that they killed manie of them burned their shipp then riding at anchor by an island there , now called peddocks island in memory of leonard peddock that landed there ( where many wilde anckies haunted that time which hee thought had bin tame , ) distributing them unto . sachems which were lords of the severall territories adjoyninge , they did keepe them so longe as they lived , onely to sport themselves at them , and made these five frenchmen fetch them wood and water , which is the generall worke that they require of a servant , one of these five men out livinge the rest had learned so much of their language , as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede , saying that god would be angry with them for it ; and that hee would in his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages ( it seemes boasting of their strenght , ) replyed and sayd , that they were so many , that god could not kill them . but contrary wise in short time after , the hand of god fell heavily upon them , with such a mortall stroake , that they died on heapes , as they lay in their houses and the living ; that were able to shift for themselves would runne away , & let them dy , and let there carkases ly above the ground without buriall . for in a place where many inhabited , there hath been but one left a live , to tell what became of the rest , the livinge being ( as it seemes , ) not able to bury the dead , they were left for crowes , kites , and vermin to pray upon . and the bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations , made such a spectacle after my comming into those partes , that as i travailed in that forrest , nere the massachussets , it seemed to mee a new found golgatha . but otherwise it is the custome of those indian people , to bury their dead ceremoniously , and carefully , and then to abandon that place , because they have no desire the place should put them in minde of mortality : and this mortality was not ended , when the brownists of new plimmouth were setled at patuxet in new england , and by all likelyhood the sicknesse that these indians died of , was the plague , as by conference with them since my arrivall , and habitation in those partes , i have learned . and by this meanes there is as yet but a small number of salvages in new england to that , which hath beene in former time , and the place is made so much the more fitt , for the english nation to inhabit in , and erect in it temples to the glory of god. chap. iv. of their houses and habitations . the natives of new england are accustomed to build them houses , much like the wild irish , they gather poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the ground , placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference , and bendinge the topps o● them in forme of an arch , they bind them together with the barke of walnut trees , which is wondrous tuffe , so that they make the same round on the topp . for the smooke of their fire , to assend and passe through ? these they cover with matts , some made of reeds , and some of longe flagges , or sedge finely sowed together with needles made of the splinter bones of a cranes legge , with threeds , made of their indian hempe , which their groueth naturally , leaving severall places for dores , which are covered with mats , which may be rowled up , and let downe againe at their pleasures , making use , of the severall dores , according as the winde sitts , the fire is alwayes made in the middest of the house , with winde fals commonly : yet some times they fell a tree , that groweth neere the the house and by drawing in the end thereof maintaine the fire on both sids , burning the tree by degrees shorter and shorter , untill it be all consumed ; for it burneth night and day , their lodging is made in three places of the house about the fire , they lye upon plankes commonly about a foote or . inches aboue the ground raised upon railes that are borne up upon forks they lay mats under them , and coats of deares skinnes otters beavers racownes and of beares hides , all which they have dressed and converted into good lether with the haire on for their coverings and in this manner they lye as warme as they desire in the night they take their rest , in the day time , either the kettle is on with fish or flesh , by no allowance : or else , the fire is imployed in roasting of fishes , which they delight in , the aire doeth beget good stomacks , and they feede continually , and are no niggards of their ●ittels , for they are willing , that any one shall eate with them , nay if any one , that shall come into their houses , and there fall a sleepe , when they see him disposed to lye downe , they will spreade a matt for him of their owne accord , and lay a roule of skinnes for boulster , and let him lye ? if hee sleepe untill the●● meate be dished up , they will set a wooden boule 〈◊〉 meate by him that sleepeth , & wake him saying cattu●● keene meckin : that is , if you be hungry , there 〈◊〉 meat for you , where if you will eate you may , such 〈◊〉 their humanity . likewise when they are minded ro remoove● they carry away the mats with them , other material● the place adjoyning will yeald , they use not to wint●● and summer in one place , for that would be a reason t● make fuell scarse , but after the manner of the gent●● of civilized natives , remoove for their pleasures some times to their hunting places where they r●maine keeping good hospitality , for that se●son ; and sometimes to their fishing places , where the● abide for that season likewise ▪ and at the spring , whe● fish comes in plentifully , they have meetinges fro● severall places , where they exercise themselves in g●minge , and playing of juglinge trickes , and all ma●ner of revelles , which they are deligted in , that it 〈◊〉 admirable to behould , what pastime they use , of sev●rall kindes , every one striving to surpasse each othe● after this manner they spend their time . chap. v. of their religion . it has bin a common receaved opinion from cicero , that there is no people so barbarous , but have some worshipp , or other in this particular , i am not of opinion rherein with tully ; and surely , if hee had ●in amongst those people so longe as i have bin , and ●onversed so much with them , touching this matter of religion , hee would have changed his opinion , neither ●hould we have found this error , amongst the rest , by ●he helpe of that wodden prospect , if it had not been so ●nadvisedly built upon such highe land as that coast. 〈◊〉 all mens judgements in generall , ) doth not yeeld , ●ad hee but taken the judiciall councell of sir william ●lexander , that setts this thing forth in an exact and ●onclusive sentence ; if hee be not too obstinate ? hee ●●ould graunt that worthy writer , that these people ●re sine fide , sine lege , & sine rege , and hee hath ex●mplified this thinge by a familiar demonstration , ●hich i have by longe experience observed to be ●●ue . and me thinks , it is absurd to say they have a kinde ●f worship , and not be able to demonstrate whome or ●hat it is they are accustomed to worship . for 〈◊〉 part i am more willing to beleeve that the ele●●ants ( which are reported to be the most intelligible 〈◊〉 all beasts ) doe worship the moone , for the reasons given by the author of this report as mr. thomas may , the minion of the muses dos recite it in his contimation , of lucans historicall poem , rather then this man , to that i must bee constrained , to conclude agains● him , and cicero ; that the natives of new englan● have no worship nor religion at all , and i am sure it ha● been so observed by those that neede not the help● of a wodden prospect for the matter . chap. vi. of the indians apparrell . the indians in these parts do make their apparrell of the skinnes of severall sortes of beastes , an● commonly of those , that doe frequent those parte● where they doe live , yet some of them for variety , wi●● have the skinnes of such beasts that frequent th● partes of their neighbors , which they purchase o● them , by commerce and trade . these skinnes they convert into very good l●ther , making the same plume and soft . some 〈◊〉 these skinnes they dresse with the haire on , and som● with the haire off ; the hairy side in winter time the● weare next their bodies , and in warme weather , the● weare the haire outwardes : they make likewise so●● coates of the feathers of turkies , which they wea● together with twine of their owne makinge , very pri●tily : these garments they weare like mantels knit ov●● their shoulders , and put under their arme : they have likewise another sort of mantels , made of mose skinnes , which beast is a great large deere , so bigge as a horse , these skinnes they commonly dresse bare , and make them wondrous white , and stripe them with size , round about the borders , in forme like lace set on by a taylor , and some they stripe with size , in workes of severall fashions very curious , according to the severall fantasies of the workemen , wherein they strive to excell one another : and mantels made of beares skinnes is an usuall wearinge , among the natives , that live where the beares doe haunt : they make shooes of mose skinnes , which is the principall leather used to that purpose ; and for want of such lether ( which is the strongest ) they make shooes of deeres skinnes , very handsomly and commodious , and of such deeres skinnes as they dresse bare , they make stockinges , that comes within their shooes , like a stirrop stockinge , and is fastned above at their belt which is about their middell ; every male after hee attaines unto the age , which they call pubes , wereth a belt about his middell , and a broad peece of lether that goeth betweene his leggs , and is tuckt up both before and behinde under that belt , and this they weare to hide their secreats of nature ; which by no meanes they will suffer to be seene , so much modesty they use in that particular , those garments they allwayes put on , when they goe a huntinge to keepe their skinnes from ●he brush of the shrubbs , and when they have rheir apparrell one , they looke like irish in their trouses , the stockinges joyne so to their breeches . a good well growne deere skin is of great account with them , and it must have the tale on , or else they account it defaced , the tale being three times as long as the tales of our english deere , yea foure times so longe , this when they travell is raped round about their body , and with a girdle of their making , bound round about their middles , to which girdle is fastned a bagg , in which his instruments be , with which hee can strike fire upon any occasion . thus with their bow in their left hand , and their quiuer of arrowes at their back , hanging one their left shoulder with the lower end of it , in their right hand , they will runne away a dogg trot , untill they come to their journey end , and in this kinde of ornament , ( they doe seeme to me ) to be hansomer , then when they are in english apparrell , their gesture being answerable to their one habit and not unto ours . their women have shooes and stockinges to weare likewise when they please , such as the men have , but the mantle they use to cover their nakednesse with , is much longer then that , which the men use ; for as the men have one deeres skinn , the women have two soed together at the full lenght , and it is so lardge that it trailes after them , like a great ladies trane , and in time i thinke they may have their pages to beare them up : and where the men use but one beares skinn for a mantle , the women have two soed together ; and if any of their women would at any time shift one , they take that which they intend to make use of , and cast it over them round , before they shifte away the other , for modesty , being unwilling to be seene to discover their nakednesse , and the one being so cast over , they slip the other from under them in a decent manner , which is to be noted in people uncivilized , tberein they seeme to have as much modesty as civilized people , and deserve to be applauded for it . chap. vii . of their child-bearing , and delivery , and vvhat manner of persons they are . the women of this country , are not suffered to be used for procreation , untill the ripenesse of their age ; at which time they weare a redd cap made of lether in forme like to our flat caps , and this they weare for the space of . moneths : for all men to take notice of them that have any minde to a wife ; and then it is the custome of some of their sachems or lords of the territories , to have the first say or maidenhead of the females ? ( very apt they are ) to be with childe , and very laborious when they beare children , yea when they are as great as they can be , yet in that case they neither forbeare laboure , nor travaile , i have seene them in that plight with burthens at their backs enough to load a horse , yet doe they not miscarry , but have a faire delivery , and a quick , their women are very good midwifes , and the women very lusty after delivery and in a day or two will travell or trudge about . their infants are borne with haire on their heads ; and are of complexion white as our nation , but their mothers in their infancy make a bath of wallnut leaves , huskes of walnuts , and such things as will staine their skinne for ever , wherein they dip and washe them to make them tawny , the coloure of their haire is black , and their eyes black , these infants are carried at their mothers backs , by the help of a cradle made of a board forket at both ends , whereon the childe is fast bound , and wrapped in furres : his knees thrust up towards his bellie , because they may be the more usefull for them when he sitteth , which is as a dogge does on his bumme , and this cradle surely preserues them better then the cradles of our nation ; for as much , as we finde them well propertioned not any of them , crooked backed or wry legged , and to give their charracter in a worde , they are as proper men and women for feature and limbes as can be found , for flesh and bloud as active : longe handed they are , ( i never sawe a clunchfisted salvadg amonst them all in my time . ) the colour of their eies being so generally black , made a salvage ( that had a younge infant whose eies were gray , ) shewed him to us and said they were english mens eies , i tould the father , that his sonne was nan weeteo , which is a bastard , hee replied titta ches hetue squaa , which is hee could not tell ; his wife might play the whore and this childe the father desired might have an english name , because of the likenesse of his eies which his father had in admiration , because of novelty amongst their nation . chap. viii . of their reverence , and respect to age . it is a thing to be admired , and indeede made a president , that a nation yet uncivilizied , should more respect age then some nations civilized ; since there are so many precepts both of divine and humane writers extant : to instruct more civill nations in that particular wherein they excell , the younger are allwayes obedient unto the elder people , and at their commaunds in every respect without grummbling , ●n all councels ( as therein they are circumspect to do ●heir acciones by advise and counsell and not rashly or inconsiderately , the younger mens opinion shall ●e heard , but the old mens opinion and councell im●raced and followed , besides as the elder feede and ●rovide for the younger in infancy : so doe the ●ounger after being growne to yeares of manhood , provide for those that be aged , and in distribution of ●●●tes the elder men are first served , by their dis●ensator and their counsels ( especially if they be ●owahs ) are esteemed as oracles amongst the younger natives . the consideration of these things , mee thinkes ●●ould reduce some of our irregular young people of ●ivilized nations : when this story shall come to ●●eir knowledge , to better manners , and make them ●shamed of their former error in this kinde , and to become hereafter more duetyfull , which i as a friend ( by observation having found ) have herein recorded for that purpose . chap. ix . of their pretty coniuring tricks . if we doe not judge amisse of these salvages in accounting them witches , yet out all question , we may be bould to conclude them to be but weake witches , such of them as wee call by the names o● powahs some correspondency they have with the devil , out of al doubt as by some of their accions , in whic● they glory , is manifested papasiquineo ; that sachem or sagamore is a powah of greate estimation amongs● all kinde of salvages , there hee is at their revel● ( which is the time when a great company of salvage● meete , from severall parts of the country , in amity with their neighbours ) hath advaunced his honor in hi● feats or jugling tricks ( as i may right tearme them ) t● the admiration of the spectators whome hee endevoured to perswade , that he would goe under water to th● further side of a river to broade for any man to undertake with a breath , which thing hee performed by swimming over & deluding the company with castin● a mist before their eies that see him enter in and com● out , but no part of the way hee has bin seene , likewis● by our english in the heat of all summer to make ic● appeare in a bowle of faire water , first having the water set before him hee hath begunne his incantatio● according to their usuall accustome and before th● same has bin ended a thick clowde has darkned th● aire and on a sodane a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed the natives , in an instant hee hath shewed a firme peece of ice to flote in the middest of the bowle in the presence of the vulgar people , which doubtles was done by the agility of satan his consort . and by meanes of these sleights and such like trivial things , as these they gaine such estimation amongst the rest of the salvages ; that it is thought a very impious matter for any man to derogate from the words of these powahs . in so much as hee that should slight them , is thought to commit a crime no lesse hainous amongst them , as sacriledge is with us , as may appeare by this one passage , which i wil set forth for an instance . a neighbour of mine that had entertain'd a salvage into his service , to be his factor for the beaver trade amongst his countrymen , delivered unto him divers parcells of commodities , fit forthem to trade with ; amongst the rest there was one coate of more esteeme then any of other , and with this his new entertained marchant man travels amonst his countrymen to truck them away for beaver : as our custome hath bin , the salvage went up into the country amongst his neighbours for beaver & returned with some , but not enough answerable to his masteers expectation , but being called to an accompt and especially for that one coate of speciall note ; made answer that he had given that coate to tantoquineo , a powah : to which his master in a rage cryed what have i to doe with tantoquineo ? the salvage very angry at the matter cryed , what you speake ; you are not a very good man , wil you not give tantoq . a coat ? what 's this ? as if he had offered tantoquineo , the greatest indignity that could be devised : so great is the estimation and reverence that these people have of these ingling powahs , who are usually sent for ( when any person is sicke and ill at ease ) to recover them , for which they receive rewards as do● our chirgeons and phisitions , and they doe make ● trade of it , and boast of their skill where they come one amongst the rest did undertake to cure an englishman of a swelling of his hand for a parcell of biskett , which being delivered him , hee tooke the party greived into the woods aside from company , an● with the helpe of the devill ( as may be conjectured quickly recovered him of that swelling , and sent hi● about his worke againe . chap. x. of their duels and the honourable estimation of victory obtained thereby . these salvages are not apt to quarrell one wit● anothet : yet such hath bin the occasion that difference hath happened , which hath growne to tha● height , that it has not bin reconciled otherswise the● by combat , which hath bin performed in this manner the two champions prepared for the fight , with thei● bowes in hand , and a quiver full of arrowes at thei● backs , they have entered into the field , the challenge● and challenged have chosen two trees , standing wit● in a little distance of each other ; they have cast lotts for the cheife of the trees , then either champion setting himselfe behinde his tree watches an advantage , to let fly his shafts , and to gall his enemy , there they continue shooting at each other , if by chaunce they espie any part open , they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part ; and use much agility in the performance of the taske they have in hand . resolute they are in the execution of their vengeance , when once they have begunne , and will in no wise be daunted , or seeme to shrinck though they doe catch a clap with an arrow , but fight it out in this manner untill one or both be slaine . i have bin shewed the places , where such duels have bin performed , and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall of the combat , where that champion hath stood , that had the hap to be slaine in the duell ? and they count it the greatest honor that can be , to the serviving cumbatant to shew the scares of the wounds , received in this kinde of conflict , and if it happen to be on the arme as those parts are most in danger in these cases , they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon that place of the arme , as a trophy of honor to their dying day . chap. xi . of the maintaining of their reputation . reputation is such a thing , that it keepes many men in awe , even amongst civilized nations , and is very much stood upon : it is ( as one hath very well noted ) the awe of great men and of kings , and since i have observed it , to be maintained amongst salvage people , i cannot chuse but give an instance thereof in this treatise , to confirme the common receaved opinion thereof . the sachem or sagamore of sagus made choise , ( when hee came to mans estate ) of a lady of noble discent , daughter to papasiquineo : the sachem or sagamore of the territories neare merrimack river a man of the best note and estimation in all those parts ( and as my countryman mr. wood declares in his prospect ) a great nigromancer , this lady the younge sachem with the consent & good liking of her father marries , and takes for his wife . great entertainement , hee and his receaved in those parts at her fathers hands , where they weare fested in the best manner that might be expected , according to the custome of their nation , with reveling , & such other solemnities as is usuall amongst them . the solemnity being ended , papasiquineo causes a selected number of his men to waite upon his daughter home : into those parts that did properly belong to her lord , and husband , where the attendants had entertainment by the sachem of sagus and his countrymen : the solemnity being ended , the attendants were gratified . not long after the new married lady had a great desire to see her father , and her native country , from whence shee came , ●er lord willing to pleasure her , & not deny her request ( amongst them ) thought to be reasonable commanded a selected number of his owne men to conduct his lady to her father ; wherwith great respect they brought her : and having feasted there a while , returned to their owne country againe , leaving the lady to continue there at her owne pleasure , amongst her friends , and old acquaintance : where shee passed away the time for a while : and in the end desired to returne to her lord againe . her father the old papasiquineo having notice of her intent , sent some of his men on ambassage to the younge sachem , his sonne in law , to let him understand that his daughter was not willing , to absent her selfe from his company any longer ; & therfore ( as the messengers had in charge ) desired the younge lord to send a convoy for her ▪ but hee standing upon tearmes of honor , & the maintaining of his reputatiō , returnd to his father in law this answere that when she departed from him , hee caused his men to waite upon her to her fathers territories , as it did become him : but now shee had an intent to returne , it did become her father , to send her back with a convoy of his own people : & that it stood not with his reputation to make himself or his men so servile , to fetch her againe . the old sachem papasiquineo having this message returned , was inraged ? to think that his young son in law did not esteeme him at a higher rate , then to capitulate with him about the matter , & returne him this sharpe reply ; that his daughters bloud , and birth deserved no more respect ; then to be so slighted , & there●ore if he would have her company , hee were best to ●end or come for her . the younge sachem not willing to under value himselfe , and being a man of a stout spirit , did not stick to say , that hee should either send her , by his owne convey , or keepe her ; for hee was not determined to stoope so lowe . so much these two sachems stood upon tearme of reputation with each other , the one would not sen● her , & the other would not send for her , least it should be any diminishing of honor on his part , that shoul● seeme to comply , that the lady ( when i came ou● of the country ) remained still with her father ; whic● is a thinge worth the noting , that salvage peopl● should seeke to maintaine their reputation so muc● as they doe . chap. xii . of their trafficke and trade one vvith another . although these people have not the use of navigation , whereby they may trafficke as other nations , that are civilized , use to doe , yet doe they barter for such commodities as they have , & have a kind● of beads ; in steede of money , to buy withall suc● things as they want , which they call wampampeak● and it is of two sorts , the one is white , the other is o● a violet coloure . these are made of the shells o● fishe ; the white with them is as silver with us ; th● other as our gould , and for these beads they buy , an● sell , not onely amongst themselves , but even with us we have used to sell them any of our commodities for this wampampeak , because we know , we can have beaver againe of them for it : and these beads are currant in all the parts of new england , from one end of the coast to the other . and although some have indevoured by example to have the like made , of the same kinde of shels , yet none hath ever , as yet , attained to any perfection in the composure of them , but that the salvages have found a great difference to be in the one ●nd the other ; and have knowne the counterfett beads ●rom those of their owne making ; and have , and doe light them . the skinnes of beasts are sould and bartered to ●uch people , as have none of the same kinde in the ●arts where they live . likewise they have earthen potts of divers sizes , ●rom a quarte to a gallon , . or . to boyle their viteals in ; very stronge , though they be thin like our ●ron potts . they have dainty wooden bowles of maple , of ●ighe price amongst them , and these are dispersed ●y bartering one with the other , and are but in cer●aine parts of the country made , where the severall ●rades are appropriated to the inhabitants of those ●arts onely . so likewise ( at the season of the yeare ) the sal●ages that live by the sea side for trade with the in●anders for fresh water , reles curious silver reles , ●hich are bought up of such as have them not fre●uent in other places , chestnuts , and such like usefull things as one place affordeth , are sould to the inhabitants of another : where they are a novelty accompted amongst the natives of the land ; and there is no such thing to barter withall , as is their whampampeake . chap. xiii . of their magazines or storehovvses . these people are not without providence , though they be uncivilized , but are carefull to preserve foede in store against winter , which is the corne that they laboure and dresse in the summer , and although they eate freely of it , whiles it is growinge , yet have they a care to keepe a convenient portion thereof ; to releeve them in the dead of winter , ( like to the ant and the bee ) which they put under ground . their barnes are holes made in the earth , that will hold a hogshead of corne a peece in them . in these ( when their corne is out of the huske and well dried ) they lay their store in greate baskets ( which they make of sparke ) with matts under , about the sides and on the top : and putting it into the place made for it , they cover it with earth : and in this manner it is preserved from destruction or putrifaction ; to be used in case of necessity , and not else . and i am perswaded , that if they knew the benefit of salte ( as they may in time , ) and the meanes to make salte meate fresh againe , they would endeaver to preserve fishe for winter , as well as corne ; and that if any thinge bring them to civility , it will be the use of salte , to have foode in store , which is a cheife benefit in a civilized commonwealth . these people have begunne already to incline to the use of salte . many of them would begge salte of mee for to carry home with them , that had frequented our howses and had beene acquainted with our salte meats : and salte i willingly gave them ; although i sould them all things else : onely because they should be delighted with the use there of ; and thinke it a commodity of no value in it selfe , allthough the benefit was great , that might be had by the use of it . chap. xiv . of theire subtilety . these people are not ( as some have thought a dull , or slender witted people ; but very ingenious and very subtile . i could give maine instances to maintaine mine opinion of them in this : but i will onely relate one , which is a passage worthy to be observed . in the massachussets bay lived cheecatawback the sachem or sagamore of those territories , who had large dominions , which hee did appropriate to himselfe . into those parts came a greate company of salvages , from the territories of narohiganset , to the number of . persons ; and in this sachems dominions they intended to winter . when they went a hunting for turkies : they spreade over such a greate scope of ground , that a turkie could hardily escape them : deare they killed up in greate abundance , and feasted their bodies very plentifully : beavers they killed by no allowance : the skinnes of those they traded away at wassaguscus with my neighboures for corne , and such other commodities as they had neede of ; and my neighboures had a wonderfull great benefit by their being in those parts . yea sometimes ( like genious fellowes ) they would present their marchant with a fatt beaver skinne , alwayes the tayle was not diminished , but presented full and whole : although the tayle is a present for a sachem , and is of such masculaine vertue , that if some of our ladies knew the benefit thereof , they would desire to have ships sent of purpose , to trade for the tayle alone , it is such a rarity , as is not more esteemed of , then reason doth require . but the sachem cheecatawbak ( on whose possessions they usurped , and converted the commodities thereof to their owne use , contrary to his likeing ) not being of power to resist them , practised to doe it by a subtile stratagem . and to that end gave it out amongst us , that the cause why these other salvages of the narohigansets , came into these parts , was to see what strength we were of , and to watch an opportunity to cut us off , and take that which they found in our custody usefull for them ; and added further , they would burne our howses , and that they had caught one of his men , named meshebro , and compelled him to discover to them where their barnes , magazines , or storehowses were , and had taken away his corne , and seemed to be in a pittifull perplexity about the matter . and the more to adde reputation to this tale , desires that his wifes and children might be harbered in one of our howses . this was graunted , and my neighbours put on corslets , headpeeces , and weapons defensive and offensive . this thing being knowne to cheecatawback , hee caused some of his men to bring the narohigansets to trade , that they might see the preparation . the salvage that was a stranger to the plott , simply comming to trade , and finding his merchants , lookes like lobsters , all cladd in harnesse , was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it . haste hee made to trade away his furres , and tooke any thing for them , wishing himselfe well rid of them , and of the company in the howse . but ( as the manner has bin ) hee must eate some furmety before hee goe : downe hee sits , and eats , and withall had an eie on every side ; and now and then saw a sword , or a dagger layd a thwart a headpeece , which hee wondered at , and asked his giude whether the company were not angry . the guide , ( that was privy to his lords plot ) answered in his language . that hee could not tell . but the harmelesse salvage before hee had halfe filled his belly , started upon a sodayne , and ranne out of the howse in such hast , that hee left his furmety there , and stayed not to looke behinde him who came after : glad hee was that he had escaped so . the subtile sachem hee playd the tragedian ; and fained a feare of being surprised ; and sent to see whether the enemies ( as the messenger termed them ) were not in the howse ; and comes in a by way with his wifes and children ; and stopps rhe chinkes of the out howse , for feare the fire might be seene in the night , and be a meanes to direct his enemies where to finde them . and in the meane time , hee prepared for his ambassador to his enemies a salvage , that had lived . moneths in england , to the end it might adde reputation to his ambassage . this man hee sends to those intruding narohigansets , to tell them that they did very great injury , to his lord , to trench upon his prerogatives : and advised them to put up their pipes , and begon in time : if they would not , that his lord would come upon them , and in his ayd his freinds the english , who were up in armes already to take his part , and compell them by force to be gone , if they refused to depart by faire meanes . this message comming on the neck of that which doubtlesse the fearefull salvage had before related of his escape , and what hee had observed ; caused all those hundred narohigansets ( that meant us no hurt ) to be gone with bagg , and baggage , and my neighboures were gulled by the subtilety of this sachem , and lost the best trade of beaver that ever they had for the time , and in the end found theire error in this kinde of credulity when it was too late . chap. xv. of their admirable perfection , in the use of the sences . this is a thinge not onely observed by mee , and diverse of the salvages of new england , but also , by the french men in nova francia , and therefore i am the more incouraged to publish in this treatice my observation of them , in the use of theire sences : which is a thinge that i should not easily have bin induced , to beleeve , if i my selfe , had not bin an eie witnesse , of what i shall relate . i have observed , that the salvages have the sence of seeing so farre beyond any of our nation , that one would allmost beleeve they had intelligence of the devill , sometimes : when they have tould us of a shipp at sea , which they have seene , soeuer by one hower , yea two howers sayle , then any english man that stood by ; of purpose to looke out , their sight is so excellent . their eies indeede are black as iett ; and that coler is accounted the strongest for sight . and as they excell us in this particular so much noted , so i thinke they excell us in all the rest . this i am sure , i have well observed , that in the sence of smelling , they have very great perfection : which is confirmed by the opinion of the french , that are planted about canada , who have made relation , that they are so perfect in the use of that sence , that they will distinguish between a spaniard and a frenchman by the sent of the hand onely . and i am perswaded , that the author of this relation has seene very probable reasons , that have induced him , to be of that opinion ; and i am the more willing to give credit thereunto , because i have observed in them so much , as that comes to . i have seene a deare passe by me upon a neck of land , and a salvage that has pursued him by the view . i have accompanied him in this pursuite ; and the salvage , pricking the deare , comes where hee findes the view of two deares together , leading several wayes . one hee was sure , was fresh , but which ( by the sence of seeing ) hee could not judge , therefore , with his knife , hee diggs up the earth of one ; and by smelling , sayes , that was not of the fresh deare : then diggs hee up the other ; and viewing and smelling to that , concludes it to be the view of the fresh deare , which hee had pursued , and thereby followes the chase and killes that deare , and i did eate part of it with him : such is their perfection in these two sences . chap. xvi . of their acknovvledgment of the creation , and immortality of the soule . although these salvages are found to be without religion , law , and king ( as sir william alexander hath well observed , ) yet are they not altogether without the knowledge of god ( historically ) for they have it amongst them by tradition , that god made one man and one woman , and bad them live together , and get children , kill deare , beasts , birds , fish , and fowle , and what they would at their pleasure ; and that their posterity was full of evill , and made god so angry : that hee let in the sea upon them , & drowned the greatest part of them , that were naughty men , ( the lord destroyed so . ) and they went to sanaconquam who feeds upon them , pointing to the center of the earth : where they imagine is the habitation of the devill : ) the other , ( which were not destroyed , ) increased the world ; and when they died ( because they were good ) went to the howse of kytan , pointing to the setting of the sonne ; where they eate all manner of dainties , and never take paines ( as now ) to provide it . kytan makes provision ( they say ) and saves them that laboure and there they shall live with him forever voyd of care . and they are perswaded that kytan is hee that makes corne growe , trees growe , and all manner of fruits . and that wee that use the booke of common prayer , doo it to declare to them , that cannot reade , what kytan has commaunded us , and that wee doe pray to him with the helpe of that booke ; and doe make so much accompt of it , that a salvage ( who had lived in my howse before hee had taken a wife , by whome hee had children ) made this request to mee ( knowing that i allwayes used him with much more respect then others . ) that i would let his sonne be brought up in my howse , that hee might be taught to reade in that booke : which request of his i granted ; and hee was a very joyfull man to thinke , that his sonne should thereby ( as hee said ) become an englishman ; and then hee would be a good man. i asked him who was a good man ; his answere was , hee that would not lye , nor steale . these , with them , are all the capitall crimes , that can be imagined ; all other are nothing in respect of those : and hee that is free from these , must live with kytan for ever , in all manner of pleasure . chap. xvii . of their annals and funerals . these people , that have by tradition some touch of the immortality of the soule , have likewise a custome to make some monuments , over the place where the corps is interred : but they put a greate difference betwene persons of noble , and of ignoble , or obscure , or inferior discent . for indeed in the grave of the more noble , they put a planck in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon ; and on each side a plancke , and a plancke upon the top in forme of a chest , before they cover the place with earth . this done , they erect some thing over the grave in forme of a hearse cloath , as was that of cheekatawbacks mother , which the plimmouth planters defaced , because they accounted it an act of superstition . which did breede a brawle as hath bin before related : for they hold impious , and inhumane : to deface the monuments of the dead . they themselves esteeme of it as piaculum , and have a custome amongst them , to keepe their annals : & come at certaine times to lament , & bewaile the losse of their freind ; & use to black their faces , which they so weare in stead of a mourning ornament for a longer or a shorter time , according to the dignity of the person : so is their annals kept and observed with their accustomed solemnity . afterwards they absolutely abandon the place , because they suppose the sight thereof , will but renew their sorrow . it was a thing very offensive to them , at our first comming into those parts , to aske of them for any one that had bin dead ; but of later times it is not so offensively taken , to renew the memory of any deseased person , because by our example ( which they are apt to followe ) it is made more familiare unto them ; and they marvell to see no monuments over our dead , and therefore thinke no great sachem is yet come into those parts : or not as yet deade , because they see the graves all alike . chap. xviii . of their custome in burning the country , and the reason thereof . the salvages are accustomed , to set fire of the country in all places where they come ; and to burne it , twize a yeare , vixe at the spring , and the fall of the leafe . the reason that mooves them to doe so , is because it would other wise be so overgrowne with underweedes , that it would be all a coppice wood , and the people would not be able in any wise to passe through the country out of a beaten path . the meanes that they do it with , is with certaine minerall stones , rhat they carry about them : in baggs made for that purpose of the skinnes of little beastes which they convert into good lether ; carrying in the same a peece of touch wood ( very excellent for that purpose of their owne making . these minerall stones they have from the piquenteenes ( which is to the southward of all the plantations in new england ) by trade and trafficke with those people . the burning of the grasse destroyes the underwoods , and so scorcheth the elder trees , that it shrinkes them , and hinders their grouth very much : so that hee that will looke to finde large trees , and good tymber , must not depend upon the help , of a woodden prospect to finde them on the upland ground ; but must seeke for them , ( as i and others have done ) in the lower grounds where the grounds are wett when the country is fired : by reason of the snow water that remaines there for a time , untill the sunne by continuance of th●t hath exhaled the vapoures of the earth , and dried up those places , where the fire ( by reason of the moisture ) can have no power to doe them any hurt : and if he would endevoure to finde out any goodly cedars , hee must not seeke for them on the higher grounds , but make his inquest for them in the vallies , for the salvages by this custome of theirs , have spoiled all the rest : for this custome hath bin continued from the beginninge . and least their firing of the country in this manner ; should be an occasion of damnifying us , and indaingering our habitations ; wee our selves have used carefully about the same times ; to observe the winds and fire the grounds about our owne habitations , to prevent the dammage that might happen by any neglect thereof , if t●e fire should come neere those howses in our absence . for when the fire is once kindled , it dilates and spreads it selfe as well against , as with the winde ; burning continually night and day , untill a shewer of raine falls to quench it . and this custome of firing the country is the meanes to make it passable , and by that meanes the trees growe here , and there as in our parks : and makes the country very beautifull , and commodious . chap. xix . of their inclination to drunkennesse . although drunkennesse be justly termed a vice , which the salvages are ignorant of , yet the benefit is very great , that comes to the planters by the sale of strong liquor to the salvages , who are much taken with the delight of it , for they will pawne their wits , to purchase the acquaintance of it , yet in al the cōmerce that i had with them , i never proffered them any such thing ; nay i would hardly let any of them have a drame unles hee were a sachem , or a winnaytue , that is a rich man , or a man of estimation , next in degree to a sachem , or sagamore : i alwayes tould them it was amongst us the sachems drinke . but they say if i come to the northerne parts of the country , i shall have no trade , if i will not supply thē with lusty liquors , it is the life of the trade , in all those parts , for it so happened , that thus a salvage desperately killed himselfe , when hee was drunke , a gunne being charged and the cock up , hee sets the mouth to his brest , and putting back the tricker with his foote , shot himselfe dead . chap. xx. that the salvages live a contended life . a gentleman and a traveller , that had bin in the parts of new england for a time , when hee retorned againe in his discourse of the country , wondered ( as hee said , ) that the natives of the land lived so poorely , in so rich a country , like to our beggers in england : surely that gentleman had not time or leasure whiles hee was there , truely to informe himselfe of the state of that country , and the happy life the salvages would leade weare they once brought to christianity . i must confesse they want the use and benefit of navigation ( which is the very sinnus of a flourishing commonwealth , ) yet are they supplied with all manner of needefull things , for the maintenance of life and lifelyhood , foode and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true use of ; and of these they finde no want , but have , and may have , them in a most plentifull manner . if our beggers of england should with so much ease ( as they , ) furnish themselves with foode , at all seasons , there would not be so many starved in the streets , neither would so many gaoles be stuffed , or gallouses furni●hed with poore wretches , as i have seene them , but they of this sort of our owne nation , that are fitt to goe to this canaan are not able to transport themselves , and most of them unwilling to goe from the good ale tap ; which is the very loadstone of the lande by which our english beggers steere theire course : it is the northpole to which the flowre-deluce of their compasse points ; the more is the pitty that the commonalty of oure land are of such leaden capacities , as to neglect so brave a country , that doth so plentifully feede maine lusty and a brave , able men , women , and children that have not the meanes that a civilized nation hath to purchase foode and rayment : which that country with a little industry : will yeeld a man in a very comfortable measure ; without overmuch carking . i cannot deny but a civilized nation , hath the preheminence of an uncivilized , by meanes of those instruments that are found to be common amongst civile people , and the uncivile want the use of , to make themselves masters of those ornaments , that make such a glorious shew , that will give a man occasion to cry , sic transit gloria mundi . now since it is but foode and rayment that men that live needeth ( though not all alike , ) why should not the natives of new england be sayd to live richly having no want of either : cloaths are the badge of sinne , and the more variety of fashions is but the greater abuse of the creature , the beasts of the forrest there doe serve to furnish them at any time , when they please : fish and flesh they have in greate abundance which they both roast and boyle . they are indeed not served in dishes of plate with variety of sauces to procure appetite , that needs not there . the rarity of the aire begot by the medicinable quality of the sweete herbes of the country , alwayes procures good stomakes to the inhabitants . i must needs commend them in this particular , that though they buy many commodities of our nation , yet they keepe but fewe , and those of speciall use . they love not to bee cumbered with many utensilles , and although every proprietor knowes his owne , yet all things ( so long as they will last , ) are used in common amongst them : a bisket cake given to one ; that one breakes it equally into so many parts , as there be persons in his company , and distributes it . platoes commonwealth is so much practised by these people . according to humane reason guided onely by the light of nature , these people leades the more happy and freer life , being voyde of care , which torments the mindes of so many christians : they are not delighted in baubles , but in usefull things . their naturall drinke is of the cristall fountaine ; and this they take up in their hands , by joyning them close together . they take up a great quantity at a time , and drinke at the wrists , it was rhe sight of such a feate , which made diogenes hurle away his dishe , and like one that would have this principall confirmed . natura paucis contentat , used a dish no more . i have observed that they will not be troubled with superfluous commodities . such things as they finde , they are taught by necessity to make use of , they will make choise of ; and seeke to purchase with industry so that in respect , that their life is so voyd of care , and they are so loving also that they make use of those things they enjoy ( the wife onely excepted as common goods , and are therein , so compassionate that rather than one should starve through want , they would starve all , thus doe they passe away the time merrily , not regarding our pompe ( whic● they see dayly before their faces ) but are better content with their owne , which some men esteeme s● meanely of . they may be rather accompted to live richly wanting nothing that is needefull ; and to be commended for leading a contented life , the younger bein● ruled by the elder , and the elder ruled by the powahs and the powahs are ruled by the devill , and then yo● may imagin what good rule is like to be amongst them . finis . new english canaan , or new canaan . the second booke . containing a description of the bewty of the country with her naturall indowements , both in the land and sea , with the great lake of erocoise . chap. i. the generall survey of the country . in the moneth of iune , anno salutis : . it was my chaunce to arrive in the parts of new england with . servants , and pr●vision of all sorts fit for a plantation : and whiles our howses were building , i did indeavour to take a survey of the country : the more i looked , the more i liked it . and when i had more seriously considered , of the bewty of the place , with all her faire indowments , i did not thinke that in all the knowne world it could be paralel'd . for so many goodly groues of trees ; dainty fine round rising hillucks : delicate faire large plaines ; sweete cristall fountaines ; and cleare running streames , that twine in fine meanders through the meads , making so sweete a murmering noise to heare , as would even lull the sences with delight a sleepe , so pleasantly doe , they glide upon the pebble stones , jetting most jocundly where they doe meete ; and hand in hand runne downe to neptunes court , to pay the yearely tribute , which they owe to him as soveraigne lord of all the springs . contained within the volume of the land , fowles in abundance , fish in multitude , and discovered besides ; millions of turtledoves one the greene boughes : which sate pecking , of the full ripe pleasant grapes , that were supported by the lusty trees , whose fruitfull loade did cause the armes to bend , which here and there dispersed ( you might see ) lillies and of the daphnean-tree , which made the land to mee seeme paradice , for in mine eie , t' was natures master-peece : her cheifest magazine of all , where lives her store : if this land be not rich , then is the whole world poore . what i had resolved on , i have really performed , and i have endeavoured , to use this abstract as an instrument , to bee the meanes , to communicate the knowledge which i have gathered , by my many yeares residence in those parts , unto my countrymen , to the end , that they may the better perceive their error , who cannot imagine , that there is any country in the universall world , which may be compared unto our native soyle , i will now discover unto them a country whose indowments are by learned men allowed to stand in a paralell with the israelites canaan , which none will deny , to be a land farre more excellent then old england in her proper nature . this i consider i am bound in duety ( as becommeth a christian man ) to performe , for the glory of god , in the first place ; next ( according to cicero , ) to acknowledge that , non nobis solum nati sumus , sed partim patria , partim parentes , partim amici vindicant . for which cause i must approove of the indeavoures of my country men , that have bin studious to inlarge the territories of his majesties empire by planting coloines in america . and of all other i must applaude the judgement of those that have made choise of this part ( whereof i now treat ) being of all other most absolute , as i will make it appeare , hereafter by way of paralell , among those that have setled themselvs in new england , some have gone for their conscience sake , ( as they professe ) & i wish that they may plant the gospel of iesus christ : as becommeth them , sincerely and without satisme or faction , whatsoever their former or present practises are ( which i intend not to justifie , howsoever they have deserved ( in mine opinion ) some commendationes , in that they have furnished the country , so commodiously in so short a time , although it hath bin but for their owne profit , yet posterity will taste the sweetnes of it , and that very sodainly . and since my taske in this part of mine abstract , is to intreat of the naturall indowments , of the country , i will make a b●eife demonstration of them in order , severally , according to their severall qualities : and shew you what they are , and what profitable use may be made of them by industry . chap. ii. vvhat trees are there and hovv commodious . oakes are there of two sorts , white and redd , excellent tymber for the building , both of howses , and shipping : and they are found to be a tymber , that is more tough then the oak of england . they are excellent for pipe-staves and such like vessels ; and pipe-staves at the canary ilands are a prime commodity , i have knowne them there at . p. the . and will purchase a fraight of wines there before any commodity in england , their onely wood being pine , of which they are enforced , also to build shippinge : of oackes there is great abundance in the parts of new england , and they may have a prime place in the catalogue of commodities . ashe there is store and very good for staves , oares or pikes , and may have a place in the same cat●logue . elme : of this sort of trees , there are some ; but there hath not as yet bin found any quantity to speake of . beech there is of two sorts , redd and white very excellent for trenchers , or chaires and also for oares and may be accompted for a commodity . wallnut , of this sorte of wood there is infinite store and there are . sorts , it is an excellent wood , for many uses approoved , the younger trees are imployed for hoopes , and are the best for that imployement of all other stuffe whatsoever , the nutts serve when they fall to feede our swine , which make them the delicatest bacon of all other foode , and is therein a cheife commodity . chestnutt , of this sorte there is very greate plenty ; the tymber whereof is excellent for building and is a very good commodity , especially in respect of the fruit , both for man and beast . pine , of this sorte there is infinite store in some parts of the country . i have travelled . miles together , where is little , or no other wood growing . and of these may be made rosin , pitch , and tarre , which are such usefull commodities , that if wee had them not from other countries in amity with england , our navigation would decline . then how great the commodity of it will be to our nation , to have it of our owne , let any man judge . cedar , of this sorte there is abundaunce ; and this wood was such as salomon used for the building of that glorious temple at hierusalem , and there are of these cedars , firre trees , and other materialls necessary for the building of many faire temples , if there were any salomons to be at the cost of them , and if any man be desirous to finde out in what part of the country the best cedars are , he must get into the bottom grounds , and in vallies that are wet at the spring of the yeare , where the moisture preserves them from the fire in spring time and not in a woodden prospect , this wood cutts red , and is good for bedsteads tables and chests , and may be placed in the catalogue of commodities . cypres , of this there is great plenty , and vulgarly this tree hath bin taken , for another sort of cedar ; but workemen put a difference betweene this cypres , and the cedar , especially in the colour ; for this is white and that redd white and likewise in the finenes of the leafe and the smoothnes of the barque . this wood is also sweeter then cedar and ( as it is in garrets herball ) a more bewtifull tree ; it is of all other to my minde , most bewtifull , and cannot be denied to passe for a commodity . spruce , of these there are infinite store , especially in the northerne parts of the country : and they have bin approoved by workemen in england , to be more tough , then those that they have out of the east country : from whence wee have them for masts and yards of shipppes . the spruce of this country are found to be . and . fadum about : and are reputed able single , to make masts for the biggest ship , that sayles on the maine ocean , without peesing , which is more than the east country can afford . and seeing that navigation is the very sinneus of a flourishing common-wealth , it is fitting , to allow the spruce tree a principall place , in the catalogue of commodities . alder , of ths sorte there is plenty by rivers sides good for turners . birch , of this there is plenty in divers parts of the country . of the barck of these the salvages of the northerne parts make them delicate canowes , so light , that two men will transport one of them over land whether they list , and yet one of them will transporte tenne or twelffe salvages by water at a time . mayple , of those trees there is greate abundance , and these are very excellent , for bowles . the indians use of it to that purpose , and is to be accompted a good commodity . elderne , there is plenty in that country , of this the salvages make their arrowes , and it hath no strong unsavery sent like our eldern in england . hawthorne , of this there is two sorts , one of which beares a well tasting berry , as bigg as ones thumbe , and lookes like little queene apples , vines , of this kinde of trees , there are that beare grapes of three colours , that is to say : white , black , and red . the country is so apt for vines , that ( but for the fire at the spring of the yeare ) the vines would so over spreade the land , that one should not be able to passe for them , the fruit is as bigg of some ; as a musket bullet , and is excellent in taste . plumtrees , of this kinde there are many ; some that beare fruit as bigg as our ordinary bullis : others there be , that doe beare fruite much bigger than peare plummes , their colour redd , and their stones flat , very delitious in taste . cheritrees , there are abundance , but the fruit is as small as our sloes , but if any of them were replanted , & grafted , in an orchard they would soone be raised by meanes of such and the like fruits . there is greate abundance of muske roses in divers places : the water distilled excelleth our rosewater of england . there is abundance af sassafras and sarsaperilla , growing in divers places of the land ; whose budds at the spring doe perfume the aire . other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited in this abstract , as goose berries , rasberies , and other beries . there is hempe that naturally groweth , finer then our hempe of england . chap. iii. potthearbes and other herbes for sallets . the country there naturally affordeth very good potherbes and fallet herbes and those of a more maskuline vertue then any of the same species in england ; as potmarioram , tyme , alexander , angellica , pursland , violets , and anniseeds , in very great abundance : and forthe pott i gathered in summer , dried and crumbled into a bagg to preserve for winter store . hunnisuckles , balme , and divers other good herbes are there , that grow without the industry of man , that are used when occasion serveth very commodiously . chap. iv. of birds , and fethered fovvles . now that i have breifly shewed the commodity of the trees , herbes , and fruits . i will shew you a description of the fowles of the aire , as most proper in ordinary course . and first of the swanne , because shee is the biggest of all the fowles of that country . there are of them in merrimack river , and in other parts of the country , greate store at the seasons of the yeare . the flesh is not much desired of the inhabitants , but the skinnes may be accompted a commodity , fitt for divers uses , both for fethers , and quiles . there are geese of three sorts vize brant geese , which are pide , and white geese which are bigger , and gray geese which are as bigg and bigger then the tame geese of england , with black legges , black bills , heads , and necks black ; the flesh farre more excellent , then the geese of england , wilde or tame , yet the purity of the aire is such , that the biggest is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple of men . there is of them great abundance . i have had often . before the mouth of my gunne , i never saw any in england for my part so fatt , as i have killed there in those parts , the fethers of them makes a bedd , softer then any down bed that i have lyen on : and is there a very good commodity , the fethers of the geese that i have killed in a short time , have paid for all the powther and shott , i have spent in a yeare , and i have fed my doggs with as fatt geese there , as i have euer fed upon my selfe in england . ducks , there are of three kindes , pide ducks , gray ducks , and black ducks in greate abundance : the most about my habitation were black ducks : and it was a noted custome at my howse , to have every mans duck upon a trencher , and then you will thinke a man was not hardly used , they are bigger boddied , then the tame ducks of england : very fatt and dainty flesh . the common doggs fees were the gibletts , unlesse they were boyled now and than for to make broath . teales , there are of two sorts greene winged , and blew winged : but a dainty bird , i have bin much delighted with a rost of these for a second course , i had plenty in the rivers and ponds about my howse . widggens there are , and abundance of othe● water foule , some such as i have seene , and such a● i have not seene else where , before i came into those parts , which are little regarded . simpes , there are like our simpes in all respects , with very litle difference . i have shot at them onely , to see what difference i could finde betweene them and and those of my native country , and more i did no● regard them . sanderlings are a dainty bird , more full boddied than a snipe , and i was much delighted to feede on them , because they were fatt , and easie to come by , because i went but a stepp or to for them : and i have killed betweene foure and five dozen at a shoot which would loade me home . their foode is at ebbing water on the sands , of small seeds , that grows on weeds there , and are very good pastime in august . cranes , there are greate store , that ever more came there at s. davids day , and not before : that day they never would misse . these sometimes eate our corne , and doe pay for their presumption well enough ; and serveth there in powther , with turnips to supply the place of powthered beefe , and is a goodly bird in a dishe , and no discommodity . turkies there are , which divers times in great flocks have sallied by our doores ; and then a gunne ( being commonly in a redinesse , ) salutes them with such a courtesie , as makes them take a turne in the cooke roome . they daunce by the doore so well . of these there hath bin killed , that have weighed forty eight pound a peece . they are by mainy degrees sweeter then the tame turkies of england , feede them how you can . i had a salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning , and th●y have brought home their loades about noone . i have asked them what number they found in the woods , who have answered neent metawna , which is a thosand that day ; the plenty of them is such in those parts . they are easily killed at rooste , because the one being killed , the other sit fast neverthelesse , and this is no bad commodity . there are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called pheisants , but whether they be pheysants or no , i will not take upon mee , to determine . they are in forme like our pheisant henne of england . both the male and the female are alike ; but they are rough footed ; and have stareing fethers about the head and neck , the body is as bigg as the pheysant henne of england ; and are excellent white flesh , and delicate white meate , yet we seldome bestowe a shoot at them . partridges , there are much , like our partridges of england , they are of the same plumes , but bigger in body . they have not the signe of the horseshoe on the brest as the partridges of england ; nor are they coloured about the heads as those are ; they sit on the trees . for i have seene . in one tree at a time : yet at night they fall on the ground , and sit untill morning so together ; and are dainty flesh . there are quailes also , but bigger then the quailes in england . they take trees also : for i have numbered . upon a tree at a time . the cocks doe call at the time of the yeare , but with a different note from the cock quailes of england . the larkes there , are like our larkes of england in all respects : sauing that they doe not use to sing at all . there are owles of divers kindes : but i did never heare any of them whop as ours doe . there are crowes , kights and rooks that doe differ in some respects from those of england . the crowes ( which i have much admired , what should be the cause ) both smell and taste of muske in summer , but not in winter . there are hawkes in new england of . sorts , and these of all other fether fowles i must not omitt , to speake of , nor neede i to make any apology for my selfe , concerning any trespasse , that i am like to make upon my judgement , concerning the nature of them , having bin bred in so genious a way , that i had the common use of them in england : and at my first arrivall in those parts practised to take a lannaret , which i reclaimed , trained , and made flying in a fortnight , the same being a passinger at michuelmas . i found that these are most excellent mettell , rank winged , well conditioned , and not tickleish footed , and having whoods , bels , luers , and all things fitting , was desirous to make experiment of that kinde of hawke , before any other . and i am perswaded : that nature hath ordained them to be of a farre better kinde , then any that have bin used in england . they have neither dorre , nor worme to feed upon ( as in other parts of the world ) the country affording none , the use whereof in other parts , makes the lannars there more bussardly , then they be in new england . there are likewise fawcons , and tassell gentles , admirable well shaped birds , and they will tower up when they purpose to pray , and on a sodaine , when they esspie their game , they will make such a cancellere , that one would admire to behold them , some there are more black , then any that have bin used in england . the tassell gent , ( but of the least size ) is an ornament for a person of estimation among the indians to weare in the knot of his lock , with the traine upright , the body dried and stretched out . they take a great pride in the wearing of such an ornament , and give to one of us ( that shall kill them one for that purpose ) so much beaver as is worth three pounds sterling very willingly . these doe us but little trespas , because they pray on such birds as are by the sea side , and not on our chickens . goshawkes there are , and tassels . the tassels are short trussed bussards ; but the goshawkes are well shaped , but they are small ; some of white male , and some redd male , i have seene one with . barres in the traine . these fall on our bigger poultry : the lesser chicken . i thinke they scorne to make their pray of ; for commonly the cocke goes to wrack . of these i have seene many , and if they come to trespasse me , i lay the law to them with the gunne , and take them dammage fesant . there are very many marlins ; some very small , and some so large as is the barbary tassell . i have often beheld these pretty birds , how they have scoured after the black bird , which is a small sized choffe that eateth the indian maisze . sparhawkes there are also , the fairest , and best shaped birds that i have ever beheld of that kinde , those that are litle , no use is made of any of them , neither are they regarded , i onely tried conclusions with a lannaret at first comming ; and when i found , what was in that bird , i turned him going : but for so much as i have observed of those birds , they may be a fitt present for a prince ; and for goodnesse too be preferred before the barbary , or any other used in christendome , and especially the lannars and lannarets . there is a curious bird to see to , called a hunning bird , no bigger then a great beetle ; that out of question lives upon the bee , which hee eateth and catcheth amongst flowers : for it is his custome to frequent those places , flowers hee cannot feed upon by reason of his sharp bill , which is like the poynt of a spannish needle , but shorte . his fethers have a glasse like silke , and as hee stirres , they shew to be of a chaingable coloure : and has bin , and is admired for shape coloure , and size . chap. v. of the beasts , of the forrest . now that i have made a rehearsall of the birds , and fethered fowles , which participate most of aire , i will give you a description of the beasts , and shew you , what beasts are bred in those parts , and what my experience hath gathered , by observation of their kinde , and nature , i begin with the most usefull and most beneficiall beast , which is bredd in those parts , which is the deare . there are in this country , three kindes of deare ▪ of which there are greate plenty , and those are very usefull . first , therefore i will speake of the elke , which the salvages call a mose : it is a very large deare , with a very faire head , and a broade palme , like the palme of a fallow deares horne , but much bigger , and is . footewide betweene the tipps , which grow curbing downwards : hee is of the bignesse of a great horse . there have bin of them , seene that has bin . handfulls highe : hee hath a bunch of haire under his jawes : hee is not swifte , but stronge and large in body , and longe legged ; in somuch that hee doth use to kneele , when hee feedeth on grasse . hee bringeth forth three faunes , or younge ones , at a time ; and being made tame , would be good for draught , and more usefull ( by reason of their strength ) then the elke of raushea . these are found very frequent , in the northerne parts of new england , their fle●h is very good foode , and much better then our redd deare of england . their hids are by the salyages converted into very good lether , and dressed as white as milke . of this lether , the salvages make the best shooes , and use to barter away the skinnes to other salvages , that have none of that kinde of bests in the parts where they live . very good buffe may be made of the hids , i have seene a hide as large as any horse hide that can be found . there is such abundance of them that the salvages , at hunting time , have killed of them so many , that they have bestowed six or seaven at a time , upon one english man whome they have borne affection to . there is a second sort of deare ( lesse then the redd deare of england , but much bigger then the english fallow deare ) swift of foote , but of a more darke coloure ; with some griseld heares . when his coate is full growne in the summer season , his hornes grow curving , with a croked beame , resembling our redd deare , not with a palme like the fallow deare . these bringe . fawnes at a time , spotted like our fallow deares fawnes ; the salvages say , foure , i speake of what i know to be true ; for i have killed , in february a doe with three fawnes in her belly , all heared , and ready to fall ; for these deare fall their fawnes , . moneths sooner ; then the fallow deare of england . there is such abundance of them , that an hundred have bin found at the spring of the yeare , within the compasse of a mile . the salvages take these in trappes made of their naturall hempe , which they place in the earth ; where they fell a tree for browse , and when hee rounds the tree for the browse , if hee tread on the trapp , hee is horsed up by the legg , by meanes of a pole that starts up , and catcheth him . their hides the saluages use for cloathing , and will give for one hide killed in season . . or . beaver skinnes , which will yeild pounds a peece in that country : so much is the deares hide prised with them above the beaver . i have made good merchandize of these , the flesh is farre sweeter then the venison of england : and hee feedeth fatt and leane together as a swine , or mutton , where as our deare of england feede fatt on the out side , they doe not croake at rutting time , nor spendle shafte , nor is their flesh discolored at rutting . hee that will impale ground fitting , may be brought once in the yeare , wherewith bats and men hee may take so many to put into that parke , as the hides will pay the chardge of impalcinge , if all these things be well considered , the deare , as well as the mose , may have a principall place in the catalogue of commodities . i for my part may be bould to tell you , that my howse , was not without the flesh of this sort of deare , winter nor summer , the humbles was ever my dogges fee , which by the wesell , was hanged on the barre in in the chimny , for his diet only : for hee has brought to my stand a brace in a morning , one after the other , before sunne rising , which i have killed . there is likewise , a third sorte of deare , lesse then the other , ( which are a kinde of rayne deare ) to the southward of all the english plantations , they are excellen● good flesh . and these also bring three fawnes at a time , and in this particular the deare of thos● parts , excell all the knowne deare of the whol● world . on all these the wolfes doe pray continually the best meanes they have ( to escape the wolfes is b● swimming to islands , or necks of land , whereb● they escape : for the wolfe will not presume to follow them , untill they see them over a river ; then being landed , ( they wayting on the shore ) undertake the water , and so follow with fresh suite . the next in mine opinion fit to be spoaken of , is the beaver ; which is a beast ordained , for land and water both , and hath fore feete like a cunny , her hinder feete like a goese , mouthed like a cunny , but short eared like a serat , fishe in summer , and wood in winter , which hee conveyes to his howse built on the water , wherein hee sitts with his tayle hanging in the water , which else would over heate and rot off . hee cuts the bodies of trees downe with his fore-teeth , which are so long as a boares tuskes , & with the help of other beavers ( which held by each others tayles like a teeme of horses ) the hind most with the legg on his shoulder stayed by one of his fore feete against his head ) they draw the logg to the habitation appoynted , placing the loggs in a ●quare , and so by pyling one uppon another , they build up a howse , which with boghes is covered very strongly , and placed in some pond to which they make a damme of brush wood like a hedge : so stronge , that i have gone on the top of it crosse the current of that pond . the flesh of this beast is excellent foode . the fleece is a very choise furre , which ( before the salvages had commerce with christians ) they burned of the tayle , this beast is of a masculine vertue for the advancement of priapus : and is preserved for a dish for the sachems , or sagamores : who are the princ●s of the people but not kings ( as is fondly supposed . ) the skinnes are the best marchantable commodity , that can be found , to cause ready mony to be brought into the land , now that they are raised to . shill●ngs a pound . a servant of mine in . yeares , was thought to have a . p. in ready gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed ; whatsoever became of it . and this beast may challenge preheminence in the catalogue . the otter of those parts , in winter season hath a furre so black as jett , and is a furre of very highe price : a good black skinne is worth . or . angels of gold . the flesh is eaten by the salvages : but how good it is i cannot shew , because it is not eaten by our nation . yet is this a beast , that ought to be placed in the number amongst the commodities of the country . the luseran , or luseret , is a beast like a catt : but so bigg as a great hound : with a tayle shorter then a catt . his clawes are like a catts , hee will make a pray of the deare . his flesh is dainty meat , like a lambe : his hide is a choise furre , and accompted a good commodity . the martin is a beast about the bignes , of a foxe . his furre is chestnutt coloure , and of those there are greate store in the northerne parts of the country , and is a good commodity . the racowne is a beast as bigg , full out , as a foxe , with a bushtayle . his flesh excellent foode : his oyle precious for the syattica , his furre course , but the skinnes serve the salvages for coats : and is with those people of more esteeme , then a coate of beaver , because of the tayles that ( hanging round in their order ) doe adorne the garment , and is therefore so much esteemed of them . his fore feete are like the feete of an ape ; and by the print thereof , in the time of snow , he is followed to his hole , which is commonly in a hollow tree , from whence hee is fiered out , and saotken . the foxes are of two coloures : the one redd , the other gray , these feede on fish ; and are good furre , they doe not stinke , as the foxes of england , but their condition for their pray , is as the foxes of england . the wolfes are of divers coloures : some sandy coloured : some griselled , and some black , their foode is fish which they catch , when they passe up the rivers , into the ponds to spawne , at the spring time . the deare are also their pray , and at summer , when they have whelpes , the bitch will fetch a puppy dogg from our dores , to feede their whelpes with . they are fearefull curres , and will runne away from a man ( that meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end ) as fast as any fearefull dogge . these pray upon the deare very much . the skinnes are used by the salvages , especially the skinne of the black wolfe , which is esteemed a present for a prince there . when there ariseth any difference betweene prince , and prince , the prince that desires to be reconciled to his neighbouring prince does endeavour to purchase it , by sending him a black wolfes skinne for a present , and the acceptance of such a present is an assurance of reconciliation betweene them ; and the salvages will willingly give . beaver skinnes for the purchase of one of these black wolfes skinnes : and allthough the beast himselfe be a discommodity , which other countries of christendome are subject unto , yet is the skinne of the black wolfe worthy , the title of a commodity , in that respect that hath bin declared . if i should not speake something of the beare , i might happily leave a scruple , in the mindes of some effeminate persone who conceaved of more dainger in them , then there is cause . therefore to incourage them against all feare , and fortifie their mindes against needles danger , i will relate what experience hath taught mee ; concerning them , they are beasts that doe no harme in those parts : they feede upon hurtle buries , nuts , and fish , especially shellfish . the beare is a tyrant at a lobster , and at low water will downe to the rocks , and groape after them with great diligence . hee will runne away from a man as fast as a litle dogge , if a couple of salvages chaunce to espie him at his banquet , his running a way , will not serve his turne , for they will coate him , and chase him betweene them home to theire howses , where they kill him , to save a laboure in carrying him farre . his flesh is esteemed venison , and of a better taste then beefe . his hide is used by the salvages , for garments , and is more commodious than discommodious , and may passe ( with some allowance ) with the rest . the muske washe , is a beast that frequenteth the ponds . what hee eats i cannot finde . hee is but a small beast , lesse then a cunny , and is indeede in those parts no other then a water ratte , for i have seene the suckers of them digged out of a banke ; and at that age , they neither differed in shape coloure , nor size , from one of our greate ratts . when hee is ould , hee is of the beavers coloure ; and hath passed in waite with our chapmen for beaver . the male of them have stones , which the salvages , in un caseing of them , leave to the skinne , which is a most delicate perfume , and may compare with any perfume that i know for goodnesse ; then may not this be excluded the catalogue . this country , in the north parts thereof , hath many porcupines , but i doe not finde , the beast any way usefull or hurtfull . there are in those northerne parts many hedge-hoggs , of the like nature , to our e●glish hedghoggs . here are greate store of co●yes in th●se parts , of divers coloures ; some white , some black , and some gray . those towards the southerne parts are very small , but those to the north are as bigg as the english cony : their eares are very short . for meate the small rabbit is as good as any that i have eaten of else where . there are squirils of three sorts , very different ●n shape and condition ; and is gray , and hee is as bigg as the lesser cony , and keepeth the woods feeding , upon nutts . another is red , and hee haunts our howses , and will rob us of our corne , but the catt many times , payes him the price of his presumption . the third is a little flying squirill , with bat like winges , which hee spreads when hee jumpes from tree to tree , and does no harme . now because i am upon a treaty of the beasts , i will place this creature the snake amongst the beasts having my warrant from the holy bible ; who ( though his posture in his passage be so different from all other , being of a more subtile and aidry nature , that hee can make his way without feete , and lifte himselfe above the superficies of the earth , as hee glids along . ) yet may he not bee ranked with any , but the beasts , no●●ithstanding hee frequents the water , as well as the land . there are of snakes divers , and of severall kindes , as be with us in england , but that country hath not so many , as in england have bin knowne . the generall salvage name of them is ascowke ▪ there is one creeping beast or longe creeple ( a●● the name is in devonshire , ) that hath a rattle at hi● tayle , that does discover his age ; for so many yeares a● hee hath lived , so many joynts are in that rattle , which soundeth ( when it is in motion , ) like pease in a bladder , and this beast is called a rattle snake ; but the salvages give him the name of sesick ; which some tak● to be the adder ; and it may well be so ; for the salvages are significiant in their denomination of an● thing ) and is no lesse hurtfull than the adder of england , nor no more . i have had my dogge venome with troubling one of these ; and so swelled , that had thought it would have bin his death : but wit● one saucer of salet oyle powred downe his throate , h● has recovered , and the swelling asswaged by the next day . the like experiment hath bin made upon a boy , that hath by chaunce troad upon one of these , and the boy never the worse . therefore it is simplicity in any one that shall tell a bugbeare tale of horrible , or terrible serpents that are in that land . mise there are good store , and my lady wood-bees black gray malkin may have pastime enough there : but for rats , the country by nature is troubbled with none . lyons there are none in new england : it is contrary to the nature of the beast , to frequent places accustomed to snow ; being like the catt , that will hazard the burning of her tayle rather than abide from the fire . chap. vi. of stones and minerals . now ( for as much as i have in a breife abstract shewed you the creatures : whose specificall natures doe simpathise with the elements of fire and aire ) i will come to speake of the creatures ●hat participate of earth more then the other two , which is stones . and first of the marble for building ; whereof there is much in those parts , in so much as there is one ●ay in the land , that beareth the name of marble har●er , because of the plenty of marble there : and these are usefull for building of sumpteous pallaces . and because , no good building can be made permanent , or durable , without lime : i will let you understand that there is good limestone neere to the river of monatoquinte at uttaquatock to my knowledge and we hope other places too , ( that i have not taken so much notice of ) may have the like , or better : and those stones are very convenient for building . chalke stones there are neere squantos chappell shewed me by a salvage . there is abundance of excellent slate in divers places of the country : and the best that ever i beheld for covering of howses : and the inhabitanrs have made good use of these materials for building . there is a very usefull stone in the land , and as yet there is found out but one place where they may be had , in the whole country , ould woodman , ( that was choaked at plimmouth after hee had played the unhappy markes man when hee was pursued by a carelesse fellow that was new come into the land ) they say laboured ro get a patent of it to himselfe . hee was beloved of many , and had many sonnes , that had a minde to engrosse that commodity . and i cannot spie any mention made of it in the woodden prospect . therefore i begin to suspect his aime : that it was for himselfe , and therefore will i not discover it , it is the stone so much commended by ovid , because love delighteth to make his habitation in a building of those materials , where hee advises . those that seeke for love to doe it , duris in cotibus illum . this stone the salvages doe call cos , and of these ( on the north end of richmond iland ) are store , and those are very excellent good for edg'd tooles : i envy not his happinesse . i have bin there : viewed the place , liked the commodity : but will not plant so northerly for that , nor any other commodity that is there to be had . there are loadestones also in the northerne parts of the land : and those which were found are very good , and are a commodity worth the noteing . iron stones there are abundance : and severall sorts of them knowne . lead ore is there likewise , and hath bin found by the breaking of earth , which the frost hath made mellow . black leade i have likewise found very good , which the salvages use to paint their faces with . red leade is there likewise in great abundance . there is very excellent boll armoniack . there is most excellent vermilion . all these things the salvages make some litle use of , and doe finde them on the circumference of the earth . brimstone mines there are likewise . mines of tinne , are likewise knowne to be in those parts : which will in short time be made use of : and this cannot be accompted a meane commodity . copper mines are there found likewise : that will inrich the inhabitants . but untill theire younge cattell , be growne hardy labourers in the yoake , that the plough and the wheate may be seene more plentifully , it is a worke must be forborne . they say there is a silver , and a gold mine found by captaine littleworth : if hee get a patent of it to himselfe , hee will surely change his name . chap. vii . of the fishes , and vvhat commodity they proove . among fishes . first i will begin with the codd ; because it is the most commodious of all fish , as may appeare , by the use which is made of them in forraigne parts . the codd fishing is much used in america , ( whereof new england is a part ) in so much as . sayle of shipps , from divers parts , have used to be imployed yearely in that trade . i have seene in one harboure , next richmond iland . sayle of shipps at one time , that have taken in them , driyed codds for spaine , and the straights ( and it has bin found that the saylers have made . . . . p. share for a common man. the coast aboundeth with such multitudes of codd , that the inhabitants of new england doe dunge their grounds with codd ; and it is a commodity better than the golden mines of the spanish indies ; for without dried codd the spaniard , portingal , and italian , would not be able to vittel of a shipp for the sea ; and i am sure at the canaries it is the principall commodity : which place lyeth neere new england yery convenient , for the vending of this commodity , one hundred of these being at the price of . of new found land codds , greate store of traine oyle , is mayd of the livers of the codd , and is a commodity that without question will enrich the inhabitants of new england quicly ; and is therefore a principall commodity . the basse is an excellent fish , both fresh and salte one hundred whereof salted ( at a market ) have yeilded . p. they are so large , the head of one will give a good eater a dinner , and for daintinesse of diet , they excell the marybones of beefe . there are such multitudes , that i have seene stopped into the river close adjoyning to my howse with a sand at one tide , so many as will loade a ship of a . tonnes . other places have greater quantities in so much , as wagers have bin layed , that one should not throw a stone in the water , but that hee should hit a fish . i my selfe , at the turning of the tyde , have seene such multitudes passe out of a pound , that it seemed to mee , that one might goe over their backs drishod . these follow the bayte up the rivers , and sometimes are follwed for bayte and chased into the bayes , and shallow waters , by the grand pise : and these may have also a prime place in the catalogue of commodities . the mackarels are the baite for the basse , and these have bin chased into the shallow waters , where so many thousands have shott themselves a shore with the surfe of the se● that whole hogges-heads have bin taken up on the sands ; and for length they excell any of other parts : they have bin measured . and . inches in length , and seaven in breadth : and are taken with a drayle , ( as boats use to passe to and froe at sea on businesse ) in yery greate quantities all alonge the coaste . the fish is good , salted ; for store against the winter , as well as fresh , and to be accounted a good commodity . this sturgeon in england is regalis piscis . every man in new england may catch what hee will , there are multitudes of them , and they are much fatter then those that are brought into england from other parts , in so much as by reason of their fatnesse , they doe not looke white , but yellow , which made a cooke presume they were not so good as them of roushea : silly fellow that could not understand that it is the nature of fish salted , or pickelled , the fatter the yellower being best to preserve . for the taste i have warrant of ladies of worth , with choise pallats for the commendations , who liked the taste so well , that they esteemed it beyond the sturgeon of other parts , and sayd they were deceaved in the lookes : therefore let the sturgeon passe for a commodity . of salmons there is greate abundance : and these may be allowed for a commodity , and placed in the catallogue . of herrings , there is greate store , fat , and faire : and ( to my minde ) as good as any i have seene , and these may be preserved , and made a good commodity at the canaries . of eeles there is abundance , both in the salt-waters , and in the fresh : and the fresh water eele there ( if i may take the judgement of a london fishmonger ) is the best that hee hath found in his life time . i have with jieele potts found my howse hold , ( being nine persons , besides doggs ) with them , taking them every tide , ( for . moneths space , ) and preserving of them for winter store : and these may proove a good commodity . of smelts there is such abundance , that the salvages doe take them up in the rivers with baskets , like sives . there is a fish , ( by some called shadds , by some allizes ) that at the spring of the yeare , passe up the rivers to spaune in the ponds ; and are taken in such multitudes in every river , that hath a pond at the end , that the inhabitants doung their ground with them . you may see in one towneship a hundred acres together , set with these fish , every acre taking . of them : and an acre thus dressed will produce and yeald so much corne , as . acres without fish : and ( least any virginea man would inferre hereupon , that the ground of new england is barren , because they use no fish in setting their corne , i desire them to be remembred , the cause is plaine in virginea ) they have it not to sett . but this practise is onely for the indian maize ( which must be set by hands ) not for english graine : and this is therefore a commodity there . there is a large sized fish called hallibut , or turbut : some are taken so bigg that two men have much a doe to hale them into the boate ; but there is such plenty , that the fisher men onely eate the heads , and finnes , and throw away the bodies : such in paris would yeeld . or . crownes a peece : and this is no discommodity . there are excellent plaice and easily taken . they ( at flowing water ) do almost come a shore , so that one may stepp but halfe a foote deepe , and prick them up on the sands : and this may passe with some allowance . hake is a dainty white fish , and excellent vittell fresh ; and may passe with other commodities , because there are multitudes . there are greate store of pilchers : at michelmas , in many places , i have seene the cormorants in length . miles feedinge upon the sent. lobsters are there infinite in store in all the parts of the land , and very excellent . the most use that i made of them , in . yeares after i came there was but to baite my hooke for to catch basse , i had bin so cloyed with them the first day i went a shore . this being knowne , they shall passe for a commodity to the inhabitants ; for the salvages will meete , or . at a place where lobsters come in with the tyde , to eate , and save dried for store , abiding in that place , feasting and sporting a moneth or . weekes together . there are greate store of oysters in the entrance of all rivers : they are not round as those of england , but excellent fat , and all good . i have seene an oyster banke a mile at length . mustles there are infinite store , i have often go● to wassaguscus ; where were excellent mustles to eate ( for variety ) the fish is so fat and large . clames is a shellfish , which i have seene sold in westminster for . pe . the skore . these our swine feede upon ; and of them there is no want , every shore is full , it makes the swine proove exceedingly , they will not faile at low water to be with them . the salvages are much taken with the delight of this fishe ; and are not cloyed ( notwithstanding the plenty ) for our swine we finde it a good commodity . raser fishes there are . freeles there are , cockles , and scallopes , and divers other sorts of shellfishe , very good foode . now that i have shewed you what commodities are there to be had in the sea , for a market ; i will shew what is in the land also , for the comfort of the inhabitants , wherein it doth abound . and because my taske is an abstract , i will discover to them the commodity thereof . there are in the rivers , and ponds , very excellent trouts , carpes , breames , pikes , roches , perches , tenches , eeles , and other fishes , such as england doth afford , and as good , for variety ; yea many of them much better ; and the natives of the inland parts , doe buy bookes of us , to catch them with , and i have knowne the time , that a trouts hooke hath yeelded a beaver skinne , which hath bin a good commodity to those that have bartered them away . these things i offer to your consideration ( curteous reader ) and require you to shew mee the like in any part of the knowne world if you can . chap. viii . of the goodnes of the country and the waters . now since it is a country so infinitely blest with foode , and fire , to roast or boyle our flesh and fish , why should any man feare for cold there , in a country warmer in the winter , than some parts of france & neerer the sunne : unles hee be one of those that salomon bids goe to the ant and the bee. there is no boggy ground , knowne in all the country , from whence the sunne may exhale unwholsom vapors : but there are divers arematicall herbes , and plants , as sassafras , muske roses , violets , balme , lawrell , hunnisuckles , and the like , that with their vapors perfume the aire ; and it has bin a thing much observed that , shipps have come from virginea where there have bin scarce five men able to hale a rope , untill they have come within . degrees of latitude , and smell the sweet aire of the shore , where they have suddainly recovered . and for the water , therein it excelleth canaan by much , for the land is so apt for fountaines , a man cannot digg amisse , therefore if the abrahams and lots of our times come thether , there needs be no contention for wells . besides there are waters of most excellent vertues , worthy admiration . at ma-re mount , there was a water ( by mee discovered ) that is most excellent for the cure of melancolly probatum . at weenasemute is a water , the vertue whereof is , to cure barrenesse . the place taketh his name of that fountaine which signifieth quick spring , or quickning spring probatum . neere squantos chappell ( a place so by us called ) is a fountaine , that causeth a dead sleepe for . howres , to those that drinke . ounces at a draught , and so proportionably . the salvages that are powahs at set times use it , and reveale strang things to the vulgar people by meanes of it , so that in the delicacy of waters , and the conveniency of them , canaan came not neere this country . as for the milke and hony which that canaan flowed with , it is supplyed by the plenty of birds ; beasts and fish , whereof canaan could not boast her selfe . yet never the lesse ( since the milke came by the industry of the first inhabitants , ) let the cattell be chereshed that are at this time in new england , and forborne but a litle , i will aske no long time ; no more , but untill the brethren have converted one salvage , and made him a good christian , and i may be bold to say , butter and cheese will be cheaper there , then ever it was in canaan . it is cheaper there then in old england at this present , for there are store of cowes ; considering the people : which ( as my intelligence gives ) is . persons , and in gods name let the people have their desire , who wri● to their freinds , to come out of sodome , to the land of canaan , a land that flowes with milke and hony. and i appeale to any man of judgement whether it be not a land , that for her excellent indowments of nature may passe for a plaine paralell to canaan of israell , being in a more temporat climat , this being in . degrees and that in . chap. ix . a perspective to vievv the country by . as for the soyle , i may be bould to commend the fertility thereof , and preferre it before the soyle of england , ( our native country ) and i neede not to produce more then one argument for proffe thereof , because it is so infallible . hempe is a thing by husband men in generall agreed upon , to prosper best , in the most fertile soyle : and experience hath taught this rule , that hempe-seede prospers so well in new england , that it shewteth up to be tenne foote high and tenne foote and a halfe , which is twice so high as the ground in old england produceth it , which argues new england the more fertile of the two . as for the aire , i will produce but one proffe for the maintenance of the excellency thereof ; which is so generall , as i assure my selfe it will suffice . no man living there ; was ever knowne to be troubled with a cold , a cough , or a murre , but many men comming sick out of virginea to new canaan , have instantly recovered with the helpe of the purity of that aire ; no man ever surfeited himselfe either by eating or drinking . as for the plenty of that land , it is well knowne , that no part of asia , affrica , or europe ; affordeth deare that doe bring forth any more then one single faune ; and in new canaan the deare are accustomed to bring forth . and , faunes at a time . besides there are such infinite flocks of fowle , and multitudes of fish both in the fresh waters , and also on the coast , that the like hath not else where bin discovered by any traveller . the windes there are not so violent as in england ; which is prooved by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by the sea coast , for there they doe not leane from the winde as they doe in england , as we have heard before . the raine is there more moderate then in england , which thing i have noted in all the time of my residence to be so . the coast is low land , and not high land : and hee is of a weake capacity rhat conceaveth otherwise of it , because it cannot be denied , but that boats may come a ground in all places along the coast , and especially within the compas of the massachusets patent , where the prospect is fixed . the harboures are not to be bettered , for safety , and goodnesse of ground , for ancorage , and ( which is worthy observation ; ) shipping will not there be furred , neither are they subject to wormes , as in virginea , and other places . let the scituation also of the country be considered ( together with the rest , which is discovered in the front of this abstract , ) and then i hope no man will hold this land unworthy to be intituled by the name of the second canaan . and since the seperatists , are desirous to have the denomination thereof , i am become an humble suter on their behalfe for your consents ( courteous readers ) to it , before i doe shew you what revels they have kept in new canaan . chap. x. of the great lake of erocoise in nevv england , and the commodities thereof . westwards from the massachussets bay ( which lyeth in . degrees and . minutes of northerne latitude ) is scituated a very spacious lake ( called of the natives the lake of erocoise ) which is farre more excellent , then the lake of genezereth in the country of palestina , both in respect of the greatnes and properties thereof ; and likewise of the manifould commodities it yealdeth : the circumference of which lake is reputed to be . miles at the least : and it is distant from the massachussets bay . miles , or there abouts : wherein are very many faire islands , where innumerable flocks of severall sorts of fowle doe breede , swannes , geese , ducks , widgines , teales , and other water fowle . there are also more abundance of beavers , deare , and turkies breed about the parts of that lake , then in any place in all the country of new england ; and also such multitudes of fish , ( which is a great part of the foode , that the beavers live upon , ) that it is a thing to be admired at : so that about this lake , is the principallst place for a plantation in all new canaan , both for pleasure and proffit . here may very many brave townes and citties be erected which may have intercourse one with another by water , very commodiously : and it is of many men of good judgement , accounted the prime seate for the metropolis of new canaan , from this lake northwards is derived the famous river of canada , ( so named of monsier de cane a french lord , that first planted a colony of french in america , there called nova francia , from whence captaine kerke of late , by taking that plantation , brought home in one shipp ( as a seaman of his company , reported in my hearing ) . beaver skinnes . and from this lake southwards , trends that goodly river called of the natives patomack , which dischardgeth herselfe in the parts of virginea , from whence it is navigable by shipping of great burthen up to the falls ( which lieth in . degrees , and a halfe of north latitude : ) and from the lake downe to the falls by a faire current . this river is navigable for vessels of good burthen ; and thus much hath often bin related by the natives , and is of late found to be certaine . they have also made description of great heards of well growne beasts , that live about the parts of this lake , such as the christian world ( untill this discovery ) hath not bin made acquainted with . these beasts are of the bignesse of a cowe , their flesh being very good foode , their hides good lether , their fleeces very usefull , being a kinde of wolle , as fine almost as the wolle of the beaver , and the salvages doe make garments thereof . it is tenne yeares since first the relation of these things came to the eares of the english : at which time wee were but slender proficients in the language of the natives , and they , ( which now have attained to more perfection of english , could not then make us rightly apprehend their meaninge . wee supposed , when they spake of beasts thereabouts as high as men , they have made report of men all over hairy like beavers , in so much as we questioned them , whether they eate of the beavers , to which they replyed matta , ( noe ) saying they were almost beavers brothers . this relation at that time wee concluded to be fruitles , which since , time hath made more apparent . about the parts of this lake may be made a very greate commodity by the trade of furres , to inrich those that shall plant there ; a more compleat discovery of those parts : is ( to my knowleadge ) undertaken by henry ioseline esquier sonne of sir thomas ioseline of kent knight , by the approbation and appointement of that heroick and very good common wealths man captaine iohn mason esquier , 〈◊〉 true foster father and lover of vertue , ( who at his owne chardge ) hath fitted master ioseline and imployed him to that purpose , who no doubt will performe as much as is expected , if the dutch ( by gettinge into those parts before him , doe not frustrate his so hopefull and laudable designes . it is well knowne , they aime at that place , and have a possibility to attaine unto the end of their desires therein , by meanes , if the river of mohegan , which of the english is named hudsons river ( where the dutch have setled : to well fortified plantations already . if that river be derived from the lake as our country man in his prospect affirmes it to be , and if they get and fortifie this place also , they will gleane away the best of the beaver both from the french and english , who have hitherto lived wholely by it , and very many old planters have gained good estates out of small beginnings by meanes thereof . and it is well knowne to some of our nation that have lived in the dutch plantation : that the dutch have gained by beaver . pound a yeare . the salvages make report of . great rivers that issue out of this lake . of which are to us knowne , the one to be patomack , the other canada , and why may not the third be found there likewise , which they describe to trend westward , which is conceaved to discharge herselfe into the south sea. the salvages affirme that they have seene shipps in this lake with . masts which have taken from thence for their ladinge earth , that is conjectured to be some minerall stuffe . there is probability enough for this , and it may well be thought , that so great a confluxe of waters as are there gathered together , must be vented by some great rivers : and that if the third river ( which they have made mention of ) proove to be true as the other two have done : there is no doubt but that the passage to the east india , may be obtained , without any such daingerous and fruitlesse inquest by the norwest , as hetherto hath bin endeavoured : and there is no traveller of any resonable capacity , but will graunt , that about this lake , must be innumerable springes , and by that meanes many fruitfull , and pleasant pastures all about it , it hath bin observed that the inland part ( witnes neepnet ) are more pleasant and fertile then the borders of the sea coaste . and the country about erocoise is ( not without good cause ) compared to delta the most fertile parte in all aegypt , that aboundeth with rivers and rivalets derive● from nilus fruitfull channell , like vaines from the liver , so in each respect is this famous lake of erocoise . ad therefore it would be adjudged an irreparable oversight to protract time , and suffer the dutch ( who are but intruders upon his majesties most hopefull country of new england ) to possesse themselves of that so plesant and commodious country of erocoise before us : being ( as appeareth ) the principal● part of all new canaan for plantation , and not elsewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne world . new canaans genivs . epilogvs . thou that art by fates degree , or providence ordain'd to s●e , natures wonder , her rich store , ne'-r discovered before , th' admired lake of erocoise , and fertile borders now rejoyce . see what multitudes of fish , shee presents to fitt thy dish , if rich furres thou dost adore , and of beaver fleeces store , see the lake where they abound , and what pleasures els are found . there chast leda free from fire , does enjoy her hearts desire , mongst the flowry bancks at ease , live the sporting najades , bigg lim'd druides whose browes , bewtified with greenebowes , see the nimphes how they doe make , fine meanders from the lake , twining in and out as they , through the pleasant groves make way , weaving by the shady trees , curious anastomases , where the harmeles turtles breede , and such usefull beasts doe feede , as no traveller can tell , els where bow to paralell , colcos golden fleece reject , this deserveth best respect , in sweete peans let thy voyce , sing the praise of erocoise , peans to advaunce her name , new canaans everlasting fame . new english canaan , or new canaan . the third booke . containing a description of the people that are planted there , what remarkable accidents have happened there , since they were setled , what tenents they hould , together with the practise of their church . chap. i. of a great league made vvith the plimmouth planters after their arrivall , by the sachem of those territories . the sachem of the territories , where the planters of new england are setled , that are the first of the now inhabitants of new canaan , not knowing what they were , or whether they would be freindes or foes , and being desirous to purchase their freindship , that hee might have the better assurance of quiet tradinge with them ( which hee conceived would be very advantagious to him ) was desirous to prepare an ambassador , with commission to treat on his behalfe , to that purpose ; and having one that had beene in england taken ( by a worthlesse man ) out of other partes , and after left there by accident , this salvage hee instructed , how to be have himselfe , in the treaty of peace , and the more , to give him incouragement to adventure his person , amongst these new come inhabitants , which was a thinge , hee durst not himselfe attempt , without security or hostage , promised that salvage freedome , who had beene detained there as theire captive : which offer hee accepted , and accordingly came to the planters , salutinge them with wellcome , in the english phrase , which was of them admired , to heare a salvage there speake in their owne language , and used him with great courtesie : to whome hee declared the cause of his comminge , and contrived the businesse so , that hee brought the sachem and the english together , betweene whome was a firme league concluded , which yet continueth . after which league the sachem being in company with the other whome hee had freed , and suffered to live with the english , espijnge a place where a hole had been made in the grounde , where was their store of powder layed to be preserved from danger of fire ( under ground ) demaunded of the salvage what the english had hid there under ground , who answered the plague , at which hee starteled , because of the great mortality lately hapned , by meanes of the plague , ( as it is conceaved ) and the salvage the more to encrease his feare told the sachem if he should give offence to the english party , they would let out the plague to destroy thē all , which kept him in great awe . not longe after being at varience with another sachem borderinge upon his territories , he came in solemne manner and intreated the governour , that he would let out the plague to destroy the sachem , and his men who were his enemies , promising that he himselfe , and all his posterity would be their everlasting freindes , so great an opinion he had of the english. chap. ii. of the entertainement of mr. westons people sent to settle a plantation there . master thomas weston a merchant of london that had been at some cost , to further the brethren of new plimmouth , in their designes for these partes , shipped a company of servants , fitted with provition of all sorts ; for the undertaking of a plantation to be setled there , with an intent to follow after them in parson . these servants at first arived at new plimmouth where they were entertained with court holy bread , by the brethren , they were made very wellcome , in shew at least : there these servants goodes were landed , with promises to be assisted in the choise of a convenient place , and still the good cheare went forward , and the strong liquors walked . in the meane time the brethren were in consultation , what was best for their advantage singing the songe , frustra sapit , qui sibi non sapit . this plantation would hinder the present practice , and future profit , & master weston an able man would want for no supplies , upon the returne of beaver , and so might be a plantation that might keepe them under , who had a hope to be the greatest , besides his people were no chosen seperatists , but men made choice of a● all adventures , fit to have served for the furtherance o● master westons undertakinges : and that was as muc● as hee neede to care for : ayminge at beaver principally , for the better effecting of his purpose . now whe● the plimmouth men began to finde , that maste● westons mens store of provition grew short with feasting , then they hasted them to a place called wessaguscus , in a weake case , and there left them fasting . chap. iii. of a battle fought at the massachussets , betvveen the english and the indians . the planters of plimmouth , at their last being i● those parts , having defaced the monument of th●ded at pasonayessit ( by taking away the herse cloat● which was two greate beares skinnes sowed togethe● at full lenth , and propped up over the grave 〈◊〉 chuatawbacks mother , ) the sachem of those ter●●tories , being inraged at the same , stirred up his me● in his bee halfe , to take revenge : and having gathere● his men together , hee begins to make an oration● this manner . when last the glorious light of all th● skey was underneath this globe , and birds grew silent , i began to settle as my ( custome is ) to take repose ; before mine eies were fast closed , mee thought i saw a vision , ( at which my ) spirit was much troubled , & trembling at that dolefull sight , a spirit cried aloude behold my sonne ) whom i have cherisht , see the papps that gave thee suck , the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee oft , canst thou forget to take revenge of those uild people , that hath my monument defaced in despitefull manner , disdaining our ancient antiquities , and honourable customes : see now the sachems grave lies like unto the common people , of ignoble race defaced : thy mother doth complaine , implores thy aide against this theevish people , new come hether if this be suffered , i shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation . this said , the spirit vanished , and i all in a sweat , not able scarce to speake , began to gett some strength , and recollect my spirits that were fed , all which i thought to let you understand , to have ●our councell , and your aide likewise ; this being spo●en , straight way arose the grand captaine , and cried ●oud come , let us to armes , it doth concerne us all , ●et us bid them battaile ; so to armes they went , and ●id weight for the plimmouth boate , and forceinge ●●em to forsake their landinge place , they seeke ano●●er best for their convenience , thither the salvages ●●paire in hope to have the like successe , but all in ●ine , for the english captaine warily foresaw , ( and ●erceavinge their plot ) knew the better how to order ●s men fit for battaile in that place , hee bouldly lea●●ng his men on , rainged about the feild to and fro , and taking his best advantage , le ts fly , and makes the salvages give ground , the english followed them fiercely on and made them take trees for their shelter , ( as their custome is ) from whence their captaine let flie a maine , yet no man was hurt , at last lifting up his right arm , to draw a fatall shaft ( as hee then thought ) to end this difference , received a shott upon his elbow , and straight way fled , by whose example , all the army followed the same way ; and yealded up the honor of the day , to the english party ; who were such a terror to them after , that the salvages durst never make to a head against them any more . chap. iv. of a parliament held at wessaguscus , and the actes . master westons plantation beinge setled at wessaguscus , his servants , many of them , lazy persons , that would use no endeavour to take th● benefit of the country , some of them fell sicke and died . one amongst the rest an able bodied man , tha● ranged the woodes , to see what it would afford , lighted by accident on an indian barne , and from thenc● did take a capp full of corne ; the salvage owner of it finding by the foote some english had bin there came to the plantation , and made complaint after thi● manner . the cheife commander of the company one this occation called a parliament of all his people but those that were sicke , and ill at ease . and wisely now they must consult , upon this huge complaint , that a privy knife , or stringe of beades would well enough have qualified , and edward iohnson was a spetiall judge of this businesse : the fact was there in repetition , construction made , that it was fellony , and by the lawes of england punished with death , and this in execution must be put , for an example , and likewise to appease the salvage , when straight wayes one arose , mooved as it were with some compassion , and said hee could not well gaine say the former sentence , yet hee had conceaved within the compasse of his braine an embrion , that was of spetiall consequence to be delivered , and cherished hee said , that it would most aptly serve to pacifie the salvages complaint , and save the life of one that might ( if neede should be ) stand them in some good steede , being younge and stronge , fit for resistance against an enemy , which might come unexspected for any thinge they knew , the oration made was liked of every one , and hee intreated to proceede to shew the meanes how this may be performed : sayes hee , you all agree that one must die , and one shall die , this younge mans cloathes we will take of , and put upon one , that is old and impotent , a sickly person that cannot escape death , such is the disease one him confirmed , that die hee must , put the younge mans cloathes on this man , and let the sick person be hanged in the others steede : amen sayes one , and so sayes many more . and this had like to have prooved their finall sentence , and being there confirmed by act of parliament , to after ages for a president : but that one with a ravenus voyce , begunne to croake and bellow for revenge , and put by that conclusive motion , alledging such deceipts might be a meanes hereafter to exasperate the mindes of the complaininge salvages , and that by his death , the salvages should see their zeale to iustice , and therefore hee should die : this was concluded ; yet neverthelesse a scruple was made ; now to countermaund this act , did represent itselfe unto their mindes , which was how they should doe to get the mans good wil : this was indeede a spetiall obstacle : for without ( that they all agreed ) it would be dangerous , for any man to attempt the execution of it , lest mischeife should befall them every man ; hee was a person , that in his wrath , did seeme to be a second sampson , able to beate out their branes with the jawbone of an asse : therefore they called the man and by perswation got him fast bound in jest , and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest , who with a weapon , and at liberty , would have put all those wise judges of this parliament to a pittifull non plus , ( as it hath beene credibly reported ) and made the cheife iudge of them all buckell to him . chap. v. of a massacre made upon the salvages at wessaguscus . after the end of that parliament , some of the plantation there , about three persons went to live with checatawback & his company , and had very good quarter , for all the former quarrell , with the plimmouth planters : they are not like will sommers , to take one for another . there they purposed to stay untill master westons arrivall : but the plimmouth men intendinge no good to him ( as appered by the consequence ) came in the meane time to wessaguscus , and there pretended to feast the salvages of those partes , bringing with them porke , and thinges for the purpose , which they sett before the salvages . they eate thereof without suspition of any mischeife , who were taken upon a watchword given , and with their owne knives ( hanging about their neckes ) were by the plimmouth planters stabd and slaine : one of which were hanged up there , after the slaughter . in the meane time the sachem had knowledge of this accident , by one that ranne to his countrymen , at the massachussets , and gave them intelligence of the newes ; after which time the salvages there consultinge of the matter , in the night ( when the other english feareles of danger were a sleepe , ) knockt them all in the head , in revenge of the death of their countrymen : but if the plimmouth planters had really intended good to master weston , or those men , why had they not kept the salvages alive in custody , untill they had secured the other english ? who by meanes of this evill mannaginge of the businesse lost their lives , and the whole plantation was dissolved thereupon , as was likely for feare of a revenge to follow , as a relatione to this cruell antecedent ; and when master weston came over ; hee found thinges at an evill exigent , by meanes thereof : but could not tell , how it was brought about : the salvages of the massachussets that could not imagine , from whence these men should come , or to what end , seeing them performe such unexpected actions , neither could tell by what name , properly to distinguish them , did from that time afterwards , call the english planters wotawquenange , which in their language signifieth stabbers or cutthroates , and this name was received by those that came there after for good , being then unacquainted with the signification of it , for many yeares following , untill from a southerly indian , that understood english well , i was by demonstration , made to conceave the interpretation of it , and rebucked these other , that it was not forborne : the other callinge us by the name of wotoquansawge , what that doth signifie , hee said hee was not able by any demonstration to expresse ; and my neighbours durst no more in my hearinge , cal us by the name formerly used , for feare of my displeasure . chap. vi. of the surprizinge of a merchants shipp in plimmouth harbour . this merchant a man of worth , arrivinge in the parts of new canaan , and findinge that his plantation was dissolved , some of his men slaine , some dead with sicknes , and the rest at plimmouth ; hee was perplexed in his minde about the matter , comminge as hee did with supply , and meanes to have rased their fortunes and his one exceedingly and seeinge what had happened resolved to make some stay in the plimmouth harbour , and this suted to their purpose , wherefore the brethren did congratulate with him at his safe arrivall , and their best of entertainement for a swetning cast , deploring the disaster of his plantation , and glozing upon the text , alledging the mischeivous intent of the salvages there , which by freindly intelligence of their neighbours , was discovered before it came to be full summed : so that they lost not all , allthough they saved not all : and this they pretended , to proceede from the fountaine of love & zeale to him ; and christianity , and to chastise the insolency of the salvages , of which that part had some dangerous persons . and this as an article of the new creede of canaan , would they have received of every new commer there to inhabit ; that the salvages are a dangerous people , subtill , secreat , and mischeivous , and that it is dangerous to live seperated , but rather together , and so be under their lee , that none might trade for beaver , but at their pleasure , as none doe or shall doe there : nay they will not be reduced to any other song yet , of the salvages to the southward of plimmouth , because they would have none come there , sayinge that hee that will sit downe there must come stronge : but i have found the massachussets indian more full of humanity , then the christians , & haue had much better quarter with them ; yet i observed not their humors , but they mine , althoug my great number that i landed were dissolved , and m● company as few as might be : for i know that thi● falls out infallibly , where two nations meete , on● must rule , and the other be ruled , before a peace ca● be hoped for : and for a christian to submit to the rul● of a salvage you will say , is both shame and dishonor ( at least ) it is my opinion , and my practise was acco●dingly , and i have the better quarter by the mean● thereof . the more salvages the better quarter , th● more christians the worser quarter i found , as all th● indifferent minded planters can testifie . now whil● the merchant was ruminatinge on this mishapp , t●● plimmouth planters perceivinge that hee had f●nished himselfe with excellent commodities , fit f●● the merchandise of the country , ( and holding it go● to fish in trobled waters , and so get a snatch unseen practised in secret with some other in the land , who● they thought apt to imbrace the benefit of such cheat , and it was concluded and resolved upon , th● all this shipp and goodes should be confiscated , for b●sinesse done by him , the lord knowes when , or whe● a letter must be framed to them , and handes unto it , to be there warrant , this should shadow them ; that is the first practise they will infane a man , and then pretend that iustice must be done : they cause the merchant ( secure ) to come a shore , and then take him in hold , shewing they are compelled unto it legally , and enter strait abord peruse the cargazowne , and then deliver up the charge of her to their confederates : and how much lesse this is then piraty , let any practise in the admiralty be judge . the merchant , his shipp and goodes confiscated , himselfe a prisoner , and threatned so to be sent and conveyed to england , there to receave the somme of all that did belonge to him a malefactor ( and a great one to ) this hee good man , indured with patience , longe time , untill the best of all his goodes were quite dispersed , and every actor his proportion , the merchant was inlarged , his shipp a burthen to the owner now , his undertakinges in these partes beinge quite overthrowne , was redelivered , and bondes of him were taken not to prosecute , hee being greived hereat , betakes him to drive a trade , betweene that and virginea many yeares . the brethren ( sharpe witted ) had it spread by and by amongst his freinds in england , that the man was mad . so thought his wife so thought his other freindes , that had it from a planter of the towne . so was it thought of those , that did not know , the brethren could dissemble : why thus they are all of them honest men in their particular , and every man being bound to seeke anothers good , shall in the generall doe the best hee can to effect it , and so they may be excused , i thinke . chap. vii . of thomas mortons entertainement at plimmouth and castinge avvay upon an island . this man arrived in those parts , and hearing newes of a towne that was much praised , he was desirous to goe thither , and see how thinges stood , where his entertainement was there best , i dare be bould to say : for although they had but . cowes in all , yet had they fresh butter and a sallet of egges in dainty wise , a dish not common in a wildernes , there hee bestowed some time in the survey of this plantation . his new come servants in the meane time , were tane to taske , to have their zeale appeare , and questioned what preacher was among their company ; and finding none , did seeme to condole their estate as if undone , because no man amongst them had the guift , to be in ionas steade , nor they the meanes , to keepe them in that path so hard to keepe . our master say they reades the bible and the word of god , and useth the booke of common prayer , but this is not the meanes ; the answere is : the meanes , they crie : alas poore soules where is the meanes , you seeme as if betrayed to be without the meanes : how can you be stayed from fallinge headlonge to perdition ? facilis descensus averni : the booke of common prayer sayd they what poore thinge is that , for a man to reade in a booke ? no , no , good sirs i would you were neere us , you might receave comfort by instruction : give me a man hath the guiftes of the spirit , not a booke in hand . i doe professe sayes one , to live without the meanes , is dangerous , the lord doth know . by these insinuations , like the serpent they did creepe and winde into the good opinion of the illiterate multitude , that were desirous to be freed and gone ( to them no doubdt , which some of them after confessed ) and little good was to be done one them after this charme was used , now plotts and factions , how they might get loose , and here was some . stout knaves , & some plotted how to steale master westons barque , others exasperated knavishly to worke , would practise how to gett theire master to an island ; and there leave him , which hee had notice of , and fitted him to try what would be done , and steps aborde his shallop bound for cape anne to the massachussets , with an hogshead of wine , sugar hee tooke along , the sailes hoist up and one of the conspirators aboard to steere , who in the mid way pretended foule weather at the harboure mouth , and therefore for a time , hee would put in to an island neere , and make some stay where hee thought to tempt his master to walke the woods , and so be gone , but their master to prevent them , caused the sales and oares to be brought a shore , to make a tilt if neede should be , and kindled fire , broched that hogshed , and caused them fill the can with lusty liquor , claret sparklinge neate which was not suffered to grow pale and flatt , but tipled of with quick dexterity , the master makes a shew of keepinge round , but with close lipps did seeme to make longe draughts , knowinge the wine would make them protestants , and so the plot was then at large disclosed and discovered , & they made drowsie , and the inconstant windes shiftinge at night did force the kellecke home , and billedge the boat , that they were forced to leave her so , and cut downe trees that grew by the shore , to make caffes : two of them wen● over by helpe of a fore saile almost a mile to the maine the other two stayed five dayes after , till the winde● would serve to fill the sailes . the first two went t● cape ann by land , and had fowle enough , and fowle wether by the way , the islanders had fish enough , shel-fish and fire to roast , & they could not perish for lacke of foode , and wine they had to be sure ; and by this yo● see they were not then in any want ; the wine an● goodes brought thence , the boat left there so billedg● that it was not worth the labor to be mended . chap. viii . of the banishment of master iohn layford , an● iohn oldam from plimmouth . master layford was at the merchants chardge sent to plimmouth plantation to be their pastor ▪ but the brethren , before they would allow of it , woul● have him first renounce his calling , to the office of th● ministery , received in england , as hereticall and papisticall , ( so hee confest ) and then to receive a ne● callinge from them , after their fantasticall invention , which hee refused , alledging and maintaining , that his calling as it stood was lawfull , and that hee would not renounce it ; and so iohn oldam his opinion was one the affirmative , and both together did maintaine the church of ●ngland , to be a true church , although in some particulars ( they said ) defective concludinge so against the tenents there , and by this meanes cancelled theire good opinion , amonst the number of the seperatists , that stay they must not , lest they should be spies , & to fall fowle on this occation , the brethren thought it would betray their cause , and make it fall under censure , therefore against master layford they had found out some scandall ; to be laid on his former corse of life , to blemish that , and so to conclude hee was a spotted beast , and not to be allowed , where they ordained to have the passover kept so zealously : as for iohn oldam , they could see hee would be passionate , and moody ; and proove himselfe a mad iack in his mood , and as soone mooved to be moody , and this impatience would minister advantage to them to be ridd of him . hanniball when hee had to doe with fabius , was kept in awe more by the patience of that one enemy , then by the resolution of the whole army : a well tempered enemy is a terrible enemy to incounter . they injoyne him to come to their needeles watch howse in person , and for refusinge give him a cracked crowne for presse money , and make the blood run downe about his eares , a poore trick , yet a good vaile though luscus may see thorough it ; and for his further behaviour in the case , proceed to sentence him with banishment , which was performed after a solemne invention in this manner : a lane of musketiers was made , and hee compelled in scorne to passe along betweene , & to receave a bob upon the bumme by every musketier , and then a board a shallop , and so convayed to wessaguscus shoare , & staid at massachussets , to whome iohn layford and some few more did resort , where master layford freely executed his office and preached every lords day , and yet maintained his wife & children foure or five , upon his industry there , with the blessing of god , and the plenty of the land , without the helpe of his auditory , in an honest and laudable manner , till hee was wearied and made to leave the country . chap. ix . of a barren doe of virginea grovvne fruithfull in nevv canaan . children and the fruit of the wombe , are said in holy writt , to be an inheritance that commeth of the lord ; then they must be coupled in gods name first , and not as this and some other have done . they are as arrowes in the hand of a gyant ; and happy saith david , is the man , that hath his quiver full of them , and by that rule , happy is that land and blessed to that is apt and fit for increase of children . i have shewed you before in the second part , of the discourse , how apt it is for the increase of minerals , vegetables , and sensible creatures . now i will shew you , how apt new canaan is likewise for the increase of the reasonable creatures , children , of all riches being the principall : and i give you this for an instance . this country of new canaan in seaven yeares time could show more children livinge , that have beene borne the●e , then in . yeares could be shewen in virginea ; yet here are but a handful of weomen landed , to that of virginea . the country doth afford such plenty of lobsters , and other delicate shellfish , and venus is said to be borne of the sea , or else it was some sallet herbe proper to the climate or the fountaine at weenaseemute made her become teeming here , that had tried a campe royall in other partes , where shee had been , & yet never the neere , till shee came in to new canaan . shee was delivered ( in a voyage to virginea ) about bussardes bay , to west of cape cod , where shee had a sonne borne , but died without baptisme , and was buried ; and being a thinge remarkable , had this epitaph followinge made of purpose to memorize the worth of the persons . epitaph : time that bringes all thinges to light . doth hide this thinge out of sight , yet fame hath left behinde a story , a hopefull race to shew the glory : for underneath this heape of stones , lieth a percell of small bones , what hope at last can such impes have , that from the wombe goes to the grave . chap. x. of a man indued vvith many spetiall guifts sent over to be master of the ceremonies . this was a man approoved of the brethren , both for his zeale and guiftes , yet but a bubble , & at the publike chardge conveyed to new england , i thinke to be master of the ceremonies , betweene the natives , and the planters : for hee applied himselfe cheifly to pen the language downe in stenography : but there for want of use , which hee rightly understood not , all was losse of labor , somethinge it was when next it came to veiw , but what hee could not tell . this man master bubble was in the time of iohn oldams absence made the howse chaplaine there , and every night hee made use of his guifts , whose oratory luld his auditory fast a sleepe , as mercuries pipes did argus eies : for when hee was in ; they sayd hee could not tell how to get out : nay hee would hardly out , till hee were fired out , his zeale was such : ( one fire they say drives out another , ) hee would become a great merchant , and by any thinge that was to be sold so as hee might have day and be trusted never so litle time : the price it seemed hee stood not much upon , but the day : for to his freind hee shewed commodities so priced , as caused him to blame the buyer , till the man this bubble did declare , that it was tane up at day , and did rejoyce in the bargaine , insistinge on the day , the day , yea marry quoth his freind if you have doomesday for payment you are then well to passe . but if he had not , it were as good hee had , they were payed all alike . and now , this bubbles day is become a common proverbe , hee obtained howse roome at passonagessit , and remooved thether , because it stood convenient , for the beaver trade , and the rather because the owner of passonagessit had no corne left : and this man seemed a bigg boned man , and therefore thought to be a good laborer , and to have store of corne , but contrary wise hee had none at all , and hoped upon this freind his host : thithere were brought the trophies of this master bubbles honor : his water tankard and his porters basket , but no provision , so that one gunne did serve to helpe them both to meat ; and now the time for fowle was almost past . this man and his host at dinner : bubble begins to say grace , yea and a long one to , till all the meate was cold ; hee would not give his host leave to say grace , belike hee thought mine host past grace , and further learned as many other schollers are : but in the usage and custome of this blinde oratory , his host tooke himselfe abused , and the whiles fell to and had halfe done , before this man bubble would open his eies , to see what stood afore him , which made him more cautius , and learned , that brevis oratio penetrat caelum . together bubbles and hee goes in the canaw to nut island for brants , and there his host makes a shotte & breakes the winges of many , bubble in hast and single handed , paddels out like a cow in a cage : his host cals back to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares , and before this could be performed , the fowle had time to swimme to other flockes , and so to escape : the best part of the pray being lost , mayd his host to mutter at him , and so to parte for that time discontended . chap. xi . of a composition made by the sachem , for a thef● committed by some of his men shevving● their honest meaninge . the owner of passonagessit to have the benefi● of company , left his habitation in the winter an● reposed at wessaguscus , ( to his cost ) meane tim● in the depth of winter , the neighbour salvage accustomed to buy foode , came to the howse ( fo● that intent perhaps ) & peepinge in all the windowes , ( then unglased espied corne . but no body to sell the same , and having company and helpe at hand , did make a shift to get into the howse , and take out corne to serve but for the present , left enough behinde the sachem having knowledge of the facte , an● being advertised likewise , of the displeasure that had ben cōceaved , by the proprieter therof , at this offence prepares a messenger , the salvage that had lived in england , and sends him with commission , for the trespasse of his men who had tenne skinnes perposed for it , to bee payd by a day certaine : the sachem at the time appointed , bringes the beaver to wessaguscus : where the owner lived , but just then was gone abroade , meane time the skinnes were by the wessaguscus men gelded , & the better halfe by them juggled away : before the owner came , and hee by the actors perswaded , to bee contended with the rest , who not so pleased did draw the sachem then to make a new agreement , and so to pay his remnant left in hand , and tenne skinnes more by a new day asigned , and then to bringe them to passonagessit , but the wessaguscus men went the day before to the salvages with this sayinge , that they were sent to call upon him there for payement , and received tenne skinnes , and tooke a salvage there to justifie that at their howse ; the owner stayed the while , hee verified this , because hee saw the man , before at wessaguscus : the sachem did beleive the tale , and at that time delivered up tenne skinnes : on that behalfe , in full dischardge of all demandes , against the trespasse , and the trespassers to them , who consented to him , and them , to the owner , and kept view to themselves , and made the salvage take the tenth , and give the owner all that yet was to bee had , themselves confessinge their demaunds for him , and that there was but onely one as yet prepared , so that by this you may easily perceive the uncivilized people , are more just than the civilized . chap. xii . of a voyadge made by the master of the ceremonies of nevv canaan to neepenett , from vvhence hee came avvay , and of the manifold dangers hee escaped . this woorthy member master bubble , a new master of the ceremonies , having a conceipt inhis head , that hee had hatched a new device for the purchase of beaver , beyond imagination , packes up a sacke full of odde implements , and without any company , but a couple of indians for guides , ( and therefore you may , if you please , ) beeleive they are so dangerous as the brethren of plimmouth give it out , hee betakes him to his progresse into the inlande for beaver , with his carriadge on his shoulders like milo , his guides and hee in processe of time , come to the place appointed , which was about neepenett , thereabouts being more beavers to be had then this milo could carry : and both his journey men , glad hee was good man , and his guides were willing to pleasure him , there the salvages stay : night came on , but before they were inclined to sleepe , this good man master bubble had an evation crept into his head , by misapplying the salvages actions , that hee must needs be gone in all hast , yea and without his errand , hee purposed to doe it so cunningely that his flight should not be suspected , hee leaves his shooes in the howse , with all his other implements , and flies , as hee was on his way , to increase his feare , suggestinge himselfe that hee was present by a company of indians , & that there shafts were let fly as thick as haile at him , hee puts of his breeches , and puts them one his head , for to save him from the shafts , that flew after him so thick , that no man could perceave them : and cryinge out avoyd satan , what have yee to doe with mee , thus running one his way without his breeches , hee was pittifully scratched , with the brush of the underwoods , as hee wandred up and downe in unknowne wayes : the salvages in the meane time put up all his implements in the sack hee left behinde , and brought them to wessaguscus , where they thought to have found him ; but understanding hee was not returned , were ferefull what to doe : and what would be conceaved of the english was become of this mazed man , the master of the ceremonies ; and were in consultation of the matter . one of the salvages was of opinion the english would suppose him to be made a way , fearefull hee was to come in sight . the other better acquainted with the english having lived some time in england , ) was more confident , and hee perswaded his fellow that the english would be satisfied with relation of the truth , as having had testimony of his fidelity . so they boldly adventured , to shew what they had brougt , and how the matter stood . the english ( when the sack was opened ) did take a note in writing of all the particulers that were in the sack ; & heard what was b● the salvages related of the accidents : but when his shoes were showne , it was thought hee would not have departed without his shoes ; and therefore they did conceave that master bubble was made away : by some sinister practise of the salvages , who unadvisedly had bin culpable of a crime which now they sought to excuse ; and straightly chardged the salvages to finde him out againe , and bring him dead , or alive ; else their wifes and children should be destroyed . the poore salvages being in a pittifull perplexity , caused their countrymen to seeke out for this maz'd man ; who being in short time found , was brought to wessaguscus ; where hee made a discourse of his travels , and of the perrillous passages : which did seeme to be no lesse dangerous , then these of that worthy knight errant , don quixote , and how miraculously hee had bin preserved ; and in conclusion , lamented the greate losse of his goods , whereby hee thought himselfe undone . the perticuler whereof being demaunded , it appeared , that the salvages had not diminished any part of them ; no not so much as one bit of bread : the number being knowne , and the fragments laid together , it appeared all the bisket was preserved , and not any diminished at all : whereby the master of the ceremonies was overjoyed , and the whole company made themselves merry at his discourse of all his perrillous adventures and by this you may observe whether the salvage people are not full of humanity , or whether they are a dangerous people as master bubble and the rest of his tribe would perswade you . chap. xiii . of a lamentable fit of mellancolly , that the barren doe fell into , ( after the death of her infant , seeing herselfe despised of her svveete hart , ) vvhereof shee vvas cured . whether this goodly creature of incontinency went to worke upon even termes like phillis or noe it does not appeare by any indenture of covenants then extant , whereby shee might legally challenge the performance of any compleate marriage at his hands , that had bin tradeing with her ●s demopheon here to fore had bin with his ostis . neverthelesse ( for his future advantage ) shee indeavoured ( like phillis , ) to gaine this demopheon all to herselfe , who ( as it seemes ) did meane nothing lesse , by leaving her for the next cōmer , that had any minde to coole his courage by that meanes ; the whipping post ( as it seemes ) at that time not being in publike use , for such kinde of cony katchers , but seeing herselfe rejected , shee grew into such a passion of mellancolly , on a sodaine , that it was thought , shee would exhibit a petition for redresse to grim pluto who had set her a worke , and knowing that the howse of fate has many entrances , shee was pusseld to finde the neerest way . shee could not resolve on a sodaine : which doore would soonest bring her to his presence handsomely . if shee should make way with a knife , shee thought shee might spoyle her drinking in after ages , if by poyson ; shee thought it might prolonge her passage thether : if by drowning , shee thought caron might come the while with his boate , and wast her out of sight : if shee should tie up her complaint in a halter , shee thought the ropmakers would take exceptions against her good speede . and in this manner shee debated with herselfe , and demurred upon the matter ▪ so that shee did appeare willing enough ; but a woman of small resolution . which thing when it was publikely knowne , made many come to comfort her . one amongst the rest , was by hir requested , on her behalfe , to write to he● late unkinde demopheon . the gentleman being merrily disposed , in steed of writing an heroicall epistle , composed this elegi for a memoriall of some mirth upon the circumstance of the matter , to be sen● unto hir , as followeth : carmen elegiacvm . melpomene ( at whose mischeifous tove , the screech owles voyce is heard ; the mandrals grove ) commands my pen in an lambick vaine , to tell a dismall tale , that may constraine , the hart of him to bleede that shall discerne , how much this foule amisse does him concerne , alecto ( grim alecto ) light thy tortch , to thy beloved sister next the porch , that leads unto the mansion howse of fate , whose farewell makes her freind more fortunate . a great squa sachem can shee poynt to goe , before grim minos , and yet no man know . that knives , and halters , ponds , and poysonous things , are alwayes ready when the divell once brings , such deadly sinners : to a deepe remorse , of conscience selfe accusing that will force , them to dispaire like wicked kain , whiles death , stands ready with all these to stopp their breath . the beare comes by ; that oft hath bayted ben , by many a satyr●s whelpe unlesse you can , commaund your eies to drop huge milstones forth , in lamentation of this losse on earth , of her , of whome , so much prayse wee may finde , goe when shee will , shee 'l leave none like behinde , shee was too good for earth , too bad for heaven . why then for hell the match is somewhat even . after this , the water of the fountaine at ma-remount , was thought fit to be applyed unto her for a remedy , shee willingly used according to the quality thereof . and when this elegy came to be divulged , shee was so conscious of her crime , that shee put up her pipes , and with the next shipp shee packt away to virginea , ( her former habitation ) quite cured of her mellancolly with the helpe of the water of the fountaine at ma-re mount. chap. xiv . of the revells of nevv canaan . the inhabitants of pasonagessit ( having translated the name of their habitation from that ancient salvage name to ma-re mount ; and being resolved to have the new name confirmed for a memorial to after ages ) did devise amongst themselves to have it performed in a solemne manner with revels , & merriment after the old english custome : prepared to sett up a maypole upon the festivall day of philip and iacob ; & therefore brewed a barrell of excellent beare , & provided a case of bottles to be spent , with other good cheare , for all commers of that day . and because they would have it in a compleat forme , they had prepared a song fitting to the time and present occasion . and upon may-day they brought the maypole to the place appointed , with drumes , gunnes , pistols , and other fitting instruments , for that purpose ; and there erected it with the help of salvages , that came thether of purpose to see the manner of our revels . a goodly pine tree of . foote longe , was reared up , with a peare of buckshorns nayled one , somewhat neare unto the top of it : where it stood as a faire sea marke for directions ; how to finde out the way to mine hoste of ma-re mount. and because it should more fully appeare to what end it was placed there , they had a poem in readines made , which was fixed to the maypole , to shew the new name confirmed upon that plantation ; which allthough it were made according to the occurrents of the time , it being enigmattically composed ) pusselled the seperatists most pittifully to expound it , which ( for the better information of the reader ) i have here inserted . the poem . rise oedipeus , and if thou canst unfould , what meanes caribdis underneath the mould , when scilla sollitary on the ground , ( sitting in forme of niobe ) was found ; till amphitrites darling did acquaint , grim neptune with the tenor of her plaint , and causd him send forth triton with the sound , of trumpet lowd , at which the seas were found , so full of protean formes , that the bold shore , presented scilla a new parramore , so stronge as sampson and so patient , as job himselfe , directed thus , by fate , to comfort scilla so unfortunate . i doe profosse by cupids beautious mother , here 's scogans choise for scilla , and none other ; though scilla 's sick with greife because no signe , can there be found of vertue masculine . esculapius come , i know right well , his laboure's lost when you may ring her knell , the fatall sisters doome none can withstand , nor cithareas powre , who poynts to land , with proclamation that the first of may , at ma-re mount shall be kept hollyday . the setting up of this maypole was a lamentable spectacle to the precise seperatists : that lived at new plimmouth . they termed it an idoll ; yea they called it the calfe of horeb : and stood at defiance with the place , naming it mount dagon ; threatning to make it a woefull mount and not a merry mount . the riddle for want of oedipus , they could not expound , onely they made some explication of part of it , and sayd , it was meant by sampson iob , the carpenter of the shipp , that brought over a woman to her husband , that had bin there longe before : and thrived so well , that hee sent for her and her children to come to him ; where shortly after hee died , having no reason , but because of the sound of those two words : when as ( the truth is ) the man they applyed it to , was altogether unknowne to the author . there was likewise a merry song made , which ( to make their revells more fashionable ) was sung with a corus , every man bearing his part ; which they performed in a daunce , hand in hand about the maypole , whiles one of the company sung , and filled out the good liquor like gammedes and iupiter . the songe . drinke and be merry , merry , merry boyes , let all your delight be in hymens ioyes , jô to hymen now the day is come , about the merry maypole take a roome . make greene ganlons , bring bottles out ; and fill sweet nectar , freely about , vncover thy head , and feare no harme , for hers good liquor to keepe it warme , then drinke and be merry , &c. iô to hymen , &c. nectar is a thing assign'd , by the deities owne minde , to cure the hart opprest with greife , and of good liquors is the cheife , then drinke , &c. iô to hymen , &c. give to the mellancolly man , a cup or two of 't now and than ; this physick ' will soone revive his bloud , and make him be of a merrier moode . then drinke &c. iô to hymen &c. give to the nymphe that 's free from scorne , no irish ; stuff nor scotch over worne , lasses in beaver coats come away , yee shall be welcome to us night and day . to drinke and be merry &c. jô to hymen , &c. this harmeles mirth made by younge men ( that lived in hope to have wifes brought over to them , that would save them a laboure to make a voyage to fetch any over ) was much distasted , of the precise seperatists : that keepe much a doe , about the tyth of muit and cummin ; troubling their braines more then reason would require about things that are indifferent : and from that time sought occasion against my honest host of ma-re mount to overthrow his ondertakings , and to destroy his plantation quite and cleane . but because they presumed with their imaginary gifts ( which they have out of phaos box ) they could expound hidden misteries ( to convince them of blindnes as well in this , as in other matters of more cōsequence ) i will illustrate the poem , according to the true intent of the authors of these revells , so much distasted by those moles . oedipus is generally receaved for the absolute reader of riddles who is invoaked : silla and caribdis are two dangerous places for seamen to incounter , neere unto vennice , & have bin by poets formerly resembled to man and wife . the like licence the author challenged for a paire of his nomination , the one lamenting for the losse of the other as niobe for her children . amphitrite is an arme of the sea , by which the newes was carried up and downe , of a rich widow , now to be tane up or laid downe . by triton is the fame spread , that caused the suters to muster ; ( as it had bin to penellope of greece ) and the coast lying circuler , all our passage to and froe , is made more convenient by sea , then land. many aimed at this marke ; but hee that played proteus best and could comply with her humor must be the man , that would carry her , & hee had need have sampsons strenght to deale with a dallila : and as much patience as iob that should come there , for a thing that i did observe in the life time o● the former . but marriage and hanging ( they say ) comes by desteny & scogans choise t is better none at all . hee that playd proteus ( with the helpe of priapus ) put their noses out of joynt as the proverbe is . and this the whole company of the revellers at ma-re mount , knew to be the true sence and exposition of the riddle : that was fixed to the maypole , which the seperatists were at defiance with ? some of them affirmed , that the first institution thereof , was in memory of a whore ; not knowing that it was a trophe erected at first , in honor of maja , the lady of learning which they despise ; vilifying the two universities with uncivile termes ; accounting what is there obtained by studdy is but unnecessary learning ; not considering that learninge does inable mens mindes to converse with climents of a higher nature then is to be found within the habitation of the mole . chap. xv. of a great monster supposed to be at ma-re-mount ; and the preparation made to destroy it . the seperatists envying the prosperity , and hope of the plantation at ma-re mount ( which they perceaved beganne to come forward , and to be in a good way for gaine in the beaver trade ) conspired together against mine host especially , ( who was the owner of that plantation ) and made up a party against him ; and mustred up what aide they could ; accounting of him , as of a great monster . many threatening speeches were given out both against his person , and his habitation , which they divulged should be consumed with fire : and taking advantage of the time when his company ( which seemed little to regard , theire threats ) were gone up into the inlands , to trade with the salvages for beaver . they set upon my honest host at a place , called wessaguscus , where ( by accident ) they found him . the inhabitants there were in good hope , of the subvertion of the plantation at mare mount , ( which they principally aymed at ; ) and the rather , because mine host was a man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the church of england ; which they ( on the contrary part ) would laboure to vilifie ; with uncivile termes : enveying against the sacred booke of common prayer , and mine host that used it in a laudable manner amongst his family , as a practise of piety . there hee would be a meanes to bringe sacks to their mill ( such is the thirst after beaver ) and helped the conspiratores to . surprisee mine host , ( who was there all alone ) and they chardged him , ( because they would seeme to have some reasonable cause against him ( to sett a glosse upon their mallice ) with criminall things which indeede had beene done by such a person , but was of their conspiracy ; mine host demaunded of the conspirators who it was , that was author of that information , that seemed to be their ground for what they now intended . and because they answer●d , they would not tell him , hee as peremptorily replyed , that hee would not stay , whether he had , or he had not done as they had bin informed . the answere made no matter ( as it seemed ) whether it had bin negatively , or affirmatively made ; for they had resolved what hee should suffer , because ( as they boasted , ) they were now become the greater number : they had shaked of their shackles of servitude , and were become masters , and masterles people . it appeares , the● were like beares whelpes in former time , when mine hosts plantation was of as much strength as theirs , but now ( theirs being stronger , ) they ( like overgrowne beares ) seemed monsterous . in breife , mine host must indure to be their prisoner , untill they could contrive it so , that they might send him for england , ( as they said , ) there to suffer according to the merrit of the fact , which they intended to father upon him ; supposing ( belike ) it would proove a hainous crime . much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cappitall enemy ( as they concluded him ) whome they purposed to hamper in such sort , that hee should not be able to uphold his plantation at ma-re mount the conspirators sported themselves at my honest host , that meant them no hurt ; & were so joccund that they feasted their bodies , and fell to tippeling , as if they had obtained a great prize ; like the trojans when they had the custody of hippeus pinetree horse . mine host fained greefe : and could not be perswaded either to eate , or drinke , because hee knew emptines would be a meanes to make him as watchfull , as the geese kept in the roman cappitall : whereon the contrary part , the conspirators would be so drowsy , that hee might have an opportunity to give them a slip , in steade of a tester . six persons of the conspiracy were set to watch him at wessaguscus : but hee kept waking ; and in the dead of night ( one lying on the bed , for further suerty , ) up gets mine host , and got to the second dore that hee was to passe which ( notwithstanding the lock ) hee got open : and shut it after him with such violence , that it affrighted some of the conspirators . the word which was given with an alarme , was , o he 's gon , he 's gon , what shall wee doe he 's gon ? the rest ( halfe a sleepe ) start up in a maze , and like rames , ran theire heads one at another full butt in the darke . theire grand leader captaine shrimp tooke on most furiously , and tore his clothes for anger , to see the empty nest , and their bird gone . the rest were eager to have torne theire haire from theire heads , but it was so short , that it would give them no hold ; now captaine shrimp thought in the losse of this prize ( which hee accoumpted his master peece , ) all his honor would be lost forever , in the meane time mine host was got home to ma-re mount through the woods , eight miles , round about the head of the river monatoquit , that parted the two plantations : finding his way by the helpe of the lightening ( for it thundred as hee went terribly ) and there hee prepared powther three pounds dried , for his present imployement , and foure good gunnes for him , and the two assistants left at his howse , with bullets of severall sizes three hounderd , or thereabouts ; to be used if the conspirators should pursue him thether : and these two persons promised theire aides in the quarrell , and confirmed that promise with a health in good rosa solis . now captaine shrimp , the first captaine in the land ( as hee supposed , ) must doe some new act to repaire this losse , and to vindicate his reputation , who had sustained blemish , by this oversight . begins now to study , how to repaire or survive his honor in this manner ; callinge of councell : they conclude . hee takes eight persons more to him , and ( like the nine worthies of new canaan ) they imbarque with preparation against ma-re-mount , where this monster of a man ( as theire phrase was ) had his denne ; the whole number , ( had the rest not bin from home , being but seaven , ) would have given captaine shrimpe ( a quondam drummer , ) such a wellcome , as would have made him wish for a drume as bigg as diogenes tubb , that hee might have crept into it out of sight . now the nine worthies are approached ; and mine host prepared : having intelligence by a salvage , that hastened in love from wessaguscus , to give him notice of their intent . one of mine hosts men prooved a craven : the other had prooved his wits to purchase a little valoure , before mine host had observed his posture . the nine worthies comming before the denne of this supposed monster , ( this seaven headed hydra , as they termed him , ) and began like don quixote against the windmill to beate a party , and to offer quarter ( if mine host would yeald ) for they resolved to send him for england , and bad him lay by his armes . but hee ( who was the sonne of a souldier ) having taken up armes in his just defence , replyed , that hee would not lay by those armes , because they were so needefull at sea , if hee should be sent over . yet ( to save the effusion of so much worty bloud , as would haue issued , out of the vaynes of these . worthies of new canaan , if mine host should have played upon them out at his port holes ( for they came within danger like a flocke of wild geese , as if they had bin tayled one to another , as coults to be sold at a faier ) mine host was content to yeelde upon quarter ; and did capitulate with them : in what manner it should be for more certainety , because hee knew what captaine shrimpe was . hee expressed , that no violence should be offered to his person , none to his goods , nor any of his howsehold : but that hee should have his armes , and what els was requisit for the voyage , ( which theire herald retornes , ) it was agreed upon , and should be performed . but mine host no sooner had set open the dore and issued out : but instantly captaine shrimpe , and the rest of the worties stepped to him , layd hold of his armes ; and had him downe , and so eagerly was every man bent against him ( not regarding any agreement made with such a carnall man , ) that they fell upon him , as if they would have eaten him : some of them were so violent , that they would have a slice with scabbert and all for haste , untill an old souldier ( of the queenes as the proverbe is ) that was there by accident , clapt his gunne under the weapons , and sharply rebuked these worthies for their unworthy practises . so the matter was taken into more deliberate consideration . captaine shrimpe and the rest of the nine worthies , made themselves ( by this outragious riot ) masters of mine hoste of ma-re mount , and disposed of what hee had at his plantation . this they knew ( in the eye of the salvages ) would add to their glory ; and diminish the reputation of mine honest host , whome they practised to be ridd of , upon any termes , as willingly as if hee had bin the very hidra of the time . chap. xvi . hovv the . vvorthies put mine host of ma-re-mount into the inchaunted , castle at plimmouth , and terrified him vvith the monster briareus . the nine worthies of new canaan having now the law in their owne hands ( there being no generall governour in the land : nor none of the seperation that regarded , the duety they owe their soveraigne , whose naturall borne subjects they were : though translated out of holland : from whence they had learned to worke all to their owne ends , and make a great shew of religion , but no humanity , for they were now to sit in counsell on the cause . and much it stood mine honest host upon , to be very circumspect , and to take eacus to taske : for that his voyce was more allowed of , then both the other : and had not mine host confounded all the arguments that eacus could make in their defence : and confuted him that swaied the rest , they would have made him unable to drinke in such manner of merriment any more . so that following this private counsell , given him by one that knew who ruled the rost , the hiracano ceased that els would split his pinace . a conclusion was made , and sentence given , that mine host should be sent to england a prisoner . but when hee was brought to the shipps for that purpose , no man durst be so foole hardy as to undertake to carry him . so these worthies set mine host upon an island , without gunne , powther , or shot , or dogge , or so much as a knife , to get any thinge to feede upon : or any other cloathes to shelter him with at winter , then a thinne suite which hee had one at that time . home hee could not get to ma-re-mount upon this island . hee stayed a moneth at least , and was releeved by salvages that tooke notice that mine host was a sachem of passonagessit , and would bringe bottles of strong liquor to him , and unite them selves into a league of brother hood with mine host ; so full of humanity are these infidels before those christians . from this place for england , sailed mine host in a plimmoth shipp , ( that came into the land to fish upon the coast , ) that landed him safe in england at plimmouth , and hee stayed in england untill the ordinary time for shipping to set forth for these parts ; and then retorned : noe man being able to taxe him of any thinge . but the worthies ( in the meane time ) hoped they had bin ridd of him . chap. xvii . of the baccanall triumphe of the nine vvorthies of nevv canaan . the seperatists were not so contended , ( when mine host of ma-re-mount was gone ) but they were as much discontended when hee was retorned againe : and the rather , because theire passages about him , and the businesse , were so much derided ; and in songes exemplified : which ( for better satisfaction of such as are in that kinde affected ) i have set forth as it was then in use by the name of the baccanall triumphe , as followeth : the poem . i sing th' adventures of mine worthy wights , and pitty't is i cannot call them knights , since they had brawne and braine and were right able , to be installed of prince arthures table , yet all of them were squires of low degree , as did appeare by rules of heraldry , the magi tould of a prodigeous birth , that shortly should be found upon the earth , by archimedes art , which they misconster vnto their land would proove a hiddeous monster , seaven heades it had , and twice so many feete , arguing the body to be wondrous greate , besides a sorked taile heav'd up on highe , as if it threaten'd battell to the skie , the rumor of this fearefull prodigy , did cause th' effeminate multitude to cry , for want of great alcides aide and stood , like people that have seene medusas head , great was the greife of hart , great was the mone , and great the feare conceaved by every one , of hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre , doubting in time this monster would devoure , all their best flocks whose dainty wolle consorts , it selfe with scarlet in all princes courts , not iason nor the adventerous youths of greece , did bring from colcos any ritcher fleece , in emulation of the gretian force , these worthies nine prepar'd a woodden horse , and prick'd with pride of like successe divise , how they may purchase glory by this prize , and if they give to hidraes head the fall , it will remaine a plat forme unto all , theire brave atchivements , and in time to comme , per fas aut nefas they 'l erect a throne . cloubs are turn'd trumps : so now the lott is cast , with fire and sword , to hidras den they haste , mars in th' assendant , soll in cancer now , and lerna lake to plutos court must bow , what though they rebuk'd by thundring love , t is neither gods nor men that can remove , their mindes from making this a dismall day , these nine will now be actors in this play , and sum on hidra to appeare a non , before their witles combination , but his undaunted spirit nursd with meate , such as the cecrops gave their babes to eate , scorn'd their base accons , for with cecrops charme , hee knew he could defend himselfe from harme , of minos , eacus , and radamand , princes oj limbo who must out of hand , consult bout hidra what must now be done , who having sate in counsell one by one , retorne this answere to the stiggean feinds , and first grim minos spake : most loving freinds , hidra prognosticks ruine to our state , and that our kingdome will grow desolate , but if one head from thence be tane away , the body and the members will decay , to take in hand , what eacus this taske , is such as harebraind phaeton did aske , of phebus to begird the world about , which graunted put the netherlands to rout , presumptious fooles learne wit at too much cost , for life and laboure both at once hee lost , sterne radamantus being last to speake , made a great hum and thus did silence breake , what if with ratling chaines or iron bands , hidra be bound either by feete or hands , and after being lashd with smarting rodds , hee be conveyd by stix unto the godds , to be accused on the upper ground , of lesae majestatis this crime found , t' will be unpossible from thence i trowe , hidra shall come to trouble us belowe , this sentence pleasd the friends exceedingly , that up they tost their bonnets and did cry , long live our court in great prosperity . the sessions ended some did straight devise , court revells antiques and a world of joyes , brave christmas gambals , there was open hall , kept to the full : and sport the divell and all , labours despised the loomes are laid away , and this proclaim'd the stigean holli day , in came grim minos with his motly beard , and brought a distillation well prepar'd , and eacus who is as suer as text , came in with his preparatives the next , then radamantus last and principall , feasted the worthies in his sumptuous hall , there caron cerberous and the rout of feinds , had lap enough and so their pastims ends . the illvstrations . now to illustrate this poem , and make the sence more plaine , it is to be considered that the persons at ma-re-mount were seaven , and they had seaven heads and . feete , these were accounted hidra with the seaven heads ; and the maypole with the hornes nailed neere the topp , was the forked tayle of this supposed monster , which they ( for want of skill ) imposed : yet feared in time ( if they hindred not mine host ) hee would hinder the benefit of their beaver trade , as hee had done ( by meanes of this helpe ) in kyny back river finely , ere they were a wares ▪ who comming too late , were much dismaide to finde that mine host his boate had gleaned away all before they came ; which beaver is a fitt companion for scarlett : and i beleeve that iasons golden fleece was either the same , or some other fleece not of so much value . this action bred a kinde of hart burning in the plimmouth planters who after , sought occasion against mine host to overthrowe his undertakings , and to destroy his plantation , whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to theire church and state. now when they had begunne with him , they thought best to proceede : for asmuch as they thought them selves farre enough from any controule of iustice ; and therefore resolved to be their owne carvers : ( and the rather , because they presumed upon some incouragement they had from the favourites of their sect in england : ) and with fire and sword nine in number pursued mine host ; who had escaped theire hands in scorne of what they intended , and betooke him to his habitation in a night of great thunder and lightening , when they durst not follow him , as hardy , as these nine worthies seemed to be . it was in the moneth of iune , that these marshallists had appointed to goe about this mischeifous project , and deale so crabbidly with mine host. after a parly , hee capitulated with them about the quarter , they proffered him , if hee would consent to goe for england , there to answere ( as they pretended ) some thing they could object against him principall to the generall : but what it would be hee cared not , neither was it any thing materiall . yet when quarter was agreed upon , they contrary wise , abused him , and carried him to theire towne of plimmouth , where ( if they had thought hee durst have gone to england ) rather then they would have bin any more affronted by him , they would have dispatched him , as captaine shrimp in a rage , profest that hee would doe with his pistoll as mine host should set his foote into the boate . howsoever the cheife elders voyce in that place was more powerfull than any of the rest ; who concluded to send mine host without any other thing to be done to him . and this being the finall agreement , ( contrary to shrimpe and others , ) the nine wo●thies had a great feast made , and the furmity po●t was provided , for the boats gang by no allowance : and all manner of pastime . captaine shrimpe was so overjoyed in the performance of this exployt ; that they had , at that time , extraordinary merriment ; a thing not usuall amongst those presisians ) and when the winde served , they tooke mine host into their shallop ; hoysed saile , and carried him to the northen parts ; where they left him upon a island . chap. xviii . of a doctor made at a commencement in nevv canaan . the church of plimmouth having due regard to the weale publike , and the brethren , that were to come over ; and knowing that they would be busily imployed to make provision for the cure of soules , and therefore might neglect the body for that time : did hold themselves to be in duety bound , to make search for a fitting man that might be able , ( if so neede requir'd ) to take the chardge upon him in that place of imployment : and therefore called a counsell of the whole synagoge : amongst which company they chose out a man , that long time had bin nurst up in the tender bosome of the church : one that had speciall gifts : hee could wright and reade , nay more : hee had tane the oath of abjuration , which is a speciall stepp , yea and a maine degree unto perferment , him they weane : and out of phaos boxe fitt him with speciall guifts of no lesse worth : they stile him doctor and forth they send him to gaine imployement and opinion . what luck is it i cannot hit on his name : but i will give you him by a periphrasis , that you may know him when you meete him next . hee was borne at wrington in the county of somerset , where hee was bred a butcher . hee weares a longe beard , and a garment like the greeke that beggd in pauls church . this new made doctor comes to salem to congratulate : where hee findes some are newly come from sea , and ill at ease . hee takes the patient , and the urinall : vies the state there : findes the crasis syptomes , and the attomi natantes : and tells the patient that his disease was winde , which hee had tane by gapeing , feasting , over board at sea , but hee would quickly ease him of that greife , and quite expell the winde . and this hee did performe , with his gifts hee had : and then hee handled the patient so handsomely , that hee eased him of all the winde , hee had in an instant . and yet i hope this man may be forgiven , if hee were made a fitting plant for heaven . how hee went to worke with his gifts is a question : yet hee did a great cure for captaine littleworth , hee cured him of a disease called a wife : and yet i hope this man may be forgiven , if shee were made a fitting plant for heaven . by this meanes hee was allowed . p. a moneth , and the chirgeons chest , and made phisition generall of salem : where hee exercised his gifts so well , that of full . that there hee tooke to cure , there is not one has more cause to complaine , or can say black 's his eie . this saved captaine littleworths credit , that had truck'd away the vittels : though it brought forth a scandall on the country by it , and then i hope this man may be forgiven , if they were all made fitting plants for heaven . but in mine opinion , hee deserves to be set upon a palfrey , and lead up and downe in triumph throw new canaan , with a coller of iurdans about his neck , as was one of like desert in richard the seconds time through the streets of london , that men might know where to finde a quacksaluer . chap. xix . of the silencing of a minister in nevv canaan . a silenced minister out of courteousnesse , came over into new canaan to play the spie : hee pretended out of a zealous intent to doe the salvages good , and to teach them . hee brought a great bundell of horne books with him , and carefull hee was ( good man ) to blott out all the crosses of them , for feare least the people of the land should become idolaters . hee was in hope , with his gifts , to prepare a great auditory against greate iosua should arive there . hee applyed himselfe on the weeke dayes to the trade of beaver , but it was ( as might seeme ) to purchase the principall benefite of the lande , when the time should come ; for hee had a hope to be the caiphas of the country : and well hee might , for hee was higher by the head than any of his tribe that came after him . this man , it seemes , played the spie very handsomely , for in the exercise of his guifts on the lords day at weenasimute , hee espied a salvage come in with a good beaver coate , and tooke occasion to reproove the covetous desire of his auditory to trade for beaver on those dayes ; which made them all use so much modesty about the matter for the present , that hee found opportunity , the same day , to take the salvage a side into a corner , where ( with the helpe of his wampampeack , hee had in his pocket for that purpose in a readinesse , ) hee made a shifte to get that beaver coate , which their mouthes watered at ; and so deceaved them all . but shortly after , when iosua came into the land , hee had soone spied out caiphas practise ; and put him to silence ; and either hee must put up his pipes , and be packing or forsake ionas posture , and play demas part alltogether . chap. xx. of the practise of the s●peratists to gett a snare to hamper mine host of ma-re-mount . although the nine worthies had left mine hoste upon an island , in such an inhumane manner , as yee heard before ; yet when they understood that hee had got shipping , and was gone to england of his owne accord , they dispatched letters of advise to an agent they had there : and by the next shipp sent after , to have a snare made , that might hamper mine host so , as hee might not any more trouble theire conscience : and to that end , made a generall collection of beaver to defray the chardge , and hee was not thought a good christian that would not lay much out , for that imployment . some contributed three pounds ; some foure , some five pounds , and procured a pretty quantity by that devise , which should be given to a cunning man , that could make a snare to hamper him . the agent ( according to his directions , ) does his endeavoure ( in the best manner hee could ) to have this instrument made : and used no little diligence to have it effected . his reputation stood upon the taske imposed upon him against mine host , the onely enemy ( accounted ) of their church , and state. much inquiry was made in london , and about , for a skillfull man that would worke the feate . noe cost was spared , for gold hee had good store , first hee inquires of one : and then another : at the last hee heard newes of a very famous man , one that was excellent at making subtile instruments such as that age had never bin acquainted with . hee was well knowne to be the man , that had wit and wondrous skill , to make a cunning instrument , where with to save himselfe , and his whole family : if all the world besides should be drown'd ; and this the best , yea and the best cheap too ; for no good done , the man would nothing take . to him this agent goes , and praies his aide : declares his cause , & tells the substance of his greivance , all at large , and laid before his eies a heape of gold . when all was shewd , that could be ●he'd , and said what could be said , & all too little for to have it done ; the agent then did see his gold refused , his cause despised & thought himselfe disgraced , to leave the worke undone : so that hee was much dismaid , yet importun'd the cunning , who found no reason to take the taske in hand . hee thought perhaps , mine host ( that had the slight to escape from the nine worthies , to chaine argus eies , and by inchauntment make the doores of the watch tower fly open at an instant ) would not be hamperd , but with much a doe : and so hee was unwilling to be troubled with that taske . the agent wondring to see that his gold would doe no good , did aske , the cunning man if hee could give him no advise ? who said , hee would : and what was that thinke you ? to let mine host alone , who being ship'd againe for the parts of new canaan , was put in at plimmouth in the very faces of them , to their terrible amazement to see him at liberty , and told him hee had not yet fully answered the matter , they could object against him . hee onely made this modest reply , that hee did perceave they were willfull people , that would never be answered ; and derided them for their practises , and losse of laboure . chap. xxi . of captaine littlevvorth his nevv divise , for the purchase of beaver . in the meane time , whiles these former passages were : there was a great swelling fellow , of littleworth , crept over to salem ( by the helpe of master charter party the tresorer , and master ananias increase the collector for the company of seperatists , ) to take upon him their imployments for a time . hee resolving to make hay , whiles the sonne did shine , first pretended himselfe to be sent over as cheife iustice of the massachussets bay , and salem forsoth , and tooke unto him a counsell & a worthy one no doubt ; for the cow keeper of salem , was a prime man in those imployments ; and to ad a majesty ( as hee thought ) to his new assumed dignity , hee caused the patent of the massachussets ( new brought into the land ) to be carried where hee went in his progresse to and froe , as an embleme of his authority : which the vulgar people not acquainted with , thought it to be some instrument of musick locked up in that covered case , and thought ( for so some said ) this man of littleworth had bin a fidler , and the rather , because hee had put into the mouthes of poore silly things that were sent a longe with him , what skill hee had in engines and in things of quaint devise : all which prooved in conclusion to be but impostury . this man thinking none so worthy as himselfe , tooke upon him infinitely : and made warrants in his owne name ( without relation to his majesties authority in that place , ) and summoned a generall apparance , at the worshipfull towne of salem : there in open assembly was tendered certaine articles , devised betweene him and theire new pastor master eager ( that had renounced his old calling to the ministry receaved in england , by warrant of gods word : and taken a new one there by their fantasticall way imposed and conferred upon him with some speciall guifts had out of phaos boxe . ) to these articles every planter , old , and new , must signe : or be expelled from any manner of aboade within the compas of the land contained within that graunt then shewed : which was so large , it would suffice for elbow roome , for more then were in all the land by . such an army might have planted them a colony with that cirquit which hee challenged . and not contend for roome for their cattell . but for all that , hee that should refuse to subscribe , must pack . the tenor of the articles were these : that in all ●auses , as well ecclesiasticall , as politicall , wee should ●ollow the rule of gods word . this made a shew of a good intent , and all the assembly ( onely mine host replyed ) did subscribe : hee would not unlesse they would ad this caution : so as nothing be done contrary , or repugnant to the lawes of the kingdome of england . these words hee knew , by former experience , were necessary , and without these , the same would proove a very mousetrapp to catch some body by his owne consent , ( which the rest nothing suspected ) for the construction of the worde would be made by them of the seperation , to serve their owne turnes : and if any man should , in such a case be accused of a crime ( though in it selfe it were petty ) they might set it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary gifts , and stretch it , to make it seeme cappitall ; which was the reason why mine host refused to subscribe . it was then agreed upon , that there should be one generall trade used within that patent ( as hee said ) and a generall stock : and every man to put in a parte : and every man , for his person , to have shares alike : and for their stock according to the ratable proportion was put in : and this to continue for . moneths : and then to call an accompt . all were united but mine host refused : two truckmasters were chosen ; wages prefixed ; onely mine host put in a caviat , that the wages might be payed out of the cleare proffit , which there in black and white was plainely put downe . but before the end of . moneths , the partners in this stock ( handled by the truckmasters ) would have an accoumpt : some of them had perceaved that wampambeacke could be pocketted up , and the underlings ( that went in the boats alonge ) would be neere the wiser for any thinge , but what was trucked for beaver onely . the accoumpt being made betweene captaine littleworth , and the two truckmasters ; it was found , that instead of increasing the proffit , they had decreased it ; for the principall stock , by this imployment , was freetted so , that there was a great hole to be seene in the very middle of it which cost the partners afterwards one hundred markes to stopp , and make good to captaine littleworth . but mine host that sturred not his foote at all for the matter , did not onely save his stock from such a cancar , but gained sixe and seaven for one : in the meane time , hee derided the contributers for being catch'd in that snare . chap. xxii . of a sequestration made in nevv canaan . captaine littleworth ( that had an akeing tooth at at mine host of ma-re-mount , ) devised how hee might put a trick upon him , by colour of a sequestration , and got some persons to pretend that hee had corne , and other goods of theirs in possession ; and the rather , because mine host had store of corne ; and hee had improvidently truckt his store , for the present gaine of beaver : in somuch , that his people under his chardge were put to short allowance ; which caused some of them to sicken with conceipt of such useage : and some of them ( by the practise of the new entertained doctor noddy , with his imaginary gifts : they sent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim minos , eacus , and radamant : where they wished to have the author of their greife to be converted : and they had procured it quickly : if curses would have caused it : for good prayers would be of no validity ( as they supposed ) in this extremity . now in this extremity capt. littleworth gave commission to such as hee had found ready for such imployments , to enter in the howse at ma-re-mount , and with a shallop , to bring from thence such corne , and other utensilles , as in their commission hee had specified . but mine host , wary to prevent eminent mischeife , had conveyed his powther , and shott ( and such other things as stood him in most steed for his present condition ) into the woods for safety : & whiles this was put in practise by him , the shallop was landed , and the commissioners entred the howse ; and willfully bent against mine honest host , that loved good hospitality . after they had feasted their bodies with that they found there , they carried all his corne away , with some other of his goods , contrary to the lawes of hospitality : a smale parcell of refuse corne onely excepted , which they left mine host to keepe christmas with . but when they were gone , mine host , fell to make use of his gunne , ( as one that had a good faculty in the use of that instrument ) and feasted his body neverthelesse with fowle , and venison , which hee purchased with the helpe of that instrument : the plenty of the country , and the commodiousnes of the place affording meanes by the blessing of god ; and hee did but deride captaine littleworth , that made his servants snap shorte in a country so much abounding with plenty of foode for an industrious man , with greate variety . chap. xxiii . of a great bonfire made for ioy of the arrivall of great iosua surnamed tempervvell into the land of canaan . seaven shipps set forth at once , and altogether arrived in the land of canaan , to take a full possession thereof : what are all the . tribes of new israell come : no , none but the tribe of issacar ; and some few scattered levites of the remnant of those that were descended of old elies howse . and here comes their iosua too among them : and they make it a more miraculous thing for these seaven s●ipps to set forth together , and arrive at new canaan together , then it was for the israelites to goe over iordan drishod : perhaps it was , because they had a wall on the right hand and a wall on the left hand . these seperatists suppose there was no more difficulty in the matter , then for a man to finde the way to the counter at noonedayes , betweene a sergeant and his yeoman : now you may thinke mine host will be hamperd or never . these are the men that come prepared to ridd the land , of all pollution . these are more subtile , then the cunning , that did refuse a goodly heap of gold . these men have brought a very snare indeed ; and now mine host must suffer . the book of common prayer which hee used to be despised : and hee must not be spared . now they are come , his doome before hand was concluded on : they have a warrant now : a cheife one too ; and now mine host must know hee is the subject of their hatred : the snare must now be used ; this instrument must not be brought by iosua in vaine . a court is called of purpose for mine host ; hee there convented : and must heare his doome , before hee goe : nor will they admitt him to capitulate , and know wherefore they are so violent to put such things in practise against a man they never saw before : nor will they allow of it , though hee decline their iurisdiction . there they all with one assent put him to silence , crying out , heare the governour , heare the govern : who gave this sentence against mine host at first sight : that hee should be first put in the billbowes , his goods should be all confiscated ; his plantation should be burned downe to the ground , because the habitation of the wicked should no more appeare in israell ; and his person banished from those territories , and this put in execution with all speede . the harmeles salvages ( his neighboures ) came the while , greived poore silly lambes : to see what they went about ; and did reproove these eliphants of witt , for their inhumane deede the lord above did opon their mouthes like balams asse , & made them speake in his behalfe sentences , of unexpected divinity , besides morrallity ; and tould them , that god would not love them , that burned this good mans howse : and plainely sayed , that they who were new come would finde the want of such a howses in the winter ; so much themselves to him confest . the smoake that did assend appeared to be the very sacrifice of kain . mine host ( that a farre of abourd a ship did there behold this wofull spectacle , ) knew not what hee should doe , in this extremity ; but beare and forbeare , as epictetus sayes : it was bootelesse to exclaime . hee did consider then , these transitory things are but ludibria fortunae as cicero calls them . all was burnt downe to the ground , and nothing did remaine , but the bare ashes as an embleme of their cruelty : and unles it could ( like to the phenix ) rise out of these ashes , and be new againe , ( to the immortall glory and renowne , of this fertile canaan the new , the stumpes and postes in their black liveries will mourne ; and piety it selfe will add a voyce to the bare remnant of that monument , and make it cry for recompence ( or else revenge ) against the sect of cruell schismaticks . chap. xxiv . of the digrading and creating gentry in nevv canaan . there was a zealous professor in the land of canaan ( growne a great merchant in the beaver trade ) ●hat came over for his conscience sake , ( as other men ●ave done ) and the meanes : ( as the phrase is ) who in ●is minority had bin prentice to a tombe maker ; who ●omming to more ripenes of yeares ( though lesse dis●retion , ) found a kinde of scruple in his conscience , ●hat the trade was in parte against the second commandement : and therefore left it off wholely , and betooke himselfe to some other imployments . in the end hee settled upon this course : where hee had hope of preferrement , and become one of those things that any iudas might hange himselfe upon , that is an elder . hee had bin a man of some recconing in his time ( as himselfe would boast ) for hee was an officer , just ●nder the exchequer at westminster , in a place called phlegeton : there hee was comptroller , and conversed with noe plebeians i tell you : but such as have angels for their attendance , ( i meane some lawyers , with appertenances ( that is clarks , ) with whome a iugg of beare , and a crusty rolle in the terme , is as currant as a three penny scute at hall time . there is another place , thereby called sticks : these are to two daingerous places , by which the infernall gods doe sweare : but this of sticks is the more daingerous of the two , because there , ( if a man be once in ) hee cannot tell how to get out againe handsomely . i knew an under sheriff was in unawaires , and hee laboured to be free of it : yet hee broake his back before hee got so farre as quietus est : there is no such dainger in phlegeton , where this man of so much recconing was comptroller . hee being here , waited an opportunity to be made a gentl. and , now it fell out that a gentl. newly come into the land of canaan ( before hee knew what ground hee stood upon ) had incurred the displeasure of great iosua so highly , that hee must therefore be digraded . no reconciliation could be had for him : all hopes were past for that matter : where upon this man of much recconing ( pretending a graunt of the approach in avoydance ) helpes the lame dogge over the stile ; and was as jocund on the matter as a magpie over a mutton . wherefore the heralls with drums , and trumpets , proclaiming in a very solemne manner , that it was the pleasure of great iosua ( for divers and sundry very good causes and considerations , master temperwell there unto especially mooving ) to take away the title , prerogative and preheminence of the delinquent , so unworthy of it , and to place the same upon a professor of more recconing : so that it was made a penall thing for any man after , to lifte the same man againe on the top of that stile : but that hee should stand perpetually digraded from that prerogative . and the place by this meanes being voyde , this man of so much more reckoning , was receaved in like a cypher to fillup a roome , and was made a gentleman of the first head ; and his coate of armes blazon'd and tricked out fit for that purpose , in this poem following . the poem . what ailes pigmalion ? is it lu●acy ; or doteage on his owne imagery ? let him remember how hee came from hell , that after ages by record may tell , the compleate story to posterity ; blazon his coate in forme of heraldry . hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund ; a barre betweene three crusty rolls at hand : and for his crest with froth there does appeare , dextra paw elevant a lugg of beare . now that it may the more easily be understood , i have here endeavoured to set it forth in these illustrations following pigmalion was an image maker , who doteing on his owne perfection in making the image of venus , grew to be amazed man , like our gentleman here of the first head : and by the figure antonomasia is hee herein exemplified . hee was translated from a tombe maker , to be the tapster at hell ( which is in westminster under the exchequer office ( for benefit of the meanes ) hee translated himselfe into new england : whereby the help of beaver , and the commaund of a servant or two , hee was advanced to the title of a gentleman ; where i left him to the exercise of his guifts . chap. xxv . of the manner hovv the seperatists doe pay debts to them that are vvithout . there was an honest man , one mr. innocence fairecloath , by mr. mathias charterparty , sent over into new canaan , to raise a very good marchantable commodity for his benefit ; for whiles the man was bound by covenant to stay for a time , and to imploy such 〈◊〉 , as did there belong to mr. charterparty , 〈◊〉 disdained the tenents of the seperatists : and they 〈◊〉 ( finding him to be none , ) disdained to be imploye●●y a carnall man ( as they termed him ) and sought occasion against him , to doe him a mischeife , intelligence was conveyed to mr. charterparty , that this man was a member of the church of england : and therefore ( in their account ) an enemy to their church , & state . and ( to the end they might have some coloure against him ) some of them practised to get into his debte ; which hee not mistrusting suffered : and gave credit for such commodity as hee had sold at a price . when the day of payment came , insteede of monyes ; hee being at that time sick and weake , and stood in neede of the beaver hee had contracted for hee , had an epistle full of zealous exhortations , to provide for the soule , and not to minde these transitory things that perished with the body ; and to be thinke himselfe whether his conscience would be so prompt to demaund so greate a somme of beaver as had bin contracted for . hee was further exhorted therein , to consider hee was but a steward for a time , and by all likely hood was going to to give up an accompt of his stewardship : and therfore perswaded the creditor not to load his conscience with such a burthen , which hee was bound by the gospell to ease him of ( if it were possible ) & for that cause hee had framed this epistle in such a freindly maner to put him in minde of it . the perusall of this ( lap'd in the paper ) was as bad as a portion , to the creditor , to see his debtor mast●r subtilety a zealous professor ( as hee thought ) to deride him in this extremity , that hee could not chuse ( in ad●iration of the deceipt ) but cast out these words : a●e th●se youre members ? if they be all like these i beleeve the divell was the setter up of their church . this was called in question , when mr. fairecloath least thought of it . capt. littleworth must be the man must presse it against him , for blasphemy against the church of salem : and to greate iosua temperwell hee goes with a bitter accusation , to have master innocence made an example for all carnall men , to presume to speake the least word that might tend to the dishonor of the church of salem ; yea the mother church of all that holy land. and hee convented was before their synagoge , where no defence would serve his turne , yet was there none to be seene to accuse him , save the court alone . the time of his sicknes , nor the urgent cause , were not allowed to be urg'd for him ; but whatsoever could be thought upon against him was urged , seeing hee was a carnall man of them , that are without . so that it seemes by those proceedings there , the matter wa● adjudged before he came : hee onely brought to hear● his sentence in publicke : which was , to have hi● tongue bored through ; his nose flit ; his face branded his eares cut ; his body to be whip'd in every several plantation of theire iurisdiction : and a fine of fort● pounds impos'd with perpetuall banishment : and ( to execute this vengeance , ) shackles ( the deacon o● charles towne ) was as ready as mephostophiles when doctor faustus was bent upon mischeife . hee is the purser generall of new canaan , wh● ( with his whipp , with knotts most terrible ) takes thi● man unto the counting howse : there capitulates wit● him , why hee should be so hasty for payment , whe● gods deare children must pay as they are able : an● hee weepes , and sobbes , and his handkercher walke as a signe of his sorrow for master fairecloaths sinne that he should beare no better affection to the churc● and the saints of new canaan : and strips innocenc● the while ; and comforts him . though hee be made to stay for payment , he should not thinke it longe ; the payment would b● sure when it did come , and hee should have his due t● a doite ; hee should not wish for a token more ; an● then tould it him downe in such manner , that he● made fairecloaths innocent back , like the pictur● of rawhead and blowdy bones : and his shirte like 〈◊〉 pudding wifes aperon . in this imployment shackles ●akes a greate felitity , and glories in the practise of it : this cruell sentence was stoped , in part by sir christopher gardiner ( then presentat the execution ) by expostulating with master temperwell : who was content ( with that whipping , and the cutting of parte of his eares ) to send innocence going , with the losse of all his goods to pay the fine imposed , and perpetuall banishment out of their lands of new canaan in terrorem populi . loe this is the payment you shall get , if you be one of them they terme , without . chap. xxvi . of the charity of the seperatists . charity is sayd to be the darling of religion and is indeed the marke of a good christian : but where we doe finde a commission for ministring to the necessity of the saints , we doe not finde any prohibition against casting our bread upon the waters , where the unsanctified , as well as the sanctified , are in possibility to make use of it . i cannot perceave that the seperatists doe allowe of helping our poore though they magnify their practi●● in contributing to the nourishment of their saints for a● much as some that are of the number of those whom ●hey terme without ( though it were in case of sicknesse ) upon theire l●nding , when a little fresh victuals would have recovered their healths , yet could they not finde any charitable assistance from thē . nay mine host of ma-re-mount ( if hee might have had the use of his gunne powther , and shott , and his dogg ▪ which were denied ) hee doubtles would have preserved , such poore helples wretches as were neglected by those that brought them over ; which was so appara●t ( as it seemed ) that one of their owne tribe said : the death of them would be required at some bodies hands one day , ( meaning master temperwell . but such good must not come from a carnall man : if it come from a member , then it is a sanctified worke ; if otherwise , it is rejected , as unsanctified . but when shackles wife , and such as had husbands parents , or freinds happened to bee sick , mine hosts helpe was used , and instruments provid●d for him , ●o kill fresh vittell with ( wherein hee was industrious ) and the persons , having fresh vittell , lived . so doubtles might many others have bin preserved , but they were of the number left without ; neither will those precise people admit a carnall man into their howses , though they have made use of his in the like case , they are such antagonists to ●hose , that doe not comply with them and seeke to be admitted , to be of their church that in scorne they say : you may see what it is to be without . chap. xxvii . of the practise of their church . the church of the seperatists , is governed by pastors , elders , and deacons , and there is not any of these ( thouh hee be but a cow keeper ) but is allowed to exercise his guifts , in the publik assembly on the lords day ; so as hee doe not make use of any notes for the helpe of his memory : for such things they say smell of lampe oyle , and there must be no such unsavery perfume admitted , to come into the congregation . these are all publike preachers . there is amongst these people a deakonesse made of the sisters , that uses her guifts at home in an assembly of her sexe , by way of repetition , or exhortation : such is their practise . the pastor ( before hee is allowed of ) must disclaime his former calling to the ministry , as hereticall ; and take a new calling after their fantasticall inventions : and then hee is admitted to bee their pastor . the manner of disclaimeing is , to renounce hi● calling with bitter execrations , for the time that hee hath heretofore lived in it : and after his new election , there is great joy conceaved at his commission . and theire pastors have this preheminence above the civile magistrate : hee must first consider of the complaint , made against a member : and if hee be disposed to give the partie complained of , an admonition , there is no more to be said : if not ; hee delivers him over to the magistrate to deale with him , in a course of iustice , according to theire practise , in cases of that nature . of these pastors i have not knowne many : some i have observed ; together with theire carriage in new canaan : and can informe you what opinion hath bin conceaved of theire conditions , in the perticuler . there is one who ( as they give it out there , that thinke they speake it to advaunce his worth ) has bin expected to exercise his gifts in an assembly , that stayed his comming , ( in the middest of his iorney ) falls into a fitt ( which they terme a zealous meditation ) and was . miles past the place appointed , before hee came to him selfe , or did remember where abouts hee went. and how much these things are different from the actions of mazed men , i leave to any indifferent man to judge : and if i should say , they are all much alike , they that have seene and heard , what i have done will not condemme mee altogether . now , for as much as by the practise of theire church every elder or deacon may preach : it is not amisse to discover their practise in that perticuler , before i part with them . it has bin an old saying , and a true , what is bred in the bone , will not out of the flesh , nor the stepping into the pulpit that can make the person fitt for the imployment . the unfitnes of the person undertaking to be the messenger , has brought a blemi●h upon the message , as in the time of lewes the eleventh king of france ; who ( having advaunced his barber to place of honor , and graced him with eminent titles ) made him so presumptuous , to undertake an embassage to treat with forraine princes of civile affaires . but what was the issue ? hee behaved himselfe so unworthily ( yet as well as his breeding would give him leave ) that both the messenger and the message were despised ; and had not hee ( being discovered ) conveyed himselfe out of their territories , they had made him pay for his barbarous presumption . socrates sayes , loquere ut te videam . if a man observe these people in the exercise of their gifts , hee may thereby discerne the tincture of their proper calling , the asses eares will peepe through the lyons hide . i am sorry they cannot discerne their owne infirmities i will deale fairely with them ; for i will draw their pictures cap a pe , that you may discerne them plainely from head to foote in their postures that so much bewitch ( as i may speake with mo●esty , ) these illiterate people to be so fantasticall , to take ionas taske upon them without sufficient warrant . one steps up like the minister of iustice with the ballance onely , not the sword for feare of affrighting his auditory . hee poynts at a text , and handles it as evenly as hee can ; and teaches the auditory , that the thing hee has to deliver ; must be well waied , for it is a very pretious thing , yet much more pretious then gold , or pearle : and hee will teach them the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth : that a man would suppose , hee , and his auditory were to part stakes by the scale ; and the like distribution they have used about a bag pudding . another ( of a more cutting disposition ) steps in his steed ; and hee takes a text , which hee devides into many parts : ( to speake truly ) as many as hee list . the fag end of it hee pares away , as a superfluous remnant . hee puts his auditory in comfort , that hee will make a garment for them : and teach them how they shall put it on ; and incourages them to be in love with it , for it is of such a fashion as doth best become a christian man. hee will assuer them that it shall be armor of proffe against all assaults of satan . this garment ( sayes hee ) is not composed as the garments made by a carnall man , that are sowed with a hot needle , and a burning thread ; but it is a garment that shall out last all the garments : and ( if they will make use of it , as hee shall direct them ) they shall be able like saint george ) to terrifie the greate dragon error ; and defend truth which error with her wide chaps , would devoure : whose mouth shall be filled with the shredds , and parings , which hee continually gapes for under the cutting bourd . a third , hee supplies the rome : ●nd in the exercise of his guifts begins with a text ●hat is drawne out of a fountaine , that has in it no dreggs of popery . this shall proove unto you ( says hee ) the cup of repentance ; it is not like unto the cup of the whore of babilon , who will make men drunk with the dreggs thereof : it is filled up to the brim with comfortable joyce , and will proove a cordiall , a comfortable cordiall to a sick soule , ( sayes hee , ) and so hee handles the matter as if hee dealt by the pinte , and the quarte with nic and froth . an other ( a very learned man indeed ) goes another way to worke with his auditory ; and exhorts them to walke upright , in the way of their calling , and not ( like carnall men ) tread awry . and if they should fayle in the performance of that duety , yet they should seeke for amendement whiles it was time ; and tells them , it would bee to late to seek for help , when the shop windowes were shutt up : and pricks them forward with a freindly admonition , not to place theire delight in worldly pleasures , which will not last , but in time will come to an end . but so to handle the matter , that they may be found to wax better and better , and then they shall be doublely rewarded for theire worke : and so closes up the matter in a comfortable manner . but stay : here is one stept up in haste , and ( being not minded to hold his auditory in expectation of any long discourse , ) hee takes a text ; and ( for brevities sake , ) divides it into one part : and then runnes so fast a fore with the matter , that his auditory cannot follow him . doubtles his father was some irish footeman , by his speede it seemes so . and it may be at the howre of death , the sonne being present did participat of his fathers nature , ( according to pithagoras ) and so the vertue of his fathers nimble feete ( being infused into his braines ) might make his tongue outrunne his wit. well , if you marke it , these are speciall gifts indeede : which the vulgar people are so taken with , that there is no perswading them that it is so ridiculous . this is the meanes , ( o the meanes , ) that they pursue : this that comes without premeditation : this is the suparlative : and hee that does not approove of this , they say is a very reprobate . many vnwarrantable tenents they have likewise : some of which being come to my knowledge i wil here set downe , one wherof being in publicke practise maintained , is more notorious then the rest . i will therefore beginne with that and convince them of manifest error by the maintenance of it , which is this : that it is the magistrates office absolutely ( and not the minsters ) to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony . and for this they vouch the history of ruth , saying boas was married to ruth in presence of the elders of the people . herein they mistake the scope of the text . . that it is a relique of popery to make use of a ring in marriage : and that it is a diabolicall circle for the divell to daunce in . . that the purification used for weomen after delivery is not to be used . . that no child shall be baptised , whose parents are not receaved into their church first . . that no person shall be admitted to the sacrament of the lords supper that is without . . that the booke of common prayer is an idoll and all that use it , idolaters . . that every man is bound to beleeve a professor upon his bare affirmation onely , before a protestant upon oath . . that no person hath any right to gods creatures , but gods children onely who are themselves ▪ and that all others are but usurpers of the creatures . . and that for the generall good of their church , and common wealth they are to neglect father , mother and all freindship . . much a doe they keepe about their church discipline , as if that were the most essentiall part of their religion , tythes are banished from thence , all except the tyth of muit and commin . . they differ from us some thing in the creede too , for if they get the goods of one , that is without , into their hands ; hee shall be kept without remedy for any satisfaction : and they beleeve , that this is not cosenage . . and lastly they differ from us , in the manner of praying ; for they winke when they pray , because they thinke themselves so perfect in the highe way to heaven , that they can find it blindfould : so doe not i. chap. xxviii . of their policy in publik iustice. now that i have anottomized , the two extreame parts of this politique commonwealth the head & the inferior members , i will shew you the hart & reade a short lecture over that too ; which is iustice. i have a petition to exhibit to the highe & mighty mr. temperwell ; and i have my choise whether i shall make my plaint in a case of conscience , or bring it with in the compas of a point in law . and because i will goe the surest way to worke , at first , i will see how others are answered in the like kinde , whether it be with hab or nab , as the iudge did the countryman . here comes mr. hopewell : his petition is in a case of conscience ( as hee sayes . ) but see great iosua allowes conscience to be of his side : yet cuts him off ; with this answere : law is flat against him . well let me see another . i marry : here comes one master doubt not : his matter depends ( i am sure ) upon a point in law : alas what will it not doe , looke yet it is affirmed that law is on his side : but conscience ( like a blanket over ) spreades it . this passage is like to the procustes of roome mee thinks : and therefore i may very well say of them . even so by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head , procustes fitted all his guests unto his iron bedd . and if these speede no better , with whome they are freinds , that neither finde law nor conscience to helpe them : i doe not wonder to see mine host of ma-re-mount speede so ill , that has bin proclaimed an enemy so many yeares in new canaan , to their church and state. chap. xxix . hovv mine host vvas put into a vvhales belly . the seperatists ( after they had burned ma-re-mount , they could not get any shipp to undertake the carriage of mine host from thence , either by faire meanes , or fowle , ) they were inforced ( contrary to their expectation ) to be troubled with his company : and by that meanes had time to consider more of the man , then they had done of the matter : wherein at length it was discovered , that they ( by meanes of their credulity of the intelligence given them in england of the matter , and the false carecter of the man ) had runne themselves headlonge into an error : and had done that on a sodaine , which they repented at leasure : but could not tell which way to help it as it stood now . they could debate upon it ; and especially upon two difficult points , whereof one must be concluded upon . if they sent mine host a way by banishment , hee is in possibility to survive , to their disgrace for the injury done : if they suffer him to stay , & put him in statu quo prius , all the vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rashe in burning a howse that was usefull , and count them men unadvised . so that it seemes ( by theire discourse about the matter ) they stood betwixt hawke and bussard : and could not tell which hand to incline unto . they had sounded him secretly : hee was content with it , goe which way it would . nay shackles himselfe , ( who was imployed in the burning of the howse , and therefore feared to be caught in england ) and others were so forward in putting mine host in statu quo prius , after they had found their error , ( which was so apparent that luceus eies would have served to have found it out in lesse time ) that they would contribute . shillings a peece towards it ; and affirmed , that every man according to his ability that had a hand in this black designe should be taxed to a contribution in like nature : it would be done exactly . now ( whiles this was in agitation , & was well urged by some of those partys , to have bin the upshot ) unexpected ( in the depth of winter , when all shipps were gone out of the land ) in comes m● . wethercock a proper mariner ; and they said ; he could observe the winde : blow it high , blow it low , hee was resolved to lye at hull rather than incounter such a storme as mine host had met with : and this was a man for their turne . hee would doe any office for the brethren , if they ( who hee knew had a strong purse , and his conscience waited on the strings of it , if all the zeale hee had ) would beare him out in it : which they professed they would . hee undertakes to ridd them of mine host by one meanes or another . they gave him the best meanes they could , according to the present condition of the worke ; and letters of credence to the favoures of that sect in england ; with which ( his busines there being done , and his shipp cleared ) hee hoyst the sayles , and put to sea : since which time mine host has not troubled the brethren , but onely at the counsell table : where now sub indice lis est . chap. xxx . of sir christopher gardiner knight , and hovv hee spedd amongst the seperatists . sir christopher gardiner , ( a knight , that had bin a traveller , both by sea and land ; a good judicious gentleman in the mathematticke , and other sciences usefull for plantations kimistry , &c. and also being a practicall enginer ) came into those parts , intending discovery . but the seperatists love not those good parts , when they proceede from a carnall man ( as they call every good protestant , ) in shorte time had found the meanes to pick a quarrell with him . the meanes is , that they pursue to obtaine what they aime at : the word is there the meanes . so that when they finde any man like to proove an enemy to their church , and state , then straight the meanes must be used for defence . the first precept in their politiques is , to defame the man at whom they aime . and then hee is a holy israelite in their opinions , who can spread that fame brodest , like butter upon a loafe : no matter how thin ; it will serve for a vaile : and then this man ( who they have thus depraved ) is a spotted uncleane leaper : hee must out , least hee pollute the land , and them that are cleane . if this be one of their guifts , then machevill had as good gifts as they . let them raise a scandall on any , though never so innocent ; yet they know it is never wiped cleane out : the staind marks remaines : which hath bin well observed by one , in these words of his : stick candles gainst a virgin walls white back : if they 'l not burne yet at the least they 'l black . and thus they dealt with sir christopher : and plotted by all the wayes , and meanes they could , to overthrow his undertakings in those parts . and therefore i cannot chuse , but conclude , that these seperatists have speciall gifts : for they are given to envy , and malllice extremely . the knowledge of their defamacion could not please the gentleman well , when it came to his eare , which would cause him to make some reply , ( as they supposed ) to take exceptions at , as they did against faire cloath : & this would be a meanes , they thought , to blow the coale , and so to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the country too , and send him after mine host of ma-re-mount . they take occasion ( some of them ) to come to his howse when hee was gone up into the country : and finding hee was from home ) so went to worke , that they left him neither howse , nor habitation , nor servant , nor any thing to help him , if hee should retorne : but of that they had noe hope ( as they gave it out ) for hee was gone ( as they affirmed ) to leade a salvage life ; and for that cause tooke no company with him : and they , having considered of the matter , thought it not fit that any such man should live in so remoate a place , within the compas of their patent . so they fired the place ; and carried away the persons , and goods . sir christopher was gone with a guide ( a salvage ) into the inland parts for discovery : but , before hee was returned , hee met with a salvage that told the guide , sir christopher would be killed : master temperwell ( who had now found out matter against him ) would have him dead , or alive . this hee related ; and would have the gentleman not to goe to the place appointed , because of the danger , that was supposed . but sir christopher was nothing dismaid : hee would on , whatsoever come of it ; and so met with the salvages : and betweene them was a terrible skermish : but they had the worst of it , and hee scaped well enough . the guide was glad of it , and learnd of his fellowes that they were promised a great reward , for what they should doe in this imployment . which thing ( when sir christopher understood , ) hee gave thanks to god ; and after ( upon this occasion , to sollace himselfe ) in his table booke , hee composed this sonnet , which i have here inserted for a memoriall . the sonnet . wolfes in sheeps clothing why will ye , think to deceave god that doth see , your simulated sartity . for my part i doe wish you could , your owne infirmities behold , for then you would not be so bold , like sophists why will you dispute , with wisdome so , you doe confute , none but your selves : for shame be mute . least great jehovah with his powre , do come upon you in an howre , when you least think and you devoure . this sonnet the gentleman composed , as a testimony of his love towards them , that were so ill affected towards him ; from whome they might have receaved much good , if they had bin so wise to have imbraced him in a loving fashion . but they despise the helpe , that shall come from a carnall man ( as they termed him ) who ( after his retorne from those designes ) finding how they had used him with such disrespect , tooke shipping , and disposed of himselfe for england , and discovered their practises in those parts towards his majesties true harted subjects , which they made wery of their aboade in those parts . chap. xxxi . of mine host of ma-re-mount hovv hee played ionas after hee had bin in the whales belly for a time . mi●e host of ma-re-mount being put to sea , had delivered him , for his releefe by the way , ( because the s●ipp was unvitteled , and the seamen put to straight allowance , which could hold out , but to the canaries ) a part of his owne provision , being two moneths proportion , in all but . small peeces of porke ; which made him expect to be famished before the voyage should be ended , by all likelyhood . yet hee thought hee would make one good meale , before hee died : like the colony servant in virginea , that before hee should goe to the gallowes ) called to his wife to set on the loblolly pot , and let him have one good meale before hee went ; who had committed a petty crime , that in those dayes , was made a cappitall offence . and now mine host being merrily disposed , on went the peeces of porke , where with hee feasted his body , and cherished the poore sailers : and got out of them what mr. wethercock , their master purposed to doe with him that hee had no more provision : & along they sailed from place to place , from iland to iland , in a pittifull wether beaten ship ; where mine host was in more dainger ( without all question ) then ionas , when hee was in the whales belly ; and it was the great mercy of god that they had not all perished . vittelled they were but for a moneth when they wayd ancor , and left the first port . they were a pray for the enemy for want of powther , if they had met them : besides the vessell was a very slugg , and so unserviceable , that the master called a counsell of all the company in generall , to have theire opinions , which way to goe , and how to beare the helme , who all under their hand affirmed the shipp to be unserviceable : so that in fine the master , and men , and all were at their wits end about it : yet they imployed the carpenters to search , and caulke her sides , and doe theire best whiles they were in her . nine moneths they made a shifte to use her , and shifted for supply of vittells at all the islands they touched at ; though it were so poorely , that all those helpes , and the short allowance of a bisket a day , and a few lymons taken in at the canaries , served but to bring the vessell in view of the lands end . they were in such a desperat case , that ( if god in his greate mercy had not favoured them , and disposed the windes faire untill the vessell was in plimmouth roade , ) they had without question perished ; for when they let drop an anchor , neere the island of s. michaels not one bit of foode left for all that starving allowance of this wretched wethercock ; that if hee would have lanched out his beaver , might have bought more vittells in new england then he & the whole ship with the cargazoun was worth , ( as the passingers hee carried who vittelled themselves affirmed , ) but hee played the miserable wretch , & had possessed his men with the contrary ; who repented them of waying anchor before they knew so much . mine host of ma-re-mount ( after hee had bin in the whales belly ) was set a shore to see if hee would now play ionas , s● metamorphosed with a longe voyage , that hee looked like lazarus in the painted cloath . but mine host ( after due consideration of the premisses ) thought it fitter for him to play ionas in this kinde , then for the seperatists to play ionas in that kinde as they doe . hee therefore bid wethercock tell the seperatists , that they would be made in due time to repent those malitious practises , and so would hee too ; for hee was a seperatist amongst the seperatists as farre as his wit would give him leave ; though when hee came in company of basket makers , hee would doe his indevoure to make them pinne the basket , if hee could , as i have seene him . and now mine host being merrily disposed , haveing past many perillous adventures in that desperat whales belly , beganne in a posture like ionas , and cryed repent you cruell seperatists repent , there are as yet but . dayes if iove vouchsafe to thunder , charter and the kingdome of the seperatists will fall a sunder : repent you cruell schismaticks repent . and in that posture hee greeted them by letters retorned into new canaan ; and ever ( as opportunity was fitted for the purpose ) he was both heard & seene in the posture of ionas against thē crying repent you cruel seperatists , repent , there are as yet but . dayes if iove vouchsafe to thunder . the charter and the kingdome of the seperatists will fall a sunder : repent you cruell schismaticks repent ; if you will heare any more of this proclamation meete him at the next market towne , for cynthius aurem vellet . a table of the contents of the three bookes . the tenents of the first booke . chapter . prooving new england the principall part of all america and most commodious and fit for habitation and generation . chapter . of the originall of the natives . chapter . of a great martallity happened amongst the natives . chapter . of their howses and habitations . chapter . of their religion . chapter . of the indians apparrell . chapter . of their childbearing . chapter . of their reverence and respect to age . chapter . of their juggelling tricks . chapter . of their duelles . chapter . of the maintenance of their reputation . chapter . of their traffick and trade one with another . chapter . of their magazines and storehowses . chapter . of theire subtilety . chapter . of their admirable perfection in the use of their sences . chapter . of their acknowledgement of the creation and immortality of the soule . chapter . of their annalls and funeralls . chapter . of their custome in burning the country . chapter . of their inclination to drunckennes . chapter . of ther philosophicall life . the tenents of the second booke . chap. . the generall survey of the country . chap. . what trees are there and how commodious . chap. . what potherbes are there and for sallets . chap. . of the birds , of the aire and fethered fowles . chap. . of the beasts , of the forrest . chap. . of stones and mineralls . chap. . of the fishes and what commodity they proov● . chap. . of the goodnes of the country and the fountaines . chap. . a perspective to view the country by . chap. . of the great lake of erocoise . the tenents of the third booke . chap. . of a great legue made betweene the salvages and english. chap. . of the entertainement of master westons people . chap. . of a great battaile fought betweene the english and the indians . chap. . of a parliament held at wessaguscus . chap. . of a massacre made upon the salvages . chap. . of the surprizing of a marchants shipp . chap. . of thomas mortons entertainement and wrack . chap. . of the banishment of iohn layford , and iohn oldam . chap. . of a barren doe of virginea growne fruithfull . chap. . of the master of the ceremonies . chap. . of a composition made for a salvages theft . chap. . of a voyage made by the master of the ceremonies for beaver . chap. . a lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured . chap. . the revells of new canaan . chap. . of a great monster supposed to be at ma-re-mount . chap. . how the nine worthies of new canaan put mine host of ma-●e-mount into an inchaunted castle . chap. . of the baccanall triumphe of new canaan . chap. . of a doctor made at a commencement . chap. . of the silencing of a minister . chap. . of a practise to get a snare to hemper mine host of ma-re-mount . chap. · of captaine littleworths devise for the purchase of beaver , chap. . of a sequestration in new canaan . chap. . of a great bonfire made in new canaan . chap. . of the digradinge and creatinge of gentry . chap. . of the manner how the seperatists pay their debts . chap. . of the charity of the seperatists . chap. . of the practise of their church . chap. . of their po●icy in publick iustice. chap. . how mine host was put into a whales belly . chap. . how sir christopher gardiner knight speed amongst the sep●ratists . chap. . how mine host of ma-re-mount played jonas after hee got out of the whales belly . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e vse of vegetatives . fish poysonous about the isle of sall. zona temperata , the golden meane . salt aboundeth under the tropicks . raine . dayes about august betw●ene cancer and the line . capt davis froze to death . groene land too cold for habitation . sir ferdinando gorges the originall cause of plantinge new england . the salvages dyed of the plague , new engl. is placed in the golden meane . new england . degrees neerer the line then ●ld england . the massachussets in the middel of new engl. the windes not so violent in new england . the natives have a mixed language . pasco pan greedy gutt . mona an island . cos a whetstone . pan the shepheards god. not to proceede from the tartar● . no part of america knowne to be neare tartary . why brutus left latium . two nations meetinge make a mixt language . daedalus the first that used sayles . icarus the second that used sayles . troy destroyed about sauls time . the loadstone in salomons time . five frechmen kept by the salvages . the plague fell on the indians . the livinge not able to bury the dead . . sam. . the indians make good lether . indians ingenious workemen for their garments . the modesty of the indian men . indians travaile with materials to strike fire at all times . the indians ashamed of their nakednesse . the women big with child , very laborious . children bathed to staine the skinne . age honoured among the indian● a salvage entertained a factor . an english man cured of a swelling how the salvages performe theire duells . trees marked where they performe a duell . a marriage . an ambassage sent from papasiquin●o to his sonne in law , a sachem . beads in stead of money . the name of their beads wampampeak . what care they take , to lay up corne for winter . they begg salte of th● english. they trade away beavers skinnes for corne . a beaver skinne with his tayle on of great estimecion . a subtile plot of a sachem . a salvage scared . a salvage that had lived . moneths in england , sent for an ambassador . a good opportunity of of traffick lost by the subtility of a sachem . the salvages have the sence of seeinge better then the english . salvages that will distinguish a spaniard from a frenchman by the smell of the hand . a d●are pursued by the view of the , foote , hee was found and killed . the beleefe of the salvages . the sonne called kytan . a salvage desired to have his sonn brought up to learne the booke of common prayer . their custom in burryinge . their manner of monuments . at burrials , they black their faces . the salvages fire the country twice a yeare . the salvag●s want the art of navigation they leade a happy life , being voyd of care . they make use of ordinary things , one of anothers as common . notes for div a -e a famous country . their fountaines are as cleare as cristall . greate store of fowles , fish and turtle-doves . . oake . . ashe . . elme . . beech. . wallnut . . chestnuts . . pine. . cedar . . cypres . . spruce . the spruce of this country are found to be . & . fadum aboute . . alder. . birch . . maple . . elderne . . hawthorne . . vines . . plummes . . cherries . roses . . sassafras and . sa●saperilla . potmarioram , tyme , alexander , angellica , pursland , violets , and anniseeds , hunnisuckles and balme . swannes . geese ●ide , white , and gray . fethers pay for powther and shott . ducks pide , gray , & black teales greene and blew . widggens . simpes . sanderlings . cranes . turkies . pheisants . partridges bigger in body as those of england . quailes bigger in body as those in england . the larkes sing not . owles . the crowes smell & tast of muske in summer , but not in winter hawkes of fiue sorts . a lannaret . fawcons . goshawkes well shaped marlins small and greate . sparhawkes . a hunning bird , i● as small as a beetle . his bill as sharp as a needle point , and his fethers like silke . deare of . kindes . mose or red deare . mose or deare greater then a horse , the height of them . handfulles . they bringe forth thr●e faunes at one time . they make go●d l●ther of the hides of deare . the midling deare or fallow deare . trappes to catch the deare . the humbles was the doggs fee. roe bucks or rayne deare . wolfes pray upon deare . beaver . the beavers cut downe trees , with hi● fore teeth . beaver at . shill. a pound . in . yeares one man gott together . . p. in good gold . the otter in winter hath a furre as black as iett . the luseran as bigg as a hound . the martin is about the bignesse of a fox . racowne . the foxes red and gray . the wolfes of diverse coloures . the skin of a black wolfe , a present for a prince . the beares afraid of a man. the salvages seeing a beare chase him like a dogg and kill him . muske-washe . porcupines . hedghoggs . conyes of severall sorts . squirils of three sorts . a flying squirill . snakes . the rattle snakes . mise . lyons alwaies in hot clymats , not in cold . marble . limestone . chalk . slate . whetstones . loadstones . ironstones . lead . black lead . read lead . boll . vermilion . brimstone . tinne . copper . silver . codd . . shipps at one time for codd . oyle mayd of the livers of the codd . a . basse sould for . p. mackarell are baite for basse. sturgeon . salmon . herrings . great plenty of eeles . smelts . shadds or allizes taken to dunge ground . turbut or hallibut . plaice . hake . pilchers . lobsters . oysters . mustles . clames . raser fish . freele . fresh fish , trouts , carpes , breames , pikes , roches , perches , tenches and eeles , foode and fire . noe boggs . perfumed aire with sweet herbes . of waters . the cure of melanc●lly at ma remount the cure of barr●nnesse . water procuri●g a dead sleepe . new engl. excels canaan in f●untaines . milke and hony supplied . a plaine paralell to canaan . the request for the nomination of new canaan . the soyle . the grouth of hempe . the aire . no cold cough or murre . the plenty of the land. windes . raine . the coast harboures , scituation . the nomination . fowle innumerable . multitudes of fish. the prime place of new canaan . canada , so named of monsier de cane . patomack . great heards of beasts as bigg as cowes henry ioseline imployed for discovery . the dutch have a great trade of beaver in hudsons river . the passage to the east-indies . the country of erocois as fertile as delta in aegypt . notes for div a -e a salvage sent an ambassador to the english at their first comminge . the sachem feared the plague . court holy bread at pimmouth . the sachems oration . a spirit mooving the sachem to warre . the grand captaine makes a speech . the mine battaile . the feild wonne by the english. some lazy people . a lusty fellow . a poore complaint . edward iohnson a cheife iudge . maide a hainous fact . a fine device a wise sentence . to hange a sickman in the others steede . very fit iustice. a dangerous attempt . iestinge turned to earnest . good quarter with the salvages . a plott from plimmouth . salvages killed with their one weapons . newes carried . a revenge . the salvages call the english ●utthroates . the merchant with supply , a glosse upon the false text where two nations meet one must rule the other must be ruled or no quietnes . a machivell plot . the vaile . shipp and goodes confiscated . when every conspirator had his share the shipp delivered againe . bonds taken not to prosecute . report mr. weston was mad in new england . honest men in particular . brave entertainement in a wildernes . the meanes . booke learning despised villanous plots of knaves . prevented by discretion and discovered in drinke and discovered in drinke . the shallop billedged . two men of the company cast away swim to shore upon trees . a minister required to renounce his callinge . impatience confuted by example . new plimmouth presse money . the solemnity of banishment . a great happines comes by propagation . more childr●n in new canaan in . yeares , then in virginea in . delivered neare bussards bay . dead and buried . stenography one guift . oratory another guift . a great merchant a third guift . his day made a common prouerbe . trophies of honor . his long grace made the meat cold . the salvages betake the howse & take the corne. a dishonest tricke . a consenting tricke . the heathen more just , then the christians . two salvage guides conduct iohn , to neepenett alone . they take a note of , what was in the sa●k . mr. bubble must be found againe or else they shall be destroyed , not any thing diminished . shee cannot one the sodaine r●so●ve which dore to goe in all . a maypole . the man who brought her over was named samson iob. the maypole called an idoll the calfe of horeb , cor. mine host got out of prison . the captain tore his clothes . mine host got home to ma-re mount hee provides for his enemies . a parly , captaine shrimpe promiseth , that no violence should bee offered to his person . the worthies rebuked for their unworthy practises . mine host set upon an island without any thing to shift for himselfe . master ben : iohnson . a councell called . this caiphas that condemneth covetousnesse , and committeth it himselfe . the generall collection made . noe cost spared for the getting of a skillfull man the heape of gold . mine host a●rived againe in plimmouth . charter party treasor●r . warrants made by capt. littleworth in his name . mine host subscribed not . the patent . all consented but mine host. insteed of proffit , disproffit . commission for corne . mine hosts corne & goods carried away by violence . men that come to ridd the land of pollution . a courte called about mine host. a divellish sentence against him . the salvages repro●ve them . epictetus summa to●ius philosophice . an elder . iosua displeased . master temperwell . put it this w●y . good payement . blasphe●● an example for carnall men . notable pay . lamecharity lewes the ii sent a barber embassador . the embassage despise● a grocer . a taylor . a tapste● . a cobler . a very patorick . tenent . . advertisements for the unexperienced planters of new-england, or any where. or, the path-way to experience to erect a plantation with the yearely proceedings of this country in fishing and planting, since the yeare . to the yeare . and their present estate. also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their proceedings in virginia, and other plantations, by approved examples. with the countries armes, a description of the coast, harbours, habitations, land-markes, latitude and longitude: with the map, allowed by our royall king charles. by captaine iohn smith, sometimes governour of virginia, and admirall of nevv-england. smith, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) advertisements for the unexperienced planters of new-england, or any where. or, the path-way to experience to erect a plantation with the yearely proceedings of this country in fishing and planting, since the yeare . to the yeare . and their present estate. also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their proceedings in virginia, and other plantations, by approved examples. with the countries armes, a description of the coast, harbours, habitations, land-markes, latitude and longitude: with the map, allowed by our royall king charles. by captaine iohn smith, sometimes governour of virginia, and admirall of nevv-england. smith, john, - . pass, simon van de, ?- , engraver. [ ], p., folded plate : map printed by iohn haviland, and are to be sold by robert milbourne, at the grey-hound in pauls church-yard, london : . running title reads: advertisements for the unexperienced, or the path-way to erect a plantation. the map has title "new england", imprint "london printed by iames reeue", and is signed "simon passæus sculpsit". for the states see sabin and . reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -- description and travel -- early works to . new england -- history -- colonial period -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period (new plymouth) -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advertisements for the unexperienced planters of new. england , or any where . or , the path-way to experience to erect a plantation . with the yearely proceedings of this country in fishing and planting , since the yeare . to the yeare . and their present estate . also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences , by their proceedings in virginia , and other plantations , by approved examples . with the countries armes , a description of the coast , harbours , habitations , land-markes , latitude and longitude : with the map , allowed by our royall king charles . by captaine iohn smith , sometimes governour of viroinia , and admirall of nevv-england . london , printed by iohn haviland , and are to be sold by robert milbovrne , at the grey-hound in pauls church-yard . . gens in cognita mihi serviet to the most reverend father in god , george lord arch-bishop of canterbvrie his grace , primate and metrapolitan of all england : and the right reverend father in god , samvel lord arch-bishop of yorke his grace , primate and metrapolitan of england . my most gracious good lords , i desire to leave testimony to the world , how highly i honour as well the miter as the lance : therefore where my last booke presented three most honourable earles with a subject of warre , and received from them favourable acceptance : the worke i now prosecute , concerning the plantation of new-england , for the increase of gods church , converting salvages , and enlarging the kings dominions , prostrates it selfe humbly to your graces ; who as you are in the name of prelacy to this kingdome , so you are to mee in goodnesse both fathers and protectors unexpectedly . god long preserve your gracious lives , and continue favour vnto both your graces most devoted servant , iohn smith . to the reader . honest reader , apelles by the proportion of a foot , could make the whole proportion of a man : were hee now living , he might goe to schools for now are thousands can by opinion proportion kingdomes , cities , and lordships , that never durst adventure to see them . malignancy , i expect from those , have lived . or . yeares in those actions , and returne as wise as they went , claiming time and experience for their tutor , that can neither shift sun nor moone , nor say their compasse , yet will tell you of more than all the world , betwixt the exchange , pauls and westminster : so it be newes , it matters not what , that will passe currant when truth must be stayed with an army of conceits that can make or marre any thing , and tell as well what all england is by seeing but milford haven , as what apelles was by the picture of his great too . now because examples give a quicker impression than arguments , i have writ this discourse to satisfie understanding , wisdome , and honesty , and not such as can doe nothing but finde fault with that they neither know nor can amend . so i rest your friend iohn smith . the sea marke . aloofe , aloofe , and come no neare , the dangers doe appeare ; which if my ruine had not beene you had not seene : i onely lie upon this shelfe to be a marke to all which on the same might fall , that none may perish but my selfe . if in or outward you be bound , doe not forget to sound ; neglect of that was cause of this to steare amisse . the seas were calme , the wind was faire , that made me so secure , that now i must indure all weathers be they soule or faire . the winters cold , the summers heat , alternatively beat upon my bruised sides , that ●ue because too true that no releefe can ever come . but why should i despaire being promised so faire that there shall be a day of dome . the contents . chap. . what people they are that begin this plantation , the bane of virginia : strange misprisions of wise men . chap. . needlesse custome , effect of flattery , cause of misery , factions , carelesse government , the dissolving the company and patent . chap. . a great comfort to new england , it is no iland , a strange plague . chap. . our right to those countries , true reasons for plantations , rare examples . chap. . my first voyage to new england , my returne and profit . chap. . a description of the coast , harbours , habitations , land-marks , latitude , longitude , with the map . chap. . new englands yearely trials , the planting new plimoth , supprisals prevented , their wonderful industry and fishing . chap. . extremity next despaire , gods great mercy , their estate , they make good salt , an unknowne rich myne . chap. . notes worth observation , miserablenesse no good husbandry . chap. . the mistaking of patents , strange effects , incouragements for servants . chap. . the planting bastable or salem and charlton , a description of the massachusets . chap. . extraordinary meanes for building , many caveats , increase of corne , how to spoyle the woods , for any thing , their healths . chap. . their great supplies , present estate and accidents , advantage . chap. . ecclesiasticall government in virginia , authority from the arch bishop , their beginning at bastable now called salem . chap. . the true modell of a plantation , tenure , increase of trade , true examples , necessity of expert souldiers , the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions , what is requisite to be in the governour of a plantation , the expedition of queene elizabeths sea captaines . sigismvndvs bathori d g dvx transilvanie wal nonononononon advertisements : or , the path-way to experience to erect a plantation . chap. . what people they are that beginne this plantation : the haue of virginia : strange misprisions of wisemen . the warres in europe , asia , and affrica , taught me how to subdue the wilde salvages in virginia and new-england , in america ; which now after many a stormy blast of ignorant contradictors , projectors , and undertakers , both they and i have beene so tossed and tortured into so many extremities , as despaire was the next wee both expected , till it pleased god now at last to stirre up some good mindes , that i hope will produce glory to god , honour to his majesty , and profit to his kingdomes , although all our plantations have beene so foyled and abused , their best good willers have beene for the most part discouraged , and their good intents disgraced , as the generall history of them will at large truly relate you . pardon me if i offend in loving that i have cherished truly , by the losse of my prime fortunes , meanes , and youth : if it over-glad me to see industry her selfe adventure now to make use of my aged endevours , not by such ( i hope ) as rumour doth report , a many of discontented brownists , anabaptists , papists , puritans , separatists , and such factions humorists , for no such they will suffer among them , if knowne , as many of the chiefe of them have assured mee , and the much conferences i have had with many of them , doth considently perswade me to writethus much in their behalfe . i meane not the brownists of leyden and amsterdam at new-plimoth , who although by accident , ignorance , and wilfulnesse , have indured with a wonderfull patience , many losses and extremities ; yet they subsist and prosper so well , not any of them will abandon the country , but to the utmost of their powers increase their numbers : but of those which are gone within this eighteene moneths for cape anne , and the bay of the massachusets : those which are their chiefe vndertakers are gentlemen of good estate , some of , some a thousand pound land a yeere , all which they say they will sell for the advancing this harmlesse and pious worke ; men of good credit and well-beloved in their country , not such as flye for debt , or any scandall at home , and are good catholike protestants according to the reformed church of england , if not , it is well they are gone : the rest of them men of good meanes , or arts , occupations , and qualities , much more fit for such a businesse , and better furnished of all necessaries if they arrive well , than was ever any plantation went out of england : i will not say but some of them may be more precise than needs , nor that they all be so good as they should be , for christ had but twelue apostles , and one was a traitor ; and if there be no dissemblers among them , it is more than a wonder : therefore doe not condemne all for some ; but however they have as good authority from his majesty as they could desire , if they doe ill , the losse is but their owne ; if well , a great glory and exceeding good to this kingdome , to make good at last what all our former conclusions have disgraced . now they take not that course the virginia company did for the planters there , their purses and lives were subject to some few here in london who were never there , that consumed all in arguments , projects , and their owne conceits , every yeere trying new conclusions , altering every thing yearely as they altered opinions , till they had consumed more than two hundred thousand pounds , and neere eight thousand mens lives . it is true , in the yeere of our lord . they were about seven or eight thousand english indifferently well furnished with most necessaries , and many of them grew to that height of bravery , living in that plenty and excesse , that went thither not worth any thing , made the company here thinke all the world was oatmeale there , and all this proceeded by surviving those that died , nor were they ignorant to use as curious tricks there as here , and out of the juice of tabacco , which at first they sold at such good rates , they regarded nothing but tabacco ; a commodity then so vendable , it provided them all things : and the loving salvages their kinde friends , they trained so well up to shoot in a peece , to hunt and kill them fowle , they became more expert than our owne country-men , whose labours were more profitable to their masters in planting tabacco , and other businesse . this superfluity caused my poore beginnings scorned , or to be spoken of but with much derision , that never sent ship from thence fraught , but onely some small quantities of wainscot , clap-board , pitch , tar , rosin , sope-ashes , glasse , cedar , cypresse , blacke walnut , knees for ships , ash for pikes , iron ore none better , some silver ore , but so poore it was not regarded ; better there may be , for i was no mineralist , some sturgion , but it was too tart of the vinegar , which was of my owne store , for little came from them which was good ; and wine of the countries wilde grapes , but it was too sowre , yet better than they sent us any : in two or three yeeres but one hogshead of claret . onely speading my time to revenge my imprisonment upon the harmlesse innocent salvages , who by my cruelty i forced to feed me with their contribution , and to send any offended my idle humour to iames towne to punish at mine owne discretion ; or keepe their kings and subjects in chaines , and make them worke . things cleane contrary to my commission ; whilest i and my company tooke our needlesse pleasures in discovering the countries about us , building of forts , and such unnecessary fooleries , where an egge-shell ( as they writ ) had beene sufficient against such enemies ; neglecting to answer the merchants expectations with profit , feeding the company onely with letters and tastes of such commodities as we writ the country would afford in time by industry , as silke , wines , oyles of olives , rape , and linsed , rasons , prunes , flax , hempe , and iron , as for tabacco , wee never then dreamt of it . now because i sent not their ships full fraught home with those commodities , they kindly writ to me , if we failed the next returne , they would leave us there as banished men , as if houses and all those commodities did grow naturally , only for us to take at our pleasure , with such tedious letters , directions , and instructions , and most contrary to that was fitting , we did admire how it was possible such wise men could so torment themselves and us with such strange absurdities and impossibilities , making religion their colour , when all their aime was nothing but present profit , as most plainly appeared , by sending us so many refiners , gold-smiths , iewellers , lapidarics , stone-cutters , tabacco-pipe-makers , imbroderers , perfumers , silkemen , with all their appurtenances , but materialls , and all those had great summes out of the common stocke : and so many spies and super-intendents over us , as if they supposed we would turne rebels , all striving to suppresse and advance they knew not what : at last got a commission in their owne names , promising the king custome within seven yeares , where we were free for one and twenty , appointing the lord de-la-ware for governour , with as many great and stately officers , and offices under him , as doth belong to a great kingdome , with good summes for their extraordinary expences ; also privileges for cities , charters , for corporations , universities , free-schooles , and glebe-land , putting all those in practice before there were either people , students , or schollers to build or use them , or provision and victuall to feed them were then there : and to amend this , most of the tradesmen in london that would adventure but twelue pounds ten shillings , had the furnishing the company of all such things as belonged to his trade , such jugling there was betwixt them , and such intruding committies their associats , that all the trash they could get in london was sent us to uirginia , they being well payed for that was good . much they blamed us for not converting the salvages , when those they sent us were little better , if nor worse , nor did they all convert any of those we sent them to england for that purpose . so doating of mines of gold , and the south sea , that all the world could not have devised better courses to bring us to ruine than they did themselves , with many more such like strange concoits ; by this you may avoid the like inconveniences , and take heed by those examples , you have not too many irons in the fire at once , neither such change of governours , nor such a multitude of officers , neither more masters , gentlemen , gentlewomen , and children , than you have men to worke , which idle charge you will finde very troublesome , and the effects dangerous , and one hundred good labourers better than a thousand such gallants as were sent me , that could doe nothing but complaine , curse , and despaire , when they saw our miseries , and all things so cleane contrary to the report in england , yet must i provide as well for them as for my selfe . chap. . needlesse custome , effect of flatterr , cause of misery , factions , carelesse government , the dissolving the company and patent . this the mariners and saylers did ever all they could to conceale , who had alwayes both good fare , and good pay for the most part , and part out of our owne purses , never caring how long they stayed upon their voyage , daily feasting before our faces , when wee lived upon a little corne and water , and not halfe enough of that , the most of which we had from amongst the salvages . now although there be deere in the woods , fish in the rivers , and fowles in abundance in their seasons ; yet the woods are so wide , the rivers so broad , and the beasts so wild , and wee so unskilfull to catch them , wee little troubled them nor they us : for all this our letters that still signified unto them the plaine truth , would not be beleeved , because they required such things as was most necessary : but their opinion was otherwayes , for they desired but to packe over so many as they could , saying necessity would make them get victuals for themselves , as for good labourers they were more usefull here in england : but they found it otherwayes ; the charge was all one to send a workman as a roarer , whose clamors to appease , we had much adoe to get fish and corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with more loyterers without victuals still to make us worse and worse , for the most of them would rather starve than worke ; yet had it not beene for some few that were gentlemen , both by birth , industry , and discretion , we could not possibly have subsisted . many did urge i might have forced them to it , having authority that extended so farre as death : but i say , having neither meat , drinke , lodging , pay , nor hope of any thing , or preferment ; and seeing the merchants onely did what they listed with all they wrought for , i know not what punishment could be greater than that they indured ; which miseries caused us alwaies to be in factions , the most part striving by any meanes to abandon the country , and i with my party to prevent them and cause them stay . but indeed the cause of our factions was bred here in england , and grew to that maturity among themselves that spoyled all , as all the kingdome and other nations can too well testifie : yet in the yeare . there were about seven or eight thousand english , as hath beene said , so well trained , secure , and well furnished , as they reported and conceited . these simple salvages their bosome friends , i so much oppressed , had laid their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning , and upon the . of march , so innocently attempted it , they slew three hundred forty seven , set their houses on fire , slew their cattell , and brought them to that distraction & confusion within lesse than a yeare , there were not many more than two thousand remaining : the which losse to repaire the company did what they could , till they had consumed all their stocke as is said : then they broke , not making any account , nor giving satisfaction to the lords , planters , adventurers , nor any , whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it ; so that his majesty recalled their commission , and by more just cause : then they perswaded king iames to call in ours , which were the first beginners without our knowledge or consent , disposing of us and all our indevours at their pleasures . chap. . a great comfort to new england , it is no iland : a strange plague . notwithstanding since they have beene left in a manner , as it were , to themselves , they have increased their numbers to foure or five thousand , and neere as many cattell , with plenty of goats , abundance of swine , poultry and come , that as they report , they have sufficient and to spare , to entertaine three or foure hundred people , which is much better than to have many people more than provision . now having glutted the world with their too much over-abounding tabacco : reason , or necessity , or both , will cause them , i hope , learne in time better to fortifie themselves , and make better use of the trials of their grosse commodities that i have propounded , and at the first sent over : and were it not a lamentable dishonour so goodly a countrey after so much cost , losse , and trouble , should now in this estate not bee regarded and supplied . and to those of new-england may it not be a great comfort to have so neare a neighbour of their owne nation , that may furnish them with their spare cattell , swine , poultry , and other roots and fruits , much better than from england . but i feare the seed of envy , and the rust of covetousnesse doth grow too fast , for some would have all men advance virginia to the ruine of new-england ; and others the losse of virginia to sustaine new-england , which god of his mercy forbid : for at first it was intended by that most memorable judge sir iohn popham , then lord chiefe justice of england , and the lords of his majesties privy councel , with divers others , that two colonies should be planted , as now they be , for the better strengthening each other against all occurrences ; the which to performe , shal ever be in my hearty prayers to almighty god , to increase and continue that mutuall love betwixt them for ever . by this you may perceive somewhat , what unexpected inconveniences are incident to a plantation , especially in such a multitude of voluntary contributers , superfluity of officers , and unexperienced commissioners . but it is not so , as yet , with those for new-england ; for they will neither beleeve nor use such officers , in that they are overseers of their owne estates , and so well bred in labour and good husbandry as any in england , where as few as i say was sent me to virginia , but these were naught here and worse there . now when these shall have laid the foundations , and provided meanes beforehand , they may entertain all the poore artificers and laborers in england , and their families which are burthensome to their parishes and countries where they live upon almes and benevolence for want of worke , which if they would but pay for their transportation , they should never be troubled with them more ; for there is vast land enough for all the people in england , scotland , and ireland : and it seemes god hath provided this country for our nation , destroying the natives by the plague , it not touching one englishman , though many traded and were conversant amongst them ; for they had three plagues in three yeares successively neere two hundred miles along the sea coast , that in some places there scarce remained five of a hundred , and as they report thus it began : a fishing ship being cast away upon the coast , two of the men escaped on shore ; one of them died , the other lived among the natives till he had learned their language : then he perswaded them to become christians , shewing them a testament , some parts thereof expounding so well as he could , but they so much derided him , that he told them hee feared his god would destroy them : whereat the king assembled all his people about a hill , himselfe with the christian standing on the top , demanded if his god had so many people and able to kill all those ? he answered yes , and surely would , and bring in strangers to possesse their land : but so long they mocked him and his god , that not long after such a sicknesse came , that of five or six hundred about the massachusets there remained but thirty , on whom their neighbours fell and slew twenty eight : the two remaining fled the country till the english came , then they returned and surrendred their countrey and title to the english : if this be not true in every particular , excuse me , i pray you , for i am not the author : but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst them ; for where i have seene two or three hundred , within three yeares after remained scarce thirty , but what disease it was the salvages knew not till the english told them , never having seene , nor heard of the like before . chap. . our right to those countries , true reasons for plantations , rare examples . many good religious devout men have made it a great question , as a matter in conscience , by what warrant they might goe to possesse those countries , which are none of theirs , but the poore salvages . which poore curiosity will answer it selfe ; for god did make the world to be inhabited with mankind , and to have his name knowne to all nations , and from generation to generation : as the people increased they dispersed themselves into such countries as they found most convenient . and here in florida , virginia , new-england , and cannada , is more land than all the people in christendome can manure , and yet more to spare than all the natives of those countries can use and culturate . and shall we here keepe such a coyle for land , and as such great rents and rates , when there is so much of the world uninhabited , and as much more in other places , and as good , or rather better than any wee possesse , were it manured and used accordingly . if this be not a reason sufficient to such tender consciences ; for a copper kettle and a few toyes , as beads and hatchets , they will fell you a whole countrey ; and for a small matter , their houses and the ground they dwell upon ; but those of the massachusets have resigned theirs freely . now the reasons for plantations are many ; adam and eve did first begin this innocent worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity , but not without labour , trouble , and industry : noah and his family began againe the second plantation , and their seed as it still increased , hath still planted new countries , and one country another , and so the world to that estate it is ; but not without much hazard , travell , mortalities , discontents , and many disasters : had those worthy fathers and their memorable off-spring not beene more diligent for us now in those ages , than wee are to plant that yet unplanted for after-livers . had the seed of abraham , our saviour christ jesus and his apostles , exposed themselves to no more dangers to plant the gospell wee so much professe , than we , even we our selves had at this present beene as salvages , and as miserable as the most barbarous salvage , yet uncivilized . the hebrewes , lacedemonians , the goths , grecians , romans , and the rest , what was it they would not undertake to inlarge their territories , inrich their subjects , and resist their enemies . those that were the founders of those great monarchies and their vertues , were no silvered idle golden pharisies , but industrious honest hearted publicans , they regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people , than jewels , ease and delight for themselves ; riches was their servants , not their masters ; they ruled as fathers , not as tyrants ; their people as children , not as slaves ; there was no disaster could discourage them ; and let none thinke they incountered not with all manner of incumbrances , and what hath ever beene the worke of the best great princes of the world , but planting of countries , and civilizing barbarous and inhumane nations to civility and humanity , whose eternall actions fils our histories with more honour than those that have wasted and consumed them by warres . lastly , the portugals and spaniards that first began plantations in this unknowne world of america till within this . yeares , whose everlasting actions before our eyes , will testifie our idlenesse and ingratitude to all posterity , and neglect of our duty and religion wee owe our god , our king , and countrey , and want of charity to those poore salvages , whose countries we challenge , use , and possesse , except wee be but made to mar what our forefathers made , or but only tell what they did , or esteeme our selves too good to take the like paines where there is so much reason , liberty , and action offers it selfe , having as much power and meanes as others : why should english men despaire and not doe so much as any ? was it vertue in those heros to provide that doth maintaine us , and basenesse in us to doe the like for others to come ? surely no ; then seeing wee are not borne for our selves but each to helpe other , and our abilities are much alike at the howre of our birth and minute of our death : seeing our good deeds or bad , by faith in christs merits , is all wee have to carry our soules to heaven or hell : seeing honour is our lives ambition , and our ambition after death , to have an honourable memory of our life : and seeing by no meanes wee would be abated of the dignitie and glorie of our predecessors , let us imitate their vertues to be worthily their successors , or at least not hinder , if not further them that would and doe their utmost and best endevour . chap. . my first voyage to new england my returne and profit . to begin with the originals of the voyages to those coasts , i referre you to my generall history ; for new-england by the most of them was esteemed a most barren rocky desart : notwithstanding at the sole charge of some merchants of london and my selfe , . within eight weekes sayling i arrived at mo●ahigan an i le in america in . degrees . minutes of northerly latitude . had the fishing for whale proved as we expected , i had stayed in the country ; but we found the plots wee had , so false , and the seasons for fishing and trade by the unskilfulnesse of our pylot so much mistaken , i was contented , having taken by hookes and lines with fifteene or eighteene men at most , more than . cod in lesse than a moneth : whilest my selfe with eight others of them might best be spared , by an houre glasse of three moneths , ranging the coast in a small boat , got for trifles eleven hundred bever skins beside otters and martins ; all amounting to the value of fifteene hundred pound , and arrived in england with all my men in health in six or seven moneths : but northward the french returned this yeare to france five and twenty thousand bevers and good furres , whilest we were contending about patents and commissions , with such fearefull incredulity that more dazeled our eyes than opened them . in this voyage i tooke the description of the coast as well by map as writing , and called it new-england : but malicious mindes amongst sailers and others , drowned that name with the eccho of nusconcus , canaday , and penaquid ; till at my humble sute , our most gracious king charles , then prince of wales , was pleased to confirme it by that title , and did change the barbarous names of their principall harbours and habitations for such english , that posterity may say , king charles was their godfather ; and in my opinion it should seeme an unmannerly presumption in any that doth alter them without his leave . my second voyage was to beginne a plantation , and to doe what else i could , but by extreme tempests that bore neare all my masts by the boord , being more than two hundred leagues at sea , was forced to returne to plimoth with a jury-mast . the third was intercepted by english and french pyrats , by my trecherous company that betrayed me to them , who ran away with my ship and all that i had , such enemies the sailers were to a plantation , and the greatest losse being mine , did easily excuse themselves to the merchants in england , that still provided to follow the fishing : much difference there was betwixt the londoners and the westerlings to ingrosse it , who now would adventure thousands , that when i went first would not adventure a groat ; yet there went foure or five good ships , but what by their dissention , and the turkes men of warre that tooke the best of them in the straits , they scarce saved themselves this yeare . at my returne from france i did my best to have united them , but that had beene more than a worke for hercules , so violent is the folly of greedy covetousnesse . chap. . a description of the coast , harbours , habitations , land-marks , latitude , longitude , with the map . this country wee now speake of , lyeth betwixt . and ½ the very meane for heat and cold betwixt the equinoctiall and 〈◊〉 north pole , in which i have founded about five and twenty very good harbors ; in many whereof is ancorage for five hundred good ships of any burthen , in some of them for a thousand , and more than three hundred iles overgrowne with good timber , or divers sorts of other woods ; in most of them ( in their seasons ) plenty of wilde fruits , fish , and fowle , and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly distilling from their rockie foundations . the principall habitations i was at north-ward , was pennobscot , who are in warres with the terentines , their next northerly neighbours . southerly up the rivers , and along the coast , wee found mecadacut , segocket , pemmaquid , nusconcus , sagadahock , satquin , aumughcawgen , and kenabeca : to those belong the countries and people of segot igo , pauhuntanuck , pocopassum , taughtanakagnet , wabigganus , nassaque , masherosqueck , wawrtgwick , moshoquen , waccogo , pasharanack , &c. to those are alied in confederacy , the countries of aucocisco , accominticus , passataquak , augawoam and naemkeck , all these for any thing i could perceive differ little in language or any thing , though most of them be sagamos , and lords of themselves , yet they hold the bashabes of pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them . the next is mattahunt , totant , massachuset , paconekick , then cape cod , by which is pawmet , the iles nawset and capawuck , neere which are the shoules of rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine sea twenty leagues , and very dangerous betwixt the degrees of . and . now beyond cape cod , the land extendeth it selfe southward to virginia , florida , the west-indies , the amazons , and brasele , to the straits of magelanus , two and fifty degrees southward beyond the line ; all those great countries , differing as they are in distance north or south from the equinoctiall , in temper , heat , cold , woods , fruits , fishes , beasts , birds , the increase and decrease of the night and day , to six moneths day and six moneths night . some say , many of those nations are so brute they have no religion , wherein surely they may be deceived , for myself i never saw nor heard of any nation in the world which had not religion , deare , bowes , and arrowes . those in new-england , i take it , beleeve much alike as those in virginia , of many divine powers , yet of one above all the rest ; as the southerly virginians call their chiefe god kewassa , and that we now inhabit , okae , but all their kings werowances . the m●ssichusots call their great god kichtan , and their kings sachemes ; and that we suppose their devill , they call habamouk . the pennobscots , their god , tantum , their kings , sagamos . about those countries are abundance of severall nations and languages , but much alike in their simple curiosities , living and workemanship , except the wilde estate of their chiefe kings , &c. of whose particular miserable magnificence , yet most happy in this , that they never trouble themselves with such variety of apparell , drinkes , viands , sawses , perfumes , preservatives , and nicities as we ; yet live as long , and much more healthfull and hardy : also the deities of their chiefest gods , priests , conjurers , religion , temples , triumphs , physicke , and chirurgeric , their births , educations , duty of their women , exercise for their men ; how they make all their instruments and engines to cut downe trees , make their cloaths , boats , lines , nets , fish-hooks , weres , and traps , mats , houses , pots , platters , morters , bowes , arrowes , targets , swords , clubs , jewels , and hatchets . their severall sorts of woods , serpents , beasts , fish , fowle , roots , berries , fruits , stones , and clay . their best trade , what is most fit to trade with them . with the particulars of the charge of a fishing voyage , and all the necessaries belonging to it , their best countries to vent it for their best returnes ; also the particulars for every private man or family that goeth to plant , and the best seasons to goe or returne thence , with the particular description of the salvages , habitations , harbours , and land markes , their latitude , longitude , or severall distance , with their old names and the new by the map augmented . lastly , the power of their kings , obedience of their subjects , lawes , executions , planting their fields , huntings , fishings , the manner of their warres and treacheries yet knowne ; and in generall , their lives and conversation , and how to bridle their brute , barbarous , and salvage dispositions : of all these particulars you may reade at large in the generall history of virginia , new-england , and the summer iles , with many more such strange actions and accidents , that to an ordinary capacity might rather seeme miracles than wonders possibly to bee effected , which though they are but wound up as bottoms of fine silke , which with a good needle might be flourished into a far larger worke , yet the images of great things are best discerned , contracted into smaller glasses . chap. . new englands yearely trials , the planting new plimoth , supprisals prevented , their wonderfull industry and fishing . for all those differences there went eight tall ships before i arived in england , from france , so that i spent that yeare in the west country , to perswade the cities , townes , and gentrie for a plantation , which the merchants very little liked , because they would have the coast free only for themselves , and the gentlemen were doubtfull of their true accounts ; oft and much it was so disputed , that at last they promised me the next yeere twenty saile well furnished , made me admirall of the country for my life under their hands , and the colonels seale for new-england ; and in renewing their letters patents , to be a patentee for my paines , yet nothing but a voluntary fishing was effected for all this aire . new england the most remarqueable parts thus named by the high and mighty prince charles , prince of great britaine at last , upon those inducements , some well disposed brownists , as they are tearmed , with some gentlemen and merchants of layden and amsterdam , to save charges , would try their owne conclusions , though with great losse and much miserie , till time had taught them to see their owne error ; for such humorists will never beleeve well , till they bee beaten with their owne rod. they were supplied with a small ship with seven and thirty passengers , who found all them were left after they were seated , well , all but six that died , for all their poverties : in this ship they returned the value of five hundred pounds , which was taken by a french-man upon the coast of england . there is gone from the west to fish five and thirty saile , two from london with sixty passengers for them at new-plimoth , and all made good voyages . now you are to understand , the seven and thirty passengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of england , came so ill provided , they onely relyed upon that poore company they found , that had lived two yeares by their naked industry , and what the country naturally afforded ; it is true , at first there hath beene taken a thousand bayses at a draught , and more than twelve hogsheads of herrings in a night , of other fish when and what they would , when they had meanes ; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling , it is a wonder how they could subsist , fortifie themselves , resist their enemies , and plant their plants . in iuly , a many of stragling forlorne englishmen , whose wants they releeved , though wanted themselves ; the which to requite , destroyed their corne and fruits , and would have done the like to them , and have surprised what they had ; the salvages also intended the like , but wisely they slew the salvage captaines , and revenged those injuries upon the fugitive english , that would have done the like to them . chap. . extremity next despaire , gods great mercy , their estate , they make good salt , an unknowne rich myne . at new-plimoth , having planted there fields and gardens , such an extraordinary drought insued , all things withered , that they expected no harvest ; and having long expected a supply , they heard no newes , but a wracke split upon their coast , they supposed their ship : thus in the very labyrinth of despaire , they solemnly assembled themselves together nine houses in prayer . at their departure , the parching faire skies all overcast with blacke clouds , and the next morning , such a pleasant moderate raine continued fourteene daies , that it was hard to say , whether their withered fruits or drooping affections were most revived ; not long after came two ships to supply them , with all their passengers well , except one , and he presently recovered ; for themselves , for all their wants , there was not one sicke person amongst them : the greater ship they returned fraught with commodities . this yeare went from england , onely to fish , five and forty saile , and have all made a better voyage than ever . in this plantation there is about an hundred and fourescore persons , some cattell , but many swine and poultry : their towne containes two and thirty houses , whereof seven were burnt , with the value of five or six hundred pounds in other goods , impailed about halfe a mile , within which within a high mount , a fort , with a watch-tower , well built of stone , lome , and wood , their ordnance well mounted , and so healthfull , that of the first planters not one hath died this three yeares : yet at the first landing at cape cod , being an hundred passengers , besides twenty they had left behind at plimoth for want of good take heed , thinking to finde all things better than i advised them , spent six or seven weekes in wandring up and downe in frost and snow , wind and raine , among the woods , cricks , and swamps , forty of them died , and threescore were left in most miserable estate at new-plimoth , where their ship left them , and but nine leagues by sea from where they landed , whose misery and variable opinions , for want of experience , occasioned much faction , till necessity agreed them . these disasters , losses , and uncertainties , made such disagreement among the adventurers in england , who beganne to repent , and rather lose all , than longer continue the charge , being out of purse six or seven thousand pounds , accounting my bookes and their relations as old almanacks . but the planters , rather than leave the country , concluded absolutely to supply themselves , and to all their adventurers pay them for nine yeares two hundred pounds yearely without any other account ; where more than six hundred adventurers for virginia , for more than two hundred thousand pounds , had not six pence . since they have made a salt worke , wherewith they preserve all the fish they take , and have fraughted this yeare a ship of an hundred and fourescore tun , living so well they desire nothing but more company , and what ever they take , returne commodities to the value . thus you may plainly see , although many envying i should bring so much from thence , where many others had beene , and some the same yeare returned with nothing , reported the fish and bevers i brought home , i had taken from the french men of canada , to discourage any from beleeving me , and excuse their owne misprisions , some onely to have concealed this good country ( as is said ) to their private use ; others taxed me as much of indiscretion , to make my discoveries and designes so publike for nothing , which might have beene so well managed by some concealers , to have beene all rich ere any had knowne of it . those , and many such like wise rewards , have beene my recompences , for which i am contented , so the country prosper , and gods name bee there praised by my country-men , i have my desire ; and the benefit of this salt and fish , for breeding mariners and building ships , will make so many fit men to raise a common-wealth , if but managed , as my generall history will shew you ; it might well by this have beene as profitable as the best mine the king of spaine hath in his west indies . chap. . notes worth observation : miserablenesse no good husbandry . now if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have befallen those plantations and my selfe , how oft up , how oft downe , sometimes neere despaire , and ere long flourishing ; how many scandals and spanolized english have sought to disgrace them , bring them to ruine , or at least hinder them all they could ; how many have shaven and couzened both them and me , and their most honourable supporters and well-willers , cannot but conceive gods infinite mercy both to them and me . having beene a slave to the turks , prisoner amongst the most barbarous salvages , after my deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknowne nations with such a handfull of ignorant companions , that the wiser sort often gave mee for lost , alwayes in mutinies , wants and miseries , blowne up with gunpowder ; a long time prisoner among the french pyrats , from whom escaping in a little boat by my selfe , and adrift , all such a stormy winter night when their ships were split , more than an hundred thousand pound lost , wee had taken at sea , and most of them drownd upon the i le of ree , not farre from whence i was driven on shore in my little boat , &c. and many a score of the worst of winter moneths lived in the fields , yet to have lived neere . yeares in the midst of wars , pestilence and famine ; by which , many an hundred thousand have died about mee , and scarce five living of them went first with me to virginia , and see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper : though i have but my labour for my paines , have i not much reason both privately and publikely to acknowledge it and give god thankes , whose omnipotent power onely delivered me . to doe the utmost of my best to make his name knowne in those remote parts of the world , and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner . had my designes beene to have perswaded men to a mine of gold , as i know many have done that knew no such matter ; though few doe conceive either the charge or paines in refining it , nor the power nor care to defend it ; or some new invention to passe to the south sea , or some strange plot to invade some strange monastery ; or some chargeable fleet to take some rich charaques , or letters of mart , to rob some poore merchant or honest fisher men ; what multitudes of both people and money would contend to be first imployed . but in those noble indevours now how few , unlesse it bee to begge them as monopolies , and those seldome seeke the common good , but the commons goods , as the . the . and the . pages in the generall history will shew . but only those noble gentlemen and their associates , for whose better incouragements i have recollected those experienced memorandums , as an apologie against all calumniating detracters , as well for my selfe as them . now since them called brownists went , some few before them also having my bookes and maps , presumed they knew as much as they desired , many other directers they had as wise as themselves , but that was best that liked their owne conceits ; for indeed they would not be knowne to have any knowledge of any but themselves , pretending onely religion their governour , and frugality their counsell , when indeed it was onely their pride , and singularity , and contempt of authority ; because they could not be equals , they would have no superiours : in this fooles paradise , they so long used that good husbandry , they have payed soundly in trying their owne follies , who undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations , and to bee severall lords and kings of themselves , most vanished to nothing , to the great disparagement of the generall businesse , therefore let them take heed that doe follow their example . chap. . the mistaking of patents , strange effects , incouragements for servants . who would not thinke that all those certainties should not have made both me and this country have prospered well by this ? but it fell out otherwayes , for by the instigation of some , whose policy had long watched their oportunity by the assurance of those profitable returnes , procured new letters patents from king iames , drawing in many noblemen and others to the number of twenty , for patentees , dividing my map and that tract of land from the north sea to the south sea , east and west , which is supposed by most cosmographers at least more than two thousand miles ; and from . degrees to . of northerly latitude about . miles ; the bounds virginia to the south , the south sea to the west , canada to the north , and the maine ocean to the east ; all this they divided in twenty parts , for which they cast lots , but no lot for me but smiths iles , which are a many of barren rocks , the most overgrowne with such shrubs and sharpe whins you can hardly passe them ; without either grasse or wood , but three or foure short shrubby old cedars . those patentees procured a proclamation , that no ship should goe thither to fish but pay them for the publike , as it was pretended , five pound upon every thirty tuns of shipping , neither trade with the natives , cut downe wood , throw their balast over boord , nor plant without commission , leave and content to the lord of that division or mannor ; some of which for some of them i beleeve will be tenantlesse this thousand yeare . thus whereas this country , as the contrivers of those projects , should have planted it selfe of it selfe , especially all the chiefe parts along the coast the first yeare , as they have oft told me , and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe of their owne , thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted under their protections : but it proved so contrary , none would goe at all . so for feare to make a contempt against the proclamation it hath ever since beene little frequented to any purpose , nor would they doe any thing but left it to it selfe . thus it lay againe in a manner vast , till those noble gentlemen thus voluntarily undertooke it , whem i intreat to take this as a memorandum of my love , to make your plantations so neere and great as you can ; for many hands make light worke , whereas yet your small parties can doe nothing availeable ; nor stand too much upon the letting , setting , or selling those wild countries , nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your maggazines , which commonly eat out all poore mens labours , nor any other too hard imposition for present gaine ; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him , plant freely without limitation so much as hee can , bee it by the halfes or otherwayes : and at the end of five or six yeares , or when you make a division , for every acre he hath planted , let him have twenty , thirty , forty , or an hundred ; or as you finde hee hath extraordinarily deserved , by it selfe to him and his heires for ever ; all his charges being defrayed to his lord or master , and publike good : in so doing , a servant that will labour , within foure or five yeares may live as well there as his master did here : for where there is so much land lie waste , it were a madnesse in a man at the first to buy , or hire , or pay anything more than an acknowledgement to whom it shall be due ; and hee is double mad that will leave his friends , meanes , and freedome in england , to be worse there than here . therefore let all men have as much freedome in reason as may be , and true dealing , for it is the greatest comfort you can give them , where the very name of servitude will breed much ill bloud , and become odious to god and man ; but mildly temper correction with mercy , for i know well you will have occasion enough to use both ; and in thus doing , doubtlesse god will blesse you , and quickly triple and multiply your numbers , the which to my utmost i will doe my best indevour . chap. . the planting bastable or salem and charlton , a description of the massachusets . in all those plantations , yea , of those that have done least , yet the most will say , we were the first ; and so every next supply , still the next beginner : but seeing history is the memory of time , the life of the dead , and the happinesse of the living ; because i have more plainly discovered , and described , and discoursed of those countries than any as yet i know , i am the bolder to continue the story , and doe all men right so neere as i can in those new beginnings , which hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a forest of nine dayes pamphlets . in the yeare . about march , six good ships are gone with . men , women , and children , people professing themselves of good ranke , zeale , meanes and quality : also . head of cattell , as horse , mares , and neat beasts ; . goats , some conies , with all provision for houshold and apparell ; six peeces of great ordnance for a fort , with muskets , pikes , corslets , drums and colours , with all provisions necessary for the good of man. they are seated about . degrees and . minutes , at a place called by the natives naemkecke , by our royall king charles , bastable ; but now by the planters , salem ; where they arrived for most part exceeding well , their cattell and all things else prospering exceedingly , farre beyond their expectation . at this place they found some reasonable good provision and houses built by some few of dorchester , with whom they are joyned in society with two hundred men , an hundred and fifty more they have sent to the massachusets , which they call charlton , or charles towne : i tooke the fairest reach in this bay for a river , whereupon i called it charles river , after the name of our royall king charles ; but they find that faire channell to divide it selfe into so many faire branches as make forty or fifty pleasant ilands within that excellent bay , where the land is of divers and sundry sorts , in some places very blacke and fat , in others good clay , sand and gravell , the superficies neither too flat in plaines , nor too high in hils . in the iles you may keepe your hogs , horse , cattell , conies or poultry , and secure for little or nothing , and to command when you lift , onely having a care of provision for some extraordinary cold winter . in those iles , as in the maine , you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where you put no cattell ; in the maine you may shape your orchards , vineyards , pastures , gardens , walkes , parkes , and corne fields out of the whole peece as you please into such plots , one adjoyning to another , leaving every of them invironed with two , three , foure , or six , or so many rowes of well growne trees as you will , ready growne to your hands , to defend them from ill weather , which in a champion you could not in many ages ; and this at first you may doe with as much facility , as carelesly or ignorantly cut downe all before you , and then after better consideration make ditches , pales , plant young trees with an excessive charge and labour , seeing you may have so many great and small growing trees for your maine posts , to fix hedges , palisados , houses , rales , or what you will ; which order in virginia hath not beene so well observed as it might : where all the woods for many an hundred mile for the most part grow streight , like unto the high grove or tuft of trees , upon the high hill by the house of that worthy knight sir humphrey mildmay , so remarkable in essex in the parish of danbery , where i writ this discourse , but much taller and greater , neither grow they so thicke together by the halfe , and much good ground betweene them without shrubs , and the best is ever knowne by the greatnesse of the trees and the vesture it beareth . now in new-england the trees are commonly lower , but much thicker and firmer wood , and more proper for shipping , of which i will speake a little , being the chiefe engine wee are to use in this worke , and the rather for that within a square of twenty leagues , you may have all , or most of the chiefe materials belonging to them , were they wrought to their perfection as in other places . of all fabricks a ship is the most excellent , requiring more art in building , rigging , sayling , trimming , defending , and moaring , with such a number of severall termes and names in continuall motion , not understood of any landman , as none would thinke of , but some few that know them ; for whose better instruction i writ my sea-grammar , a booke most necessary for those plantations , because there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship , but the sea-termes , charge and duty of every officer is plainly expressed , and also any indifferent capacity may conceive how to direct an unskilfull carpenter or sailer to build boats and barkes sufficient to saile those coasts and rivers , and put a good workman in minde of many things in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget . but to be excellent in this faculty is the master-peece of all the most necessary workmen in the world . the first rule or modell thereof being directed by god himselfe to noah for his arke , which he never did to any other building but his temple , which is tossed and turned up and downe the world with the like dangers , miseries , and extremities as a ship , sometimes tasting the fury of the foure elements , as well as shee , by unlimited tyrants in their cruelty for tortures , that it is hard to conceive whether those inhumanes exceed the beasts of the forrest , the birds of the aire , the fishes of the sea , either in numbers , greatnesse , swiftnesse , fiercenesse or cruelty ; whose actions and varieties , with such memorable observations as i have collected , you shall finde with admiration in my history of the sea , if god be pleased i live to finish it . chap. . extraordinary meanes for building , many caveats , increase of corne , how to spoyle the woods , for any thing , their healths . for the building houses , townes , and fortresses , where shall a man finde the like conveniency , as stones of most sorts , as well lime stone , if i be not much deceived , as iron stone , smooth stone , blew slate for covering houses , and great rockes we supposed marble , so that one place is called the marble harbour : there is grasse plenty , though very long and thicke stalked , which being neither mowne nor eaten , is very ranke , yet all their cattell like and prosper well therewith , but indeed it is weeds , herbs , and grasse growing together , which although they be good and sweet in the summer , they will deceive your cattell in winter ; therefore be carefull in the spring to mow the swamps , and the low ilands of auguan , where you may have harsh sheare-grasse enough to make hay of , till you can cleare ground to make pasture , which will beare as good grasse as can grow any where , as now it doth in virginia ; and unlesse you make this provision , if there come an extraordinary winter , you will lose many of them & hazard the rest , especially if you bring them in the latter end of summer , or before the grasse bee growne in the spring , comming weake from sea. all things they plant prosper exceedingly : but one man of . gallons of indian corne , reaped that yeare . bushels london measure , as they confidently report , at which i much wonder , having planted many bushels , but no such increase . the best way wee found in virginia to spoile the woods , was first to cut a notch in the barke a hand broad round about the tree , which pill off and the tree will sprout no more , and all the small boughs in a yeare or two will decay , the greatest branches in the root they spoyle with fire , but you with more ease may cut them from the body and they will quickly rot : betwixt those trees they plant their corne , whose great bodies doe much defend it from extreme gusts , and heat of the sunne , where that in the plaines , where the trees by time they have consumed , is subject to both ; and this is the most easie way to have pasture and corne fields , which is much more fertile than the other : in virginia they never manure their overworne fields , which is very few , the ground for most part is so fertile : but in new-england they doe , sticking at every plant of corne , a herring or two , which commeth in that season in such abundance , they may take more than they know what to doe with . some infirmed bodies , or tender educats , complaine of the piercing cold , especially in january and february , yet the french in canada , the russians , swethlanders , polanders , germans , and our neighbour hollanders , are much colder and farre more northward , for all that , rich countreyes and live well . now they have wood enough if they will but cut it , at their doores to make fires , and traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of firre trees for candles , where in holland they have little or none to build ships , houses , or any thing but what they fetch from forren countries , yet they dwell but in the latitude of yorkshire , and new-england is in the heighth of the north cape of spaine , which is . degrees , . leagues , or . miles nearer the sunne than wee , where upon the mountaines of bisky i have felt as much cold , frost , and snow as in england , and of this i am sure , a good part of the best countries and kingdomes of the world , both northward and southward of the line , lie in the same paralels of uirginia and new-england as at large you may finde in the . page of the generall history . thus you may see how prosperously thus farre they have proceeded , in which course by gods grace they may contitinue ; but great care would be had they pester not their ships too much with cattell nor passengers , and to make good conditions for your peoples diet , for therein is used much legerdemaine , therefore in that you cannot be too carefull to keepe your men well , and in health at sea : in this case some masters are very provident , but the most part so they can get fraught enough , care not much whether the passengers live or die , for a common sailer regards not a landman , especially a poore passenger , as i have seene too oft approved by lamentable experience , although we have victualled them all at our owne charges . chap. . their great supplies , present estate and accidents , advantage . who would not thinke but that all those trials had beene sufficient to lay a foundation for a plantation , but we see many men many mindes , and still new lords , new lawes : for those . men with all their cattell that so well arived and promised so much , not being of one body , but severall mens servants , few could command and fewer obey , lived merrily of that they had , neither planting or building any thing to any purpose , but one faire house for the governour , till all was spent and the winter approached ; then they grew into many diseases , and as many inconveniences , depending only of a supply from england , which expected houses , gardens , and corne fields ready planted by them for their entertainment . it is true , that master iohn wynthrop , their now governour , a worthy gentleman both in estate and esteeme , went so well provided ( for six or seven hundred people went with him ) as could be devised , but at sea , such an extraordinarie storme encountred his fleet , continuing ten daies , that of two hundred cattell which were so tossed and brused , threescore and ten died , many of their people fell sicke , and in this perplexed estate , after ten weekes , they arrived in new-england at severall times , where they found threescore of their people dead , the rest sicke , nothing done , but all complaining , and all things so contrary to their expectation , that now every monstrous humor began to shew it selfe . and to second this , neare as many more came after them , but so ill provided , with such multitudes of women and children , as redoubled their necessities . this small triall of their patience , caused among them no small confusion , and put the governour and his councell to their utmost wits ; some could not endure the name of a bishop , others not the sight of a crosse nor surplesse , others by no meanes the booke of common prayer . this absolute crue , only of the elect , holding all ( but such as themselves ) reprobates and cast-awaies , now make more haste to returne to babel , as they tearmed england , than stay to enjoy the land they called canaan ; somewhat they must say to excuse themselves . those he found brownists , hee let goe for new-plimoth , who are now betwixt foure or five hundred , and live well without want , some two hundred of the rest he was content to returne for england , whose clamors are as variable as their humours and auditors ; some say they could see no timber of two foot diameter , some the country is all woods , others they drunke all the springs and ponds dry , yet like to famish for want of fresh water ; some of the danger of the rattell snake ; and that others sold their provisions at what rates they pleased to them that wanted , and so returned to england great gainers out of others miseries ; yet all that returned are not of those humors . notwithstanding all this , the noble governour was no way disanimated , neither repents him of his enterprise for all those mistakes , but did order all things with that temperance and discretion , and so releeved those that wanted with his owne provision , that there is six or seven hundred remained with him , and more than . english in all the country , with three or foure hundred head of cattell , as for corne they are very ignorant : if upon the coast of america , they doe not before the end of this october ( for toies ) furnish themselves with two or three thousand bushels of indian corne , which is better than ours , and in a short time cause the salvages to doe them as good service as their owne men , as i did in virginia , and yet neither use cruelty nor tyranny amongst them ; a consequence well worth putting in practice : and till it be effected , they will hardly doe well . i know ignorance will say it is impossible , but this impossible taske , ever since the massacre in virginia , i have beene a suter to have undertaken , but with . men , to have got corne , fortified the country , and discovered them more land than they all yet know or have demonstrated : but the merchants common answer was , necessity in time would force the planters doe it themselves , and rather thus husbandly to lose ten sheepe , than be at the charge of a halfe penny worth of tarre . who is it that knowes not what a small handfull of spaniards in the west indies , subdued millions of the inhabitants , so depopulating those countries they conquered , that they are glad to buy negroes in affrica at a great rate , in countries farre remote from them , which although they bee as idle and as devilish people as any in the world , yet they cause them quickly to bee their best servants ; notwithstanding , there is for every foure or five naturall spaniards , two or three hundred indians and negros , and in virginia and new-england more english than salvages , that can assemble themselves to assault or hurt them , and it is much better to helpe to plant a country than unplant it and then replant it : but there indians were in such multitudes , the spaniards had no other remedy ; and ours such a few , and so dispersed , it were nothing in a short time to bring them to labour and obedience . it is strange to me , that english men should not doe as much as any , but upon every sleight affront , in stead to amend it , we make it worse ; notwithstanding the worst of all those rumours , the better sort there are constant in their resolutions , and so are the most of their best friends here ; and making provision to supply them , many conceit they make a death here , which is nothing so ; for they would spend more here than they transport thither . one ship this summer with twenty cattell , and forty or fifty passengers , arived all well , and the ship at home againe in nine weekes : another for all this exclamation of want , is returned with . corfish , and fourescore kegs of sturgion , which they did take and save when the season was neare past , and in the very heat of summer , yet as good as can be . since another ship is gone from bristow , and many more a providing to follow them with all speed . thus you may plainly see for all these rumours , they are in no such distresse as is supposed : as for their mischances , misprisons , or what accidents may befall them , i hope none is so malicious , as attribute the fault to the country nor mee ; yet if some blame us not both , it were more than a wonder ; for i am not ignorant that ignorance and too curious spectators , make it a great part of their profession to censure ( however ) any mans actions , who having lost the path to vertue , will make most excellent shifts to mount up any way ; such incomparable connivenoy is in the devils most punctuall cheaters , they will hazard a joint , but where god hath his church they wil have a chapel ; a mischiefe so hard to be prevented , that i have thus plainly adventured to shew my affection , through the weaknesse of my abilitie , you may easily know them by their absolutenesse in opinions , holding experience but the mother of fooles , which indeed is the very ground of reason , and he that contemnes her in those actions , may finde occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdome hee hath to correct his owne solly , that thinkes to finde amongst those salvages such churches , palaces , monuments , and buildings as are in england . chap. . ecclesiasticall government in virginia , authority from the arch bishop , their beginning at bastable now called salem . now because i have spoke so much for the body , give me leave to say somewhat of the soule ; and the rather because i have beene demanded by so many , how we beganne to preach the gospell in virginia , and by what authority , what churches we had , our order of service , and maintenance for our ministers , therefore i thinke it not amisse to satisfie their demands , it being the mother of all our plantations , intreating pride to spare laughter , to understand her simple beginning and proceedings . when i went first to virginia , i well remember , wee did hang an awning ( which is an old saile ) to three or foure trees to shadow us from the sunne , our walls were rales of wood , our seats unhewed trees , till we cut plankes , our pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees , in foule weather we shifted into an old rotten tent , for we had few better , and this came by the way of adventure for new ; this was our church , till wee built a homely thing like a barne , set upon cratchets , covered with rafts , sedge , and earth , so was also the walls : the best of our houses of the like curiosity , but the most part farre much worse workmanship , that could neither well defend wind nor raine , yet wee had daily common prayer morning and evening , every sunday two sermons , and every three moneths the holy communion , till our minister died , but our prayers daily , with an homily on sundaies ; we continued two or three yeares after till more preachers came , and surely god did most mercifully hearens , till the continuall inundations of mistaking directions , factions , and numbers of unprovided libertines neere consumed us all , as the israelites in the wildernesse . notwithstanding , out of the relicks of our miseries , time and experience had brought that country to a great happinesse , had they not so much doated on their tabacco , on whose fumish foundation there is small stability : there being so many good commodities besides , yet by it they have builded many pretty villages , faire houses , and chapels , which are growne good benefices of . pounds a yeare , besides their owne mundall industry , but iames towne was . pounds a yeare , as they say , appointed by the councell here , allowed by the councell there , and confirmed by the arch-bishop of canterbury his grace , primate and metrapolitan of all england . an. . to master richard haeclutt prebend of westminister , who by his authority sent master robert hunt , an honest , religious , and couragious divine ; during whose life our factions were oft qualified , our wants and greatest extremities so comforted , that they seemed easie in comparison of what we endured after his memorable death . now in new-england they have all our examples to teach them how to beware , and choice men , wee most ignorant in all things , or little better , therfore presage not the event of all such actions by our defailements : for they write , they doubt not ere long to be able to defend themselves against any indifferent enemy ; in the interim , they have preachers erected among themselves , and gods true religion ( they say ) taught amongst them , the sabbath day observed , the common prayer ( as i understand ) and sermons performed , and diligent catechizing , with strict and carefull exercise , and commendable good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deale withall into a christian conversation , to live well , to feare god , serve the king , and love the country ; which done , in time from both those plantations may grow a good addition to the church of england ; but rome was not built in one day , whose beginnings was once as unhopefull as theirs , and to make them as eminent shall be my humble and hearty prayers . but as yet it is not well understood of any authority they have sought for the government & tranquillity of the church , which doth cause those suspicions of factions in religion , wherein although i be no divine , yet i hope without offence i may speake my opinion as well in this as i have done in the rest . he that will but truly consider the greatnesse of the turks empire and power here in christendome , shall finde the naturall turkes are generally of one religion , and the christians in so many divisions and opinions , that they are among themselves worse enemies than the turkes , whose disjoyntednesse hath given him that opportunity to command so many hundred thousand of christians as he doth , where had they beene constant to one god , one christ , and one church , christians might have beene more able to have commanded as many turkes , as now the turkes doe poore miserable christians . let this example remember you to beware of faction in that nature ; for my owne part , i have seene many of you here in london goe to church as orderly as any . therefore i doubt not not but you will seeke to the prime authority of the church of england , for such an orderly authority as in most mens opinions is fit for you both to intreat for and to have , which i thinke will not be denied ; and you have good reason , seeing you have such liberty to transport so many of his majesties subjects , with all sorts of cattell , armes , and provision as you please , and can provide meanes to accomplish , nor can you have any certaine releefe , nor long subsist without more supplies from england . besides , this might prevent many inconveniences may insue , and would clearely take away all those idle and malicious rumours , and occasion you many good and great friends and assistance you yet dreame not of ; for you know better than i can tell , that the maintainers of good orders and lawes is the best preservation next god of a kingdome : but when they are stuffed with hypocrisie and corruption , that state is not doubtfull but lamentable in a well setled common-wealth , much more in such as yours , which is but a beginning , for as the lawes corrupt , the state consumes . chap. . the true modell of a plantation , tenure , increase of trade , true examples , necessity of expert souldiers , the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions , what is requisite to be in the governour of a plantation , the expedition of queene elizabeths sea captaines . in regard of all that is past , it is better of those slow proceedings than lose all , and better to amendlate than never ; i know how hatefull it is to envy , pride , flattery , and greatnesse to be advised , but i hope my true meaning wise men will excuse , for making my opinion plaine ; i have beene so often and by so many honest men intreated for the rest , the more they mislike it , the better i like it my selfe . concerning this point of a cittadell , it is not the least , though the last remembred : therefore seeing you have such good meanes and power of your owne i never had , with the best convenient speed may be erect a fort , a castle or cittadell , which in a manner is all one ; towards the building , provision , and maintenance thereof , every man for every acre he doth culturate to pay foure pence yearely , and some small matter out of every hundred of fish taken or used within five or ten miles , or as you please about it , it being the center as a fortresse for ever belonging to the state , and when the charge shall be defrayed to the chiefe undertaker , in reason , let him be governour for his life : the overplus to goe forward to the erecting another in like manner in a most convenient place , and so one after another , as your abilities can accomplish , by benevoleuces , forfeitures , fines , and impositions , as reason and the necessitie of the common good requireth ; all men holding their lands on those manners as they doe of churches , universities , and hospitals , but all depending upon one principall , and this would avoid all faction among the superiours , extremities from the comminalty , & none would repine at such payments , when they shall see it justly imployed for their owne defence and security ; as for corruption in so small a government , you may quickly perceive , and punish it accordingly . now as his majesty hath made you custome-free for seven yeares , have a care that all your country men shall come to trade with you , be not troubled with pilatage , boyage , ancorage , wharfage , custome , or any such tricks as hath beene lately used in most of new plantations , where they would be kings before their folly ; to the discouragement of many , and a scorne to them of understanding , for dutch , french , biskin , or any will as yet use freely the coast without controule , and why not english as well as they : therefore use all commers with that respect , courtesie , and liberty is fitting , which in a short time will much increase your trade and shipping to fetch it from you , for as yet it were not good to adventure any more abroad with factors till you bee better provided ; now there is nothing more inricheth a common-wealth than much trade , nor no meanes better to increase than small custome , as holland , genua , ligorne , and divers other places can well tell you , and doth most beggar those places where they take most custome , as turkie , the archipelagan iles , cicilia , the spanish ports , but that their officers will connive to inrich themselves , though undoe the state. in this your infancy , imagine you have many eyes attending your actions , some for one end , and some onely to finde fault ; neglect therefore no opportunity , to informe his majesty truly your orderly proceedings , which if it be to his liking , and contrary to the common rumour here in england , doubtlesse his majesty will continue you custome free , till you have recovered your selves , and are able to subsist ; for till such time , to take any custome from a plantation , is not the way to make them prosper , nor is it likely those patentees shall accomplish anything ; that will neither maintaine them nor defend them , but with countenances , councells , and advice , which any reasonable man there may better advise himselfe , than one thousand of them here who were never there ; nor will any man , that hath any wit , throw himselfe into such a kinde of subjection , especially at his owne cost and charges ; but it is too oft seene that sometimes one is enough to deceive one hundred , but two hundred not sufficient to keepe one from being deceived . i speake not this to discourage any with vaine feares , but could wish every english man to carry alwaies this motto in his heart ; why should the brave spanish souldiers brag . the sunne never sets in the spanish dominions , but ever shineth on one part or other we have conquered for our king ; who within these few hundred of yeares , was one of the least of most of his neighbours ; but to animate us to doe the like for ours , who is no way his inferior ; and truly there is no pleasure comparable to a generous spirit ; as good imploiment in noble actions , especially amongst turks , heathens , and infidels , to see daily new countries , people , fashions , governments , stratagems , releeve the oppressed , comfort his friends , passe miseries , subdue enemies , adventure upon any feazable danger for god and his country : it is true , it is a happy thing to be borne to strength , wealth , and honour , but that which is got by prowesse and magnanunity is the truest lustre ; and those can the best distinguish content , that have escaped most honourable dangers , as if out of every extremity he found himselfe now borne to a new life to learne how to amend and maintaine his age . those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered me in those perplexed actions , that if i could not freely expresse my selfe to them doth second them , i should thinke my selfe guilty of a most damnable crime worse than ingratitude ; however some overweining capricious conceits , may attribute it to vaine-glory , ambition , or what other idle epithete such pleased to bestow on me : but such trash i so much scorne , that i presume further to advise those , lesse advised than my selfe , that as your fish and trade increaseth , so let your forts and exercise of armes , drilling your men at your most convenient times , to ranke , file , march , skirmish , and retire , in file , manaples , battalia , or ambuskados , which service there is most proper ; also how to assault and defend your forts , and be not sparing of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them mark-men , especially your gentlemen , and those you finde most capable , for shot must be your best weapon , yet all this will not doe unlesse you have atleast . or as many as you can , of expert , blouded , approved good souldiers , who dare boldly lead them , not to shoot a ducke , a goose , or a dead marke , but at men , from whom you must expect such as you send . the want of this , and the presumptuous assurance of literall captaines , was the losse of the french and spaniards in florida , each surprising other , and lately neare the ruine of mevis and saint christophers in the indies : also the french at port riall , and those at canada , now your next english neighbours : lastly , cape britton not far from you , called new-scotland . questionlesse there were some good souldiers among them , yet somewhat was the cause they were undone by those that watched the advātage of opportunity : for as rich preyes make true men theeves ; so you must not expect , if you be once worth taking and unprovided , but by some to bee attempted in the like manner : to the prevention whereof , i have not beene more willing at the request of my friends to print this discourse , than i am ready to live and dye among you , upon conditions sating my calling and profession to make good , and virginia and new-england , my heires , executors , administrators and assignes . now because i cannot expresse halfe that which is necessary for your full satisfaction and instruction belonging to this businesse in this small pamphlet , i referre you to the generall history of virginia , the summer iles , and new-england ; wherein you may plainly see all the discoveries , plantations , accidents , the misprisions and causes of defailments of all those noble and worthy captaines ; captaine philip amadas , and barlow ; that most renowned knight sir richard greenvile , worthy sir ralph layne , and learned master horiot , captaine iohn white , captaine bartholomew gosnold , captaine martin pring , and george waymouth , with mine owne observations by sea , rivers and land , and all the governours that yearely succeeded mee in virginia . also those most industrious captaines , sir george summers , and sir thomas gates , with all the governours that succeeded them in the summer iles. likewise the plantation of sagadahock , by those noble captaines , george popham , rawley gilbert , edward harlow , robert davis , iames davis , iohn davis , and divers others , with the maps of those countries : with it also you may finde the plantations of saint christophers , mevis , the berbades , and the great river of the amazons , whose greatest defects , and the best meanes to amend them are there yearely recorded , to be warnings and examples to them that are not too wise to learne to understand . this great worke , though small in conceit , is not a worke for everyone to mannage such an affaire , as make a discovery , and plant a colony , it requires all the best parts of art , judgement , courage , honesty , constancy , diligence , and industry , to doe but neere well ; some are more proper for one thing than another , and therein best to be imployed , and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and misimploying men in their undertakings . columbus , curtes , pitzara , zotto , magellanus , and the rest , served more than an apprentiship to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the west indies , which to the wonder of all ages , succesfully they effected , when many hundreds farre above them in the worlds opinion , being instructed but by relation , scorning to follow their blunt examples , but in great state , with new inventions came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment , who doubtlesse in other matters , were both wise , discreet , generous and couragious . i say not this to detract any thing from their noblenesse , state , nor greatnesse , but to answer those questionlesse questions that keepe us from imitating the others brave spirits , that advanced themselves from poore souldiers to great captaines , their posterity to great lords , and their king to be one of the greatest potentates on earth , and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory , power , and renowne . till his greatnesse and security made his so rich remote and dispersed plantations such great booties and honours , to the incomparable sir fr. drake , the renowned captain candish , sir richard luson , sir iohn hawkins , captaine carlile , and sir martin furbisher , &c. and the most memorable and right honourable earles , cumberland , essex , southampton , and nottingham that good l. admirall , with many hundreds of brave english souldiers , captaines and gentlemen , that have taught the hollanders to doe the like : those would never stand upon a demurre who should give the first blow , when they see peace was onely but an empty name , and no sure league , but impuissance to doe hurt , found it better to buy peace by warre , than take it up at interest of those could better guide penknives than use swords ; and there is no misery worse than be conducted by a foole , or commanded by a coward ; for who can indure to be assaulted by any , see his men and selfe imbrued in their owne bloud , for feare of a checke , when it is so contrary to nature and necessity , and yet as obedient to government and their soveraigne , as duty required . now your best plea is to stand upon your guard , and provide to defend as they did offend , especially at landing : if you be forced to retire , you have the advantage five for one in your retreat , wherein there is more discipline , than in a brave charge ; and though it seeme lesse in fortune , it is as much in valour to defend as to get , but it is more easie to defend than assault , especially in woods where an enemy is ignorant . lastly , remember as faction , pride , and security , produces nothing but confusion , miseric and dissolution ; so the contraries well practised will in short time make you happy , and the most admired people of all our plantations for your time in the world . iohn smith writ this with his owne hand . finis . errata . page . the company in england say . or . thousand : the counsell in virginia say but . or there abouts . errata . courteous reader , by reason of the false transcribeing of the copy these faults are past , which we desire you to mend with your pen. in the epistle to the reader l. . for detractnesse read detractment . in the contents . chap. . l. . the sants , r. them phesants . page . l. . desirous , r. desired . p . l. . denied not , r. denied it , not . p. . l. . the sants r. them phesants . p. . l. . cattanents , r. catavents . p. . l. . with , r. to which . p. against line . r. b. wants in the margin . p. . l. . almond , r. allom. p. . against line . r. b. wants in the margin . p. . l. . accord ▪ r. action . p. . in line and . blot out cutters to have made india tobacco . p. . l. . then for mine , r. then mine for . p. . l. . shaviva , r. aleavina . p. . l. . immitation , r. initiation . p. . l. . come , r. am . p. . against line . r. b. wants in the margin . p. . l. . . . . for neva disant ma main faict cest aennre , on ma vertut cebel aennre ae par faict ; mais dis ainsi dien par moy a faict , dieu est santheur dei peu de bien que je ' onre . reade , ne va disant ma main a faict cest oeuure , ou ma vertu ce bel oeuure a par faict ; mais dis ainsi dieu par moy l'our a faict , dieu est l'autheur du peu de bien que je'oure . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e no browaist nor separatist admitted . what they are that biginne this plantation . the bine of virginia . the differences betwixt my beginning in virginia and the proceedings of my successors . a strange mistake is wise men . thee effect of slavrry the 〈◊〉 of misery . take heed of factions bred in england . the massacre in virginia . how the company dissolved . the abundance of victuals now in virginia . a great comfort for new england by virginia . the differences betwixt the beginning of virginia , and them of salem . a necessary consideration . new-england is no iland but the maine continent . a strange plague among the salvages . by what right wee may possesse those countries law fully . true reasons for those plantations . rare examples of the spaniards , portugals , and the ancients . my first voyage to notumbega now called new-england . . we got . pound in six moneths . . bevers sent to france . my second and third voyage . . . a description of the country . vnder the equinoctiall , twelve houres day , and twelve night . their religion . . eight ships to fish . . . seven and thirty saile to fish . . five and forty saile to fish . . they make store of good salt . an incredible rich mine . notes worthy observation . goods ill gotten ill spent . miserablenesse no good husbandry . . . . . the effect of the last great patent . a proclamation for new-england . memorandums for masters . incouragements for servants . . the planting salem . their provisions for salem . the planting salem and charlton . a description of the massachusets bay. the master-peece of workmanship . extraordinary meanes for buildings . caveats for catt●ll . how to spoyle the woods for pasture and corne . a silly complaint of cold , the reason and remedy . proviso●s for passengers and saylers at sea . . their presnnt estate . the fruits of counterfeits . note well . ecclesiasticall government in virginia . their estates at this day . their order of teaching in salem . the miserable effects of faction in religion . the necessity of order and authority . the effect of a cittadell , or 〈◊〉 t●ue modell of a plantation . the condition of trade and freedome . the spaniards glory . provisoes for exercise of armes . a reference to the action of all our prime discoverers and plonters . what is requisite to be in a governour of a plantation . the expeditions of queene elizabeths sea-captaines . ill newes from new-england, or, a nar[r]ative of new-englands persecution wherin is declared that while old england is becoming new, new-england is become old : also four proposals to the honoured parliament and councel of state, touching the way to propagate the gospel of christ ... : also four conclusions touching the faith and order of the gospel of christ out of his last will and testament, confirmed and justified / by john clark ... clarke, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) ill newes from new-england, or, a nar[r]ative of new-englands persecution wherin is declared that while old england is becoming new, new-england is become old : also four proposals to the honoured parliament and councel of state, touching the way to propagate the gospel of christ ... : also four conclusions touching the faith and order of the gospel of christ out of his last will and testament, confirmed and justified / by john clark ... clarke, john, - . [ ], p. printed by henry hills ..., london : . "a faithfull and true relation of the prosecution of obediah holmes, john crandall, and john clarke, meerly for conscience towards god, by the principall members of the church, or common-wealth of the mathatusets in new-england ... drawn forth by the aforesaid john clarke": p. - . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng holmes, obediah, - . crandall, john, d. . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . massachusetts -- church history -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ill newes from new-england : or a narative of new-englands persecution . wherin is declared that while old england is becoming new , new-england is become old. also four proposals to the honoured parliament and councel of state , touching the way to propagate the gospel of christ ( with small charge and great safety ) both in old england and new. also four conclusions touching the faith and order of the gospel of christ out of his last will and testament , confirmed and justified by john clark physician of rode island in america . revel . . . hold fast till i come . . . behod i come quickly . . . amen , even so come lord jesus . london , printed by henry hills living in fleet-yard next door to the rose and crown , in the year . to the right honorable the house of parliament , and councel of state for the commonwealth of england , the author humbly craves of that mighty counseller , that prince of peace , a large donation of the spirit of counsell , and of the spirit of courage , with a suitable and happy success for the peace , liberty , and enlargement of these three nations . may it please you right honorable , in some of those few vacant hours which it pleaseth the most high ( whose rod and staff you are ) to afford unto you , from those many , weighty , difficult , and distractfull incombrances , and affairs , that do flow in , and press upon you daily , to cast your eye ( at least for recreation sake ) upon this treatise , and the rather , because it contains in it matter of no small concernment , as in it self , so especially to your honoured selves ; for in the first part , which is the narrative , you may please to read a tragicall story , wherein i hope your eye will not a litle affect your tender hearts , to see such a discurteous entertainment of strangers , and wayfaring-men that were passing by , and tarried but for a night or two , and that by their neighbours , men professing the fear of the lord as they also do ; who together for liberty of their consciences , and worship of their god , as their hearts were perswaded , long since fled from the persecuting hands of the lordly bishops , your adversaries and ours , unto those utmost parts of the world , to the extreme hazard of their lives , the wasting of their estates , and upon the point , to the totall loss and deprivation of their neer and deer relations , and the comforts thereof in this their native land ; and the rather to see this acted by that sword , that hand , which from your honored arm they are betrusted with , and so to see your sword , your power , your hand misused therein . in the second part , which is the confirmation of my testimony by the word of god , and testimony of christ jesus the lord , and especially in the later part thereof : you that count it your greatest honour , and highest preferment in this world to be servants of christ ( who is indeed the lord of lords , and king of kings , whose sword-bearers you are , as was also that caesar although he knew it not ) you ( i say i hope ) shall find that he hath not required such things at your hands , as generally they that have been his sword-bearers before your selves have been apt to conceive ; and thereupon have been too deeply engaged in the shedding of much innocent bloud in this land ; being also perswaded thereunto by their teachers , who to maintain their superstitious , humane , invented religion and worship , for filthy lucres sake , it being the only curious art , and craft by which they had their wealth and livings as those of old ; not having the two-edged sword of the spirit , which is the word of god , to defend themselves , and to maintain their craft , against the poor illiterate and despised servants and witnesses of jesus christ , have been forced to call for the sword of stell , the power of the magistrate , to help to stop their mouthes , to cut them off , and so to take them out of their way , and by casting a mist before their rulers eyes they have still perswaded them , that this is their office , and duty to do , and that hereby they did god best service with that sword with which they were betrusted , whereas indeed they did but make their sword guilty of the blood of the innocent ; and thus were they taken off from attending upon the very thing for which this sword was put into their hands , to attend upon their private , and carnall interests , and so were brought into a double transgression . by whose errataes , right honourable , i hope the lord will teach you to beware , and by giving you a clear discerning of his mind , and will in these more bright sunne-shining daies ( wherein the earth begins to be filled with the knowledge of the lord as the waters cover the sea ) will give you to understand that as all power in earth is given to him , so he to the glory of god his father , whose power , and wisdome he is , doth wisely manage the same by a two fold administration of power suitable to the two fold state or being of man , whom in the earth , and in the things thereof he hath appointed lord ; that one may be called an earthly , and outward administration , which suits the outward man , and all those outward , and visible things ( in reference unto man ) that do belong thereto , as he is lord thereof , and is managed by an outward visible sword of steel , and by a carnall or audible voyce , or word of him , or them that holds it in their hand , and to an outward and carnal end , ( yet righteous , just , and good , which being diligently attended to tends to the peace , liberty , and prosperity of a civil state , nation and kingdom so far as it concerns the outward man and visible state thereof ; ) which end is the preservation of it self , the whole , and every particular part , and person , belonging thereunto , safe in their person , name , and estate from him , or them that would rise up visibly to oppress , or wrong them in the same ; thus in the general ; and to instance more particularly , in case by the caution of a wholesome law , and just penalty annexed thereunto , which by a carnall hand or way , is presented to a carnall and visible eye , or ear , the oppressour takes not warning , and will not be deterred from offering violence to the person , name , or estate of his neighbour , then by this power shall he be made responsible , and be forced nolens volens , so far as he is able to make it good , and to restore ; in case any be impoverished , or faln to decay in their outward man , and estates by age , sickness , fire , or by some other way , or hand of god ; so far as their present strength extends , by this power they are to be employed , and where it fails , to be relieved , and that by an equall , and just levy of their neigbours estates to be taken also by force in case there be not so much love , and charity in them towards their poor distressed neighbours to constrain them thereunto , and by the same way also to maintain itself , and all other just undertakings that may be presented for the preservation of the whole . and this in brief is the sum of that administration of christs power in earth so far as it meerly concerns the outward man with respect to others that may uphold it , or molest it , and is managed by that sword of steel which in reference unto him is called in scripture the rod of iron by which he rules the nations , and breaks them to peeces like a potters vessel ; and with this administration of his power on earth ( right honourable ) hath he ( who is the lord of lords and shall ere long appear as king and judge of all ) betrusted you in these three nations , having as a manifest token thereof put into your hand that iron rod , and to admiration hath strengthened and upheld your arm for the subduing , and ordering of the same . there is yet besides this , another administration of christs power on earth , which compared with this , may be truly termed heavenly and spirituall , it being that which suiteth with , and principally is exercised about the spirituall , or hidden part of man , to wit , his spirit , mind , and conscience , which is indeed the most naturall lord and commander of the outward , it and all things belonging thereunto being but naturally subject , and readily obedient , from which very consideration it is , that it is more safe , and also more honourable , for the powers on earth to have one thousand souls to be subject to them for love and conscience sake , than to have ten thousand times ten thousand bodies seemingly subject , for wrath sake , and for fear of revenge ; this spirit and great commander in man , is such a sparkling beam , from the father of lights , and spirits , that it cannot be lorded over , commanded , or forced , either by men , devils , or angels , but onely leaving its first station , wherein it came so neer to the light and glory of god , it is now caused to possess death and darkness , and by that means is in a capacity by men and devils to be deceived , and so by perswasion to be mis-led . this spirituall administration of christs power in and over the spirits and consciences of men , as it extends to all the inward and hidden motions and actings of the mind , so to all the outward manifestations of its powerfull commands in the outward man , in reference unto god , and especially unto such as appertain to the visible worship and service of god , who hath declared himself to be a spirit , and will be worshipped in spirit and in truth , and seeks such , and onely such to worship him : this spirituall administration so far as it concerns the outward man , is managed not by a sword of steel ( which cannot come neer or touch the spirit or mind of man ) but by the sword that proceeds out of the mouth of his servants , the word of truth , and especially as to the efficacy , and to the inward man , by the two-edged sword of the spirit , that spirituall law and light with which these candles of the lord are enlightned , and that by himself , who is that light that enlightneth every man that comes into the world ; and this spirituall administration of christs power on earth in and over the spirits , minds , and consciences of the sons of men , and also over the outward man as to worship meerly , is committed into the hands of the spirit of christ , who is his vice-roy here on earth , and is only able to deal with spirits by way of convincing , converting , transforming , and as it were a-new creating of them , and so to translate them out of the kingdome of darkness , in which they are by nature , into the glorious ●iberty of the saints in light . who is pleased also to make use of the mouths of his servants , and through them , as empty reeds , and crooked rams-hornes , to overturn the spirits , and spirituall strong holds of men and devils , and by them to convict , avenge , and execute the sentence written , which upon such as manifest the emnity that is in their minds in the highest degree even against the holy spirit himself ( the only sin unpardonable ( for all other sin and blasphemy shall be forgiven ) i say the written sentence that is to be executed upon such ) is anathema maranatha , that is , accursed with this intimation , our lord cometh , leaving them untill he meet with them ; and otherwise than thus the servants of christ cannot proceed , having express command not to strive , but to be patient , apt to teach , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves , & to wait if god at anytime wil give them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth : thus if it please the father of lights to give you ( right honorable ) to distinguish between these two administrations of christ's power here on earth , and to leave that part to himself in the hand of his spirit , which cannot be conferred on others , nor yet rightly managed but by the two-edged sword of that spirit , and wholly give up your selves to improve that part which belongs unto , and well suits with that sword which you are now betrusted with , it will much conduce to his glory , your own praise , and the peace and settlement of these three nations , over which the lord hath set you . and whereas right honorable , it is in your hearts , to propagate the gospell of jesus christ ; the thing is excellent that is in your hearts , and i hope the way to effect it is before you , which is , sith the lord of hoasts hath said , that works of this nature are carried on , not by might , nor by power , but by his spirit , therefore to give way to his spirit for the effecting thereof : and to this end i humbly propose , that your way to further this glorious design , as to the might and power this lord of hoasts hath betrusted you with , is . not so much as to touch his anointed , and to do his prophets no harm , their ointment being the spirit of prophecy , and this spirit of prophecy the testimony and witness of the gospel of jesus . and . as obedient and dutifull servants to that lord of lords , to suffer the tares ( which being by the adversary sown after the wheat , must needs be ment , erronious , hereticall , and antichristian persons professing the gospel , i say to let these tares ) alone in that part of the field , or world , over which the great lord of the harvest hath placed your honors ; sith it is his pleasure they shall there remain to the time of the harvest , being the end of the world , and that out of his tender respect to the wheat , lest in plucking up the tares ( though evidently discerned by his servants ) the wheat should be rooted up also . and . to the same end not to give your sword , or power to the beast nor yet to suffer your power , neither in these three nations , nor yet in any forreign part of the world to be so misused by any to whom 't is committed , as by vertue thereof out of an ignorant zeal , and blind devotion , pretending to pluck up the tares ( which yet is contrary to the express mind of the lord ) to root up the wheat also . . to countenance and incourage ( as through gods mercifull hand on your hearts in some measure you do ) such as are faithful , and upright in the land , by this means shall a wide and effectual door be opened , and so shall the word of the lord , which is the gospel of christ go forth , run , and be glorifyed through all those parts of the world that acknowledge your power , and that which is of god shall stand , encrease and be propagated , and that which is not of god shall fall , decay , and come to nothing . thus shall you also accomplish the words of the prophets of old , in becoming nursing fathers unto the servants , and children of god , who under you shall lead a peaceable , and quiet life in all godliness , and honesty , and shall be greatly obli●ged to improve their interest in the father of mercies by their presenting to him constant and earnest petitions , supplications , intercessions , and giving of thanks on your behalf . and for the furtherance of those worthy thoughts of your hearts , they shall not cease to preach , and declare to great , and small what they have seen , and felt , and heard touching the gospel of christ , and to pray the lord of the harvest to send forth faithful and painful labourers into his harvest ; which is also the constant , hearty , and earnest request of your humble and faithful subject , john clark . to the honored magistracy , the presbytery , and their dependency in the mathatusets colony in new-england , the author wisheth repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth as it is in jesus christ . honored friends , for so without scruple or dissimulation can i call you ; some of you i honor for your parts , others for your places sake , and both for many good things i see in you , and for evils reformed by you ; i call you friends , for my love to you ( in truth ) is unfained , neither are there ( i bless the lord notwithstanding the discourteous usage which i and my friends received from you ) any evill thoughts in my heart towards you , because i judge you were put upon what you did by a zeal ( i would not think , unto private or caanall interests but ) towards god , thinking thereby to do him service ; although i confidently believe , and therefore boldly do affirm that his soul abhors it ; and that i may deal plainly with you as a friend , i will tell you what in my heart i think and judge , that such a zeal of god is not according to true knowledge , or knowledge of the truth as it is in jesus christ , which would soon take you off , and free you from that soul murdering , and blood thirsty lie . i hope you will not be offended to see this narrative brought forth into the publick view , it being upon the point forst from me by your friends & agent here , seeing also the matter , which is contained therein is of no less than of publick concernment , was not done in a corner , is the fruit of your zeal , and that wherin i suppose you glory and count your selves herein a worthy pattern for all that sear the lord , to follow you , and withall their might to be conformed to ; which if a truth , i then save you a labour , and further your design , yea i publish your praise , and glory , but my own disgrace and shame ; but if a mistake , and falsehood , i shall then hereby give occasion unto your faithful friends ( whose words may be of more prevailing power , and force than mine , through prejudice for present , are like to be ) to tell you friendly , and yet plainly , that you do but glory in your shame , so that the time may come , if so be the will of god , that you may smite upon your thigh , and say within your selves , what fruit had we then of those things , whereof we are now ashamed ; neither let it be offensive to your spirits to see my testimony for which thing sake among you we were shamefully entreated , being also strangers to you and belonging to another jurisdiction where and by whose means divers of you , and yours , and such as have been of chiefest note , and most highly esteemed by you , have enjoyed curtesies with far greater liberties in point of conscience no man gainsaying : let it not offend i say to see this testimony when none of you ( upon the oft repeated motion ) would come forth to oppose it , then to be made yet more publick , & by the word of god , and testimony of christ jesus the lord to be brought forth into the open view of all , confirmed and justifyed ▪ neither take it ill that fith i could not with freedom , and upon equal terms speak with you , and discuss these points for which we have been sentenced , that then i have made bold to write unto you some few lines , that thereby i might remind you ( least you let it slip ) that we were brought before you as by a hand from beneath , so not without a speciall , and good hand from above , and that to be a testimony against you in these two weighty particulars ; first to bear testimony against your standing with respect to the worship of god appointed by christ , which in plain terms ( for it is not now a time to dissemble seeing the lord is at hand ) is false , and evil , not the order of the gospel of christ as you pretend , and therefore disorder , confusion , and that , which in scripture language is called babel ; and secondly to bear testimony , or witness against that way by which you maintain it , which being chiefly as it appears by carnal weapons , which cannot reach to the heart or spirit of a man , which is the principal part , and upon the point the whole in the worship of god , without which there is no acceptance with him , this i say must needs also be fals , but yet far worse , it being no way appointed , or approved of christ , nor yet groundedly expected or practised by christians who first trusted in christ , and therefore upon due examination will prove most unchristian , yea antichristian ; i shall use but these two arguments in this place to convince you , the first wherof standeth thus . that order , and way to maintain it which neither hath precept from christ , and his apostles in his last will and testament , nor yet president , or example among those that first trusted in christ , that order cannot be the order of the gospel of christ , nor that way his way to maintain it . but the order which you call the order of the gospel of christ , and the way which you say is his way to maintain it , hath neither precept , nor president in his last will and testament . the first proposition i suppose none of you can deny , unless you can find a later than that which is called his last will and testament , and as for the second the truth thereof , will as easily appear if you bring your order , and way to maintain it to the precept of christ , and practise of those that first trusted in him ; and first for your order , what precept from christ , or practise among those that first trusted in him have you for baptizing of infants ( who are declared to be but flesh and by nature the children of wrath one as well as another : ) for rantising and sprinkling them , and not baptizing or dipping them ; for accepting such as were sprinkled with superstitious hallowed water , and by the hand of as superstitious consecrated a ministery of antichrist , and for receiving of such as are sprinkled by your selves to the ordinance of baptism as you call it , but yet to deny them communion in the apostles doctrine , and in breaking of bread : and if you cannot find either precept from christ or his apostles , or example among those that first trusted in christ for none of these , then will you be a● loss for the rest , and neither , find precept or president for your joining together , or for your imitation of those that fi●st trusted in him in their ministery of continuance togegether in the apostles doctrine and fellow ship and breaking of bread , and prayer . and touching your way to maintain it , what have you a precept and president in the last will and testiment of christ for such a gathering together with respect to the order of the gospell of christ in the name , and by the leave of the magistrate , so as to make it a thing unlawful for the servants of christ to do it , without him , by the civil sword to correct errour , heresies , and all false worships , to constrain all church-members , and such also as are without ( and so cannot but by you be looked upon to be without faith , without which it is impossible to please god ) outwardly and hypocritically to conform to your worship , or to restrain them in like manner outwardly and hypocritically from enjoying their own , when according to that rule ( to which is annexed the promise of peace to such as walk thereby ) the greatest apostacies and blasphemies ( that unpardonable fin it self not excepted ) were but punished with a delivery of the person that was guilty thereof unto satan the god of this world , that he might learn not to blaspheme the god of heaven , and so to leave him to the coming of the lord who shall come in flaming fire to render vengeance upon such ; and so much is signified by the word anathema maranatha . and i pray consider whether this be not to place the magistrate too high , or too low ; too high in case you make him the chief , and upon the point the only judge in spiritual things ( ●uch as appertain to the mystery of godliness that is so great , and such as belong to the mystery of the kingdome of christ , that is so wonderful ) so as to judge , and determine what is truth , and what is error and heresie , what is the right way of the worship of god who being a spirit hath declared that he will be worshipped in spirit , and in truth , and what is not ; who are the worshippers he seeks for , and who are such as his soul abhors ? and again too low in case you make him but the executioner only of other mens judgements ; which indeed is the ordinary practise . and so i have done with the first argument ; the second stands thus . . arg. that order , and way to maintain it which is not only different from , but contrary unto the precept of christ in his last will and testament , and the practise of christians that first trusted in him , that order cannot be the order of the gospel of christ , nor that way his way to maintain it . but the order which you call the order of the gospel of christ , and the way which you say is his way to maintain it , is not only different from but contrary unto the precept of christ , and the practise of christians that first trusted in him . the first proposition it undeniable , and the second will easily appear to be true if your order ▪ and that way by which you seek to maintain it be brought to and compared with the precept of christ , and his apostles , and the example of those churches that first trusted in him ; and first compare but your order with either precept , or president ; and it will evidently appear not only to be differing from , but contrary unto the order of the gospel of christ : for according to the precept of christ every creature to whom the gospel was to be preached was by the preaching thereof to be made a disciple before he was to be baptised , and then being so made , and baptized he was to be taught to observe all things which christ had commanded , which was in reference to a sober , righteous , and godly conversation in the order of his house , according to which precept was the practise of those that first trusted in him , for they , and they only that gladly received the word of salvation by jesus christ were baptized , acts and they , and all they that were baptized were joined without the leave of the magistrate , and continued together steadfastly in the apostles doctrine ; and in fellowship , and breaking of bread and prayer : but your joining together not at the command of the lord , but by the leave of the magistrate , and your continuing together in imitation of the first churches , and appointing a ministery before your selves be baptized , and so visibly planted into the death of christ as they were ; and your administring baptism ( as you call it ) to such as are not the true subjects thereof before they are taught , or made disciples ; and after a false manner , viz. by sprinkling , which no way resembles the death , burial , or resurrection of jesus christ , being that which his baptisme is appointed to do ; and your admitting some unto baptism ( as you own it ) which you refuse to admit unto breaking of bread , and your receiving such to breaking of bread , which yet were never baptized with the baptism appointed by jesus christ the lord ; and your shutting out the exercise of the gift of prophecying , which in the church of christ doth admirably tend to edification ; and your introducing a mixt confused way of singing which fills the ear rather with a loud sound of words , than the heart with any thing that is truly edifying , all which is not only differing from , but contrary unto both precept , and president , and so cannot be the order of the gospel of christ , and therefore is no better than disorder , confusion , and a part of that which in scripture language is called babell . and compare that way by which you maintain it , either with the precept of christ or with the president of primitive christians and it will as evidently appear not only to be different from , but contrary unto them both ; for first the precept of christ was to learn of him who was meek and lowly , and to expect trouble , and persecution from others , and not to persecute , neither to force the jews that would not follow him , nor yet to fire the samaritans that would not receive him , yea he expressely commands his servants to let the rares alone with the wheat , and suffers no small inconvenience thereby to avoid a greater , and further declares that the servant of the lord must nor strive , but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach ( not to strike ) patient , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves , if god peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth that they may recover themselves out of the snare of the devil who are taken captive by him at his will ; according to which precepts of christ we find the primitive christians were meek , and gentle , and yet able by sound doctrine both to exhort , & convince the gainsayers , who called not for carnall weapons to mannage their warfare , but declared their weapons were mighty through god , and either by the word and a good conversation wonne men to the acknowledgement of the truth as it is in jesus , or else left them wi●hout excuse together with the world , unto the judgement of the great day of the lord ; but now all men may see that your way is not only different from , but contrary unto this precept of christ and president of christians , and therefore cannot be esteemed any better than unchristian , yet antichristian . let not your adversary and mine ( dear countreymen ) fill your hearts with indignation , and thoughts of revenge against him , who in a faithful discharge of his conscience both towards god , and you , have made bold to deal plainly with you , least my god to whom vengeance belongs , repay it upon you , and smite you with blindness of mind , and hardness of heart that cannot repent , but rather set before your eyes that memorable practice , and worthy pattern of those noble bereans , and ( laying profits , honor and prejudice aside if it be possible ) peruse my testimony , and search the scriptures diligently to see whether the things contained therein be so or no ; if you find them so , viz. confirmed , and justifyed by the word of god , and by the testimony of christ jesus the lord , then consider , not i but the lord from heaven calls upon you to break off your sins by repentance , and let me hereby give you warning to take heed that you dispise not him that speaketh from heaven . as touching the wrong and injury done to us , you having thereby much more wronged your own souls in transgressing the very law , and light of nations , doing as you would not be done unto , it is in my heart to pitty you rather , and to petition my lord in heaven not to lay this sin to your charge , than to complain against you , or to petition your lords and ours here on earth for justice herein ; no , no , we have better learned christ than so , having also given up our hearts to be led by his spirit ; and to walk in his steps , who when he was reviled , reviled not again , when he suffered , he threatned not , but committed his case to him that judgeth righteously , and who knowes but that the spirit of judgement , and the spirit of burning , hath been , or may be ere long in your hearts , whereby you may be made affectedly sensible , that the cause is the same , or very little differing from this . a poor innocent traveller passeth along the countrey upon his occasions : a man having strength in his arm findeth him , frames himself offended with him for no cause he hath given him , and because he cannot draw him unto his party , either to rob , or to kill , or to say amen to his practises , he therefore binds him , and casts him into a pit , and declares himself resolute there to keep him , till he hath his blood , unless he will deliver him his purse ; the man either hath not a purse about him , or a heart to deliver it ; and being unwilling either to part with his blood , or that the other should be so deeply guilty in taking it from him , he meekly , and earnestly thrice moveth the strong man for a discourse , and humbly entreats him that he would not seek by the strength of his arme , but by the force of some arguments to convince his understanding , and conscience , and so to draw him ( as a man ) to his party , but the strong man delaies him , and so puts him off ; whereupon a good tender hearted samaritan passing by , and perceiving how the case stood , and that the strong man would have his purse ; or his blood without any dispute , being moved with compassion to redeem this innocent blood from the handof the strong man he delivers him his own purse , and so the man is released . take it not ill that i have used so much plainess of speech , for my studie is now to speak plainly , and neither flatteringly nor invectively : and to use plain dealing with all men , although i verifie the proverb , and die a begger ; for as i told some of your selve● ( and that in publick ) i abhor dissimulation , neither can i account him a wise man who doth not hate dissembling , or that doth love to dissemble ; and therefore saith solomon rebuke a wise man and he will love thee , &c. and david the king saith on this wife , let the righteous smite me and it shall be a precious balm ; i know instruction is grievous to him that is out of the way , but what saith the wise man , he that hateth instruction shall die . consider i pray what hath been spoken , and turn not away your eye , nor your ear , nor your heart from instruction , least that which was said by the prophet of old isa . . , . . be in you verified , which to prevent is the humble and earnest request unto the fathers of mercies of your loving friend and couutreyman john clark . to the true christian reader . thou maist herein ( christian reader ) see , and peruse thy destiny in this present evill world ( which seems in a great measure to be subjected unto devils ) through which thou art to pass unto that purchased possession , and promised inheritance of the saints in light , which is in that better world , which is not subjected unto angels , but unto the sonne of god himself ; thou maist herein also observe , and take notice of the hand by whom from thy heavenly father thou art to receive that bitter cup , which he drunk off when he was here below ; for thy sake chiefly was this treatise brought forth into the publick view ; i hope not to discourage thee , but to strengthen thine heart , that thou mightest not fear any of those things , which thou shalt suffer , either from men or devils for thy testimony , that jesus is the christ ( it being that which will shortly appear the only prevailing , and victorious truth in all the world ) : for herein shalt thou also see that worthy saying lively accomplished ; if ye suffer for the name of christ blessed are ye , for the spirit of the lord , and of glory resteth upon you ; thou hast a worthy name called on thee . my hearts desire , and prayer to god on thy behalf , therefore is that thou maist enjoy such a plentifull pouring forth of that holy spirit into thine heart , that thereby thou maist be inabled to walk worthy of it , and having so bright a beam of the fathers glory in thy soul , it may so shine forth before the sons of men , that they seeing thy good works may have cause administred to glorify our father , which is in heaven ; it is not words now christian , ( although they were spoken with tongues of men and angels ) when that worthy name is every where well spoken of , but faith that works by love , and love by works that will distinguish a heady from a hearty christian . say not in thine heart that christs comands are low , and his appointments carnall , legal injunctions , and at the best , but neat for babes ; least hereby thine heart be declared to be vainly puft ●p in thy carnall or fleshly mind , and to have too low , and carnall conceits of christ himself , who is the injoyner , appointer , and commander thereof , and shall ere long appear as judge , yea least hereby thou be declared ignorant , or at the best forgetful of this one thing , that it is the great design of god in christ as to glorifie himself to admiration in poor sinful flesh , so whilest he doth it to hide pride from man , and therefore as he hath chosen not many wise , mighty , nor noble of this world , but the foolish , weak , base , despised nothings thereof , so hath he suited his commands , and appointments thereunto , and intends through these foolish things so to cause his wisdome to shine forth as thereby to confound the wise ; through these weak things so to cause his power to appear , as thereby to confound the things that are mighty ; and through these base dispised things that are not , to bring to nought those noble , glorious , and excellent things of the world that are ; thou mayst herein see ( gentle reader ) that i have rather chosen to bear witness to the faith , and order of our lord , and to shew unto the world , but especially unto thee , what is the mind of christ in this time of his absence as to faith , and obedience , to shew i say rather what is truth , which is but one , than to bear witness against the ly , which is so various , knowing that the truth once established shall discover the falshood , and light breaking forth shall scatter the darkness . and whilest i lead thee forth to seek him whom thy soul loveth , and longeth after , who is also thy joy , and thy crown ; while i lead thee i say by the footsteps of those flocks that first trusted in christ , and were fed by such pastors according to his own heart , as he gave them , god forbid that thou shouldst be as one that wilt turn aside by the flocks of his companions , and shouldst be found remaining either on the left side in a visible way of worship in deed , but such as was neither appointed by christ , nor yet practised by them who first trusted in him , or on the right in no visible way of worship , or order at all either pretending that the outward court is given to the gentiles , and the holy city is by them to be troden under foot ; that the church of christ is now in the wilderness , and the time of its recovery is not yet , or else pretending that god is a spirit , and so will in spirit be worshipped , and not in this place or that , in this way or that . well if thou beest in these waies misled i can no longer forbear in tenderness of spirit , and compassionate bowels of love to stretch forth a helping hand thereby to try whether it be the good pleasure of god at this time to drop down a word of light , and life , and power into thine heart , that thou mayest be there by awakned , and quickned to be still saying within thy soul ; lord what wilt thou have me to do ? so shalt thou hear such a saying as this , come out from among them ( oh my people ) and be ye separate from them , and touch no unsanctifyed thing , and i will receive you , and be a father unto you , and ye shall be my sons , and daughters , saith the lord ▪ god almighty , and also such a saying as this , blessed are they that do his commands for they have right to the tree of life , and shall enter in through those gates of pearl into that glorious city ; rev. . . and know that these are the commandments of jesus sci . as ye have received christ jesus the lord , so walk ye in him ; and behold i come quickly , hold that fast which thou hast , yea hold fast till i come ; and such as may be under the later disceptions let me intreat thee to ponder these words in thine heart sci . that prophecies although marvelous plain , and easy to be understood , cannot warrant a pure conscience to neglect , much less to cast off the commandments and oppointments of jesus , neither can the spirit of christ direct or incourage the heart of a christian to cast off his lordship ; no , no , the spirit of christ is hereby distinguished from that of antichrist , in that he shall unfainedly confess that jesus is the christ , and that this christ jesus is come in the flesh , and when he is come according to promise into the heart of a christian , he shall not speak of himself , but as a messenger his office is to gloryfie christ by taking of him , and his , and shewing it unto , yea writing it in the heart of a christian , so that i dare boldly say , there is none for the exaltation of christ jesus the lord according to his last will and testament , and for the nourishing a lively hope in the heart of a christian concerning his glorious return , i say there is none to that holy spirit of promise , who being also the spirit of truth , shall guide the souls of the saints to worship the father , as in spirit , so likewise in truth ; and therfore that spirit that speaks of himself , and is so far from ▪ taking of christs to exalt , and gloryfie him according as he hath foretold and his father intended , that he takes from christ , laies him low , and diminisheth his glory , that spirit cannot be the spirit of christ , or that holy spirit of promise ; and for asmuch as the spirit speaketh expresly that in these later daies there shall be seducing spirits that shall deceive if it were possible the very elect of god , whose incounter will not be so much with flesh and blood , but with wicked spirits in high places , let me therfore exhort thee in the words of that beloved disciple of christ ; beleive not every spirit , but try the spirits ; and that by this rule , whether they be of god or no , bring them to the wholsome words of the holy apostles , prophets , and son of god ; ye erre ( saith christ ) not knowing the scriptures , and the power of god ; let it be thy care ( christian ) therfore to search the scriptures , and therein to wait for the power and glory of the spirit of god. and look to thy spirit for as immediately before christs appearing in flesh , satan in a large measure possessed the bodies of men , that by his casting them out , his power in flesh might appear ; so before his coming again in glory i have grounds to expect that the minds & spirits of men shall be strongly possessed ; and that as this fundamentall conclusion , thou art jesus the son of the living god , shall be improved to the utmost by the holy spirit of christ in the hearts and lives of the sons and daughters of god , so shall the same conclusion be improved to the utmost by way of a bewitching deception in the hearts and lives of the sons of men by the spirit of antichrist , which mystery being brought to the height , then shall christ jesus consume him with the spirit of his mouth , and shall destroy him with the brightness of his coming . therfore ( christian ) stand thou upon thy watch , and know , that if christ be formed in thee , thou canst not but be transformed by him , and the best form that thou canst be found in when thy lord shall appear , will be in that form , and so doing , as he hath appointed , walking wisely and in peace toward all men . consider what hath been spoken to thee , and the god of truth and peace give thee to understand and do his will ; which is the constant and earnest supplication and prayer of thine in christ jesus john clark a brief discourse touching new england , as to the matter in hand , and to that part of it , sci . rode iland , where my residence is , together with the occasion of my going out with others from the mathatusets bay , and the many providentiall occurrences that directed us thereto , and pitched us thereon . as also the contents of the whole treatise . new england is a name ( as is generally known ) that was , and still is , call'd upon that place in reference to old ; yet not so much because it is peopled , and planted from thence , for so are many other plantations of the english in those western parts ; but because it resembles the same , as the daughter the mother . it resembles it in the climate , in the times and seasons of the year , in the fruits which the land naturally produceth , in the fouls , and the fish that are there in abundance . it resembles it in their politicall affairs ; for their governments , laws , courts , officers , are in a great measure the same , and so are the names of their towns , & counties ; and in point of good husbandry , that w ch is raised and produced in new england , more substantiall , and whether it be for food or raiment it is the same with that which is here produced in old. it is a place ( in the largest acceptation ) that contains in it all the plantations of the english upon that coast of america that lie between the dutch plantation on the west , and the french on the east , and extends it self upon the sea coast above one hundred leagues . in it is contained the four colonies , which call themselves the united colonies . the colony called by the name of the province of providence plantations , lying on the south & south-east thereof , and two or three more lving on the easter north-east , in agamenticus , saco , casco-bay , & pema juid , where is that treasure of masts for ships . the names of the united colonies are these , in point of precedency first mathatusets , &c. but in point of antiquity first plymouth , then the mathatusets , then conectecot , and last quinipiuck . the chief towns of these colonies , and seats of their government are these , boston of the mathatusets , plymouth of plymouth , hereford of conectecot , and of quinipiuck new-haven . now as the name new england in the largest and truest acceptation extends to all the plantations of the english between the french and the dutch , so in a scanty and improper acceptance of the word ( especially when it makes for advantage ) it is taken for these four united colonies , by reason of the precedency they have of others , and for the same cause , and upon the point as well , it may be taken for the mathatusets and the town of boston therein . when i speak of new england , understand it of that part which hath got the precedency ( by reason of shipping ) and start of the rest , sci . the mathatusets , as both in my epistle and narrative is plain to be seen , which i have here also inserted for fear of mistake . in the colony of providence plantations in point of antiquity the town of providence is chief , but in point of precedency rode-iland excels . this iland lieth in the narraganset bay , being or miles long , and in breadth between and miles at the broadest ; it began to be planted by the english in the beginning of the year . and by this hand of providence . in the year i left my native land , and in the ninth moneth of the same , i ( through mercy ) arived at boston , i was no sooner on shore , but there appeared to me differences among them touching the covenants , and in point of evidencing a mans good estate , some prest hard for the covenant of works , and for sanctification to be the first and chief evidence , others prest as hard for the covenant of grace that was established upon better promises , and for the evidence of the spirit , as that which is a more certain , constant , and satisfactory witness . i thought it not strange to see men differ about matters of heaven , for i expect no less upon earth : but to see that they were not able so to bear each with other in their different understandings and consciences , as in those utmost parts of the world to live peaceably together , whereupon i moved the latter , for as much as the land was before us and wide enough , with the profer of abraham to lot , and for peace sake , to turn aside to the right hand , or to the left : the motion was readily accepted , and i was requested w th some others to seek out a place , which accordingly i was ready to do ; and thereupon by reason of the suffocating heat of the summer before , i went to the north to be somewhat cooler , but the winter following proved so cold , that we were forced in the spring to make towards the south ; so having sought the lord for direction , we all agreed that while our vessell was passing about alarge and dangerous cape , we would cross over by laad , having long iland and delaware-bay in our eie for the place of our residence ; so to a town called providence we came , which was begun by one m. roger williams ( who for matter of conscience had not long before been exiled from the former jurisdiction ) by whom we were courteously and lovingly received , and with whom we advised about our design ; he readily presented two places before us in the same naragansets bay , the one upon the main called sow-wames , the other called then acquedneck , now rode-iland ; we enquired whether they would fall in any other patent , for our resolution was to go out of them all ; he told us ( to be brief ) that the way to know that , was to have recourse unto ▪ plymouth ; so our vessell as yet not being come about , and we thus blockt up , the company determined to send to plymonth , and pitcht upon two others together with my self , requesting also m. williams to go to plymouth to know how the case stood ; so we did ; and the magistrates thereof very lovingly gave us a meeting ; i then informed them of the cause of our coming unto them , and desired them in a word of truth and faithfulness to inform us whether sow-wames were within their patent , for we were now on the wing , and were resolved through the help of christ , to get cleer of all , and be of our selves , and provided our way were cleer before us , it were all one for us to go further off , as to remain neer ac hand ; their answer was , that sow-wames was the garden of their patent , and the flour in the garden then i told them we could not desire it ; but requested further in the like word of truth and faithfulness to be informed , whether they laid claim to the ilands in the naraganset bay , and that in particular called acquedneck ? they all with a cheerfull countenanre made us this answer , it was in their thoughts to have advised us thereto , and if the provident hand of god should pitch us thereon they should look upon us as free , and as loving neighbours and friends should be assistant unto us upon the main , &c. so we humbly thanked them , and returned with that answer : so it pleased the lord , by moving the hearts of the natives , even the chiefest thereof , to pitch us thereon , and by other occurrences of providence , which are too large here to relate : so that having bought them off to their full satisfaction , we have possessed the place ever since ; and notwithstanding the different understandings and consciences amongst us , without-interruption we agree to maintain civil justice and judgement , neither are there such outrages committed mongst us as in other parts of the country are frequently seen . the narrative declares . how those three strangers were apprehended , imprisoned , sentenced , and for what . . how the motion was made for a publique dispute , often repeated and promised , and yet disapointed . . how two escaped , and the third was cruelly handled . . how two , for taking him but by the hand after his punishment , were apprehended , imprisoned , and sentenced to pay forty shillings or be whipped . in their testimony laid down in four conclusions , is opened and proved in the first , . that jesus is the christ , [ i. e. ] the anointed priest , prophet , and king of saints . . that christ is also the lord of his church in point of ruling and ordering them with respect to the worship of god. in the second , . that baptism is one of the commandments of christ , and to continue till he come . . that visible believers are the proper sub●ects thereof . . that they are as well to wait for the promise of the spirit , as for the presence of christ. in the third , that every believer ought to improve his talent both in and out of the congregation . in the fourth , that no servant of jesus hath any authority from him to force upon others either the faith or order of the gospel of christ . wherin are produced arguments against persecution for case of conscience . a faithfull and true relation of the prosecution of obediah holmes , john crandall , and john clarke , meerly for conscience towards god , by the principall members of the church , or common-wealth of the mathatusets in new-england , which rules over that part of the world ; whereby is shewn their discourteous entertainment of strangers , & how that spirit by which they are led , would order the whole world , if either brought under them , or should come in unto them : drawn forth by the aforesaid john clarke , not so much to answer the importunity of friends , as to stop the mouthes , and slanderous reports of such as are enemies to the cross of christ . let him that readeth it consider , which church is most like the church of christ ( that prince of peace , that meek and gentle lamb , that came into this world to save mens lives , not to destroy them , ) the persecuted , or persecuting . it came to pass that we three , by the good hand of our god , came into the mathatusets bay upon the day of the th moneth , ; and upon the th of the same , upon occasion of businesse , we came unto a town in the same bay called lin , where we lodged at a blind-mans house neer two miles out of the town , by name william witter , who being baptized into christ waits , as we also doe , for the kingdom of god , and the full consolation of the israel of god : vpon the th day , being the first day of the week , not having freedom in our spirits for want of a clear call from god to goe unto the publike assemblie to declare there what was the mind , and counsell of god concerning them , i judged it was a thing suitable to consider what the counsell of god was concerning our selves ; and finding by sad experience , that the hour of temptation spoken of was coming upon all the world ( in a more eminent way ) to try them that are upon the earth , i fell upon the consideration of that word of promise , made to those that keep the word of his patience , which present thoughts , while in conscience towards god , and good will unto his saints , i was imparting to my companions in the house where i lodged , and to , or strangers , that came in unexpected after i had begun , opening , and proving what is meant by the hour of temptation , what by the word of his patience , and their keeping it , and how he that hath the key of david ( being the promiser ) will keep those that keep the word of his patience from the hour of temptation ; while i say i was yet speaking , there comes into the house where we were , two constables , who with their clamorous tongues made an interruption in my discourse , and more uncivilly disturbed us , than the pursivants of the old english bishops were wont to doe ; telling us , that they were come with authority from the magistrate to apprehend us ; i then desired to see the authority by which they th●s proceeded , whereupon they pluckt forth their warrant , and one of them with a trembling band ( as conscious he might have been better imployed ) read it to us ; the substance whereof was as followeth . by virtue hereof , you are required to go to the house of william witter , and so to search from house to house , for certain erronious persons , being strangers , and them to apprehend , and in safe custody to keep , and to morrow morning by eight of the clock to bring before me , robert bridges . when he had read the warrant , i told them , friends , there shall not be ( i trust ) the least appearance of a resisting of that authority by which you come unto us ; yet i tell you , that by virtue hereof you are not so strictly tyed , but if you please , you may suffer us to make an end of what we have begun , so may you be witnesses either to , or against the faith , and order which we hold ; to which they answered ▪ they could not ; then said we , notwithstanding the warrant , or any thing therein contained ▪ you may ; neverthelesse , if you are streightned in respect of your understandings and consciences in point of hearing , doe but withdraw your selves before the door , the timewill not be long ; which when they refused , we told them , then here we are , let our lord doe with us what he please : so ( although there were that profered to be bound body and goods for our appearance before mr. bridges the next morning , according to the warrant ) they apprehended us , and carried us away to the ale-house , or ordinary ; where after dinner one of them said unto us , gentlemen , if you be free i will carry you to the meeting ; to whom was replyed , friend , had we been free thereunto we had prevented all this ; neverthelesse , we are in thy hand , and if thou wilt carry us to the meeting , thither will we goe ; to which he answered , then will i carry you to the meeting . to this we replyed , because we perceive thou hast not long been imployed in this thine office , and that may follow hereupon which thou expectest not , we will inform thee , that if thou forcest us unto your assembly , then shall we be constrained to declare our selves , that we cannot hold communion with them ; the constable answered , that is nothing to me , i have not power to command you to speak , when you come there , or to be silent ; to this i again replyed , ( friend ) know a little further ; since we have heard the word or salvation by iesus christ , we have been taught as those that first trusted in christ , to be obedient unto him both by word and deed ; wherfore if we be forc'd to your meeting , we shal declare our dissent from you both by word and gesture ; after all this , when he had consulted with the man of the house , he told us he would carry us to the meeting , so to their meeting were we brought , while they were at their prayers and uncovered ; and at my first stepping over the threshold i unveiled my self , civilly saluted them , turned into the seat i was appointed to , put on my hat again , and so sat down , opened my book , and fell to reading : hereupon mr. bridges being troubled , commanded the constable to pluck off our hats , which he did , and where he laid mine , there i let it lye , untill their prayer , singing , and preaching was over ; after this i stood up , and uttered my self in these words following ; i desire as a stranger , if i may , to propose a few things to this congregation , hoping in the proposall thereof i shall commend my self to your consciences to be guided by that wisdom that is from above , which being pure , is also peaceable ▪ gentle , and easie to be intreated , and therewith i made a stop , expecting , if the prince of peace had been among them , i should have had a suitable answer of peace from them ; but no other voice i heard , but of their pastor , as he is call'd , and their magistrate ; their pastor answered swered by way of quaery , whether i was a member of a church ? &c. before i could give an answer mr. bridges spake , saying , if the congregation please to give you leave , well , if not , i shall require you silence , for , said he , we will have no objections made against what is delivered , &c. to which i answered , i am not about for present to make objections against what is delivered , but as by my gesture at my coming into your assembly i declared my dissent from you , so lest that should prove offensive unto some whom i would not offend , i would now by word of mouth declare the grounds , which are these ; first , from the consideration we are stangers each to other , and so strangers to each others inward standing with respect to god , and so cannot conjoyn and act in faith , and what is not of faith , is sin : and in the second place , i could not judge that you are gathered together , and walk according to the visible order of our lord ; which when i had declared , mr. bridges told me i done and spoke that for which i must answer , and so commanded me silence : when their meeting was done , the officers carryed us again to the ordinary , where being watched over that night , as theeves and robbers , we were the next morning carried before mr. bridges , who made our mittimus , and sent us to the prison at boston ; the words of the mittimus are these . to the keeper of the prison at boston . by virtue hereof you are required to take into your custody from the constable of lin , or his deputy , the bodies of iohn clark. obediah holmes , and iohn crandall , and them to keep , untill the next county court to be held at boston , that they may then and there answer to such complaints as may be alleged against them , for being taken by the constable at a private meeting at lin upon the lords day , exercising among themselves , to whom divers of the town repaired , 〈…〉 with them , and that in the time of publick exercise of the worship of god ; as also for offensively disturbing the peace of the congregation at their coming into the publique meeting in the time of prayer in the afternoon , and for saying and manifesting that the church of lin was not constituted according to the order of our lord , & for such other things as shall be alleged against them , concerning their seducing and drawing aside of others after their erroneous judgements and practices , and for suspition of having their hands in the re-baptizing of one , or more among us , as also for neglecting or refusing to give in sufficient security for their appearance at the said court ; hereof fail not at your perill , . . . rob. bridges . we being by virtue hereof committed to prison , upon the the th . day sevennight after were brought to our tryall ; in the forenoon we were examined , in the afternoon , without producing either accuser , witness , jury , law of god , or man , we were sentenced ; in our examination the governour upbraided us with the name of anabaptists ; to whom i answered , i disown the name , i am neither an anabaptist , nor a pedobaptist , nor a catabaptist ; he told me in hast i was all ; i told him he could not prove us to be either of them ; he said , yes , you have re-baptized ; i denyed it saying , i have baptized many , but i never re-baptized any ; then said he , you deny the former baptism , and make all our worship a nullity ; i told him he said it ; moreover i said unto them ( for therefore do i conceive i was brought before them to be a testimony against them ) if the testimony which i hold forth be true , and according to the mind of god , which i undoubtedly affirm it is , then it concernes you to look to your standing the like to this affirmed the other two ; so after much discourse we were committed again to prison , and in the afternoon towards night , we were called forth again , and immediately after the court was set , my sentence was read , which was as followeth . the sentence of iohn clarke of road-iland . . . . forasmuch as you iohn clarke , being come into this iurisdiction about the th of iuly , did meet at one william witters house at lin , upon the lords day , and there did take upon you to preach to some other of the inhabitants of the same town , and being there taken by the constable , and coming afterward into the assembly at lin , did in disrespect of the ordinances of god and his worship , keep on your hat , ( the pastor being then in prayer ) insomuch you would not give reverence in valing your hat till it was forced off your head , to the disturbance of the congregation , and professing against the institution of the church , as not being according to the gospell of iesus christ ; and that you the said iohn clarke did upon the day following meet again at the said witters ; and in contempt to authority , you being then in the custody of the law , and did there administer the sacrament of the supper to one excommunicate person , to another under admonition , and to another that was an inhabitant of lin , and not in fellowship with any church ; and upon your answer in open court , you affirmed that you did never re-baptize any , yet did acknowledge you did baptize such as were baptized before , and thereby did necessarily deny the baptism that was before to be baptism , the churches no churches , and also all other ordinances , and ministers , as if all were a nullity ; and also did in the court deny the lawfullness of baptizing of infants , and all this tends to the dishonour of god , the despising the ordinances of god among us , the peace of the churches , and seducing the subjects of this commonwealth from the truth of the gospel of jesus christ , and perverting the strait waies of the lord , therefore the court doth fine you pounds to be paid , or sufficient sureties that the said sum shall be paid by the first day of the next court of assistants , or else to be well whipt , and that you shall remain in prison till it be paid , or security given in for it . by the court , encrease nowell . after my sentence was read , the sentence of the other two were likewise pronounced ; the sentence of obediah holmes was to pay by the aforesaid time ●li . or be well whipt ; and the sentence of iohn crandall was to pay pounds or be well whipt ; this being done , i desired to know whether i might not speak a few things to the court , to which the governour replied , your sentence is past . i told him that which i was to speak was in reference unto a promise that was made us by mr. bridges when we were first apprehended , and brought before him ; then said the governour speak on ; when we were at first apprehended and brought before mr. bridges ( said i ) i said unto him we are strangers , and strangers to your laws , and may be transgressors of them before we are aware , we would therefore desire this curtesy of you as strangers , that you would shew us the law by which we are transgressors : but then no other answer could we have from him than this , when you come to the court you shall know the law ; now we have been before the court in the forenoon upon examination , this afternoon we have heard our sentence read , yet have we not heard the law produced by which we are condemned ; we therefore now desire to see the law in which our sentence may be read , and the rather , because we find in the beginning of your laws this provision for the security of your own , and we hope you are not less regardfull of strangers , viz. that no man shall be molested , but by a law made by the generall court , and lawfully published ; or in defect of a law in a particular case ▪ by the word of god. when this was spoken mr. bridges could easily turn to the law by which we might be freed , but none were able to turn to the law of god or man by which we were condemned . at length the governour stept up , and told us we had denyed infants baptism , and being somewhat transported broke forth , and told me i had deserved death , and said , he would not have such trash brought into their jurisdiction ; moreover he said , you go up and down , and secretly infinuate into those that are weak , but you cannot maintain it before our ministers , you may try , and discourse or dispute with them , &c. to this i had much to reply , but that he commanded the iaylor to take us away ; so the next morning having so fair an opportunity , i made a motion to the court in these words following . to the honoured court assembled at boston . whereas it pleased this honoured court yesterday to condemn the faith , and order which i hold and practise , and after you had past your sentence upon me for it , were pleased to expresse , i could not maintain the same against your ministers , and thereupon publickly profered me a dispute with them , be pleased by these few lines to understand , i readily accept it , and therefore do desire you would appoint the time when , and the person with whom , in that publick place where i was condemned , i might with freedom , and without molestation of the civill power dispute that point publickly where i doubt not by the strength of christ to make it good out of his last will and testament , unto which nothing is to be added , nor from which nothing is to be diminished ; thus desiring the father of lights to shine forth , and by his power to expel the darkness , i remain , from the prison this . . . your well wisher , iohn clarke . this motion if granted , i desired it might be subscribed by their secretaries hand , as an act of the same court by which we were condemned . it was presented on the sixth day , and after much ado upon the last day it was concluded it should be granted , and the disputation should be upon the fifth day following , and so by one of the magistrates information was given me in prison ; upon the second day when their elders were come together , there was no small stir ( as i heard ) about the businesse , and afterward about the stating of the question we should dispute upon ; whereupon in the closure of the day the magistrates commanded the iaylor to bring me before them into the chamber , which when he had done , they drew forth the motion , and shewing it to me , asked me if i owned that paper , i answered , yea , they quaeried further , whether i was of the same mind touching a disputation , i told them i had not the least reluctancy in my mind touching the thing , provided my motion might be granted , and the grant subscribed with the secretaries hand as an act of the same court by which i was condemned ; they answered that was but reasonable , &c. then they demanded of me what the question was that i would dispute upon , whether i would dispute upon the things contained in my sentence , and maintain my practice , for , said they , the court sentenced you not for your judgement or conscience , but for matter of fact , and practice ; to which i replyed , you say the court condemned me for matter of fact , and practice ; be it so , but i say that matter of fact and practice was but the manifestation of my judgment and conscience ; and i make account that man is void of judgment , and conscience , with respect unto god , that hath not a fact , and practice suitable thereunto ; and for the things contained in my sentence , they are rather collections , which the court was pleased to make and draw from my words , than my words , themselves ; nevertheless i do not say they were unduly collected ; for in truth , if the faith and order which i profess do stand by the word of god , then the faith and order which you profess must needs fall to the ground ; and if the way you walk in remain , then the way that i walk in must vanish away , they cannot both stand together ; to which they seem to assent ; therefore i told them , that if they please to grant the motion under the secretaries hand , i would draw up the faith , and order , which i hold as the sum of that i did deliver in open court , into three or four conclusions , which conclusions i will stand by , and defend untill he , whom you shall appoint , shall by the word of god remove me from them ; in case he shall remove me from them , then the disputation is at an end , but if not , then i desire like liberty by the word of god to oppose the faith , and order , which he and you profess , thereby to try whether i may be an instrument in the hand of god to remove you from the same ; they told me the motion was very fair , and the way like unto a disputant , and thereupon concluded in my hearing , and directed also their speech to me , saying , because the matter is weighty , and we desire that what can , may be spoken , when the disputation shall be ; therefore would we take a longer time ; whereas therefore the time appointed was the next fift day , by reason of the commencement , which will be the next week , and the meeting of the elders , we must defer it now untill the fift day come fortnight ; and so i told them ( to be brief ) i was their prisoner , and should at-attend their pleasure ; so i returned with my keeper to prison again , drew up the conclusions , which i was resolved through the strength of christ to stand in defence of , and through the importunity of one of the magistrates , the next morning very early , i shewed them to him , having a promise i should have my motion for a dispute granted , under the secretaries hand . the conclusions were as followeth . the testimony of iohn clarke a prisoner of iesus christ at boston , in the behalf of my lord , and of his people , is as followeth . i testifie that iesus of nazareth , whom god hath raised from the dead , is made both lord and christ ; this iesus i say is the christ , in english , the anointed one , hath a name above every name ; he is the anointed priest , none to , or with him in point of attonement ; the anointed prophet , none to him in point of instruction ; the anointed king , who is gone unto his father for his glorious kingdom , and shall ere long return again ; and that this iesus christ is also the lord , none to , or with him by way of commanding and ordering ( with respect to the worship of god ) the household of faith , which being purchased with his blood as priest , instructed , and nourished by his spirit as prophet , do wait in his appointment as he is the lord , in hope of that glorious kingdom which shall ere long appear . i testifie that baptism , or dipping in water , is one of the commandements of this lord iesus christ , and that a visible beleever , or disciple of christ iesus ( that is , one that manifesteth repentance towards god , and faith in iesus christ ) is the only person that is to be baptized , or dipped with that visible baptism , or dipping of iesus christ in water , and also that visible person that is to walk in that visible order of his house , and so to wait for his coming the second time in the form of a lord , and king with his glorious kingdom according to promise , and for his sending down ( in the time of his absence ) the holy ghost , or holy spirit of promise , and all this according the last will and testament of that living lord , whose will is not to be added to , or taken from . i testifie or witness , that every such believer in christ iesus , that waiteth for his appearing , may in point of liberty , yea ought in point of du●y to improve that talent his lord hath given unto him , and in the congregation may either aske for information to himself ; or if he can , may speak by way of prophecie for the edification , exhortation , and comfort of the whole , and out of the congregation at all times ▪ upon all occasions , and in all places , as far as the jurisdiction of his lord extends , may , yea ought to walk as a child of light , justifying wisdom with his ways , and reproving folly with the unfruitfull works thereof , provided all this be shown out of a good conversation , as iames speaks with meekness of wisdom . i testifie that no such believer , or servant of christ jesus hath any liberty , much less authority , from his lord , to smite his fellow servant , nor yet with outward force , or arme of flesh , to constrain , or restrain his conscience , no nor yet his outward man for conscience sake , or worship of his god , where injury is not offered to the person , name or estate of others , every man being such as shall appear before the judgment seat of christ , and must give an account of himself to god , and therefore ought to be fully perswaded in his own mind , for what he undertakes , because he that doubteth is damned if he eat , and so also if he act , because he doth not eat or act in faith , and what is not of faith is sin. these conclusions being seen at least by one of the magistrates , notwithstanding the message to the prison , answer to my self in the chamber , promise by him that came for the conclusions , common report abroad that a disputation was granted , the court broke up , and did nothing ; and the next second day following , a messenger was sent to the prison from the magistrate , with a release to the keeper , which having received he speedily put me forth ; the words of the release follow . to the keeper of the prison . by virtue hereof you are to release and set at liberty the body of mr. iohn clarke , and this shall be your discharge for so doing . given under my hand the th . of the th . month , . william hibbins . to be brief , &c. vnderstanding that some friends had laid down the money , although contrary to my counsell , when formerly at severall times , and by severall persons i was moved thereunto , and perceiving now that the countries expectation ( which was not a little raised ) touching a disputation was utterly frustrate , and being sensible that it was an easy matter to lay the blame on me , being a person condemned , and also absent , i drew up the former motion , and added thereunto these words following . vvhereas through the indulgency of tender hearted friends , without my consont , and contrary to my judgment , the sentence , and condemnation of the court at boston ( as is reported ) have been fully satisfied on my behalf , and thereupon a warrant hath been procured by which i am secluded the place of my imprisonment , by reason whereof i see no other call for present but to my habitaetion , and to those neer relations which god hath given me there , yet lest the cause should hereby suffer , which i profess is christs , i would hereby signifie , that if yet it shall please the honoured magistrates , or generall court of this colony , to grant my former request under their secretaries hand , i shall cheerfully imbrace it , and upon your motion shall through the help of god come from the iland to attend it , and hereunto i have subscribed my name , th . . . john clarke . both these the next morning i delivered to the keeper to deliver to the magistrates , who were to meet at the commencement at cambridge , which being accordingly performed it was noised abroad the motion was granted , and the writing was in mr. cottons hand , who was thereby judged to be the man , and best of all approved of by my self for that same purpose , he being the inventor and suportor of that way , in these parts , wherein they walk , and thereupon i took the thing for granted , and to that purpose wrot to my friends who sent to visit me in the prison , but upon the fift day , a little before their lecture at boston , i received a writing subscribed with five of the magistrates hands , which when i had perused , and saw that they waved the motion , and instead thereof laid two or three snares before me , i drew up an answer to their writing , being hopeless of a disputation , desired the iaylor to deliver it to the magistrates , took my leave of my friends , and so departed to go towards the iland , having ten miles that night to travell . here followeth their writing , and my answer also . mr. john clarke , vve conceive you have mis-reported the governours speech in saying you were challenged to dispute with some of our elders , whereas it was plainly exprest , that if you would confer with any of them , they were able to satisfie you , neither were you able to maintain your practice to them by the word of god , all which was intended for your information , and conviction privately ; neither were you enjoyned to what you then were counselled unto ; nevertheless if you are forward to dispute , and that you will move it your self to the court , or the magistrates about boston , we shall take order to appoint one who will be ready to answer your motion , you keeping close to the questions to be propounded by your self , and a moderator shal be appointed also to attend upon that service ; & whereas you desire you might be free in your dispute , keeping close to the points to be disputed on , without incurring damage by the civill iustice , observing what hath been before written , it is granted ; the day may be agreed if you yeeld the premisses . th . of the th . . iohn ind●cott , governour . tho. dudley , deputy govern. rich. bellingham . william hibbins . encrease nowel . my answer followeth , superscribed , to the honoured governour of the mathatusets , and the rest of that honorable society , these present . worthy senators , i received a writing subscribed with of your hands by way of answer to a twice-repeated motion of mine before you , which was grounded as i conceive sufficiently upon the governours words in open court , which writing of yours doth no way answer my expectation , nor yet that motion which i made , and whereas ( waving that grounded motion ) you are pleased to intimate , that if i were forward to dispute , and would move it my self to the court , or magistrates about boston , you would appoint one to answer my motion , &c. be pleased to understand , that although i am not backward to maintain the faith , and order of my lord the king of saints , for which i have been sentenced , yet am i not , in such a way so forward to dispute , or move therein , least inconvenience should thereby arise , i shall rather once more repeat my former motion , which if it shall please the honoured general court to accept , and under their secretaries hand shall grant a free dispute without molestation or interruption , i shall be so well satisfied therewith , that what is past i shall forget , and upon your motion shall attend it ; thus desiring the father of mercies not to lay that evill to your charge , from prison this . . . i remain your well-wisher . iohn clarke . this answer with the motion for a dispute upon these fair termes the third time repeated , ( being a thing also generally desired , and longed for ) was ( as i said before ) by me delivered to the keeper , and by him presented to the magistrates , and so to the general court , yet was there no answer returned : what made the obstruction considering the equity of the case , the former consent and grant of the magistrates , and the peoples earnest desire thereof , i know not , neither will i too readily conclude ( lest it should ●avor of prejudice ) that it was either an apprehension it would be disgracefull , first to iudge and condemn the persons , and afterward to have the matter examined , or else a fear and jealousie lest upon the examination thereof by the word of god ( which is a quick & powerful divider asunder of the soul , and spirit , and of the joynts , & marrow , and a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart ) their standing ( in reference to the worship of god ) should appear false , and evill , and the way by w ch . they maintayn the same with a forcing of others thereto , should appear far worse ; surely , the standers by , and such , whose minds are dis-engaged in the businesse will aptly conclude , and not without probable grounds , that the utmost they can say for themselves , and to stop the mouth of him that is contrary minded , lyes in the sword and power of the magistrate , which although it be a good ordinance of god in this present evill world , to restrain the oppressor , and let the oppressed goe free , and so approved and owned by christ and all true christians , in case of wrong and wicked lewdnesse , as gallio expresseth it yet was it never appointed by christ , ( to whom all power , not only in earth , but also in heaven , is committed , and by whom all earthly powers are to be judged , in that day in which he shall judge the world in righteousnesse ; i say it was never appointed by christ ) to inform and rectifie the minds and consciences of men in the worship of god , in that great mystery of godlinesse , and in those mysticall matters concerning the kingdom of christ , that being a matter that onely belongs to the holy spirit of promise , and to the sword of that spirit , which is the word ( not of man , but ) of god , to effect , much lesse to conform their outward man , contrary to their minds and consciences in the worship of god ; and therefore that sword and power ought to take heed how they meddle herein ( lest they attempt to take the place , & enter upon the throne and kingdom of christ ) either to force such as be conceived to be true worshipers , to the true worship , and service of god , for it is written , not by might , nor by power , but by my spirit , saith the lord of hosts . and again , in the day of thy power thy people shall be a willing people ; much lesse to force such as are no worshipers , or false , to that worship which is true , and yet much lesse to force false , to that which is false , or true , to that which is false ; and hence it is , that although the kings of the earth have been deceived , and through the righteous judgment of god have given their power to the beast , to their own dishonor and detriment , who have improved the same to bear up the whore , and to bear down and crush the spouse of the lamb , so that babel hath for a long time rejoyced , and sion hath mourned ; yet when the time appointed is come , at the voyce of her king sion shall deliver her self from the daughter of babel , though all the powers of this world seek to withstand it ; neither shall the gates of hell prevail against it : for it is written concerning those that keep the commandements of god , and the testimony of iesus , that they overcame him ( s●il ▪ that great red-dragon called the devill and satan , who also gave his power to the beast , they overcame him i say ) by the blood of that lamb , and by that word of their testimony , and they loved not their lives unto the death . now touching iohn crandall aforesaid , to whose charge they had also nothing to lay , but his being with us , owning the same faith , and order of the gospell , and therefore refusing to stoop to that likenesse thereto , which they had set up ; yet as is said , they sentenced him to pay pounds by the next court of assistants , or else to be well whipt . whereupon the day following he inquired of the keeper , when that court of assistants would be , ( being resolved not to chuse his punishment , they being not able to make it appear by the law of god or man that he was a transgressor so to be punished ) and being by him informed that it would be a quarter of a yeer before that time came ; and also , that if he were so resolved , he might put in bail for his appearance at the time aforesaid , and so depart , he forthwith put in bail , and so departed to visit his family , being distant from thence threescore and ten miles . he was no sooner at home , but his spirit was unsatisfied in what he had done , in leaving us behind in the prison , though with our consent and counsell he did what he did ; whereupon , leaving his harvest upon the spoyl , within a few dayes he returned to us again , and tendered his person unto the keeper , who refused it , saying , since your departure i perceive your sentence is , that you should not depart the prison , without either paying the money , or putting in security for the payment of it ; wherefore now either you or your surety must pay it . to whom brother crandall replyed , you informed me otherwise before i went , and upon other termes i departed , wherefore for my own part i am resolved i will not pay it , and for my surety he is at his liberty , being no otherwise bound , than for my appearance , and here i am , and am your prisoner ; neverthelesse when i was released , and turned out of prison , and could no longer upon that account there remain , i counselled him to put the matter quite out of doubt , wherefore he said to the iaylor , let me know what i shall trust to , for if you accept me upon the former account , well , i shall willingly tarry , and remain your prisoner , but if not , i shall now repair home with my friend to my family ; so after the jaylor had advised with the magistrate , he friendly told him , if he would promise to appear at the time appointed , he would take his word , become his surety , and he might be gone ; whereupon i being doubtfull , though he was confident concerning the time ( there being an other court between ) desired him to send us certain word to the iland , when that court of assistants would be ; so having his promise , we thankfully accepted his kindnesse , & so departed : and being at home we waited for a word from the keeper for a return , but the first word we heard touching that matter , was , that the court was past ( which was that court i suspected ) & that brother holmes had had his tryal by cruel scourgings . & that the iaylor being brother crandals surety , by reason of his non-appearance was constrained to pay the money ; hereupon not long after brother crandall went to boston , and charged the ●aylor with his mis-information , and neglect of his promise ; and moreover declared that he had told him , that being innocent , he would not make himself a transgressor by chusing his punishment , and therefore had resolved , as he also knew , not to pay them a penny ; and further he told him , that there was no necessity he should lay down the money , it being but through a mistake , and he being but surety , when the principall was present , and was able through the strength of christ to answer the penalty : and thus having argued the case with the laylor , he left him without any grounds of hope to have it repaid , neverthelesse if advantage will be so strictly taken upon the keepers mistake , neither conscience nor equity will suffer us ( it appearing to be a meer mistake , and no plotted thing ) not to suffer him to bear it , and thus it appears how a second came off , and escaped a scourging : now as concerning the third , by name obediah holmes , what is laid to his charge this sentence under their secretaries hand ( a copy whereof is here under written ) will plainly expresse . the sentence of obediah holmes of seacuck , the of the th m. . forasmuch as you obediah holmes , being come into this iurisdiction about the of the th m. did meet at one william witters house at lin , and did hear privatly ( and at other times being an excommunicate person did take upon you to preach and to baptize ) upon the lords day , or other dayes , and being taken then by the constable , and comming afterward to the assembly at lin , did in disrepect of the ordinance of god and his worship , keep on your hat , the pastor being in prayer , insomuch that you would not give reverence in veiling your hat , till it was forced off your head to the disturbance of the congregation , and professing against the institution of the church , as not being according to the gospell of iesus christ , and that you the said obediah holmes did upon the day following meet again at the said william witters , in contempt to authority , you being then in the custody of the law , and did there receive the sacrament , being excommunicate , and that you did baptize such as were baptized before , and thereby did necessarily deny the baptism that was before administred to be baptism , the churches no churches , and also other ordinances , and ministers , as if all were a nullity ; and also did deny the lawfullness of baptizing of infants , and all this tends to the dishonour of god , the despising the ordinances of god among us , the peace of the churches , and seducing the subjects of this commonwealth from the truth of the gospel of jesus christ , and perverting the strait waies of the lord , the court doth fine you pounds to be paid , or sufficient sureties that the said sum shall be paid by the first day of the next court of assistants , or else to be well whipt , and that you shall remain in prison till it be paid , or security given in for it . by the court , encrease nowell . and now because his sufferings , and the sence which his soul felt of the lords support , according to promise , is affectionately set forth , and commended as a token of his love , in a letter written with his own hand , and sent unto those that have obtained like precious faith in london , or elsewhere , whereby by an experiment which god hath been pleased to give to him , and us , they may evidently discern , that iesus christ is in point of tender compassions touching those that confess his name before the sonnes of men , the same to day that he was yesterday ; that as yesterday , so to day it may be said , as the sufferings of christ abound in us , so our consolation also aboundeth by christ , so that they which keep the commandements of god , and testimony of iesus christ , may be hereby incouraged to fear none of those things which they shall suffer before they come , nor when they look them in the face , and begin the incounter with them , be soon weary and wax faint in their minds , but faithfully and hopefully expect ( they suffering for the name of christ , and as christians ) that the spirit of their lord , and of glory , shall rest upon them . the words of his letter followeth . unto the well beloved brethren iohn spilsbury , william kissin , and the rest that in london stand fast in that faith , and continue to walk stedfastly in that order of the gospell which was once delivered unto the saints by iesus christ . obediah holms an unworthy witness , that iesus is the lord , and of late a prisoner for iesus sake at boston , sendeth greeting . dearly beloved and longed after , my hearts desire is to hear from you , and to hear that you grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our lord and saviour iesus christ , and that your love to him , and one unto another , as he hath given commandment , aboundeth , would be the very joy and great rejoycing of my soul and spirit ; had i not been prevented by my beloved brethren of providence , who have wrot unto you , ( wherein you have my mind at large ) and also by our beloved brother clarke of road-iland , who may ( if god permit ) see you , and speak with you mouth to mouth , i had here declared my self in that matter , but now i forbear ; and because i have an experimentall knowledge in my self , that in members of the same body , while it stands in union with the head , there is a sympathizing spirit , which passeth through , and also remain in each particular , so that one member can neither mourn nor rejoyce , but all the members are ready to mourn or rejoyce with it ; i shall the rather impart unto you some dealings which i have had therein from the sons of men , and the gracious supports which i have met with from the son of god , my lord , and yours , that so like members you might rejoyce with me , and might be encouraged by the same experiment of his ●ender mercies , to fear none of those things which you shall suffer for iesus sake . ●t pleased the father of light , after a long continuance of mine in death , and darknesse , to cause life and immortality to be brought to light in my soul , and also to cause me to see that this life was by the death of his son , in that hour , and power of darknesse procured , which wrought in my heart a restless desire to know what that lord , who had so dearly bought me , would have me to do , and finding that it was his last will ( to which none is to adde , and from which none is to detract ) that they which had faith in his death for life , should yeeld up themselves to hold forth a lively consimilitude , or likenesse unto his death , buriall , and resurrection by that ordinance of baptisme ; i readily yeelded thereto being by love constrained to follow that lamb ( that takes away the sins of the world ) whither soever he goes ; i had no sooner separated from their assemblies , and from communion with them in their worship of god , and thus visibly put on christ , being resolved alone to attend upon him , and to submit to his will , but immediately the adversary cast out a flood against us , and stirred up the spirits of men to present my self and two more to plymouth court , where we met with petitions against our whole company to take some speedy course to suppress us , one from our own plantation with hands to it , one frō the church ( as they call it ) at tanto● , one from all the ministers in our colony , except two , if i mistake not , and one from the court at boston in the mathatusets under their secretaries hand ; whereupon the court straitly chargeth us to desist , and neither to ordain officers , nor to baptize , nor to break bread together , nor yet to meet upon the first day of the week , and having received these strait charges one of the three discovers the sandy foundation upon which he , stood , who when the flood came , and the wind blew , fell ; yet it pleased the father of mercies ( to whom be the praise ) to give us strength to stand , & to tell them it was better to obey god , rather than man , and such was the grace of our god to us-ward , that though we were had from court to court , yet were we firmly resolved to keep close to the rule and to obey the voyce of our lord , come what will come ; not long after these troubles i came upon occasion of businesse into to the colony of the mathatusets , with two other brethren , as brother clark , being one of the two , can inform you , where we three were apprehended , carried to the prison at boston , and so to the court , and were all sentenced ; what they laid to my charge , you may here read in my sentence : vpon the pronouncing of which as i went from the bar , i exprest my self in these words ; i blesse god i am connted worthy to suffer for the name of iesus ; whereupon iohn wilson ( their pastor as they call him ) strook me before the iudgment seat , and cursed me , saying , the curse of god , or iesus goe with thee ; so we were carried to the prison where not long after i was deprived of my two loving friends ; at whose departure the adversary stept in , took hold on my spirit , and troubled me for the space of an hour , and then the lord came in , and sweetly releeved me , causing me to look to himself , so was i stayed , and refreshed in the thoughts of my god ; and although during the time of my imprisonment , the tempter was busie , yet it pleased god so to stand at my right hand , that the motions were but sudden , and so vanished away ; and although there were that would have payd the money if i would accept it , yet i durst not accept of deliverance in such a way , and therefore my answer to them was , that although i would acknowledge their love to a cup of cold water , yet could i not thank them for their money if they should pay it ; so the court drew neer , and the night before i should suffer according to my sentence , it pleased god i rested , and slept quietly ; in the morning many friends came to visit me , desiring me to take the refreshment of wine , and other comforts , but my resolution was not to drink wine , nor strong drink that day untill my punishment were over , and the reason was , lest in case i had more strength , courage , and boldnesse than ordinarily could be expected , the vvorld should either say he is drunk with new vvine , or else that the comfort and strength of the creature hath carried him through , but my course was this : i desired brother john hazell to bear my friends company , and i betook my self to my chamber , where i might communicate with my god , commit my self to him , and beg strength from him ; i had no sooner sequestred my self , and come into my chamber , but sathan lets flie at me , saying , remember thy self , thy birth , breeding , and friends , thy ▪ wife , children , name , and credit but as this was sudden , so there came in sweetly from the lord as sudden an answer , 't is for my lord , i must not deny him before the sons of men ( for that is to set men above him ) but rather lose all , yea wife , children , and mine own life also : to this the tempter replies , oh! but that is the question , is it for him ? and for him alone ? is it not rather for thy own , or some others sake ? thou hast so professed and practised , and now art loth to deny it ; is not pride and self in the bottom ? surely this temptation was strong , and thereupon i made diligent search after the matter , as formerly i had done , and after a while there was even as it had been a voyce from heaven in my very soul , bearing witnes with my conscience , that it was not for any mans case or sake in this world , that so i had professed and practised , but for my lords case , and sake , and for him alone , whereupon my spirit was much refresht ▪ as also in the consideration of these three scriptures , which speak on this wise , who shall lay any thing to the charge of gods elect ? although i walk through the valley and shadow of death i will fear none evill , thy rod and thy staff they shall comfort me . and he that continueth to to the end , the same shall be saved . but then came in the consideration of the weaknesse of the flesh to bear the strokes of a whip , though the spirit was willing , and hereupon i was caused to pray earnestly unto the lord , that he would be pleased to give me a spirit of courage and boldnesse , a tongue to speak for him , and strength of body to suffer for his sake , and not to shrink or yeeld to the stroaks , or shed tears , lest the adversaries of the truth should thereupon blaspheme , and be hardned , and the weak and feeble-hearted discouraged , and for this i befought the lord earnestly , at length he satisfied my spirit , to give up as my soul , so my body to him , and quietly to leave the whole disposing of the matter to him , and so i addressed my self in as comely a manner as i could , having such a lord and master to serve in this businesse : and when i heard the voyce of my keeper come for me , even cheerfulnesse did come upon me , and taking my testament in my hand , i went along with him to the place of execution , and after common salutation there stood ; there stood by also one of the magistrates , by name mr. encrease nowell , who for a while kept silent , and spoke not a word , and so did i , expecting the governours presence , but he came not . but after a while mr. nowell bad the executioner doe his office , then i desired to speak a few words , but mr. nowell answered , it is not now a time to speak , whereupon i took leave , and said , men , brethren , fathers , and countrey-men , i beseech you give me leave to speak a few words , and the rather , because here are many spectators to see me punished , and i am to seal with my blood , if god give strength , that which i hold and practise in reference to the word of god , and the testimony of iesus ; that which i have to say in brief is this , although i confesse i am no disputant , yet seeing i am to seal what i hold with my blood , i am ready to defend it by the word , and to dispute that point with any that shall come forth to withstand it . mr. nowell answered me , now was no time to dispute , then said i , then i desire to give an account of the faith and order i hold , and this i desired three times , but in comes mr. flint , and saith to the executioner , fellow , doe thine office , for this fellow would but make a long speech to delude the people ; so i being resolved to speak , told the people ; that which i am to suffer for , is for the word of god , and testimony of iesus christ ; no , saith mr. nowell it is for your error , and going about to seduce the people ; to which i replyed , not for error , for in all the time of my imprisonment , wherein i was left alone ( my brethren being gone ) which of all your ministers in all that time came to convince me of error ? and when upon the governours words a motion was made for a publick dispute , and upon fair terms so often renewed , and desired by hundreds , what was the reason it was not granted ? mr. nowell told me , it was his fault that went away , and would not dispute ; but this the writings will cleer at large : still mr. flint calls to the man to doe his office , so before , and in the time of his pulling off my cloathes i continued speaking , telling them . that i had so learned , that for all boston i would not give my bodie into their hands thus to be bruised upon another account , yet upon this i would not give the hundredth part of a * wampon peague to free it out of their hands , and that i made as much conscience of unbuttoning one button , as i did of paying the l. in reference thereunto ; i told them moreover , the lord having manifested his love towards me , in giving me repentance towards god , and faith in iesus christ , and so to be baptized in water by a messenger of iesus into the name of the father , son , and holy spirit , wherein i have fellowship with him in his death , buriall , and resurrection , i am now come to be baptized in afflictions by your hands , that so i may have further fellowship with my lord , and am not ashamed of his sufferings , for by his stripes am i healed ; and as the man began to lay the stroaks upon my back , i said to the people , though my flesh should fail , and my spirit should fail , yet god would not fail ; so it pleased the lord to come in , and so to fill my heart and tongue as a vessell full , and with an audible voyce i brake forth , praying unto the lord not to say this sin to their charge , and telling the people , that now i found he did not fail me , and therefore now i should trust him for ever who failed me not ; for in truth , as the stroaks fell upon me , i had such a spirituall manifestation of gods presence , as the like thereto i never had , nor felt , nor can with fleshly tongue expresse , and the outward pain was so removed from me , that indeed i am not able to declare it to you , it was so easie to me , that i could well bear it , yea and in a manner felt it not , although it was grievous , as the spectators said , the man striking with all his strength ( yea spitting on his hand three times ▪ as many affirmed ) with a three-coarded whip , giving me therewith thirty stroaks ; when he had loosed me from the post , having joyfulnesse in my heart , and cheerfulnesse in my countenance , as the spectators observed , i told the magistrates , you have struck me as with roses ; and said moreover , although the lord hath made it easie to me , yet i pray god it may not be laid to your charge . after this many came to me , rejoycing to see the power of the lord manifested in weak flesh ; but sinfull flesh takes occasion hereby to bring others in trouble , informs the magistrates hereof , and so two more are apprehended as for contempt of authority , there names were iohn hazell , and iohn spur , who came indeed and did shake me by the hand , but did use no words of contempt or reproach unto any ; no man can prove that the first spoke any thing , and for the second , he only said thus , blessed be the lord ; yet these two for taking me by the hand , and thus saying after i had received my punishment , were sentenced to pay shilling , or to be whipt . both were resolved against paying their fine : neverthelesse after one or two dayes imprisonment , one payed iohn spurs fine , and he was released , and after six or seven dayes imprisonment of brother hazell , even the day when he should have suffered , an other payd his , and so he escaped , and the next day went to visit a friend about miles from boston , where he the same day fell sick , and within dayes he ended this life ; when i was come to the prison , it pleased god to stir up the heart of an old acquaintance of mine , who with much tendernesse , like the good samaritan , poured oyl into my wounds , and plaistered my sores ; but there was present information given what was done , and inquiry made who was the chirurgion , and it was commonly reported he should be sent for , but what was done , i yet know not . now thus it hath pleased the father of mercies so to dispose of the matter , that my bonds & imprisonments have been no hinderance to the gospel , for before my return , some submitted to the lord , and were baptized , and divers were put upon the wayof enquiry ; and now being advised to make my escape by night , because it was reported that there were warrants forth for me ▪ i departed ; and the next day after , while i was on my iourney , the constable came to search at the house where i lodged , so i escaped their hands , and was by the good hand of my heavenly father brought home again to my neer relations , my wife , and eight children , the brethren of our town , and providence having taken pains to meet me miles in the woods , where we rejoyced together in the lord. thus have i given you as briefly as i can , a true relation of things : wherefore my brethren rejoyce with me in the lord , and give all glory to him , for he is worthy , to whom be praise for evermore , to whom i commit you , & put up my earnest prayers for you , that by my late experience , who have trusted in god , and have not been deceived , you may trust in him perfectly : wherefore my dearly beloved brethren trust in the lord , and you shall not be ashamed , nor confounded , so i also rest , yours in the bond of charity , obediah holmes . three things would be well minded in this relation , that god gave me power to confess his name before the sonnes of men. that he kept my tongue that i did not speak evill of men , nor of authority . that he gave strength to weak flesh that it failed not . this tragedy being thus acted in the face of the country , must needs awaken and rouse up the minds , and spirits of many , cause sad thoughts to arise in their hearts , and to flow forth at their mouthes as men offended , to see strangers professing godliness , so discourteously used , for no civill transgression , but meerly for conscience , and that by their hands who pretended , that liberty of conscience was also the cause of their flight , together with the other to the hazard of their lives by hard hearted , cruell , and savage barbarians , and other mischiefs which a vast , and howling wildernesse is apt to produce ; wherefore to stop their mouthes , and to lull them asleep , the old subtile serpent as his custome ever hath been , raised up a cloud of disgrace , thinking thereby to darken the truth he profest , and to obscure the glory that appeared in his sufferings , giving out , that he was but an excommunicate , and so an accursed person , and that it was vehemently suspected , that he was notoriously given to that filthy lust of uncleanness , which god will judge , and that the same was hinted in open court , and that by persons of no mean credit ; wherefore againe to resist the adversary who hath been a lyer from the beginning , and thereby a destroyer and murderer , and to deliver the children of truth at least from his snare , whereby they might be taken captive at his will , he drew up , and sent a letter unto the governour of the mathatusets colony , and desired it might be published so that the sons of men , so far as the lye and slander might spread , might be acquainted therewith . the letter followeth . the of the th . m. . to the honoured governour . honoured sir , however you may judge of me , yet am i dayly waiting to stand before him who shall judge quick and dead , and now because i am under reproach , and sensure by many , and the more by reason of some words spoken by your self , as though i were an evill person in life and conversation , and although i may be accounted as a fool , yet hear me a little to plead mine innocency , and i hope you will not too far condemn me untill you hear me speak ; sir , i acknowledge only free grace , and that by his power alone i have been kept , and what my life and manner of conversation was for six or seven years while i was with you , i appeal to your self , and the experiences you have had of me , and to your elders , and to the whole church ; who ever reproved me of evill ? and ye recommended me to others , and for four years time i walked with them at rehoboth , who also should have reproved me if under sin ; but when it pleased the lord to cause me to hear his voice , and i separated from them , which was occasioned by an unrighteous act of theirs as i judged , which was , that seven of the brethren should pass an act of admonition upon a brother without the consent of the rest , we being in number , who might all in one hours space , if in health , have come together , so when i heard of it i went to mr. newman , and told him of the evill which he , and the other six had done , he told me they were the church representative , and if of them had done it , it had been a church act ; when this comes to the congregation , with much a doe , he got five more to himself , and then they were , and we eleven , then they owned themselves to be the church , and so began to deal with me for saying , they had abused the church , and had took from them their power , whereupon i told them i should renounce them , and not have any more fellowship with them , till either they saw their sin , or i further light ; after which divers others to the number of seven , or eight fell off from them , and we met once a week , and every first day , and so continued for a long space of time , yea and the day was known when we intended to be baptized , and there were many witnesses observing our faith , and order , and yet not one man or woman of mr. newmans company that ever came to deal with me for evill , neither in judgment , nor practice , untill a long time after that appointment of our lord was dispenced ; thus i say , when i had separated from them , and a long time after , i understood by their messenger that they intended to proceed against me , so i desired the messenger to tell me for what evill , he told me i should know when i came there , so i sent one of their own brethren to tell them from me , though i owned them not as brethren , yet if any man or woman had ought against me , i would come to them , although they had not delt with me according to any rule ; but none came to me , nor charged me with any evill ; and when upon occasion i came before all the congregation , and strangers , i demanded for what cause it was that they proceeded against me , seing i had sent to them before , and no man accused me ; mr. newman told me , it was for non appearance ; and now judge of the evill in your own way , and that for my excommunication as you call it , i am by you rendred that wicked person ; as for the suspition of that most abominable evill of uncleanness , and adultery , which many think i am guilty of , by reason of some persons speeches , i desire to bless my lord , who hath caused me to deny all uncleanness and wickedness , and god forbid that i should take the members of christ , and make them the members of an harlot , and i challenge all men and women that dare stand before the judgment seat of the lord , to come forth , and say if they ever heard unclean words proceed out of my mouth , or any unseemly gesture , much less action , to any in my life at salem , seacunck , or elswhere , yea let them come forth before any to meet me in private , or publick , upon any friends request without the magistrates warrant ; but i remember my lord was called belzebub , and what though i be called an adulterer , or witch , or blasphemer , and every one saith what he pleaseth , yet i stand before the judgment of my lord ; and whereas it was also reported i baptized goodwife bowdish naked , i bless the lord he hath taught me to do that which is comly , and of good report , yea and i know a man , or woman may be drowned in their cloathes , or buryed in earth with their cloathes , but that she had comly garments from the crown of her head to the sole of her foot , many being present with her husband can testifie and if any be pleased to reproach me behind my back , and not to speak to my face , let them know the lora knows how to deliver the innocent , unto whom i commit my self , with my prayers for you , and am , yours still as formerly to command in all lawfull things obediah holmes . whilst he ( through the spirit of the lord that rested upon him ) bore these bloody strokes with so cheerfull a spirit as if he felt them not , divers of the standers by , beholding , it were so affected with joy , that when he was loosed could not forbear to come to him , and to shake him by the hand , thereby to manifest their rejoycing with him , that the lord had supported him ; but information hereof being given to the magistrates , warrants were sent forth ( as is reported to the number of ) whereupon some through fear were fain to hide themselves , and being strangers , to hasten away , or change their habit , two of them were taken as aforesaid , that is to say john spur , and old iohn hazell , and committed to prison as the warrant herewith declares . to the keeper or his deputy . by virtue hereof you are to take into your custody , and safe keeping , the body of iohn spur for a hainous offence by him committed , hereof not to f●il . dated the th . of the th . month . take also into your safe keeping iohn hazell . by the court , increase nowel . john spur profest to me , and before many witnesses , that his heart was so taken with what he saw and heard , that he could not but go to him , take him by the hand , and blesse the lord who had been so present with him , but to save me a labor his own words here followeth . mr. cotton ( saith he ) in his sermon immediatly before the court gave their sentence against m. clark , obediah holmes , and iohn crandell , affirmed , that denying infants baptism would overthrow all ; & this was a capitall offence ; and therefore they were soul-murtherers ; when therefore the governor m. iohn indicot came into the court to pass sentence against them , he said thus , you deserve to dy , but this we agreed upon , that mr. clarke shall pay li. fine , and obediah holmes li. fine , and jo. crandall li. fine , and to remain in prison untill their fines be either payed or security given for them , or else they are all of them to be well whipped ; when obediah holmes was brought forth to receive his sentence , he desired of the magistrates , that he might hold forth the ground of his practice ; but they refused to let him speak , and commanded the whipper to do his office ; then the whipper began to pull off his cloathes , upon which obediah holmes said , lord lay not this sin unto their charge ; and so the whipper began to lay on with his whip ; upon which obediah holmes said , o lord i beseech thee to manifest thy power in the weaknesse of thy creature ; he neither moving nor stirring at all for the strokes , brake out into these expressions , blessed and praised be the lord , and thus he carryed it to the end , and went away rejoycingly ; i iohn spur being present , it did take such an impression in my spirit to trust in god , and to walk according to the light that god had communicated to me , and not to fear what man could do unto me ; that i went to the man ( being inwardly affected with what i saw and heard ) and with a joyfull countenance took him by the hand when he was from the post , and said , praised be the lord ; and so i went along with him to the prison ; and presently that day there was information given to the court what i had said and done ; and also a warrant was presently granted out that day to arest both my self and iohn hazel , which was executed on the morrow morning upon us , and so we were brought to the court and examined ; the governour asked me concerning obediah holmes , according as he was informed by old mr. cole , and thomas buttolph , of my taking of him by the hand , and smiling , and i did then freely declare what i did , and what i said , which was this ; obediah holmes , said i , i do look upon as a godly man ; and do affirm that he carryed himself as did become a christian , under so sad an affliction ; and his affliction did so affect my soul , that i went to him being from the post , and said , blessed be the lord , but said the governour what do you apprehend concerning the cause for which he suffered ? my answer was , that i am not able to judge of it , then said the governour , we will deal with you as we have dealt with him , i said unto him again , i am in the hands of god , then mr. simons a magistrate said , you shall know you are in the hands of men ; the governour then said , keeper take him , and so i was presently carried away to prison . the next day about one of the clock i was sent for again into the court ; the governour ( being then about to go out of the court , when i came in ) delivered this speech to me ; said he , you must pay shi●lings or be whipped ; i said then to those of the court that remained , that if any man suffer as a christian let him glorifie god in this behalf then i desired to know what law i had broken , and what evill i had done , but they produced no law , only they produced what the two witnesses had sworn against me ; my speech thereto was this , my practice and cariage is alowed by the word of god , for it is written in rom. . be like affectioned one towards another , rejoyce with them that rejoyce ; and it is contrary to my iudgment and conscience to pay a peny ; then said mr. bendall , i will pay it for him and there presented himself , i answered then and said , i thanked him for his love , but did believe it was no acceptable service , for any man to pay a peny for me in this case ; yet not withstanding the court accepted of his profer , and bid me be gone , then came iohn hazell to be examined . iohn spur. here followeth the testimony of those that came in against me . i — cole being in the market place , when obediah holmes came from the whipping post , iohn spur came and met him presently , laughing in his face , saying , blessed be god for thee brother , and so did go with him , laughing upon him up towards the prison , which was very grievous to me to see him harden the man in his sin , and shewing much contempt of authority by that cariage , as if he had been unjustly punished , and had suffered as a righteous man , under a tyrannicall government deposed before the court the th . of the th . m. . increase nowell . i thomas buttolph did see iohn spur come to obediah holmes , so som as he came from the whipping post , laughing in his face , and going along with him towards the prison to my great grief to see him harden him in his sin , and to shew such a contempt of authority . deposed the th . of the th . month . before the court. increase nowell . as for iohn hazell , to my knowledge , although he had some occasion of business in these parts ; yet the main business that drew him hither , was to visit the prisoner , whom he at this time took by the hand , who was indeed his neer neighbour , lived in the same town together , walked together in the same fellowship , and faith of the gospell , and had their hearts knit together in a more than ordinary neer bond of love , and as a manifestation thereof , he undertoke so great a journey ( it being between fourty and fifty miles ) to visit him , he being indisposed by reason of his age for such an undertaking ( being between three and fourscore years old ) and when he was there understanding it would not be long before he should suffer ; out of the same tender love , could not leave him before it was over ; who also accompanied him from the prison to the post , and so back again ; now for him , only for taking his friend by the hand , when he had suffered his punishment , and was loosed from the post , to be thus handled , shall not the nations that know not civility , that neither fear god nor reverence man , be astonished at this ? if this be to do to others as we would that others should do to us , which is the law and the prophets , the command of christ and his apostles , let all true christians judge ; the man being old did professe , as i was informed , that if they should have laid the strokes upon him , they would certainly have killed him , which i know ceized not a little upon him , and how far what was done had influence into his death , the lord onely knowes ; for as is before said , the same day he went forth , he fell sick , and within ten dayes he died ; the lord grant that no part of his death may be laid to their charge , and that they may see the exceeding greatnesse of the evill of thirsting after the blood of the innocent , before the lord come forth to avenge it , and as to that story i shall say no more , but leave the reader to his own relation , which partly in prison , and partly upon his death bed , as may be perceived , he wrote and left behind him , with an intent it should be published . the relation followeth , writ and subscribed with his own hand . a relation of my being brought before the magistrates the th of the th moneth , . i going from place to place , to buy and take up commodities for my use , was attached or arrested by the marshall , by virtue of a warrant from the court , to appear in the court , and there to answer for a high misdemeanor committed by me , and coming into the court ( which was then privatly kept in the chamber ) they asked me divers questions , amongst which this was one ; whether i did think that obediah holmes did well or not , in comming among them to baptize , and administer the sacrament . laying this to my charge , that i was one with him , and of the same judgement , and whether i did think he did well , or no , in his so carrying himself ; to which i answered , i had here nothing to doe with that which another man did ▪ but i was here to answer for what i my self had committed against their law ; then said they , you have offended our law , and have contemned authority , for you took him by the hand , and did countenance him in his sin , so soon as he was gone from the post , to which i said , if i have broken any law of the place , by what i then did , i am willing to submit unto punishment ; yea said the governour , you took him by the hand , did you not ? and spake to him , what said you ? did you not say so and so ? blessed be god , &c. to which i said , i shall refer my self unto the testimonies that may or can be brought against me ; well , said the governour , wee shall find testimony enough against you ; take him to you keeper , and we will call you forth in publick for that we doe with you we will proceed in publick with you , and so i went to prison . this was the sum and substance of the first time i was called before them ; the next day being the last day of the week , and the last day of their court , i was in expectation all the forenoon to be called forth , but was not , so after dinner , when ( as it appeareth ) the court was risen , and some of the magistrates departed , i was sent for again into the chamber , where was the governor with three others , scil . mr. bellingham , mr. hibbins , and mr. encrease nowell , as soon as i was come into the room , the governour read my sentence , which was , that i must pay sh . or be well whipt , and so immediately he departed , and when he was gone ( for i could not have time before ) i answered , that i desired the privilege of an english subject , which was to be tryed by the country , to wit , a jury , and to be made to appear ( if they can ) to be a transgressor by a law : to which they said , i had contemned authority , and they had a law to punish such , and said they , you did shew your contempt of authority in that you did take such a person by the hand , as soon as he was from the post . to which i answered , i could not doe that which i did in contempt to authority , seeing he had satisfied the law to the full , and was departed from the place of suffering ; and in the next place what i did , i did unto him as my friend ; and further i said , if i had taken him by the hand so soon as he was loosed from the post , and had led him out of the town , i should not have broken any law either of god or man. to this they said , that there was a law in all courts of justice , both in old england , and other countreyes , to punish contempt of authority , and so had they such a law among themselves ; to which i said , that in old england , and in other places they had such a law i denyed not , but that law also was both enacted and published , but what law have i broken in taking my friend by the hand , when he was free , and had satisfied the law ? to this they replied , that he had not satisfied the keeper ; to this i answered , that he had talked with his keeper , and there was some agreement between them , and so in that sence also not under the law , but free ; then said they ▪ if you would have shewed kindnesse unto your friend , you might have forborn in that place , and done it more privately ; to which i answered , i knew not but that place was as free as another , he having satisfied the law. the testimony that was given by mr. cole was this , sci . i saw iohn hazell take obediah holmes by the hand , but what he said i cannot tell ; this is the substance of all the proceedings untill the last day at night , and then they said i should be whipped , but said some of their officers , the whipper cannot be found , then they commanded that they should be ready by the second day morning , and then i did expect to be called forth , but neither that day , nor the third , nor fourth , was i called , but am as i understand reserved unto the th day , to be more publick in the view of the world , and when the th day came , as i had many before , so also then , that would have paid the fine , if i would give my consent , which i denyed to doe , and so set my self by the power of christ to suffer what should be inflicted upon me , but when noon came i was told i should not suffer whipping , yet not having a discharge , i did not look to be freed untill the keeper told me , i might goe about my businesse ; then i demanded a discharge ( meaning under the magistrates hands ) so he bad me goe , he would discharge me . the strokes i was enjoyned by the court to have , were with a three-corded whip , the very same number i understand , that the worst malefactors that were there punished had , of which some were guilty of common whoredom , other of forcing a little child , and one indian for coyning of money ; thus far have you a relati ▪ on according to my best remembrance fromt he first to the last , of all the passages concerning this matter ; by me iohn hazell , written with mine own hand in boston prison , the day of the th moneth , . a po●●cript ▪ since i wrot , i understand there is a report that i was willing to pay my fine , and that the magistrates would not accept of it without i were willing . gentle reader , be pleased to understand that this is false , for it was without my consent or approbation ; and further understand , that the fine was taken by them , upon the profer of mr. bendall for iohn spur , it was willingly accepted by the magistrates , and approved of , although iohn spur did to their faces contradict it , and oppose it ; therefore good reader beleeve not such reports . by me iohn hazell now of what hath been spoken in this narrative ( reader ) this is the sum . thou maist understand that the next morning after we three , being strangers , were come to our friends house at lin where we lodged ( it being two miles out of the town ) we were persued and also apprehended by the constables under the name of erronious persons being strangers , and by that power were caried ( after a full and clear manifestation of our unfreeness ) unto their assembly , then to prison , and after a while were also brought before their iudgment seat ; in which two assemblies , to which we were forced , they drew forth matter enough as they conceived to make us transgressors , & thereupon proceeded to sentence us without producing either accuser , witness , iury , law of god , or man , whereby either we might appear to be guilty , or they to be just and justified in their proceedings against us . after we were thus persued , and apprehended under the name of erronious persons and strangers , and by their court condemned and sentenced as herericks or scismaticks , a motion being made by their governour touching a discourse with their ministers , was readily accepted by us , and often repeated , and as often promised by them , but yet could not be obtained , as is here at large to be seen . although through the mercifull hand of our god upon us , we had wronged no man , corrupted no man , defrauded no man , as he , together with our consciences , then did , and still to this day , do bear us witness yet besides the exceeding great loss and detriment otherwise sustained , we had all no doubt met with as cruell scourgings as his faithfull servants of old , had not the provident hand of our god so disposed the hearts of some of our friends to lay down our ransome , by which two did escape ; and this did evidently appear in the third who came under their zealous , yet merciless hands , and received from them stripes above the restraint of the iews , as writers report , yea and such entertainment no doubt should strangers or angels from heaven , yea christ iesus himself have received at their hands , if they could effect it , in case they should have come among them , and not submitted , ( as it is not possible they should ) unto that golden , and glorious image or likeness of the worship and way of god appointed by christ which they have set up . when this faithfull martyr and witness , that christ is the lord , had born this fourscore and ten stripes cruelly laid on , not only with a patient mind , but with an exceeding great joy of the holy spirit , as the spectators could not but discern , and was loosed from the post , and was going to prison again , some being inwardly moved with joy in beholding the gracious support which the lord afforded him ( as they have affirmed ) could not forbear to take him by the hand , for which thing sake two of them were apprehended & sentenced to pay each of them s or els be whipt . let the actors themselves , and all that peruse their practice for cautions sake consider , whether the spirit by which they are led thus to act , be not very like unto , if not the same which is seen , revel . . acting the second beast that arose up out of the earth which had two hornes like a lamb , yet spake like a dragon , and exercised all the power of the first beast that was before him , caused a lively image to be made unto him , and forced the earth and them that dwel ▪ herein , both small and great , rich and poor , free and bond , to worship his image , and that no man might buy , or sell , save he , that had the marke , or the name , or the number of his name . here is wisdom ! and let such as desire from their hearts to live godly in christ iesus , and do as really expect to suffer with christ in this present evill world , as they do to reign with him in that good world which yet is to come , let such i say consider , and bear still in mind these expressions , revel . . . he that leadeth into captivity shall go into captivity , he that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword ; here is the patience and faith of the s ▪ ints . rev. . . and they overcame him by the bloud of the lamb , and by the word of their testimony , and they loved not their lives unto the death . rev. . , , . i saw under the altar the souls of them that were slain for the word of god , and for the testimony which they beld ; and they cryed with a loud voice saying , how long holy and true wilt thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwel on the earth , &c. rev. . . and i saw the souls of them that were beheaded for the witness of iesus , and for the word of god , and which had not worshiped the beast , neither his image , neither had received the marke upon their foreheads ; or in their hands , and they lived and reigned with christ a thousand years . and now forasmuch as it was boldly affirmed by a solicitor for new-england , and that in the councell chamber before that honourable committee there assembled in councell , that men in new-england might freely injoy their understandings , and consciences , provided they walk civilly among them , and that they that suffered of late , did not suffer for their consciences but for some misdemeanor , thereby endeavouring to possess those noble brests with that which is false ; therefore i think it necessary ( both for the vindication of truth , and to the end that such worthy persons may not be taken with , or deceived by such unworthy reports , so as to be drawn to countenance persons that walk in a way that they are ashamed in plain and open terms to prosess , and acknowledge , for these ends i say i think it necessary to produce their laws , at least such as speak to the matter in question , whereby these two things will plainly appear . that they that will not , or else in conscience towards god cannot conform to their worship , or suspend the worship of god as their souls are perswaded , are by the authority of their laws to be forced to the one , and restrained from the other , and that the magistrate is thereby not only justified in , but also injoyned unto , such a proceeding against them , although the men otherwise walk not only as civilly or soberly as themselves , but also righteously , and godly in this present evill world , and are such indeed as are a law to themselves . although they have laws thus to proceed to force all to their worship , & to restrain those that differ from them , from that worship to which their souls are perswaded , yet in our case they were so far transported with zeal , that , what they did unto us , they did without law , yea against those cautions which their own , laws have provided . certain lawes established in the colony of the mathatusets in new-england , and drawn forth ( by constraint ) to prove that the authority there established cannot permit men , though of never so civill , sober , and peaceable a spirit and life , freely to enjoy their understandings and consciences , nor yet to live , or come among them , unlesse they can doe as they doe , and say as they say , or else say nothing , and so may a man live at rome also . it is ordered by this court , and the authority thereof , that no mans life shall be taken away ; no mans honour or good name shall be stayned ; no mans person shall be arrested , restrained , banished , dismembred nor any wayes punished ; no man shall be deprived of his wife or children , no mans goods or estates shall be taken away from him ; nor any wayes indamaged under colour of law or countenance of authoritie , unlesse it be by vertue , or equity of some expresse law of the country warranting the same , established by a general court and sufficiently published ; or in case of the defect of a law in any particular case , by the word of god. and in capitall cases , or in cases concerning dismembring , or banishment , according to that word to be judged by the general court. see p. . for the suppressing of anabaptists . it is ordered by this court and authority thereof , that if any person or persons within this iurisdiction shall either openly condemn or oppose the baptizing of infants , or goe about-secretly to seduce others from the approbation or use thereof , or shall purposely depart the congregation at the administration of that ordinance ; or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy , or their lawfull right or authority to make war , or punish the outward breaches of the first table , and shall appear to the court wilfully and obstinately to continue therein , after due means of conviction , every such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment . see pag. . against blasphemy , being a capitall transgression . it is ordered , that if any person within this iurisdiction , whether christian or pagan , shall wittingly an willingly presume to blaspheme the holy name of god , father , son , or holy-ghost , with direct , expresse , presumptuous , or high-handed blasphemy , either by wilfull or obstinate denying the true god , or his creation , or government of the world : or shall curse god in like manner , or reproach the holy religion of god , as if it were but a politick device to keep ignorant men in awe ; or shall utter any other kind of blasphemy of the like nature and degree , they shall be put to death . lev. ▪ , . see p. . to raise money for publick charges in church and commonwealth . it is ordered by this court , and the authority thereof , that every inhabitant shal henceforth contribute to all charges both in church & cōmonwealth whereof he doth or may receive benefit : and every such inhabitant who shal not voluntarily contribute proportionably to his ability with the freemen of the same town to all cōmon charges , both civil and ecclesiastical , shall be compelled thereto by assessment and distress to be levyed by the constable or other officer of the town as in other cases : and that the lands and estates of all men ( wherever they dwell ) shall be rated for all town charges both civil and ecclesiastial as aforesaid , where the lands and estates shall lye : their persons where they dwell . see p. . lawes ecclesiasticall . all the people of god within this jurisdiction , who are not in a church way , and be orthodox in judgement , and not scandalous in life , shall have full liberty to gather themselves into a church estate , provided they doe it in a christian way , with due observation to the rules of christ revealed in his word . provided also that the general court doth not , nor will hereafter approve of any such companies of men as shall joyn in any pretended way of church fellowship , unless they shall acquaint the magistrates and the elders of the neighbour churches where they intend to joyn , and have their approbation therein . and it is further ordered , that no person being a member of any church which shall be gathered without the approbation of the magistrates and the said churches , shall be admitted to the freedom of this common-wealth . every church hath also free liberty to excercise all the ordinances of god according to the rules of the scripture . every church hath free liberty of election and ordination of all her officers from time to time . provided they be able , pious and orthodox . now the question is who shall judge of these words of restraint , christian way , rules of the scripture , word of god , able and orthodox . that if any christian ( so called ) within this iurisdiction shall contemptuously behave himself toward the word preached , or the messengers thereof called to dispense the same in any congregation ; when he doth faithfully execute his service & office therein , according to the will and word of god either by interrupting him in his preaching , or by charging him falsely with any errour which he hath not taught in the open face of the church : or like a son of korah cast upon his true doctrine or himself any reproach to the dishonour of the lord iesus who hath sent him , and to the disparagement of that his holy ordinance , and making gods wayes contemptible and ridiculous : that every such person or persons ( whatsoever censure the church may passe ) shall for the first scandal be convented and reproved openly by the magistrate at some lecture , and bound to their good behaviour . and if a second time they break forth into the like contemptuous carriages , they shall either pay five pounds to the publick treasurie ; or stand two hours openly upon a block or stool , four foot high , on a lecture day , with a paper fixed on his brest , written in capitall letters [ an open and obstinate contemner of gods holy ordinances ] that others may fear and be ashamed of breaking out into the like wickedness . it is ordered and decreed by this court and authority thereof , that wheresoever the ministry of the word is established according to the order of the gospell throughout this iurisdiction , every person shall duely resort and attend thereunto respectively upon the lords dayes , and upon such publick fast-days , and dayes of thanksgiving as are to be generally kept by the appointment of authority : and if any person within this iurisdiction shall without just and necessary cause withdraw himself from hearing the publick ministry of the word , after due means of conviction used , he shall forfeit for his absence from every such publick meeting shillings . all such offences to be heard and determined by any one magistrate or more from time to time . it is ordered by this court , that the civil authoritie here established hath power and liberty to see the peace , ordinances and rules of christ to be observed in every church according to his word . as also to deal with any church-member in a way of civil justice notwithstanding any church relation , office , or interest ; so it be done in a civil and not in an ecclesiastical way . nor shall any church censure degrade or depose any man from any civil dignity , office or authority he shall have in the common-wealth . it is ordered , that from henceforth all lands , cattle , and other estates of any kind whatsoever , shall be lyable to be rated to all common charges whatsoever , either for the church , town or cōmon-wealth in the same place where the estate is from time to time . see pag. , , . heresie . although no humane power be lord over the faith and consciences of men , and therefore may not constrain them to beleeve or profess against their consciences : yet because such as bring in damnable heresies , tending to the subversion of the christian faith , and destruction of the soules of men , ought duly to be restrained from such notorious impiety , it is therefore ordered and decreed by this court ; that if any christian within this iurisdiction shall go about to subvert and destroy the christian faith and religion , by broaching or maintaining any damnable heresie ; as denying the immortality of the soul , or the resurrection of the body , or any sin to be repented of in the regenerate , or any evil done by the outward man to be accounted sin : or denying that christ gave himself a ransom for our sins , or shall affirm that we are not justified by his death and righteousnesse , but by the perfection of our own works ; or shall deny the morality of the fourth comandement , or shall indeavour to seduce others to any the heresies aforementioned , every such person continuing obstinate therein ; after due means of conviction , shall be sentenced to banishment . see pag. . disturbing of churches . it is ordered and decreed by this court , and the authority thereof , that if any person , whether in church-fellowship or not , shall goe about to destroy or disturb the orders & peace of the churches established in this iurisdiction , by open renouncing their church , estate , or their ministry , or other ordinances dispenced in them , either upon pretence that the churches were not planted by any new apostles , or that ordinances are for carnall christians , or babes in christ , and not for spirituall , or illuminated persons , or upon any other such like grounded conceit , every such person , who shal be found culpable herein , after due means of conviction , shall forfeit to the publick treasury forty shillings for every moneth , so long as he continues in that his obstinacy . torture . that no man shall be beaten with above forty stripes for one fact at one time . nor shall any man be punished with whipping , except he have not otherwise to answer the law , unlesse his crime be very shamefull , & his course of life vitious & profligate . see p. . the testimony of john clarke , obediah holmes , and john crandall , prisoners at boston in new-england , concerning the faith and order of the gospell of christ iesus the lord , as the same was laid down in four conclusions , and proffered to be openly and publikly defended against all gain-sayers ; when none would comeforth thus to oppose it : now again by the aforesaid john clarke reviewed , particularly , and strictly examined by the word of god , and testimony of iesus , and thereby , ( as is here at large to be seen ) confirmed and justifyed . the first conclusion . [ itestifie that iesus of nazareth , whom god hath raised from the dead , is made both lord and christ ] you may see this testimony clearly , and plentifully witnessed and confirmed by the scriptures of truth ; for first , that god raised him from the dead , appears by the testimony of chosen witnesses , acts . . . this jesus , say they , hath god raised up , whereof we are witnesses ; so also chap. . . and being alive again he was seeen of above brethren at once being faithfull witnesses , children that will not lie , see cor. . . and last of all he was seen of paul , whom he sent to the gentiles , see cor. . . acts . . . and this is layd by paul as the foundation of the hope of the israel of god , that they shall be raised , and shall share in that glory that shall then be revealed ; yea it is that word of truth ( as peter witnesseth ) by which the father of mercies doth again beget such as had sinned & faln short of the glory of god , & were without hope , unto a lively hope of the glory of god , in an inheritance , incorruptible and undefiled , that fadeth not away , and is reserved in heaven for them , see pet . . . and in the second place , that god hath made this iesus whom he hath raised from the dead , both lord and christ , see it also confirmed acts the d , the . . . cor. . . acts . . [ this iesus i say is the christ , in english , the anointed one , hath a name above every name ] that he is not onely said to be a christ and an anointed one , which , although it be a name of eminency among men , yet may there be sound many , both before the time of reformation , and since , upon whom this worthy name of christ , or anointed one may be worthily called , as were those names of eminency among the israel of old , as king , priest , and prophet , and such as being washed in the blood of the lamb are also anointed , and made kings and priests unto god , and prophets to men compare the cor. . . io. . . with rev. . . . . i say he is not onely a christ , but that he might appear in this eminent name to have the preheminence , he is called the christ , see mark . . io. . . . . . . which in english is the anointed one , as will appear , io. . we have found , saith andrew to simon , the messias , being the hebrew word , which being interpreted into the greek language , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the christ , but rendered in english as in the margent , is the anointed , and hence he is called in the luk. . the christ of god , or in more plain english , the anointed of god , suitable to this are such expressions of the spirit of god , in the scriptures of truth , as these ; him hath god anointed , and that with the oyl of gladnesse above his fellowes , see acts . . . . heb. . and that he hath a name above every name doth evidently appear ; for it pleased the father that in him should all fulnesse dwell , yea , all the fulnesse of the god-head bodily , that in all things , or as it is in the margent , among all , he might have the preeminence , see coll. . , . . . so phi. . . wherefore ( saith the apostle ) god hath also highly exalted him , and given him a name above every name , he hath a name above the anointed , kings , priests , and prophets of old , they being but types and shadowes of him , and yet were the highest names in israel , which was a family that had a name above all the families of the earth ; and so a name above all the names on the earth : and yet this is not all , for he hath a name above all principality , and power , and might , and dominion , and every name that is named , not in this world only , but also in that which is is to come , ephe. . , , . phi. . , . — [ he is the anointed priest ; none to , or with him in point of attonement ] that he is the anointed priest , compare heb. . . with . . and there shall we see the spirit of god , calling him an high-priest , who was of god anointed with the oyl of gladnesse above his fellowes , which cannot but be understood of his fellow-priests , either such as were ordained of old , before the time of reformation , and so were types , or shadowes of him , or else of such as were since by him made priests unto god , and so received of the fulness of that his oyntment : now that there is none to him in point of attonement , will easily be made manifest , if these three things be considered ; the nature of the attonement it self . the weaknesse or insufficiency of all other priests , whether ordained , or made to perform such a work . and lastly , the sufficiency of this high priest to make a perfect attonement for all those that come to god through him . touching the nature of the attonement , it is not amisse to consider , that what was by this word attonement exprest under the first testament , while that priesthood stood , hath been since under the administration of the last testament , that is established upon better promises than that , been exprest more frequently by the word reconciliation , and therefore the word that in the rom. . is rendered attonement , is in cor. . , . and in all other places translated by the word reconciliation ; now reconciliation does pre-suppose an estrangednesse , or enmity rather , between two parties , and if the parties were men , peradventure there might befound a man to mediate ; but the enmity lies not so much between man and man , or between men and angels , good or bad , but between god and man , the creator and the creature , and who is he in heaven , or in earth , that dare interpose , or step in to make a reconciliation between these two ? yea , who can effect it ? especially if we consider that the enmity on the creatures part is rooted in his mind , and cannot be eradicated ( i had almost sayd , and yet i think i shall not need to retract it ) by the powerfull hand of god himselfe stretcht forth in his wrath , his mind still remaining , as indeed doth notably appear out of the mouth of the lord himself , by the hand of his prophet isay , . , . for the iniquity of his covetousnesse , was i wroth , and smote him ; i hid me , and was wroth , and he went on frowardly in the way of his heart . so see it confirmed also in rev. . . . . when the wrath of god breaks forth with an exceeding great plague , then shall you find men blaspheming the name of god , who hath power over those plagues , because of their paines and their sores , and repented not of their evill deeds , to give him glory ; and if the wrath of god does it not , how unlike is the wrath of man to effect it ? but further to shew the greatnesse of the work of reconciliation as it lies on mans part ; for as he hath not an alienation only , but an enmity in his mind , so is he apt upon all occasions to the utmost of his power to manifest the same , by wicked provoking workes against the god of heaven , so that let but god himself be manifested in the flesh , or any bright beam of his glory break forth , and shine through mortall flesh , presently shall the iewes , and gentiles , though otherwise full of enmity one a-against an other , concurre ; yea , herod and pilate shall now be made friends , and shall agree to crucifie the lord of life and glory ; to pour forth the pretious blood of god , and to tread under foot the sonne of god , and to count the blood of that covenant as an unholy thing : so that from hence we may conclude , that as he that hateth his brother in his heart may be said to murther a man , so he that hateth god in his heart , may be said in a sense to murder god. now as on mans part there appears such enmity in his mind , such an aptnesse to vent it , and such backwardnesse ( as i might shew ) in him to accept of any , but especially the gospell termes of reconciliation , whereby the work appears to be great ; so if we consider it on gods part , that the wrath of god is revealed from heaven , against all ungodlinesse , and against all unrighteousnesse of the sonnes of men , and that his word is gone forth and cannot be recalled ; in the day that thou eatest thereof , thou shalt surely dye ; and the soul that sinneth , it shall dye ; and cursed is every one that continueth not in all things that are written in the law to doe them , so that his wrath , lustice , and truth are all engaged in this main controversie that he hath with his creature , and by reason thereof , he will not be pleased with thousands of rams , nor yet with ten thousand rivers of oyl , &c. and therefore if the question be asked who is worthy , or who is able to stand between god and man , to make the attonement , to slay the enmity , and so to make peace ? the answer will be the same , that no man ( that is meerly so , no nor angel ) in heaven , nor in earth nor under the earth is either worthy , or able to undertake this great work , no nor in that sense to look thereon ; and therefore in the second place all other priests will be found insufficient ; for as for the priests of old , and all that belonged to them , as vestures , vessels , altars , temple ; and all that was officiated by them , as their sacrifices , attonements , oblations , blessings , they were too weak to accomplish this work , for they were not able to make him perfect that did the service , as appertaining to the conscience , but brought their sins to remembrance , in stead of blotting them out , so as to remember them no more , and were indeed but meer shadowes of good things to come , which they that beleeved had in their eye , and saw a farre off , see heb. . , . . . . , , , , . and as for others that are made priests unto god , they doe but receive of his fulnesse , and will readily acknowledge with paul , that through the law they are dead to the law , so as by their own works or righteousnesse ( which now appears to be but glistering wickednesse , and no other than fruits of that enmity that was in their minds , by them i say ) not to expect to make their own peace with god ; and although it is true they have liberty to enter into the holiest , yet it is by the blood of iesus , and by a new and living way which he hath consecrated for them ; and although they may draw neer unto the holy god with a true heart , and full assurance of faith , yet they must have their hearts sprinkled with his blood from an evill conscience , and their bodies washed with pure water ; and although being in the holy presence of god , they may , as the priests of old , offer up prayers with strong cryes for themselves , and others , yet must they be offered upon the golden altar that is before the throne , and must be mingled , and perfumed with much sweet incense out of the golden censer that is in the angell of the covenants hand , and the smoke of the incense must ascend with their prayers before god out of the angels hand : rev. . , so that in this point they are nothing , yea lesse , and worse than nothing ; but christ is the very power of god in this point , the substance of all those shadowes , and what he did in reference to the work of attonement , and reconciliation , he doth it substantially and effectually , both on gods part and mans ; for he hath both natures in himself , and by reason thereof is an apt mediator fit to interpose between both to make reconciliation ; for he is declared to be the son of god , wholly without sin , consecrated with an oath of god to be a priest for that purpose for ever , heb. . . comp . with . . who by the eternall spirit of god offered up himself without fault to god his father , the just for the unjust , so that by one offering , he hath consecrated for ever them that are sanctified , so that there is no more need of offering for sin , see heb. . . comp . with . . . and is now entred , not into the holy places made with hands , but into heaven , to appear in the sight of god for those that beleeve through him , and not with the blood of others , but with his own blood , whereby their consciences are purged from dead works to serve the true and the living god , see heb . . . yea , and there remaineth , and is set down at the right hand of the throne of the majesty in the highest , being the memediator of that better covenant , even that which is established upon the best and absolute free promises , which are to pardon their enmity , and iniquity , and to remember their sin no more , to write his lawes in their hearts , and to be to them a god , and to undertake that they shall be to him a people ; so that as god was in christ reconciling the world to himself , not imputing their trespasses unto them ; so in the ministry of reconciliation christ is by his spirit in man shedding abroad the love of god in his heart , and thereby slaying his enmity , by which means he is reconciled to god ; so that whom he blesseth , being the high priest and captain of our salvation , shall be blessed indeed ; see acts . . by all which it doth appear to be a truth , that there is none to him in point of attonement to make reconciliation between god and man. and now that there is none with him in that great work , neither person , nor service , is also as evident . god the father hath designed him alone in that businesse , that no flesh might glory in his presence , see acts . . . tim. . . colloss . . . cor. . . and paul tels the galatians who were about to joyn circumcision , and so works with christ in this point of acceptance with god , that then christ should not profit them , and that they were faln from grace , see gal. . . [ he is the anointed prophet , none to him in point of instruction . ] that he is the anointed prophet , or a prophet anointed with the spirit of prophecie above his fellow prophets , and a teacher immediately sent from god from heaven , see io. . . luke . . heb. . . ioh. . . . . . . . and that there is no prophet to him , will evidently appear ; for all the other prophets of god were such as did bear witness to him , or were types of him , yea moses and elias , those two great prophets , lay themselves low that he may be exalted ; wherefore deut. . . i ( saith the lord by the hand of moses ) will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren like unto thee , and will put my words in his mouth , & he shall speak unto them all that i shall command him , and it shall come to pass , that whosoever will not hearken unto my words which he shall speak in my name , i will require it of him . and ioh. . , . he must increase ( saith iohn the baptist , who came in the spirit of elias , and was , saith christ , more than a prophet , so that among those that were borne of women before him there was not a greater ) and i must decrease ; he that cometh from above ( saith he ) is above all , he that is of the earth is earthly , and speaketh of the earth , he that cometh from heaven is above all , and what he hath seen and heard , that he testifieth , and no man receiveth his testimony ; he that hath received his testimony hath set to his seal that god is true , for he whom god hath sent speaketh the words of god , for god giveth not the spirit by measure unto him ; and as these great prophets thus witness to christ , so the voice that is heard from heaven by iames , cephas , and iohn , do confirm their testimony , that there is no prophet to him , for when upon the mount , moses and elias appeared talking with christ , and peter would have three tents or tabernacles , one for christ , one for moses , and another for elias , that so no doubt at some times , and in some cases , he might be hearkning to them , immediataly upon the motion , and as an evident manifestation of a dislike thereof , they both vanished , and a cloud overshadow'd them all , and christ being the prophet only remaining , there comes a voice out of the cloud which said , this is my wel-beloved son in whom i am well pleased , hear ye him ; mat. . , , . and now that there is none to him in point of instruction , will also appear with respect both to the matter and efficacy . for the matter of instruction , he that cometh from above being also in the bosome of the father , must needs be above all in his matter of instruction , for what he hath heard and seen in the fathers bosome , that he testifies , and speaketh the very words of god , yea declareth and maketh known god himself , being the bright breaking-forth of the fathers glory , which was that which moses , that great prophet did so much desire to behold , and could not obtain it ; and hence it is , that it is said his hearers were astonished at his doctrine , concluded no man ever spake like this man , and the best of them knew not whether to go to better themselves , forasmuch as he had the words of eternall life , yea and that holy spirit of promise which the saints were and still are to receive , was but to glorifie him , to take of him and his words , and to shew unto them the treasures of light and life , and refreshment that is contained therein ; see for the proof of all this , io. . . io. . , , . heb. . . exo. . , . mat. . . io. . . io. . . io. . . & . , , . and as for excellency of matter , so for efficacy and powerfull instructing , there is none to him in point of instruction , for he it is in whose hand is the key of david , and he openeth the heart to understand the scriptures ; and to shew a lively experiment of his powerfull instructing , when he was here upon earth , he past by the wise and learned rabbies , and called the illiterate and foolish fishermen , and to this day doth choose not many wise , nor many learned , but the poor foolish and despised ones , that as a teacher he may shew his abilities , thereby giving understanding to the simple , speaking words of light , and life , and spirit to them , and by them to confound the wise , and learned , and mighty ; yea he indeed is the light of the gentiles which sate ( and still in a great measure sit ) in darkness , and is that true light that enlightneth every one that cometh into the world , see luke . corinthians . , . iohn . . acts . . iohn . . and as he was the prophet , opening his fathers bosome , and shewing the things that were past and present , so the things also that were to come ; he tells them how many things he must suffer of the elders , and chief priests , and scribes , and be killed , and raised again the third day , and therein foresheweth his office of priesthood ; he also foretells how after he is risen as a lord , he will set his house in order , and so depart to his father to receive his kingdom , and to return , and what shall befall his servants in the time of his absence , by the reign and rage of the beast , and spirit of antichrist , and what will be each ones portion at his return , as appears in the book of the revelation , which is surrounded with blessings to him that readeth , chapter . . and curses to him that addeth to it , or taketh from it , chapr . last . . wherefore seeing there is no prophet or teacher to christ and his spirit in point of instruction , both for excellency of matter , and efficacy in teaching , it well suites with christians to be still cleaving close to this prophet , and concluding with the disciple that first trusted in him , whither shall we go , thou hast the words of eternall life . but to proceed , he is [ the anointed king , who is gone unto his father for his glorious kingdom , and shall ere long return again ] that jesus of nazareth is the anointed king could not be hid in the day of his humiliation , as appears luke . , . & chapter . . the majesty of a king did to appear in that lowly and meek form , while he rode upon an asse , that if the multitude of the disciples had not confest him , but had held their p●ace , the stones would cry out ; yea and then his word had a powerfull efficacy like the word of a king among men and devils , the winds and seas , so that he speaks but the word and the blind see , the lame walk , the deaf hear , the dumb speak , the dead are raised , the devills are cast out , the poor receive the gospell ; when he is at the weakest , then is pilate fore'd to confess that he is king of the iews , and to propagate this confession as far as latin , greek , and hebrew will cary it ; this appears more evident , since he was raised and sits as lord at the right hand of the father , at least in the hearts and lives of his servants , by powring forth that spirit or oyntment received , acts . , , , . so that the kings of israel were but his types , and the kings of the nations are but his sword-bearers , for he is king of kings ; but most lively shall this truth be made manifest , when all enemies shall become his footstool , and he shall appear indeed in the form of a king with thousands of his saints , and ten thousand times ten thousand of the heavenly hosts , and shall in the powerfull word of a king command the earth and the sea to give up their dead , and both wicked men and devills to go together into torment , and they shall be tormented , and the saints to enter into the joy of their lord , and it shall be unspeakably glorious , mat. . . luke , . . john . , . and that he is gone unto his father to receive his kingdom , and shall ere long return again , will be made manifest by these scriptures , io. . . lu. . , . heb. . last . tim. . . rev. last , so that as certainly as he hath had a time for his propheticall office and for his priestly , so shall he have a time for his kingly ; and as the dream of nebuchadnezzer hath been found certain , and the interpretation of daniel sure , concerning those four monarchies or kingdoms of men which should come to pass in the earth , so certain and sure it is , that the day is aproaching that the god of heaven will set up his kingdom by that despised yet corner-stone that was cut out without hands , dan. . . . [ that this iesus christ is also the lord , none to or with him , &c. ] that he is the lord , appears cor. . . we preach christ iesus the lord , saith paul , and acts . . saith peter , he is lord of all , and hence it is that he is called lord of lords . rev. and that there is none to him by way of commanding and ordering with respect to the worship of god , the household of faith , will evidently appear if the nature of the household of faith , the worship of god , and the commanding and ordering power that suits therewith , be considered with respect unto him . for the nature of the household of faith , they are a company of faithfull ones , that are bought with the price of his blood , knit together in one by his spirit , founded wholly upon himself , built up by him to be a holy habitation of god , and therefore not in the least measure to be defiled with the inventions and commandements of men , from whence it is that they are still with their ey fixt upon him whom they look upon to be as well the finisher as the author of their faith , still in their hearts calling on him that hath bought them , and saying , lord what wilt thou have me to doe , and still standing upon their watch to harken what this lord will speak , for the voice of a stranger they will not hear ; so that by this it evidently appears , that there is none that hath so much right unto this household of faith by way of ordering it , not yet freedom in it by way of commanding , as hath christ iesus the lord ; and from the nature of the worship which is spirituall , to be performed by a spirituall worshipper , and after or in that true manner that the father of spirits hath appointed , it will as evidently appear , that there is none to him by way of commanding and ordering in this matter , who is the only begotten of the father , came out of , and yet is , in his bosome , and hath declared him , the true way of his worship , and who are such worshippers as he seekes for ; who as a lord faithfull over his house before his departure gave order thereto , commanded his servants to watch , and to hold fast till he come , and in his absence being at the right hand of his father , is mindefull to shed abroad of that holy spirit of promise , whereby the true worshippers shall be led from truth to truth , untill they be brought into all truth . and if the nature of the commanding and ordering power , that suits both with the worship , and with the worshippers , which the father of spirits seeks for be also considered , which is not a law of a carnall commandment seconded with carnall weapons , or an arm of flesh : but a spirituall law , or as the apostle cals it rom. . a law of the spirit of life from christ jesus , spoken unto , or rather written in the heart of a christian by the spirit of christ , by reason whereof he obeyes from the heart , readily , willingly and cheerfully that form of doctrine which is engraven and laid up therein , heb. . . cor. . . rom. . . if this i say be considered , that the worship is spirituall , such as must begin in , spring up , and rise from the heart and the spirit , and so be directed to the father of spirits , and so the commanding power that suits herewith , must speak to the heart and spirit of a man , then is there no lord in this matter to christ jesus the lord , who speaks to the heart in the spirit , and his words are as commands from the head to the members , which conveigh together spirit and life to obey them , by reason of which his commands are not grievous , for where the spirit of this lord is , there is liberty , and they by beholding the glory of the lord , are transformed into the same image , from glory unto glory , by the spirit of the lord , cor. . , . and that there is none with him , he is the onely lord , and law-giver of this spirituall building , and so of the spirits in this sense , appears by such scriptures as say , one is your lord and law-giver , james . . ephes . . . mat. . . . and by such as say , ye are bought with a price , be ye not therefore the servants of men , and the apostles that had greater authority in this point than any men living , yet they acknowledge they had not dominion over mens faith , and therefore declare this to be the express mind of god , that the servants of this lord must not strive ( as if they were lords ) but be patient , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves , or as the word imports , that set themselves by covenant in opposition to that living lord. and whereas it is declared in the testimony , that this houshold of faith was purchased by his blood as priest , instructed and nourished by his spirit as prophet , &c. this will all evidently appear to be true acts . . john . from the . to the . cor. . , , , . rom. . john . . , . rev. . . . . thes . , . cor. . . and . . and so is the first part of the testimony by the word of god confirmed and justified . . [ i testifie that baptism or dipping in water is one of the commands of this lord jesus christ . ] that this commandment of jesus is by way of dipping , and as it were by drowning , overwhelming , or burying in water , and not by sprinkling with water , appears many waies . . in that although there be frequent mention made of that appointment of christ in his last will and testament , yet is it never expressed by the word that may be rendred rantism , or sprinkling , but by the word that is rendred baptism , or dipping . . in that the word by which it is so frequently exprest doth in proper english signify to dip , to plung under water , and as it were to drown , but yet so as with safety , so that the party ( as to the manner ) may be drowned again , and again ; see the instance of naaman , he dipp'd himself seven times in jordan , kings . . and to this sense of the word ( at least in that place ) both the greek , latine , and english churches agree . . in that the phrase ( in which there is mention made of such an appointment of christ ) doth necessarily import such a thing , and therefore when mention is made of baptizing , there generally followeth that word the preposition ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which is commonly translated in , or into , which suits with dipping , and not the preposition ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which signifies with , and so suits with sprinkling . and therefore it may be as well rendred , i baptize you in water , and he shall baptize you in the holy spirit , mar. . . as it is rendred iohn did baptize in the wilderness , and in the river of jordan , verse , . or that iohn was in the spirit on the lords day , rev. . . and they were baptized in the cloud and in the sea , cor. . . yea it may as well be rendred , i baptize , or dip you into water , as it is rendred they were casting a net into the sea mar. . . for the words are the same , and it would be an improper speech to say iohn did baptise with the wilderness , and they were casting a net with the sea . . that this appointment of christ is by way of dipping , and not sprinkling , appears , in that for the resemblance , and likeness hereunto , the israelites passing under the cloud , and through the sea , where the aegyptians that were their lords , and commanders , their pursuers , and enemies , that sought their destruction , were drowned , left behind , and seen no more , is by the holy spirit called a baptism , cor. . , . they were baptized in the cloud , &c. where observe it is not here rendred with the cloud , and with the sea , as in the other place , mark . . with water , because it suits with sprinkling , although the word be the same ; but in the cloud , and in the sea , which suits with dipping , or overwhelming , and so with the appointment of christ , they passing through the midst of the red or bloudy sea on dry land , which stood on both sides as a wall , and being under the cloud , were as men in a carnall eie overwhelmed and drowned , and yet truly saved , and safe from their enemies . . that this appointment of christ was not by sprinkling , but by dipping , or putting the person into or under the water , appears by philips baptizing the eunuch ; it is said , they went both down into the water , both philip the baptizer , and the eunuch that was the person to be baptized , and being there in the water , philip baptized , or dipper him in that water , as john did jesus in the river of jordan , and then it is said as they descended , or went down into the water , so they ascended , or went strait way up out of the water , see acts . , . mat. . . mark the expression , and jesus when he was baptized went up straitway out of the water , therefore had he been down in the water . . that this appointment of christ was not by sprinkling , but by dipping , or as it were a drowning , appears , in that iohn the baptizer , his work being to baptize , remains in the wilderness by the river of iordan , and afterward in aenon , and the reason that is rendred by the spirit of god why there he abode , was , because there was much water there , which need not have been , if that appointment could have been performed by sprinkling , and not by dipping . see luke . , . iohn . . . that this appointment of christ was not to be performed by sprinkling , but by diping , &c. appears from the nature of the ordinance it self , for it is such an ordinance as whereby the person that submitteth thereto , doth visibly put on christ iesus the lord , and is hereby visibly planted into his death , holding forth therein a lively similitude , and likeness unto his death ; whereby onely through faith he now professeth he hath escaped death , and is in hope to obtain life , and peace everlasting , and so to have fellowship with him in his death , as to be dead with him , and thereupon to reckon himself to be dead indeed unto sin , sathan , the law , and the curse . see gal. . . rom. . . . . , . . cor. . . but the planting of a person into the likness of death is no waies resembled by sprinkling ; but by dipping it is lively set forth and demonstrated , therefore . . this appointment of christ , sci . baptism , is an ordinance whereby the person that submitteth thereto , doth hereby visibly and cleerly resemble the buriall of christ , and his being buried with him , so as in respect of the old man , the former lusts and conversation , like the egyptians , to be taken out of the way , and seen no more . see romans . . . col. . . but sprinkling doth no way lively resemble the buriall of christ , or the persons being buried with him , as dipping doth ; therefore . . this appointment of christ , sci . baptism , is an ordinance wherby the person that submitteth thereto , doth visibly , and lively hold forth herein the resurrection of christ , declares him , whose life was taken from the earth , to be alive again , who although he died and was buried , yet was he not left in the grave to see corruption , but was raised again , and behold he liveth for evermore ; and as hereby he holds forth the resurrectiof christ , so doth he also his own , being planted into the likeness therof , so as to reckon himself to be in his soul and spirit quickned , and risen with christ , from henceforth to live unto god the fountain of life , and to christ iesus the lord who died for him , and rose again , and so to walk in newness of life in this present evill world , being also begotten unto a lively hope , that in the world to come he shall be raised , and quickned both in soul , and body , to a life everlasting . see rom. . , . . . acts . , , . col. . . rom. . . cor. . . pet. . . but sprinkling doth no way lively resemble the resurrection of christ , or the souls or bodies rising , or being raised by him , as the way of dipping doth . therefore this appointment of christ was , and still is , to be performed by way of dipping or putting the person into or under the water , and not by sprinkling . and that this dipping in , or into water , in the name of iesus , is one of the commandments of this lord iesus christ , doth evidently appear mat. . . mark . , compared with acts . . . . . . and . , . and that it is also to be observed by all that trust in christ , as other of his commands , as he is the lord , untill he come again , is likewise expresly manifested to be his will , mat. . . gal. . , . jude . tim. . . col. . , . rev. . . . . hold fast till i come . rev. . . . heb. . . but to proceed . [ that a visible believer or disciple of christ jesus ( that is , one that manifesteth repentance towards god , and faith in jesus christ ) is the onely person that is to be baptised with that visible baptism or dipping of jesus christ in water ] that a visible disciple or scholar of christ , one that manifesteth himself to have heard him , to have been taught by him , and to have yielded up himself to him as his teacher , is the only person , &c. will be made manifest , . by the commission it self , and the argument stands thus , they and they onely have right to this ordinance , and appointment of jesus christ , whom the ordainer himself , sci . christ jesus the lord , hath in his last will and testament appointed it to ; but christ jesus the lord hath appointed it to disciples , and to believers , and to such onely . therefore . the first proposition cannot be denyed , and the second will easily be proved : see the commission by which the apostles were warranted to administer this ordinance , and so must all that baptise or they will appear but usurpers mat. . , . all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth , saith the lord , go ye therefore and discipulize or make disciples not among the jews only , but among the gentiles , and nations , and baptize them ; so that if the question should have been made , lord whom shall we baptise of the nations among the jews and gentiles ? his answer was given in the words before , and he would have given no other , you shall baptize amongst the nations jews and gentiles , such as first have been taught , and by teaching have been made my disciples ; so mar. . . go ye into all the world , saith the lord , and preach the gospel to every creature , to the gentiles as well as the jews , he that beleeveth and is baptized shall be saved , &c. so that if the question here again should be propounded who among the religious and strict jews , and the loose and profane gentiles , should be baptised , the answer is plain , those to whom the gospel first hath been preached , and they through that gospel have also believed . . by the practice of the commissioners who were faithful unto their lord , and to the charge which he gave them , and the argument stands thus . such as the faithful apostles , and first commissioners of christ jesus the lord administred this ordinance of baptism unto , such and such only ought to be made partakers thereof . but the apostles and first commissioners of christ administred not this ordinance unto carnal babes , infants of daies , such as are by the testimony of the scriptures declared to be conceived in sin , to be brought forth in iniquity , and being born of the flesh to be but flesh , and so by nature the children of wrath one as well as another ; being also untaught . but to such as first were taught , and were ordained , by the immortal seed of the word , to be born again , and as new born babes in christ , having tasted of the sincere milk of the word , desire still more of the same , that they might grow up thereby , and such as appeared to be converted and to become as little ones , such little ones as believed in jesus . the first proposition i suppose none that own christ and his apostles will dare to deny . and the second which is more questionable will also be proved . see acts . , , , , , &c. although peter with the calls upon the convicted jews to repent , and to be baptized every one in the name of jesus for the remission of sins , and tells them that then they shall be made partakers of the holy spirit ; and that they should not need to distrust it ; he shews them the largeness of the promise that was made concerning the pouring forth of the spirit , it being promised to be poured forth upon all flesh , as they had exprest in the beginning of their discourse out of joel v. . and . and therefore ●aith , t is to you and to your children , and to all that are a far off , even as many ( of you , your children and such as are a far off ) as the lord our god shall call ; yet he baptizeth none , but such as were called by the holding forth the word of salvation by jesus christ , as appears in the words , for they that gladly received his word were baptized ; and they only ; for they that were baptized were added , and continued together in the apostles doctrine , and in fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and in prayer , and continued dayly with one accord in the temple , and breaking bread from house to house did eat their meat with gladness and singleness of heart , praising god : all which cannot be understood of infants of daies . and therefore this place if rightly considered will be so far from affording a ground for the baptizing of the children of believing parents , because here it is said the promise is to you and to your children , that it will sufficiently evince the contrary ; for indeed such an apprehension is accompanyed with or evident mistakes , there is a mistake in the promise , in the parties to whom the promise belongs , and the manner how it is to them and their children , &c. . there is a mistake of the promise , in that it is looked at as the covenant of grace which doth ingratiate the soul into , and gives it an interest in all the privileges of the gospel of christ , and so in order doth go before baptism or any other visible ordinance and appointment of his , whereas in very truth by promise there , is meant that holy spirit of promise which they which believed in christ , and obeyed him , should according to promise receive after he was ascended unto the right hand of the father , as appears joh. . . . . . . that which he had here shed a broad in a powerfull manner upon the apostles , and that which these jews also in believing and obeying the gospel of christ should also receive , and therfore saith peter , repent , and be baptized and ye shall receive , &c. and was no other than that which was of old prophecyed of by ioel , as is declared v. . and so is a promise that follows faith and obedience , and not such as goes before to give right to this appointment of christ . . there is a mistake in the parties to whom this promise belongs , for whereas it is said to you and to your children , and the reupon it is conceived to be meant believers , and their infants of daies , which upon that accompt are to be baptized , it is plain and evident when the apostle spoke these words to them , they could not be looked upon as believers , forasmuch as they being prick'd at the heart , and only convinced of their evill in murdering the lord of life , propounded what they should do to be saved , which is farre from believing , to which the apostle replies , repent , and be baptized in the name of jesus for the remission of sinnes ; and to conceive that by their children were meant infants of daies , it may be as well so understood by your sonnes and daughters , which should so receive of the promise of the spirit as to prophecy mentioned in the seventeenth verse of this chapter , to which these words are related ; and to make it appear that the promise was not so either to them or their children ( as yet manifested ) to give them right unto baptism , after many more words used by the apostle to perswade them to save themselves from this adulterous generation , it is said , but as many as gladly received his word were baptized , and but only such , and not their infants of daies , for they that were baptized continued together in such appointments of christ as infants are in no measure capable of . . there is a mistake in the manner how this promise is to them , & their children , not spoken to them now as believers , & their children as having right and interest peculiar by them , but indeed to them and their children no otherwise than to all that are a far off , which if taken in the generall cannot be understood but with respect to the general promise , which is to pour forth his spirit upon all flesh , but if with the restriction , which is , even as many as the lord our god shall call , then , parents and children , jews and gentiles , such as are neer , and such as are a far off , must be called by the word of his grace before they can have a peculiar right and interest in this spirit of promise , and so a child that is called to believe and obey the gospel may have this promise made good unto him before his father , and a gentile that is a far off before a jew that is neer . this will appear also by other instances , as of philip baptizing in samaria , they were men and women that he baptised there , such as believed and received the word with great joy , acts . . . and when the eunuch seeing the water , asked what should let him to be baptised , philip intimates that although he had been taught , yet the want of a manifestation of faith would be a let , v. , . and whereas there is mention made of whole houses that were baptised ; that the commissioners might appear faithfull unto their lord , and keep close to the very words of their commission , you shall find they were first taught , and by teaching were made his disciples , and gladly received his word . see it in corn●lius houshold acts . , . compared with the . . the iaylors houshold acts . . . they spake unto him the word of god , and unto all that were in his house , and he set meat before them , and rejoyced , believing in god with all his house ; see it also in crispus houshold , acts . , , , . stephanus houshold cor. . , . compared with chap. , v. . and as for lydias houshold acts. . the spirit of god being more silent therein , they that cannot interpret it by the other four , nor yet by the commission it self , nor by the commissioners faithful observance thereof in all other instances , let them prove if they can these three particulars . . that lydia ever had a husband . . in case she had , that ever she had any children by him , and if so , then in the . place that they were not dead , or so grown up that they might hear and receive the word gladly as well as their mother . . a third argument to prove that a visible believer is the person that according to the mind of christ is to be baptized in water , may be taken from the order which the spirit of christ laies down , faith and baptism , in the scriptures of truth , putting faith still in the first place , witness mark . , . mat. . . heb. . eph. . a argument may be taken from the nature of the ordinance , and a from johns baptism . yea much more might be said to this point , but this may suffice . [ and also the only person that is to walk in the visible order of his house , and so to wait for his comming the second time in the form of a lord and king with his glorious kingdome according to promise ] that he is the only person that is to enter into , and walk in the visible order of his house , will evidently appear , if the order in which our lord left his house when he went to his father to receive his kingdome be duly considered , for in his last will and testament we shall find it thus recorded , when our lord was about to be gone , he gave order unto his apostles , whom he made stewards in his house of the mysteries of god , to make him disciples of all nations , and that such as were so made should then be baptized , and so visibly planted into christ , and put on christ , and having so received him , should walk in him , observing all things whatsoever he had commanded , the first thing wherof as touching order was , to be added or joined one to another in the fellowship of the gospel by a mutual professed subjection to the scepter of christ , and being a company thus called out of the world , from worldly vanities , and worldly worships , after christ jesus the lord ( which is the proper english of these words the church of christ , and is in other terms called the houshold of faith ) should steadfastly continue together in the apostles doctrine , sci . the consolation , reproof , and instruction thereof , in fellowship , sci . mutual support both inward and outward ; in breaking of bread , thereby remembring the death of our lord , whose soul was made an offering for sin , as his flesh is meat indeed , and his blood drink indeed , by the help of the spirit , to nourish our souls and spirits up unto eternal life , and in prayer , one with and for another ; and that this is the absolute order which the lord hath appointed in his last will and testament , doth evidently appear both by his own precept , and command , and by the practice of such as first trusted in him , and if so , then neither infants of daies , nor yet such as profess themselves to be believers in jesus , but refuse as a manifestation thereof , according to the practice of such as first trusted in christ , to yield up themselves to be planted into the death , burial , and resurrection of christ , and so visibly to put christ on , as did the christians of old , i say such have no visible right to enter into , or walk in the order of the gospel of christ ; and to conclude the point , the argument stands thus . they , and they only , have visible right to enter into , and walk in the visible order of christs house , and so to wait for his comming , whom christ jesus himself being the lord of the house , hath appointed , and his apostles being his stewards , have approved of ; but such as first have been taught and made disciples or scholars of jesus , and believers in christ , and afterwards have bin baptised or dipped and therby visibly & lively planted into the death , burial , and resurrection of christ , are they , and they only , whom christ hath appointed and the apostles have approved of . see his commission , peruse their practice ; ergo they , and they only , have visible right to enter into , and walk in the order of christs house , and so to wait for his comming the second time , in the form of a king , with his glorious kingdom , according to promise . see for a farther confirmation of the last clause , in the first epistle to the corinthians . . the ▪ . . the. . . but to proceed . [ he is the person that is also to wait for his lords sending down from the right hand of his father in the time of his absence the holy ghost , or holy spirit of promise , and all this according to the last will and testament of that living lord ] that this living lord did promise when he left this present evil world , that is in a great measure subjected to devils , and went to his father , not only to return again , but in the time of his absence ( as a testimony of his great love unto such as are called to be his disciples , & manifest the same by loving him & keeping his commandments , and as a te●●imony of his loving acceptance at the right hand his father ) to send down the holy spirit , which should be in them as a well-spring of living water flowing forth unto eternall life , who being a spirit of truth , and sent by christ who is the truth which god will exalt , shall glorifie him , take of him and his , and shew unto them , and so lead them from truth to truth , until he hath brought them into all truth : as a comforter or spirit of comfort , shall fill their hearts with joy in believing , by bearing witness with their spirits , that they are the children of god , and by revealing unto them the precious things w ch god hath prepared for them that love him , which neither eye hath seen , nor ear hath heard , neither hath it entred into the heart of man to conceive ; and as a holy spirit shall set them apart that are justifyed by the blood of his son , unto the holy god , and sanctifie them throughout in soul , and spirit , and body ; and as a spirit of supplication shall help them to speak unto god ; and as a spirit of prophecy to speak unto men : that this lord i say did promise unto his disciples , who love him and keep his commandments , in the time of his absence the presence of such a spirit as this , which hath supplies in him beyond what the ●oul lacks , and that therfore they are to wait for this promise , and for these supplies in his appointments , will clearly appear . . out of the words of the lord himself . see iohn . , , . so v. . chap. . . chap. . , . so v. , , . five times in that night in which he was betraied doth he repeat that promise , to his disciples that loved him and kept his commandments , and that he intended the same unto other visible disciples that should love him and keep his commandments unto the end of the world , will also appear ; for if the appointment of christ , sci . the supper that went before , and is exprest chapter the . and the prayer of christ that followed after , and is exprest chapter . did belong unto them that should believe through their word till he come again , then this promise that is so often repeated between , doth as well belong unto them , as to these ; but the former is true ; see iohn . . . cor. . . therefore the later . if the consequence be denied , it will still be proved out of christs own words ; see iohn . , . and the consideration even in reason of christs exceeding love and tender care towards all his disciples that love him and keep his commandments , and their sensible wants of the same supplies of the spirit will clearly evince it . . it will clearly appear out of the words of the apostles of christ ; see iohns interpretation of these words of christ , out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water , this spake he ( saith iohn ) of the spirit which they that believe on him should receive , for the holy spirit was not yet , because iesus was not yet glorified , john . . see also what they all say with one mouth , after they had received this holy spirit with power , whereby they were furnished as apostles or embassadors ( of him that had all power in heaven and earth in his hand ) to go forth with the embassage of peace into all nations , and could deliver the mind of their lord unto them in their own language , acts . , . repent and be baptised every one of you in the name of iesus , for the remission of sins & ye shall receive the gift of the holy spirit , for the promise is to you , and to your children , and to all that are a far off , as many ( of all these ) as the lord our god shall call , sci . to repentance from dead works , to faith in christ iesus , to this visible manifestation thereof by being baptised , and so visibly planted into the death , buriall , and resurrection of christ for the remission of sins . . this will also appear by the enjoyments of those that first trusted in christ , and visibly manifested their faith and love in and to the lord , by keeping his commandments : the disciples which were also called ▪ apostles , waiting in the appointment of their lord at jerusalem , received and were filled with that holy spirit , with power according to promise . see acts . . compared with . . so that great number that were about three or rather five thousand souls that believed through their word , and were baptized in jerusalem , and waited in the appointments of the same lord , that is to say , together steadfastly in the apostles doctrine , and in fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and in prayer , they also enjoied this holy spirit according to promise . see acts . . the like may be found among the saints in samaria , acts . . in ephesus , acts . and the same may be found among the saints that thus put on christ , and walked in him , among those that first trusted in him in all places . see it in the romans chap. . . and chap. . at large . see it in the corinthians epistle . chap. . . . and . . . and ch . . at large . in the galathians ch . . . . . in the ephesians chap. . . in the philippians chap. . . in the colossians chap. . . in the thessalonians ep. . chap. . , . and chap. . . this promise is also found true in the litle children that iohn writes to , and is often repeated iohn . . . and in the . . he speaks unto them after this manner , but the anointing ( speaking of this holy spirit of promise ) which ye have received of him , abideth in you , and ( such is his supply ) that you need not that any man teach you , but as the same anointing teacheth you of all things , and is truth and is no lie , even as it hath taught you ye shall abide in him : and now litle children abide in him , &c. and iude telleth us , that the very ground why some that had made a profession of the faith , and order of iesus , caused divisions and offences , contrary to that doctrine they had received , and separated themselves , was , because they were sensuall , not having this spirit , iude ▪ and as all this hath been proved by the last will and testament of that living lord , so is it also clear , that his will is not to be added to , or taken from , compare gal. . . with rev. . , . which notwithstanding if any man shall attempt to do , let him know this lord is alive , and will ere-long appear sufficiently able to avenge it . . [ i testifie that every such servant of christ iesus , may in point of liberty , yea ought in point of duty , to improve that talent which his lord hath given unto him ] that it is their duty to improve the talent the lord hath given unto them , and that for that end it was also given , will appear by those two instances of the lord himself , the first is mat. . , , . ye ( saith the lord to his disciples ) are the salt of the earth , the light of the world , &c. neither do men light a candle and put it under a hushell , but on a candlestick ; whereby he intimates , that if it be far from the intention of men ( who are but weak and foolish in their intentions and actions ) to sight a candle which is for use , and then to put it under a bushell , and so make it useless ; then much further from the purpose and intention of god , who is the father of lights , to enlighten the spirit of a man , which is the candle of the lord , and then to have that light concealed and with-held ; therefore it follows , let your light ( saith the lord ) so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your father which is in heaven . the other instance is in the th chapter of luke , , , , , . to the . verse , in which parable is lively declared by the lord , . that that glorious kingdome of god that shall certainly appear , should not so immediatly appear as some thought it should , for which end is the parable spoken verse . and the first words of the parable will prove the same thing , for the noble-man ( which is christ iesus the lord ) must first go into a far coun●ry to receive his kingdome , which is , to the right hand of the father , there to sit untill all his enemies become his footstool , and so return . . here is declared the order in which this lord left this houshold when he went to receive his kingdome , he bestowed gifts or talents upon them , and commands them as his servants , in their severall places to occupy till he come , verse . which proves that , for which i produced this scripture ; and for further encouragement unto a servant of christ to improve that talent in his lords service that he hath bestowed upon him , . in the third place is declared the exceeding great countenance , and rich reward which this lord will bestow upon a faithfull servant that hath thus improved his talent , when he shall have received the kingdome , and shall return in the glory of his father ; the countenance ( i say ) appears in these words , he will say , well , or as it is in the of matthew , well done thou good and faithful servant , thou hast been faithful in a few things ; the rich reward appears in these , enter into the joy of thy lord , or have thou authority ( in my kingdom ) over ten cities , be thou also ruler over five cities , &c. but to proceed . [ and in the congregation he may either ask for information to himself ] this was a liberty amongst the jews in their synagogues or congregations , as appears luke . . where christ being about twelve years old , is found by his parents among the doctors , in the temple , not only hearing them , but asking them questions ; and when he also taught in the temple , or elsewhere , the people did not only hear him , but asked him questions , yea made objections against what was delivered , without interruption , and it cannot be conceived but this is much more a liberty in the congregations , and churches of christ ; and therefore cor. . . where women are directed to ask their husbands at home if they will learn , and the reason is given because it is a shame for them to speak in the church , it is plainly declared , that men that will learn may ask in the church , for it is not a shame for them to speak there . but to proceed . [ or if he can , he may speak by way of prophecy for the edification , exhortation , and comfort of the whole ] by prophecy here i mean a plain , and brief declaration of the mind , and counsel of god , in words significantly and easie to be understood , confirmed by the words of the apostles and prophets of god , and brought forth for the edification , exhortation , and comfort of the whole ; the of the cor. will plentifully clear this truth , and make this liberty good unto the saints , in the churches of christ , and it cannot be shut out but by the spirit of antichrist . see verse . . . . . , . , . so thes . . , . quench not the spirit , is the exhortation to him that is therby moved to speak ; and despise not prophecyings , is the exhortation to them that are present to hear . but to proceed . [ and out of the congregation at all times , upon all occasions , and in all places , as far as the jurisdiction of his lord extends ] which is not only to the utmost parts of the earth , but also to heaven . see mat. . . heb. . . ephes. . , , . [ may ( yea ought to ) walk as a child of light , justifying wisdome with her waies , and reproving folly with the unfruitful words therof , provided , &c. for a warrant here , see deu. . . mat. . . . . , . . . eph. . . act. . . jam. . . and so have i done also with the d. conclusion , the fourth followeth . . [ i testify that no servant of christ jesus hath any liberty , much less authority , from his lord , to smite his fellow-servant . ] this will be evinced to be a truth many waies from the mouth of the lord. . in that it is the great commandment of this lord to his disciples , and servants , to love one another , and so to bear one anothers burdens , who ought ▪ to have their love stronger than death , so as to lay down their lives for the bretheren . see john . . . . john . . . . gal. . . john . . now to smite one another is a breach of that law of love in a very high degree . therefore . . the servants of christ are called upon by their lord to learn of him to be meek , and lowly , and are put thereby into a capacity to be further taught the way , and fear of the lord , to increase their joy , and they are such as shall inherit the earth , and also heaven , for they shall find rest for their souls ; and this meek , quiet and gentle spirit is declared by the spirit of the lord to be an ornament of very great price . see for a proof of all this mat. . . . . psalm . . isaiah . . mat. . . pet. . . but to smite is an argument of a domineering , proud , and lofty spirit , which is far from a spirit that is meek and lowly . therefore . . the servants of christ are called upon by their lord to be so far from smiting their fellows , that in case they should be smitten by others for his , and the gospels sake , meerly on one cheek , they should rather turn the other , than seek to revenge it . see luke . . rom. . . cor. . . why do ye not rather take wrong ( saith the apostle ) why do you not rather suffer your selves to be defrauded ? but this is far from smiting one another . therefore , &c. . this lord being also that prince of peace , doth so far dislike such practices as these among any servants of his , that belong to his house , that he hath absolutely and expresly declared , that he by no means will have a striker to supply the office of an elder , or steward therein , no nor one that is of a lordly , or domineering spirit , nor yet one that is froward , and will be soon angry . see in the first epistle of timothy . . titus . . peter . . therefore , &c. . that no servant of christ hath such authority from his lord to smite his fellows , doth plainly appear in that parable mat. . . where it is said , the lord was so wroth that he will have that wicked servant delivered to the tormentors , that did but take his fellow by the throat ; and him that fell to smiting his fellowes in his lords absence : mat. . . it is said , the lord shall come upon , in a day when he looked not for him , and in an hour that he is not awar of , and shall cut him asunder , and appoint him his portion with the hypocrits , where shall be weeping , and gnashing of teeth . but to proceed in the testimony , where it is said , [ no nor yet with outward force , or arm of flesh to constrain , or restrain anothers conscience , nor yet his outward man for conscience sake , or worship of his god , &c. ] that this is a truth will be made out by the scriptures of truth , and that many waies . the first argument to prove it standeth thus . . arg. if any servant of christ jesus ( be he high , or low , rich , or poor ) have any such liberty , or authority from his lord so to do , then he is able to shew it , ( as that which may be his warrant so to act ) either out of the words of the lord himself , or out of those that were spoken , or writ by the apostles , which were his ambassadors , and were furnished from their lord with commands for his servants observance until he come again . but no servant of christ ( i suppose ) is able to shew , either out of his own words , or out of the words of the apostles , any such liberty , or authori●y from the lord , as that which may be his warrant so to do . therfore . the first proposition cannot be denyed , which is this , if any servant of christ jesus have any such authority from his lord , he is able to shew it , either out of his own words , or from the apostles . and indeed for a man to act in the name of the lord , and not to have a word , or warrant from him , is high presumption , and so will it appear if these these things be considered . . in that it is plainly declared , that all power in heaven , and in earth , is given unto christ , and therefore must all authority in heaven , and in earth , be derived from him ; and hence it is , that it concerns the feet and the toes of that great image , if it be possible , to stand clear of him who is that little stone cut out without hands , and shall ere long become great mountain , and fill the earth . . in that it is as plainly declared , that the living god hath in these last daies spoken by christ , heb. . . hath made him the heir of all things , and thereupon hath called upon every one that hath an ear to hear him , hath threatned that soul that will not hear him that he shal be cut of ; therfore it concerns every servant of his to take heed he use no such authority over another which he hath not heard and received from christ . . in that it is declared that christ jesus the lord is that one law-giver , and that they are blessed that do his commandements , yea , so blessed , that the apostle saith he is become the author of eternall salvation to those that obey him , and that he is also the judge unto whom the living god , hath appointed a great , and notable , and terrible day , in which and by whom he will judge the world in righteousness , yea , the very secrets of mens hearts , according to his gospel . see james . . rev. . . heb. . . acts . . and . . rom. . . from which consideration it also appears , that it concerns the servants of christ , that they despise not such a law-giver and such a judge as he is , in taking such liberty , or exercising such authority , over other mens consciences , which cannot be made out from his words that he hath given them ; all which , as so many arguments , will prove the first proposition . and as for the second , which is this , sci . no servant of christ can shew a warrant from christ for such an authority , either out of his own words , or his apostles ; if that be denied , we must then call for the warrant , which must be shewed either out of the evangelists , the book of the acts of the apostles , the apostles epistles , or the revelation of jesus : but i suppose it cannot be shewn out of any of these . if the . of the romans be produced for a warrant , no man can deny that the power there spoken of was such as belonged to a heathen , and i think no man will acknowledge that he had such an authority from christ to order mens consciences , or outward man , with respect to the worship of god , and therefore that word cannot be their warrant . if the words of paul , gal. . . i would they were cut off that trouble you , be produceed for a warrant , let the words be considered ( and in the first place ) there is no mention made of outward force , or outward affliction , and therefore no warrant for any outward or carnall hand so to afflict ; but . the words were spoken to the churches in ga atia , which were spirit all societies , and concerning spirituall transgressors , and therefore their cutting off must be from that spirituall relation and union which hitherto they enjoyed , and how that is done , compare . acts . with mat. . . . rom. . . . . . and the carnall cutting off from the carnall israel ( before the time of reformation ) was but a type of this spirituall cutting off and casting out from the spirituall israel of god since . and thirdly , consider , the words were spoken by the apostle paul , who would have us to know ( as he declares it , cor. . . ) that the weapons of his warfare were not carnall , he was not wont to strive with them that opposed themselves with carnall weapons , and therefore if he speaks to such persons as these galatians were ( that had received such power from the lord ) touching a cutting off , which is a business that belongs to a sword , it would be too carnall an understanding of the place to conceive that this should be done by any other sword , than by the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god , and can reach to their spirits , and is the only offensive weapon the saints are to take in such cases as this against their spirituall opposers ; and so have i done with the first argument . a second , to evince this , is taken from that law wherewith christ jesus , that sonne of righteousness , hath more or less enlightned the nations , which i may therefore call the law of nations , being that law by which the lord will judge those which may otherwise be said to be without law : the law is this , do , as thou wouldst be done unto , which is also ( as christ speaks ) the law and the prophets . the argument standeth thus . . arg. if every servant of christ jesus have a commandement from his lord , as he will answer it before him when he shall appear as judge , to do to others , as he would have others to do unto him ; then no servant of his can have either liberty or authority from him thus to force another mans conscience , or his outward man meely for conscience sake . but every servant of christ hath this command from his lord , viz. do to others as ye would that others should do unto you . therefore , &c. the second proposition is undeniable . see . mat. . luk. . . the consequence of the first proposition can scarce be denied , but if any should rashly deny it , then i appeal to that mans conscience , not being seared , which also knows but in part , in the fight & presence of god , whether he can be willing that another who is further informed in the things of god , and is also stronger than he ( whether he can be willing , i say , that he ) should by such a force constrain or restrain his conscience , although in smaller differences , but how much less in things that do so vastly differ . arg. the third argument standeth thus . if christ jesus the lord instructed his servants to be meek , lowly , and gentle , yea , kind and curteous to all ; sent forth the chiefest of them , and told them that they should be as lambs in the midst of wolves ; yea , holds them and us , and all that shall reign with christ , when he shall appear with his kingdome , in a continuall expectation of a persecuted and afflicted condition in this present evil world , then it cannot be expected that they should have any such liberty , much less authority , from him thus to persecute , prosecute , or inforce others . but the first is true . see mat. . . cor. . . eph. . . pet. . . mat. . tim. . . . all that will live godly in christ jesus ( saith paul , who well discerned the spirit that was abroad , & that which should remain and increase in the world ) shall suffer persecution , and , theservant is not greater than his lord , saith christ , mat. . , so that by this it appears , that the first is true , and therefore the second which is this , that no servant of christ can expect any such liberty or authority from his lord thus to persecute , prosecute , or inforce others . a fourth argument against forcing men against their consciences ' in the things , and worship of god , is taken from the nature of the conscience of man , and of the worship of god , which are both spiritual ; and it standeth thus . . arg. that which the lord hath reserved in his own hand , and hath intended to mannage as part of his own kingdome by his own power or spirit , and by another manner of ministery , and sword , than that which is put forth in the kingdoms of men , his being such as fuits with the understanding and conscience of man , as it 's a spiritual thing , and with the worship of god , which is also spiritual , that , i say , can no servant of christ have authority from him , by an other sword , or arm of flesh , to undertake , mannage , or think to effect . but the lord hath reserved this great work of ordering the understanding , and conscience , which is the spirit of man , by way of constraint , or restraint ; and also the outward man , with respect to the worship of god , i say , he hath reserved this great work , in his own hand , and in the hand of the spirit , and hath intended to mannage it as a part of his kingdome , by his own spirit , and by another manner of ministery , than that which is put forth in the kingdoms of men . therfore , &c. the first proposition , i judge , cannot be denyed , because if it be by him reserved in his own hand and power , then by his authority it cannot be in the hand of another ; and if intended by him to be mannaged by another manner of ministery and sword , than that which is put forth in the kingdomes of men , then not by the same . and as for the second , it will appear to be a truth by these following testimonies . . that the great work of ordering the understanding and conscience , which is the spirit of a man , by way of constraint or restraint ; and also the outward man , with respect to the worship of god , is reserved ( as a part of his kingdome , the spirits of men being the throne of the lord ) in his own hand , and in the hand of the spirit , doth appear luke . . rom. . . isa . . . zach. . . prov. . . iam. . . . . . luke . cor. . . eph. . , . act. . . . . and . that he hath intended to mannage it by another manner of sword , or ministery , than that which is put forth in the kingdoms of men , is also evident , in that he did neirher speak to , nor yet make use of the kings of the earth to make him discipies , nor yet call for their sword to constrain them or others to the worship of god , or to restrain them from their own , although it was performed to dumb idols , and so unto devils ; but made use of the sword of the spirit , which is his own word , & the ministery of his apostles , and servants , to hold it forth to the world , and tl ereby were disciples made unto him , and so by him brought from their own to the worship and service of god. see lo. . , , , ▪ . acts ▪ . the. . , . ch . . . heb . the fifth argnment against forcing mens consciences , or rather the outward man for conscience sake in the worship of god , standeth thus . . arg. that which presuppose●h one man to have dominion over another mans conscience , and is but a forcing of servants , and worshippers upon the lord , at the least , which he seeks not for , and is the ready way to make men dissemblers and hypocrites before god and man , which wisemen abhor , and to put men upon the profaning the name of the lord , that can no servant of christ jesus have any liberty , much less authority , from his lord to do . but by outward force to seek to constrain , or restrain an others conscience in the worship of god , &c. doth presuppose one man to have dominion over another mans conscience , and is but to force servants , and worshippers upon the lord , which he seeks not for , and is the ready way to make men dissemblers and hypocrites , and to put them upon the profaning the name of the lord. therefore , &c. the first proposition is undeniable , because it is evident that it is not the will of the lord that any one should have dominion over another . mans conscience ; no not such as had the largest power and presence of the spirit of god , and the largest interest in the hearts of his people , as had the apostles , elders , and brethren : see cor. , , . . . pet. . . phil. ▪ . cor. , . & chap. . . for this indeed would be to enter upon the throne of christ ▪ to sit in the temple of god , and is the very highest design of the spirit of antichrist . see ● thess . . . cor. . . and for any man to enter upon the throne of christ to set a foot into the temple of god , is to defile it , and he that defiles the temple of god , ( saith the apostle ) him shall god destroy . and for a man to put servants and worshippers upon the lord , when he would not have others to put servants upon him , and make men dissemble , when if he be a wise man , he cannot but hate dissembling , must needs be much more abomination to the lord , so that the first proposition ( as i said ) cannot be denied . the second will easily be proved in each particular thereof . as . this so cing of all to conform in the worship of god , doth presuppose one man ●o have dominion or lordship over another mans conscience , for who knows not that the worship of god is a case of conscience , and that that worship and service that is pleasing to him , must have the spirit and conscience the chief in it ? and therefore , that man which by outward force would cause others to conform in point of worship , must pre-suppose to have power over his spirit and conscience , to cause it to conform likewise , or else he cannot attain unto his religious intent . . this is but a forcing of servants and worshipers upon the lord , and i say at the best , for it is more likely to force worshipers from him ; and this will cleerly appear , because the true worshipers , and such as the fathe ▪ seeks for , are such as worship him in spirit , and in truth : see john . , . who having received from christ the spirit of life and love , have his word stand in their heart , as the word of a king , so that thereby they become a willing people to do him service , and stand not in need of such outward force to compell them thereto ; they therefore that stand in need to be , and therefore are by outward force compelled to the worship of god , to the faith and order of the gospel of christ ( they i say ) are such servants , and worshipers , as are forc'd upon the lord , whom he seeks not for . this outward forcing men in the worship of god , is the ready way to make men dissemblers and hypocrites before god , and men which wise men abhor ; the truth of this will be thus demonstrated ; for if they be spirituall , true , and willing worshipers , such as the father seeks for , then what need is there of a constraint or restraint ? such are a law of life to themselves ; but if they be not , then what make they there before him , who calls for the heart , and wisheth men to look to their spirits , for he is a spirit , and will be sanctified of all those that draw neer unto him ? see prov. . . mal. . ▪ rev. . , . then as they are forced upon the lord against his will , and without any warrant from him , so are they also against their own , and therefore although their bodies may be present , and through fear of the stroke , or hope of reward , may seem to conform , yet their hearts and minds not being changed ( and the strong holds thereof not being beaten down , as by such carnall weapons they are never likely to be ) they i say , are absent , and far from the lord ; so then , while their hearts , and confciences , still cleave to their idols , and yet their bodies are caused to conform , what is this but to make men dissemblers and hypocrites before god and man ? and that it is the way to put men upon the profaning the name of the lord , is also evident ; understand by name his attributes , word , ordinances , worship , they are all profaned by such a person that stands in need to be forc'd to religion . see hag. . , for him to call upon the name of the lord , is to profane the name of the lord , for their prayers are abomination to him , gen. . . prov. . . isay . . and a calling the name of god or christ upon such , is counted by him a blaspheming his name . see rev. . . . . , . and unto the wicked saith god , psal . . . what hast thou to do to declare my statutes , or to take my covenant in thy mouth , seeing thou hatest instruction , and castest my words behind thee ? by all which it doth evidently appear , that the second proposition doth also stand firm . a sixt argument against the forcing of men against their understandings and consciences , is taken from the prohibition of christ , and stands thus . . arg. if christ iesus the lord hath expresly forbidden his servants by such a force to seek to constrain or restrain another mans conscience , or his outward man against his understanding and conscience , in things appertaining to god , although his understanding and conscience be cleerly discerned to be erronious and evil , then can no servant of christ jesus have any liberty , much less authority , from him so to practise ; this cannot be denied . but christ jesus the lord hath expresly forbidden his servants so to practise , and for the proof hereof , take two or three instances , mat. . . where christ speaking to his disciples , touching the pharisees , who were blind guides , seducers , hypocrites , strong opposers of christ , yet seemingly full of zeal and devotion , and such as brought a vanity upon the worship of god , and made his commandements of none effect by their traditions , as appears , v. , , , , , , . of the same chapter , yet v . saith christ to his disciples , let them alone , they are blind , leaders of the blind , and so leaves them to that sad event , which is , their falling into the ditch , or perishing together . see the parable of rhe wheat and the tares , mat. . . interpreted by christ himself , v. , . and he that soweth the good seed ( saith christ ) is the son os m●n , the field is the world , the good seed are the children of the kingdome ( which being sown by the son of man , must needs be meant faithful land sincere-hearted professors of the truth of the gospell : ) but the tares ( saith he ) are the children of the wicked one , and the enemy that soweth them is the devill , which being the children of the wicked one , and sown by the devill after the children of the kingdome , must needs be meant such as crept in unawars , and were sent in as paul ▪ speaketh , see gal. . . to spie out the saints liberties , that they might bring them into bondage , and so were formall professors of christ at the first , but afterwards discovered to be hereticks , schismaticks , apostats , blasphemers , such as was hymi●●us , phyle us , alexander , demas , and such false teachers as peter speaks of , pet. . . that should bring in damnable heresies , even denying the lord that bought them , and bring upon themselves swift destruction , whose pernicious wayes many should follow ; by reason of whom the way of truth should be evill spoken of : but to go on , the harvest , saith christ , is the end of the world , and the reapers are no other than the angels ; now the question ( for our instruction in righteousness ) being made by the servants unto their lord , when the tares were discovered , whether it was his will that they should go and gather them up , and take them out of the field , his first answer , v. . is nay , and the reason he renders , is this , lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them ; and the next answer , v. . is an express word of command , that they should let both grow together in the field , which is the world , and untill the time of the harvest , which is the end therof , and then his purpose is to speak to the reapers , which are not men but angels , to gather them up , and bind them in bundles to burn them . i shall produce but one instanee more to shew that our lord jesus forbids such a practice as this among his disciples or servants , . tim. . , , . the servant of the l lord , saith paul , in the word of the lord , must not strive , but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach , not to strike , patient in meekness , instructing those that oppose themselves ; which word signifieth a setting a mans self in an opposition to the truth in a more than an ordinary manner , even by way of covenant or resolution of spirit , yet are they still to be waiting with meekness upon them , if god at any time will give them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth , that they may recover themselves out of the snares of the devil , who are taken captive by him at his will. another argument that there can be no warrant from christ for such a practice as this , is taken from such expressions of his , wherein he shews his dislike thereof , and it standeth thus . . arg. if christ jesus the lord have sharply reproved and checked his servants when he hath espied such a spirit as this but breaking forth in them , then can no servant of his have any countenance , much less authority from him so to practise . but the first is true , he hath sharply reproved them when he espied such a spirit as this but breaking forth , witness his words luke . . &c. joh. . , . mat. . , , . . & luke . , . & , . & , , . . where it is said , when the samaritans perceived that christs face was towards ierusalem , they did so envy him for ierusalems sake , which was the place of gods worship , that they would not receive him nor afford unto him such common curtesie as belonged unto strangers ; for which discurteous repulse of their lord and master , james and john in a preposterous zeal judged , that they deserved to dy , and thereupon moved the question to christ in these words , verse . wilt ▪ thou that we command fire to come down from heaven and consume them ? but what is the answer of christ ? it is said , he turned , and rebuked them , saying , ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of , they were scarce awar that they were hereunto moved by no other spirit than the spirit of antichrist , for saith he , the son of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them , and if he came into this world to save mens lives , and not to destroy them , and will have his servants to learn of him meekness , and mercy , and to be as he was in this present evil world , i say , if he came to save mens lives , even the rebellious , then no servant of his can have any authority from him for such cases as these to destroy them . the last argument standeth thus . . arg. that which of it self is inconsistent with the civil peace , liberty , prosperity , and safety of a place , commonwealth , or nation , no servant of christ jesus can have liberty , much less authority from his lord to do but this outward forcing of men in matters of conscience towards god to believe as others believe , and to practise and ▪ worship as others do , cannot stand with the peace , liberty , prosperity , and safety of a place , commonwealth , or nation . therefore no servant of christ can have any liberty , much less authority so to do . the first proposition can scarce be denyed if these things be considered , sci . that christ jesus the lord is the prince of peace , isa . heb ▪ . . and the more a man is made partaker of , and led by the spirit of the lord , which is the spirit of peace , the more peaceable and quiet is he like to be towards all men with whom he hath to do , for this prince of peace hath given express command unto all his servants , who are the children of peace ( in whose hearts his word stands , with power , as the word of a king ) to be at peace among themselves , thes . . to live in peace , cor. . . to follow peace with all men , heb ▪ . . to seek peace and ensue it , pet. . . to follow after those things that make for peace , rom. . . if it be possible as much as in them lyeth to have peace with all men , rom. . . yea not to seek their own , but every man anothers wealth , cor. . . to seek the peace of the place , where god hath bounded his habitation , yea , and to pray unto god for it , and for the rulers thereof , jer. . . tim. . . by all which it doth evidently appear , that that which of it ●elf cannot stand with the peace and prosperity of a place , and nation , that can no servant of christ have by the authority of this lord , unless by a just judgement from him upon the rulers of this world for giving their power , and sword , to the beast , thus to be abused and made drunk with the blood of the saints , which his tender heart cannot but avenge upon themselves , and upon the nations for their loving to have it so . and as for the second proposition , which is this , that this outward forcing of men in matters of conscience towards god to believe as others believe , and to practise and worship , not as themselves ( but as others ) are perswaded , cannot stand with the peace , liberty , prosperity , and safety of a place , nation , and commonwealth ; this will as plainly appear in the examination of each particular thereof . and first , it cannot stand with the peace of a commonwealth ; for as there could be no peace expected in the israel of old , so long as that harlot jezabel ( who thirsted after innocent blood ) could at her pleasure obtain the seal and power of the king , to effect her bloody design upon the servants of the lord , who withstood her idolatrous priests , and that idolatrous way and worship which they had set up , so likewise as long as that spirituall jezabell among those that account themselves the israel of god , ( who is seen in rev. . . to ride upon that scarlet-coloured beast , and to own her self as the city and spouse of that great king , the king of saints , so long i say as she ) can by her glorious deckings and splendours , so deceive and allure the kings and rulers of the earth , to commit fornication with her , and to give their sword and power to the beast that bears her up , there can be no expectation of peace in the earth , but still of wars , and rumours of wars , untill mens hearts fail them : for so long as there is an outward force or power to be had to maintain and uphold the carnall interests and advantages of some upon religious accounts , and to persecute others , who for conscience sake towards god , dare not , yea cannot conform to their way , what hopes are hereby begotten and nourished in some ? what jealousies , suspicions and fears in others ? what revengfull desires in most ? yea , what plottings and contrivings in all ? and as a fruit and effect hereof , what riding ? running ? troublesome , and tumultuous assemblings together , and ●idings ? yea , and outragious murderings and bloodshedings are hereby produced in a nation , to gain that power and sword to their party , either to crush , suppress , or cause the other to conform , or at the least and best to save themselves from being crushed , suppressed , or forced to conformity ? but were this snare of the destroyer and murderer once discovered and broken , which is under a specious and religious pretence of doing god good service , to oppress and slay his innocent servants and children , and to force men to that which their minds and consciences are not perswaded unto , which is worse than idolatry ▪ or at least would it please the most high to help the kings and rulers of the earth , to take king davids counsell , psal . . which is , to kiss t●e son lest be ang●y , and in his anger smite th●● glorious image , ( which nabuchadnezzer saw in his dream ) dan. . , , , . upon his feet , that were part of iron , and part of clay , and so break them to peeces , that the iron , the clay , the brass , the silver and the gold be broken to peeces together , become as chaff , and so vanish away , that there should no place be found for them ; and would it please the most high to put it into their hearts , to manage that power and sword of steel which he hath put into their hands ( and takes out again at his good pleasure ) so that it might onely attend the very thing for which it is bestowed upon them , which is to do justly , and to shew mercy , as those that walk ( in such eminent places ) humbly before the lord , which are things more pleasing to him , than such burnt offerings and sacrifices , although they amounted to thousands of rams , or ten thousands of rivers of oyl ▪ , especially being such as he hath not required at their hands ; how soon would the earth which now is moved exceedingly ▪ reels to and fro like a drunkard , and is removed like a cot●●●● ▪ ●●ome a quiet and peaceable habitation ? for if there were neither fear on one hand , nor hope on the other , that this sword should be drawn forth to maintain the carnall interests of some , which they enjoy upon religious pretences , and to suppress the understandings and consciences of others , to the hazard of their proper and lawfull interests and outward enjoyments , and all men should see the rulers as resolute in this point as galio was , so that men of all sects and religions , which now are various , were become hopeless of any other help to support themselves and their way , or to draw others thereto , than what by the word of god they can attain unto , how soon would these tumults cease , the enmity in point of religion be sla●n , and all things in peace ? and for my part i cannot expect that the swords should be beaten into plowshares , and the spears into pruning ▪ hooks , that nation shall not rise against nation , neither shall they learn war any more , which is a thing which the mouth of the lord hath spoken of , untill that be accomplished which should occasion it , which is exp●e● by the prophet in these words . for all people will walk every one in the name of his god , and we will walk in the name of the lord our god for ever and ever . micha . . , , . and as this forcing of men for their conscience sake , cannot stand with the peace of a nation or commonwealth , so neither can it stand with the liberty thereof , as those two instances rev. . . and . , , together with daily experience , doe lively demonstrate , in which scriptures it is plain to be seen , that whilst the beast reigneth , through the power of the kings of the eath , all are restrained of their liberty , and brought to ▪ conformity , they cannot buy nor sel , unless they conform to the beast , no not the great ones . kings and rulers themselves , they shall rather cease to be kings than cease to conform , when once they have given their power to him , for then they have not been able to stand before him , as emperors , kings , princes and governors have by wofull experience ( through a sad hand of god ) found to be true . and as by the righteous judgement of god , they that have upon this accompt killed with the sword , must have a time also to be killed with the sword ; so they that have led into captivity , must also be led into captivity : so that by this it appears , it cannot stand with the liberty of a place and nation . and that it cannot stand with the prosperity and safety therof will appear from a twofold consideration , the first whereof is with respect to piety , the second to policy . that which is taken from piety is this , if the matter be duly considered and weighd , it cannot be expected but that this outward constraint or restraint of men in matters of conscience , & for the worship of god ( in this present evill world , and by the powers therin ) much chiefly reflect , and light upon such as being called out of the world , can neither conform to worldly vanities , nor worldly worships , but to the pure voice and word of god , and to the testimony of christ jesus the lord , which if true , as indeed it cannot be denied , then it will easily appear to be both unsafe and unprosperous for a state or nation to be found medling herein , for as much as the lord of hosts hath said , he that toucheth you , toucheth the aple of mine eye , zach. . . and again , touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harm , chron. . . and king david had well observed concerning the israel of old , that the lord suffered no man to do them wrong , but even reproved kings for their sakes , psal . . . and if the lord of hosts who is full of bowels of compassion , be so taken with the oppression of the poor , and sighing of the needy , that ●e will not long forbear , but will arise , relieve him , and set 〈…〉 safety from him that pusseth at him , or would insnare him , psal . . . shall he not much rather avenge his own elect , which give him no r●●t , but c●y night and day unto him ? luk : . . yea , i tell you ( saith christ ) he will a venge them speedily . and now how unsafe and unprosperous it is for a kingdome , or state , to ly thus open to the vengeance of god , which if it breaks forth is like to overturn , overturn , overturn it as the prophet speaks , ezek. . , , . will not be a hard thing to discern . again it cannot well stand with the prosperity and safety of a state , or nation , upon a politick ground or consideration . for it best suits with policy ( be the power in the hands of kings and princes , but especially of states and commonwealths ) . to engage ( not only one party or sect alone , but ) all parties therein to the present power , and to the supporting thereof . . to do this ( not by giving away any part of the power to any party or sect to oppress or inforce others to their way for their carnal and private respects , for that ( as hath been shewn ) is the way to lose it themselves , except they conform , yea to be brought to conformity , but to afford its protection equall to all without respect unto any , at least in this , 〈◊〉 keeping them thereby safe , under god , in respect of their persons , names , and estates ; and to engage them all upon the strongest engagements , which are not carnal outward advantage ( they being of tentimes so far from advancing the same , that they prove notable means to make the obstruction ) but this , wherein one man may be as wel assured that he shall not be forced to another man understanding and conscience , as that another shall not be forced unto his . which indeed is an engagement that is stronger than death , the voice of each man● conscience being to him as the voice of his god ; by this means shall all parties be deeply obliged to the utmost of their lives and estates , to bea● up that power , without which they cannot expect to enjoy peace , liberry , and safety themselves , so shall the rulers also have somewhat more vacancy to consider what it is that the lord of hosts doth require at their hands , which is to do justly , to love mercy , and to walk humbly before the lord , mic . . and whereas it is added ( every man being such &c. ) which is to shew that whether such liberty as this should be granted or 〈…〉 in this present world , yet it concerns , and also well becomes the servants of c●●●●t not to alter their course , but to be still found keeping the commandments god and the testimony of jesus , and to beating in mind what is said , rev. . . and they overcame him by the blo●d of the lamb , and by the word of their testimony , and they loved not their lives unto the death ; h●●kning also for his voice , who saith rev. last . surely i come quickly , with the like closing therewith as there is exprest . amen , even so come lord jesus . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * a wampon peague is the six●h part of a penny with us . heb. . . . . heb. . . , , . act. ▪ jo. . . acts . . . . matth. . , . matth. . , , , . eph. . . col. . . cor. . ● . . . cor. . col. eph. . , . cor. . , . heb. . . acts . . ps . . . io. . . ●o . , . a further account of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new england: being a relation of the confessions made by several indians (in the presence of the elders and members of several churches) in order to their admission into church-fellowship. sent over to the corporation for propagating the gospel of jesus christ amongst the indians in new england at london, by mr john elliot one of the laborers in the word amonsgt them. eliot, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing e ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a further account of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new england: being a relation of the confessions made by several indians (in the presence of the elders and members of several churches) in order to their admission into church-fellowship. sent over to the corporation for propagating the gospel of jesus christ amongst the indians in new england at london, by mr john elliot one of the laborers in the word amonsgt them. eliot, john, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by john macock, london : . includes a preface signed: joseph caryl. reproduction of the original in the library of congress. eng indians of north america -- massachusetts -- early works to . missions -- american -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . a r (wing e ). civilwar no a further account of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new england: being a relation of the confessions made by several indi eliot, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread - jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a further account of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new england : being a relation of the confessions made by several indians ( in the presence of the elders and members of several churches ) in order to their admission into church-fellowship . sent over to the corporation for propagating the gospel of iesus christ amongst the indians in new england at london , by mr iohn elliot one of the laborers in the word amongst them . london , printed by iohn macock . . to all that love the lord iesus christ in sincerity , and have a zeal for the propagation of gospel-light , to those who sit in darkness , grace and peace be multiplyed . brethren , it was the holy ambition and strife of the apostle paul ( that chosen vessel to bear the name of christ before the gentiles ) to preach the gospel where christ was not named , lest hee should seem to build upon another mans foundation , rom. . . to hand on a good work begun by another is very commendable , and shall not loose its reward ; but to break the ice and begin a good work is very honourable , and shall surely have a great reward . i am much perswaded it hath been the gracious strife , i am sure it hath been the lot of many of our faithfull brethren , in new england , to preach the gospel where christ was not named before ; and the lord hath given a signal testimony , that they have not laboured in vain . wee reade of the first-fruits of achaia unto christ ( rom. . . and again , cor. . . ) wee have also heard both of the first-fruits and second-fruits of india in new england unto christ ; and these are a fair assurance of a plentifull harvest there in due time . a blessed foundation is laid , yea , the building begins to appear above ground , in the visible profession or professed subjection of many poor souls unto the gospel of christ . may wee not therefore hopefully expect , that the top-stone shall be set up with a shout of grace , grace to it ? hee that attentively readeth the report , which is made in the following collection of the examinations and confessions of several native indians , who have been wrought upon by the preaching of the word in the wilderness , will see much cause to admire the free grace and goodness of god to them , as also his mighty power and the revealing of his arme in them . what strong and clear convictions of sin , both of the sinfulness of their natures , and of the sins of their lives have they been under , who lay ( before ) dead in trespasses and sins , wholly alienated from the life of god through the ignorance that was in them ? what strugglings and strivings with corruption and temptation do they speak of , before they could come off from sin , and from that vain conversation received by tradition from their fore-fathers ? what wrestlings had they with unbelief , before they could close with christ in the promise ? what full resignations of themselves have they made to the commands of christ after closing with him by faith in the promise ? yea , what hungrings and thirstings do some of them express for more intimate communion with christ in attendance upon all his ordinances in a church-state or holy fellowship with his people ? surely , what these late aliens from the common-wealth of israel have found and declared ( as their spiritual experiences ) about the dealings of god with their hearts , in bringing them off from sin , and home to himself , may shame many among us , who have been born and bred up in the aire and sound of the gospel all their dayes . i may , not unfitly , make use of those prophesies of moses and esaias concerning the iewes and gentiles ( and so applyed by the apostle paul , rom. . , , . ) in this present case between us in england and the indians . the lord hath begun to provoke us to jealousie by them that were no people , and by a foolish nation hee hath angred us , hee is found of them that sought him not , hee is made manifest to them that asked not after him , but all the day long hath hee stretched out his hands unto us a disobedient and gainsaying people . conversions are grown somewhat rare ( that 's sad ) in england ; and such accounts of conversion much more rare . and as we finde but few able to give any passable account of their conversion to god , so wee finde not a few offended at the requiring and taking of it , before admission into compleat church-communion . wee have many who profess the religion they were born in , but wee have ( comparatively ) only a few , who profess religion upon the evidences of their new-birth . and that 's one great reason why the church and the world , the pretious and the vile , are in so lamentable a mixture in most places at this day . it were a very desireable mercy , that the practise and example of our native brethren , yea , of the native indians in new england might kindle in us the fire of a blessed emulation in this matter ; and that the ministers of the gospel would every where exspect and diligently enquire after some hopefull proofs of the work of grace from all those , who , in their own right , partake of those higher priviledges , the seals of the covenant of grace . doubtless , then , churches would appear more like churches in the beauties of holiness , and the fruits of the presence of christ would be more gloriously visible in them . the great thing which wee ( upon whom the ends of the world are come ) should earnestly pray , endeavour and wait for is , that the new jerusalem may be seen coming down from heaven , like a bride adorned for her husband ; and to be any way , rightly , instrumentall for the bringing in of this glory , is a piece of the best glory which wee are capable of on this side our heavenly glory . 't was therefore a very gracious as well as a noble design , to create and establish a corporation in this our england , to receive , improve , mannage , and issue a free contribution and the profits arising from it for the constant support , encouragement , and promotion of this work of christ in that other england . nor can wee but with much thankfulness to god take notice of the liberal charity of many who have already contributed to it , as also of the faithfulness , diligence , prudence , and godly zeal of those worthy persons who are entrusted with the disposal of those contributions . and because , as the whole work is great , so there are some great parts of it now in hand , as the printing of davids psalms and the new testament ( besides an intendment of printing the whole bible ) in the indian language , which must needs be a work of great charge as well as of excellent use , ( for these reasons i say ) it would be a most acceptable charity , either to procure or advance additional contributions . how can any honour the lord better with their perishing substance , then by forwarding a design which may be a means to keep thousands of souls from perishing ? yea , what an honour will it be to this whole nation , that the holy bible should be printed in our dayes and at our cost in a language and for a nation which never had it to this day ? that this blessed and beautifull vndertaking for the gathering in of those poor souls , who yet wander in that howling wilderness , to the flock and fold of christ ( the great shepherd of the sheep ) may not want their compassionate and chearfull assistance , who are already ( through grace ) gathered into his holy flocks and folds , is the hearty desire and prayer of the th of the first moneth , . sirs , your affectionate friend to serve you in the lord , joseph caryl . a brief relation received from mr john elliott of the late proceedings with the indians in new england , in order to their admission into church-fellowship . in the year of our lord . the fifth day of the fifth moneth . this is the third time that the praying indians ( some of them ) have been called forth into publick , to make open confession of the name of christ , to come under the publick tryal of gods people , whether they be indeed christians , as fit matter for a gospel church . truth loveth and seeketh the light . i was stirred up hereunto ▪ and quickened by letters from england . the lord put it into the hearts of such as are honourable , reverend , and of eminent service to christ in england , to move mee , before i moved . when i moved this last time , i perceived that it was the general inclination of the spirit of the saints , both magistrates , elders , and others , that ( at lest some of the principal of them ) should ( for a season ) be seasoned in church-fellowship , in communion with our english churches , before they should be churches among themselves . and when it was objected , what should the rest of the people do , if the principal and most able should not keep their sabbaths among them ? it was answered , that their usual sabbath conversation should be at home among their own people , only sometime to be among the english ; viz. for participation of the seals , the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper , and for any special exercise of discipline . when it was questioned what english church they should joyn unto ? all with one mouth said , that roxbury church was called of god to be first in that service of christ to receive the praying indians . in the accomplishment whereof , i yielded my self up to follow counsel in the lord . the elders offered themselves , on some lecture day , to meet ( if need were ) at roxbury lecture , then to speak with the church , to perswade to an unanimous accord , in receiving the indians for a season ; which accordingly they did : and the lord was so effectually present in that meeting , that all objections , so far as i know , were silenced . soon after , our church passed a vote for the receiving of the indians . the elders of roxbury called eight of them to a private preparatory confession , in order to our publick proceeding . wee gave notice of the time and place of this meeting , and many were present to hear them , both men and women ; which confessions i shall here set down , for reasons which seem to mee to have much weight ; and they are as followeth . an abbreviate of the confessions of some of the indians , which they made before the elders of roxbury , ( sundry christian people being present , both men and women ) the th day of the second moneth , . preparatory , in order to their admission into the church . nisho●kou . oh god of grace and salvation , help mee by thy spirit to confesse truth and grace , in the presence of god . i confesse , that i have now learned out of gen. . . that god made man in the image of god , and adam lived years , and begot a son in his own image , ver. . which then was not the image of god , but by reason of the fall , was the image of satan ; and that image of satan hee did communicate to us , so that wee are all born in sin , and so i lived . after wee pray'd to god about three years , my heart was not yet right , but i desired to run wilde , as also sundry others did . then i understood , that the lord did make heaven , earth , sea , and all creatures , and also man , and therefore i understood that god made mee . yet i being young , i was still vain , and ran about ; and i liked to do acts of youth and vanity , and lust , as others did . and i went to pawwauing among others , and these things i loved throughly , and they grew in my heart , and had nourishment there , and especially lust ; if i cut my hair , it was with respect to lust , to please women ; if i had long hair , it was with respect to lust , and all i did was with respect to lust and women ; when there was meetings , drinkings , sports , they respected lust , and these things i perfectly loved . when the minister came to teach us , hee taught , and i came to meeting ; but i came to look upon women , i understood not what hee taught ; sometimes i came , and understood nothing at all , only i look't on women . about two years after , i began to understand what the minister preached : i understood that scripture iam. . hee that doubteth is like a wave of the sea , driven of the windes and tossed ; and if any man lack wisedom , let him ask it of god . this i understood , yet i only understood it , but it was very hard to believe . afterward , i heard out of gen. . that god spoke concerning man , i will destroy man whom i have made , because god saw that the way of man was corrupt before him ; and this troubled mee . and again , in the same chapter it is said , that god saw that the iniquity of man was great upon the earth , and that every imagination of the thought of his heart is only evil continually ; this troubled mee , for i saw the roots of sin in my heart : yet it was hard to believe . again , in that . of gen. god rebuked that sin in man , which was my sin , and then my heart was troubled . sometime my heart said , it is better to run wilde as i did before , then to pray to god ; for if now i sin , or commit lust , i shall be punished , or put in prison ; but if i run wilde , i have liberty to sin without danger : but i was ashamed of such thoughts , and repented ; but yet i doubted . after half a year i heard the minister preach this ; that christ his death is of infinite value , but our death is little worth ; god is satisfied with the death of christ , and promiseth to pardon our sins for christ his sake , if wee believe in christ : wee deserve to die , but christ standeth in our stead , and dyeth for us , and so saveth us from death . next time the minister came , hee asked , what i remembred of this i now spoke of : and i did remember it , and do remember it to this day ; and i desire to pray to god as long as i live . i believe christ dyed for sinners , but i doubted concerning my self . then i heard this promise ; if you repent and believe , you shall have pardon and be saved : and therefore sometime i believe , and sometimes i doubt again . afterward , i had temptation to drinking , and to vain courses , nigh half a year ; yet when sabbath came , my heart would turn to god ; when the soldiers came upon us on the sabbath , while wee were at meeting , and made us bring our guns hither : then my heart said , sure god hath not said , keep the sabbath day holy ; and then my heart cast off god , yet it was only in my heart . when wee came to the magistrates , and cutshamoquin asked , why they came on the sabbath day ? my heart was troubled , and i did believe , when wee went from the magistrates . i was thirsty , and i drank a great deal ; and i was drunk , and was carried before the magistrates , and then i was ashamed . then i came to the ministers house , and i was greatly ashamed ; and my heart said , sure i have now cast off praying to god ; but i repented and cryed to god , oh god , pardon all my sins , and this my sin ; for my sins are great . i had other temptations to drinking , and i found my heart weak , and doubting , but my heart was troubled , and i was ready to stumble like a little weak childe . after this , i heard that word of god , mat. . do yee not remember what david did on the sabbath day , and was blamelesse ? then i thought the souldiers did not sin ; but then i saw that i was a great sinner , and that i had broken the sabbath . again , i heard that word , mat. . every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit is hewen down and cast into the fire : and this troubled mee , because i had evil fruits . again , mat. . christ saith , be ye not like hypocrites , which seem to pray before men . i thought this was my case , i did only pray before men , but i doubted of christ and his grace . again , mat. . who ever breaks the least of gods commandements , and teach men so to do , shall be least in the kingdom of heaven . then i was troubled , because i had been an active sinner , in lust , and other sins , and i was worse then a beast in my sins . then i cryed to god , oh christ pardon all my great sins , oh christ have mercy on mee , oh god remember mee , to pardon all my sins . thus i cryed and desired pardon , but i was weak in believing . but then , about two years after , i was greatly troubled about my weakness : i desired to do well , but i was weak : then i cryed to god , oh god help mee by thy spirit in mee , and send thy spirit into my heart . sometimes i read and taught on the sabbath day , but weakly . then i heard , mat. . christ bid the people do what the scribes and pharisees said , but not do as they do . i said ( lord ) that is my case ; i teach better then i do : and therefore i desired repentance for my sin , and to forsake my sin . then mat. . christ saith , thou hypocrite , first cast the beam out of thy own eye , and then thou mayst see clearly to cast the mote out of thy brothers eye . my heart said , truly it is so ; i teach others , but i do not well my self ; i reprove sin , and yet i do it . then was my heart weary , and i desired again to do well , and amend , but i found my self very weak . sometime my heart hated praying to god , and meeting on the sabbath dayes ; and therefore i see i deserve hell torments : and then i cryed , oh christ pardon all these my sins . then afterward my heart desired strongly to pray unto god , but i saw i deserved misery and punishment , and i was weak . then i desired my heart might be made strong by church-covenant , baptism , and the lords supper , which might be as a fort to keep me from enemies , as a fort keepeth us from our outward enemies . yet my heart was sometime backward , and said , no matter , do it not , but still do what thy heart would have thee . and i saw satan did thus follow mee with these temptations to misbelief and doubting . but now i see satan tempteth mee , because hee desireth i should be ever tormented with him . then i learned that in iohn . i am the true bread , and hee that eateth mee shall live for ever , and hee that drinketh my blood shall have life ; but hee that doth not eat my flesh and drink my blood shall not have life . then my heart saith , truth lord , that is my case . again i learnt , iohn . hee that believeth shall not perish , but have eternal life : and my heart said , yea lord , let it be so . again , mat. . christ saith , thou art peter a rock , and on this rock i will build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it : therefore my heart said , i desire this ; because christ dwells in the church , and is in the midst of them ▪ where two or three are met together in my name . oh! i do therefore desire church ordinances , that i might be with christ , and that i might have the seals . mat. . christ sayes , let it be : for it is necessary that i should fulfill all righteousness : my heart said , oh that i might also so do o lord , now my heart desireth and thirsteth ; oh god have mercy on mee and pity my weakness , that i may have pardon in christ , and strength from christ in all his ordinances , and that i might leave all my sins ; and oh god pardon all my sins for thy mercies sake ; i know not what to do i am so weak , oh god help , and have mercy on mee . and the same i desire of you , before whom i am in this house , help mee ; for mat. . whom yee binde on earth are bound in heaven , and whom yee loose on earth are loosed in heaven : and my desire is , that christ would pardon all my sins , and that i may be helped . elder heath propounded this question , which hee answered in broken english . question . whether doth satan still tempt you with former lusts and temptations ? and what do you when you are tempted ? answer to the first part . yes , alwaies to this day . to the second part : when devil comes , i sometime too much believe him , but sometime i remember to do gods word , because gods word is all one a sword , and breaks the devils temptations . deacon park propounded this question . what is it in sin , why hee hateth it now more then before ? answ. his answer in broken english . i did love sin , but now not all one so , because i hear gods word , and that shewes mee , that which i loved is evil , and will bring mee to hell , therefore i love it not now . deacon park urged , doth hee hate sin because it is against god ? answ. that chiefly . anthony . first , i make confession in the presence of god , and of all these elders : and this i confesse , that i am not able to speak before the lord , yet i do it according as god requireth i should . assuredly i am a sinner , but now i hope christ hath taught mee his word ; oh let him ( my lord ! ) help mee to speak it . i confesse , that in my mothers belly i was defiled in sin : my father and mother prayed to many gods , and i heard them when they did so ; and i did so too , because my parents did so : and in my childhood , ( afore i could act sin ) i did delight in it , as dancing and pawwaug : and when they did so , they prayed to many gods , as beasts , birds , earth , sea , trees , &c. after i was born , i did all such things . i loved lust when i was a youth , though i did act these lusts but a little . but when i had a little begun , my heart did very much desire more to do such sins : i saw the english keep sabbath ; i cared not , but played , and catch't birds , or any thing : yet when i saw englishmen , i ran away , on the sabbath day , because they should not see mee . as yet i knew not of great sins , as murder , adultery : then some indians said we must pray to god . when i was in english houses , i saw them pray , and i thought it a vain work . they said there was but one god ; i thought , nay , there be many gods . when indians said , wee will pray , my heart said , no ; i will not so long as i live . yet i heard more and more of praying to god , and that my brothers prayed to god ; but my heart said , praying to god is vain . after i heard waban did pray , and my brothers , wompo●as , and toteswo●mp ; yet my heart said , no : i am well enough . i have not so sinned as other men , i am no murderer , adulterer , &c. then i ran away ; yet i was not much troubled , because my brothers prayed . a little after i came , and my brother said to mee ; i pray you pray to god . i answered him not , but my heart said , no : yet i was troubled , because i heard my brothers . i thought , if any should kill my brothers , i would kill him : if any warrs were , i would go with my brothers ; only i thought of my love to my brothers : and then that , if my brother make warr , i would go with him , to kill men ▪ now he prayes , shall not i go with my broth●●●● 〈◊〉 my brothers love me , and they both pray to god , 〈◊〉 should not i ? they prayed morning and 〈…〉 they eat , and on sabbath dayes , then i thought i would do so : but it was not for love of god , or fear of god , but because i loved my brothers . again , when i came to noonantam ▪ i heard the minister preach , and i desired to hear what he 〈…〉 taught , but i understood not , 〈…〉 , because i understood stood 〈…〉 to hear , i heard some youths 〈…〉 roxbury . my brother said to me . go you , because you may learn smithery : for that reason i did go , but desired not to learn to pray : all these things were vain . when we came to roxbury , i said , i desired to learn smithery : but my master said , i may not teach him my trade , lest indians learn to make locks and guns . then i would not dwell with him , and thought to cast off praying , and thought i would forsake my brothers . my brother perswaded mee to dwell one year there , but i would not : yet at last i did dwell there one year , and went to meeting , but in vain , for i understood not one word . after that year , i returned to noonantam , and then i heard that god made all the world , but yet i did not pray to god one jot , but still sinned , and especially the sin of lust , & i made light of any sin . i heard , and understood the commands of god , thou shalt not murder , commit adultery , steal , bear false witness , covet ; and that made me afraid to commit sin afore man , lest i should be punished or put to death , but i feared not god . after i heard the minister ask , who made you ? a. god : and who redeemed you ? a. christ : and who must sanctifie you ? the holy ghost , and that god made heaven , earth , sea , &c. then i a little considered of god , who made all this world , and then i was afraid . i saw that no man could make these things , and that therefore we must pray to god , then my heart said , assuredly it is so ; god made all things , and made mee , and i must pray to him : after this , my brothers were sick , and i prayed god , oh that they may live ! and then i heard , that now god tryeth mee whether i will pray or no . i confesse i have done many sins , especially lust , though i had not been a murderer , or the like . but then my brothers and kindred dyed : then my heart said , sure it 's a vain thing to pray to god ; for i prayed , yet my friends dye● therefore i will run wilde , and did cast off praying , i did not pray morning and night , and at meat , only on the sabbath day i came to meeting , but i cared not for hearing , nor did i believe any thing i heard , but i still lived in sin , and my heart said , i will run away ; for here we are hindred from sin , in other places i may freely sin . then my brothers which lived were troubled for mee . then i said i will abide with my brothers , because i love them , but not because i would pray . then that winter god broke my head ; i knew but little , i was almost dead : then my heart said , now i know god is angry with mee for my sins , and hath therefore smote mee ; then i prayed hard , when i was almost dead . i remembred my sins much , and considered them much : i remembred that god made all the world , and therefore assuredly there is a god . i heard that god made adam , and made him in his own image , gen. . and assuredly none but god could make all the world , heaven , earth , sea , &c. then i did believe that god did make the world . again , i confesse , i saw that i had offended against god , and sinn'd against him , and that i had the root of sin in me , and that i had deserved all miseries , and death , and hell . i heard , that god made a covenant with adam , and forbad him to eat of the tree in the midst of the garden ; and yet he did eat , and therefore god was angry with man : and i was born in sin , and therefore god was angry with me : and because i have sometime forsaken god , and run wilde , therefore i now know my sin and my offence against god . i desire no more to cast off god and prayer , for now i know my sins , and that i have deserved misery : therefore now i desired to pray to god , as long as i live . i desired pardon of my sins , and i thought it may be god will pardon mee : and my heart prayed to god , oh god if thou give mee life again , i will assuredly believe and obey ; and now i know my sins by the sin of adam : but when i had thus done , quickly my heart would be vain again . after my wound , when i came to my self and awaked , i saw my sin , and promised god to pray unto him , when i saw the mercy of god was so great unto mee : i heard that word , say not , i will pray hereafter , but now , today if yee will hear his voice , harden not your hearts , but pray to god ; and that made my heart to yield to do it . then i understood , gen. . that god formed man out of the dust of the earth , and breathed into him a living soul : by this i did believe that god made me . and i heard that god caused adam to sleep , and took out a rib , and made it a woman : and by this i believed , that surely this is the work of god . again i heard , that wee are born in sin , under the guilt of adams sin : and by that i believed that i was a sinner . again i heard , gen. . that all the thoughts and imaginations of the heart of man , are only evil continually ; and that god did threaten to destroy man whom hee had made , and all beasts and living creatures which hee had made : and by this i saw , that surely sin is a very great evil . again i heard , that noah found grace , and hee onely was upright before god , and that god drowned all the world , except noah , and his sons , and their wives , eight persons : this did make mee remember my sinnes , and confesse them , and i saw that god is angry with sin . it rained forty dayes , and so drowned all the world : then i said , surely this is gods work , and hee doth as he threatned to do to sinners ; and the same may god do to me , who am a sinner ; and my heart is full of sin , and evil thoughts , &c. and then i prayed , oh god be not angry with mee , but be mercifull to mee , and shew mee what i should do . then i considered why did god bid noah make an ark , and saved noah and his sons , and their wives : and by it my heart saw , that this is gods work , who does what hee speaketh , and hath mercy on whom hee will . and my heart thought , does god pardon mee , and love mee ? it may be god will have mercy on mee . i heard that promise , mat. . repent and believe , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand : then my heart said , oh that god would help mee , and pardon my sins . and god made mee wonder at gods mercy to mee . i heard of sodom , and their great sin , and destruction , and that did make me to remember my great sins , and the great work of god that hee had almost kill'd mee ; oh , i thought this is gods work , to shew mee my sinnes : and as god saved lot by the angels , and sent him out of the place , but burnt sodom and all the people , this i saw to be gods work , & now i desired to fear god and pray unto him all the dayes of my life . again i heard , mat. . the axe is laid to the root of the tree , every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit is hewen down , and cast into the fire : then i feared my own case , because my fruits were sin , and i deserved to be cut down ; then i desired to believe in christ . i did believe that christ is the son of god , by that word matth. . satan tempted christ , if thou be the son of god , &c. but christ conquered satan ; and therefore assuredly hee is the son of god . then i considered that place , mat. . many came to christ , the halt , and blinde , and lame , and deaf , and sick , and hee healed all , and if they did but touch christ they were healed ; and therefore my heart believed assuredly , hee is the son of god : and therefore now i will pray , and oh let christ save mee . and christ hath promised , whatever yee ask in my name , it shall be done : therefore now i prayed , oh christ jesus pardon mee ; but my heart is weak and doubting , and i cannot believe . and i heard that word , that every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit , is cut down and cast into the fire : then i said , i deserve that . again , that word , not every one that sayeth , lord , lord , but hee that heareth the word , and doeth it . assuredly it is so ; and i desire not only to hear the word , but to do it : then my heart was ashamed of my sinnes , and grieved . i heard that word , matth. . blessed art thou simon bar-ionah , flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto thee , but my heavenly father : then my heart said , yea lord , no man has taught mee christ , onely god hath taught my heart to know christ . again , i heard that word , mat. . hee will save his people from their sins : then my heart said , be it so to mee , oh lord . again , i heard that christ rose again the third day with an earth-quake ; and the watchmen were afraid , and fled : then my heart said , surely this is christ the son of god ; and whosoever believeth in christ , his soul shall go to heaven : for again , i heard of the ascension of christ , and more then five hundred saw him ascend ; and therefore i believe this is christ the son of god . again , i heard that in john . no man cometh unto the father , but by mee : my heart answered , yea assuredly , oh lord , christ is the way , to believe in , and come to god . again , i heard that mat. . christ saith to the wicked , depart yee cursed : i said , god might justly say so to mee , and send mee to eternal death . but i earnestly cryed to god , oh god , set mee into the right way , and give mee christ , that i may ever walk with christ ; for i am poor and weak : and christ promiseth , that what wee ask hee will grant ; and i say , let god do with mee what hee will : but i beg mercy in christ , onely i desire to pray to god as long as i live . iohn speen . this i confess , that i assuredly am a great sinner before the lord : but now i beseech god to help mee ; oh christ , lead mee in the right way , that i may speak that which is right . this i confesse , that before wee prayed to god , i was wholly a sinner , and not only before , but since praying to god , i have been a great sinner : and now i desire to make a short confession [ for we desired that they would be shorter , the time requiring so ] . at first when i prayed , my prayer was vain , and only i prayed with my mouth ; and on the sabbath , only i came to the house of prayer . i prayed morning and evening , and when i eat , but i considered not what i prayed for ; i was sometime angry and passionate about wordly matters ; and i was troubled when i saw my brother was chosen to be a ruler , who was younger then i ; because now i saw that i was a sinner ; and though i repented , yet presently again i fell into sin : therefore i thought , surely god hath cast me off , because i thus sin ; and still my heart was full of sin , all my thoughts were full of sin , all my talk and doings were sinfull . but now of late , about yeares ago , i heard this word , mat. . when the unclean spirit was cast out , hee went up and down unquiet ; then hee returned and took devils with him , worse then himself , and dwelt in that man , and the latter end of that man was worse then his beginning . when i heard this i feared , my heart feared ; i feared that my repentance and praying and all was nought , and that god hath almost quite cast me off . then i considered how i fell into these sins : i remembred that the serpent did deceive the woman , & she the man , and thereby brought sin ; and thereupon god punished both the man and the woman . hearing this , my heart thought ; surely i am a great sinner , and i was born in sin , because my parents were sinners , and so am i . i have sinned against god , and i was born in sin . my parents broke that command , thou shalt have no other gods but mee ; but they served many gods , and so did i , and therefore the earth bringeth forth thorns and weeds unto man , when he laboreth : therefore by this i remembred my troublesom life , and all is because god is offended at me , because of my sins . and then i remembred that many of my children are dead ; this is gods punishment on me , because of my sins . sometime men punished me , and were offended at me , but now i remembred my sins against god , and i saw that the punishments of god are a greater matter . again , i heard that word , that hee that keepeth his word shall finde mercy . i thought so it is indeed ; but i am a sinner . i considered what i should do , because i was a sinner , and born in sin , and have lived in sin . i considered assuredly there is a god , and god made heaven and earth , and all that is therein , and all destructions and deaths are the work of god . i remembred my vain praying to god , and considered what to do ▪ i confessed my sins before god , and begged pardon for christ his sake . i did finde i could not deliver my self , but christ only is my deliverer ; and my heart desired to believe , and pray to him , and yet knew not what to do , nor how to please god , and get pardon ; only i prayed , oh christ deliver mee , because i am a sinner , and know not what to do . then i remembred that god layeth on us two deaths in this world : first , the soul is dead , and wee are made guilty of adams sin , and have lost gods image , and hereby my soul is a fool , and hereby my soul is dead : and a man dead can do nothing , nor speak , nor go , nor stand , and verily so is my soul dead , and i shall fall to eternal damnation by sin . therefore now i cry to god to help mee , for i am throughly a sinner . after i heard that god pardoneth penitent believers : and i remember the word of ionas , when he was almost cast off , he repented , and god made a whale to eat him up ; and then he looked to god , and cryed for mercy ; and then i saw that if i cry for mercy , and believe , i shall have pardon . i heard that christ healed all manner of diseases ; therefore i believed that christ is the son of god , able to heal and pardon all . now i confess i know nothing , almost nothing at all . again , christ saith , hee that is not with mee is against mee ; my heart said , true it is so , so must i do , i must be with christ : and , hee that gathereth not , scattereth ; i said , so it is with mee , i have so done ; i scatter , and am a stranger to christ . and i did not truly love them that prayed to god , but i was a stranger in heart unto them . but now i desire in my heart to do as they do ; and our poor teaching , i desire to obey it , and do what god bids ; and what he saith you shall not do , that i desire not to do : but yet again i do sin , and my sins troubled me by hearing the word of god , and yet i would do them . i heard that god will pardon all kinde of sins , that men sin , but the sin against the holy ghost shall not be pardoned in this world , nor in that which is to come . then i fear'd that i was such an one , and that god would not pardon me . then i earnestly entreated god to pardon and deliver me , because he was the true deliverer . again , i heard that word , that they that are well need not the physitian , but the sick . my heart said , true ; i did even so , i sought not help when i was well , but now i remember my sins , and now my soul is dead , and now i desire that my soul may live , and i desire the physitian of my soul to heal mee ; and christ will not in vain heal souls , but such as convert from sin , and believe in christ , their sins christ pardoneth : this my soul doth earnestly beseech of christ , and else i know not what to do . again , i heard that christ dyed for our sins , when we are sinners . again , mat. . christ saith , this is my blood of the new testament , which is shed for many , for the remission of sins : my heart said , yea ( lord ) let it be so for my soul , and let me not be a stranger any more before thee . i know not what to do , lord help . i desire to be washed from all my filthy sins , and to be baptized , as a sign of it . i am as a dead man in my soul , and desire to live . ponampam . a little i shall speak . i was young , about years old when my father lived . i did play as other children did , and my father did chide me for playing . i wondered at it , for he said we shall all die . i wondered and sat amazed about half an hour , but i soon forgot it . that winter the pox came , and almost all our kindred dyed . i and my mother came to the bay , and there dwelt till we pray'd to god ; but i did nothing but sin , as the rest of the world did . then hearing the word of god , i heard that from the rising of the sun to the setting thereof , my name shall be known among the gentiles : therefore all must pray to god . but my heart did not desire that , but to go away to some other place . but remembring the word of god , that all shall pray to god . then i did not desire to go away , but to pray to god . but if i pray afore the sachems pray , i fear they will kill me , and therefore i will not pray . but yet when others prayed , i prayed with them ; and i thought , if i run away to other places , they will pray too , therefore i will pray here . then on a sabbath , none taught , and some bid me teach , what the minister had taught us ; but i feared , and durst not for fear of the sachems , yet they urged me , and i did . and i taught them what i remembred , and they were angry at me , and we fell out , and i went away . i thought that my praying would be in vain , and i laid by praying ; and there was paw-wauing , but i doubted to do that , because i had prayed , and i did think they would laugh at me . after i returned again , and was among them which prayed , but my heart did not rightly pray , though i came on the sabbath day . then about the time that my son ( who was at school ) was born , the minister taught on chron. . . thou solomon my son , know the god of thy fathers , &c. if thou seek him , hee will be found of thee ; if thou forsake him , hee will cast thee off for ever : then i feared , for i said , this already i have done , i have cast off god , and therefore he will cast off me ; for every such one god will cast off , i know not what to do . it repented me for my sin , i feared gods wrath and damnation . then i prayed , and call'd upon god , yet only sometimes i repented , and after i found my heart full of sin again : but then i was angry at my self , and knew not what to do ; alwayes i did fear , god hath cast me off , for all my many sins which i have done . hereby i was troubled and angry at my self . then i heard that word , who ever repent and believe shall be saved , i l'e pardon them : then my heart cryed , oh christ let it be so , that my sins may be pardoned , and that i may pray alwaies . then i begged , lord give me repentance and faith , and i did pray to god much . then i did beg , that i might give up my self , wife , and children to god as long as we live ; and then i prayed . then i heard that word , mat. . hee that looks on a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery in his heart . i then remembred my sins ; that though i had promised to pray , yet i had thus sinned , and my heart was now troubled about this . my heart said , cast off praying , because you are filthy in lust , your heart and eyes still commit adultery ; therefore run away from these that pray to god , and go to qunniticot , or some other place ; and if you be in other places , you may do what you will , and my heart almost inclined to this sin : but after that , this merciful word of god i heard , that satan led christ into the wilderness to tempt him , and so i thought hee would do me . then i desired god to be merciful to me ; then i turned to god , and cryed , but knew not what to do , for i feared god had cast me off , and i shall perish for ever ; god has cast me off , and i have deserved hell fire . then i heard that word , joh. . . none come to the father but by me : i did pray , oh christ let it be so , that by thee i may come to god ; and i pray christ jesus pardon all my sins , this mercy i beg . then i repented my casting off praying to god ; then i promised i would not return again to sin , and if christ help me , i and children shall serve god . then that spring my mother and two children dyed , and i was troubled , and knew not what to do ; my heart said , lay by prayer , but that i did not : but i saw christ came to give eternal life , and therefore what christ will do for me , so let it be . therefore i believe only in christ for eternal life ; and what christ will do with my soul , so let it be ; and my soul desireth that i may receive the seals to make strong my heart . piumbuhhou . assuredly , i have nothing that i should confesse as i ought , for my heart is full of foolishness and darkness ; stopt up is my heart , and deaf are my ears . i know not by what way i can get life . i was born in sin into this world , and therefore i am in folly , and i know my heart is full of foolishness and ignorance . i am a great sinner ever since i saw light in this world ; my foolishness appeareth in every thing i do in this life . i know not what god hath given me , but now i hear of the mercy of god , who hath made the world , and all things in it ; by this great work of his i know there is a god , and because my heart checketh mee for sin , and i fear the punishment of god : and the word of god now sheweth me that there is a god ; therefore my heart sayes , i desire to pray to god : and because god is angry with me for all my sins , i know nothing by my self but that which is evil . i heard that word mat. . blessed are the poor in spirit , for theirs is the kingdom of heaven . then my heart said , so be it oh lord to me , and i love thee as long as i live . then said my heart , i am a poor man , and desire to pray to god . again , god said , blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness , for they shall be filled . then when i heard that word , my heart rejoyced ; and yet again i doubted , and my heart misbelieved and feared . then that word came , that christ saith , be ye mercifull , as your heavenly father is merciful . and again , hee maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good ; and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust . when i heard it , my heart rejoyced to hear of the mercy of god ; yet i doubted , and my heart was hard again . now i confess before god , because god is a great god , and a mercifull god , and i pray to him . i heard of gods great mercy , to give us his only son to dye for us ; therefore i loved god , and i begged , oh god pardon all my sins , and i give up my self to jesus christ . monotunkquanit . before i prayed to god , i lived at nipmuk . i did not know that there was a god , only i lived for nothing , for no end or purpose ; but i alwaies did wilde actions . i kept no sabbath , nor lecture , nor any work of prayer ; nor did i remember my works . i now know that all my words and works are naught , my eyes and ears are stopped , and mad works i dayly did . after i went to dorchester indians , the praying indians ; and they that were my friends , did say it was good to pray to god ; and said , tomorrow is our lecture , and the minister cometh to teach us ; then my heart desired to see the minister , and hear what he said : next day he came , and taught the indians ; i went and desired to see : when i came , my son sam. came with mee ; the minister call'd my son , and set him afore , and asked him , who made him ? and he was taught to answer , god . then he commended my son , and asked whose son he was ; they said , mine . the minister gave him two apples : then the minister said to me , do you pray to god ? you see your childe saith , god made him ; and therefore it is your duty to pray to god : then i considered what he said , i could not sleep that night . i considered whether i should pray to god ; my heart did much doubt that night ! shall i pray ? my heart said , no ; yet i doubted . then waban came to my house to nipmuk , and perswaded me to pray to god ; i said , i know not how to pray . hee said , god will teach you ; god is a great god , and made all the world . i answered , who knoweth that ? and who can witness that ? he said , the minister is sent of god , and sheweth us gods word , and hee by that teacheth us , then i promised waban , that when hee came again i would pray to god . then toteswamp came , and exhorted me to pray to god , and told me of christ , and pardon of sin ; and then almost my heart prayed to god . then i said , english men understand not me , and does god understand me ? they said , god made all● , and understands all : then i said , i will pray to god . then i heard first , that god made heaven , and earth , and all things , and in six dayes finished them ; and also made man in his own image , wise and holy like god . then i heard that satan came and tempted eve , and cozened her , and she tempted the man . and god had said , eat not of the tree in the midst of the garden , if yee eat thereof yee shall dye ; yet she did eat , and gave unto man , and he did eat : and thereby he sinned , and all his posterity became sinful , and deserved damnation . then my heart said , what shall i do ? and i prayed for my children , for now i hear of eternal damnation , and sure i am a great sinner . again , i heard the minister preach , that christ was born like a man , and was both god and man , and dyed for us , and sheweth us the way of eternal life . then i cryed , oh lord give me christ , because christ hath dyed for us , and hath made his righteousness ours , and our sins are christs , as adam made his sin ours . now my heart was broken , and i saw that i was a great sinner . when i heard of the great works of christ , i said , oh what shall i do , that i may get christ ? & i said in my heart , oh let the holy spirit help me , for i am ashamed of my sins ; melted is my heart , and i desire pardon of all my sins ; now i desire to forsake all my sins , and now i desire dayly to quench lusts , and wash off filth , and cast out all my sins , by the blood of jesus christ , and this i do by believing in jesus christ . gen. . there was only one noah righteous , and god saved him : then my heart said , oh mercifull god , who savest them that trust in thee , save mee . again , god made his covenant with abraham , and with all the seed of abraham : now i desire to have this covenant , and to receive this commandement of christ . abraham was strong in faith , and followed christ ; and my heart doth desire to follow christ , because he hath dyed for us . wutásakómpauin . oh christ help mee ! i confess my sins before god , and before men . we are all born in sin , because adam sinned , and made his sin ours . our parents knew not god , nor the way of life ; we indians are all sinners , and did all sins , afore we heard of god ; we did pray to every thing that is in the world , and knew not the way of life . when english men came first , we did pray to the devil , and many were our sins ; and god doth know all our sins , all which we have committed , before the english came . after the english came , i went to sudbury , to mr browns house , and he said to me , pray to god ; but i did not like it , nor to hear of praying to god ; but afterwards i heard waban prayed to god , and i was not glad of it ; yet after waban prayed , he told us of it , and that the minister came to noonantam . i heard him , and he taught , that the souls of good men die and go to heaven , the souls of the wicked , when they die , they go to hell ; but i only heard it . then we resolved we would pray to god , and carry our children to roxbury , that they might learn to pray , but we feared that we should not learn to pray . after the minister taught that word , that every man himself must pray and believe to be saved ; and though your sons be at roxbury , and learn to pray , yet if you pray not , you must be damned . again , i heard many words of god ; this was one , therefore watch , for ye know not the day , or hour , when the lord will come : when i heard that , i knew not what to do , nor do i know when is the day of death . but i am full of sin , and when i die christ will not receive me , because i am so full of sin . after that my wise dyed , and then weak was my heart , almost i left praying to god , but yet i did not so . but after , i heard that word of god , who ever heareth the word , and doeth it , is like a wise builder , who built on a rock ; and when the storms and floods came and beat upon the house , it stood , because it was built upon a rock : but hee that heareth the word , and doth it not , is like a foolish builder , who built upon the sand , and the storms and floods came and beat upon that house , and it fell , because it was built on the sand . by this i saw that i was a foolish builder , because the death of my wife did almost make me leave praying to god . after i had another wife , and shee dyed also : then i heard that word , that it is gods love , by afflictions , to call us to repentance ; and therefore my heart said , oh lord i will pray , oh lord help me . again , i heard another word , that at the end of the world all must appear before the iudgment seat of christ : and therefore now confess all your sins , and repent , because christ hath writ down all your actions , both good and bad , and all shall be opened ; and therefore repent of your sins , that they may be pardoned . then i said , i am a great sinner , and ever i commit sin ; i confesse i have deserved hell , and i cannot deliver my self ; but i beg of god , oh lord give me christ ; and i give my soul to christ , that all my sins may be pardond , and i now confess my sins before man but at the end of the world i must be judged by jesus christ . now i desire the spirit of god would help me to confess all my sins to god , that they may be pardoned in jesus christ . these confessions i wrote in english from their mouthes with the best of my endeavours , both for diligence and also faithfulness ; and so soon as they had done , i read them unto the elders and brethren and sisters there present , and that the substance hereof was delivered by them , and faithfully translated and delivered by me ( to the lest of my understanding ) i do here before the lord testifie . john eliot . i did understand most things that some of those indians spake ; and though others spake not so well to my understanding , yet many things i understood of what they all spake : and thus much i may testifie , that ( according to what i understood ) the substance of their confessions is here truly set down . john eliot , jun. waban being sick when the rest made their confession , after the lord had restored him , came to roxbury , and before the elders made his confession as followeth . unto this day i do understand but little of the english language ; the word of god came not first unto my heart by the english language . i did not know what state i was in at my first birth , and my sin by birth i knew not : when i was young i knew not what i was , as now i do know ; for now i know that i am a sinful man . since i prayed to god , i know more of my self ; but afore , i cared not for such things , nor what they said . if i heard any thing , i took no heed to it ; if any asked me whether i knew god , i did not regard it ; yea , i hated the knowledg of god , nor did i regard any word of god : but other kinde of praying ( which we used ) i did love ; to pray to the devil , this i loved . but afterward , i began to think ; it may be they say true , that speak of god ; it may be it is true , that god is in heaven ; and should any teach me in my language , i might know god : but if i should pray , it may be it is in vain to pray in my language ; could i speak english , i might learn to pray . and i see the english love us , and therefore it is like , that is true which they say of god , and i desire to live for ever where they do . when i first heard the word , it said , god is good ; a little i believed it , but i did more doubt . mr iackson asked me if i did pray to god : i asked him whether god understood our language , if i prayed to him : hee said , yea , all things god doth know , and all languages . then my heart said , it may be i may attain to pray . but my heart was hard , and therefore i could not pray , afterwards it may be i may . sometime i thought if we did not pray , the english might kill us ; but if i prayed , i thought i did not pray right . when i saw , and considered , that all men in the world dyed , i knew not how i might come to live for ever , how my soul might live , and therefore i desired i might pray to god aright ; because they that so pray , are all one as if they dyed not , but live for ever . i wish't i could pray aright , but could not tell how to do it . i did in my heart love wandering about , and our wilde courses alwaies ; and when i did pray , it was but out-side praying , for in my heart i understood not right praying to god ; i understood not how to pray , and i regarded not my weariness of that which was good , many things hindred my heart ; i was ashamed , because my heart was full of evil . sometimes i thought of my sins , but it was but a little , and i was soon weary of any good . i did not think god was not mercifull , but i saw my heart was naught , and very little did i know the evils of my heart . no humility was in my heart , and to this day my heart is evil , and hard is my heart , when you taught us the word of god , my heart did not believe , but went contrary to the word of god . i saw my mourning for sin was not good : i do confess my heart did not submit to god , only i hoped i might might learn the word of god , which you taught us . my heart did afore love praying to the devil , but i do not finde that i so love praying to god : therefore i did pray , lord break my heart , that i may pray to god aright . my heart was weary of praying quickly ; and therefore my heart said , surely my heart is nought , and i am like a dead man : and therefore i prayed , lord help me now to pray aright to god . now i knew that god knoweth all the thoughts of my heart , and my many sins , and contrary doings , and how little i know of god . surely i am a great sinner , and this i do throughly know , that great are my sins , and that my heart is contrary to praying to god , and my heart desired wilde courses , and i see that my heart loveth not praying to god . yet now my heart began to desire to pray , and to love those things which are according to right praying ; but i knew not what to do . then i asked what i should do ; then i heard this answer , i should desire christ to break my heart by his spirit , none else in the world could do it ; no man could work faith in me , but the word which i heard doth it . i could not my self repent of sin , or be ashamed ; but this i know , that the word of god saith , those that believe in christ shall not perish , but have eternal life : then my heart said , oh lord , let it be so to me , and let not my heart say contrary . again i heard , if any be foolish , let him ask wisedom of god , who giveth freely : then my heart said , i am foolish , oh lord teach me . then i feared that my heart in vain seeketh , and then i desired humility , and that i might not pray in vain , and that i might not pray only outwardly . but my heart had contrary and misbelieving thoughts dayly , and my heart did not dayly desire after god , and but a little could i remember of god . sometime my heart desired not to be like to such as prayed aright unto god ; therefore i desired the image of god upon me , and that i might be like to them wch prayed to god aright ; alwaies i thought that what god said in his word was right . i heard this word , the foxes have holes , and the birds have nests , but the son of man hath not where to lay his head : then my heart said , truth ( lord ) the riches of this world are of no value ; and therefore i desire not this worlds goods , but only heavenly blessings and grace , & i desire the way to the heavenly kingdom . and always my heart saith , touching my poverty and misery , i give myself and my soul to god and to christ , because that is right . again , i learn in the catechize , q. what hath christ done for us ? a. he dyed for us , hee was buried , he rose again for us , and by his resurrection hee raiseth our souls unto grace , and also at the last day : and my heart said , oh let it be so in me ! again it is said , what else hath christ done for us ? a. he ascended to heaven , to raise our hearts first to heaven , and then to carry us to heaven also , to be with him for ever . my heart saith , oh god i am not able to save my self , i cannot save my own soul , this is only thy work oh god , and my heart believeth it ; and with god is mercy and goodness , but in this world is nothing but weariness , and i know my weakness ; therefore i am ashamed , and oh let god put grace into my heart ; and my heart saith , oh let me not say in vain that i believe , oh lord help that i may truly believe , not by my works , but by thy word oh god . again it is said in catechism , why is christ a prophet ? a. to teach me the way to heaven : therefore my heart desireth that christ may ever lead me by his word ; and it is only the mercy of christ that must do this for me , and he giveth me true comfort only by believing in him . the lord was so graciously with them in these confessions , that they had good acceptance . wee advised with the church touching our further progress ; the conclusion whereof was , that we sent letters to all the neighbor-churches , informing them of our progress in this matter , in order to our receiving them ; desiring them , or any among them , that had any just offence against any of these eight indians , whom we named , that they would orderly communicate the same unto us , and seasonably ; or if they had such knowledg of any of them , as to give us encouragement , we should be thankfull ; or their silence , we should take in good part also . we had both incouragement and testimony from some churches , only the paucity of interpreters to co-attest with my interpretation , was a matter of much difficulty , and no small impediment ; for which cause i sent to mr peirson , to old mr mayhu , to thomas stanton , to be present with us , losing no known opportunity to bring our waies into the light , and to make all things clear . we proposed it to our church , to agree about the publick day of confessions ; the conclusion was , that a council was called , we sent unto ten churches about us , requesting them by their messengers to be present on roxbury lecture day , being the th of the th moneth , . acquainting them that that day was set apart to hear the indians confessions , and we requested counsel and direction from them , and concurrence with us . after prayer , i first declared to the congregation what supply of interpreters we had for co-attestation with my interpretation of the indians confessions . first , here was mr peirson , and we had ( for clearness of our way , because of his unacquaintance with our dialect ) ordered the confessing indians to keep sabbath at roxbury ; we spent half the sabbath among them , a good part whereof was spent in hearing some of their confessions , and all the second day we so spent , so that mr peirson had taken in writing all their confessions ; so that , if the assembly pleased , they might hear the confessions which they made before the elders of roxbury , which i have here in writing , and had been already seen by sundry of the elders ; also they might hear the confessions which mr peirson and i had taken yesterday ; which ( compared with what the lord shall assist them to utter this day ) may help to clear up the verity and reality of their hearts in these their confessions . moreover i declared , that here was a godly brother of martyns vineyard , named peter fouldger , who had for many years taught the indian school in mr mayhu's life time ; & since , he hath been by the cōmissioners imployed to teach the indians each other sabbath ; who told me , when i spake unto him about this work , that by reason of the different dialect , he durst not alone undertake to give in a testimony ; but if he brought one of his indians with him , ( as need might be to help him ) then he durst undertake to give a testimony upon oath , if need were . this man , and his indian with him , are this morning come , and are present in the assembly , and set in a convenient feat together . again i declared , that my son was present , who doth in some measure understand the language : also here are present two sons of thomas stanton , one of which the commissioners maintain at the colledg . and lastly , here are the indian scholars present ; so that if the assembly think meet to make use of any of these youths in this grave business , they might so do . further i declared , that in all this matter we did submit our selves to the guidance of the reverend council here present , and desired them to direct us and order us , as they saw meet to do in the lord . then we proceeded to hear the indians confessions , which are as followeth . nishóhkou . i called him forth , and said , stand up and make your confession before the lord and his people . hee said , i desire to confess before god and all these wise men , and god helping by the mercifull help of his gracious spirit , that i may confess all my sins . i heard that word , gen. . that god made adam in his own image , both male and female ; and after many years adam begat a son in his own image , having lost gods image . and god did form man in the womb of our mother , in adams image , and so i was formed in the image of adam ; and when i was born i lived in the same way , in the image of satan , and original sin was rooted in my heart , and grew up there ; also i confess , that when i was a child , my parents and i were all wilde , we prayed to many gods , and many other sins we did , and all the people did the same , both men and women , they lived in all lusts , they prayed to every creature ; the sun , moon , stars , sea , earth , fishes , fowl , beasts , trees , &c. all these things i saw when i was a youth , and all these things i liked and loved to do , and was delighted with these things ; in all these things i lived , and with these things my memory was exercised , and in my youth i did what i listed , as pauwauing , or what else i would ; when i was grown up , i loved lust , and delighted in it , i knew it not to be a sin , but an excellent delight : i loved all sin , but especially lust , and all that i did , was for the sake of lust , such things as women might like of ; if i cut my hair , it was to please women ; if i cut my hair in another fashion , and left a lock on one side , it was with respect to lust ; if i got fine cloaths , stockins , shoes , all was for to serve lust ; our meetings and drinkings were with respect to lust : so that this was the chief thing i did delight in ; and these things were in my bones , and there grew ; then the minister came to channit to teach us : i came to the meeting , but in vain ; i came for lust to look on women , alwayes i did thus , and i thought teaching to be madness , and so i continued two years after we prayed to god ; after two years i heard a little , my ears were a little opened ; i first understood that word , he that doubteth , is like a wave of the sea , driven to and fro , and tossed ; and that word , if any man lack wisdome , let him ask it of god , who giveth freely , and upbraideth no man . also the same winter i heard that word , gen. . god said , i will destroy man whom i have created , and he repented that he had made him . these things i understood and remembred , but i confess before god , that i did only hear and know these things , as i did sometimes speak of what i did remember , but i believed not , yea i laughed , as other youths did , at all these things , because thereby did original sin grow in me , and hard it was to root it out , and hard to believe . after this i heard still , and more i understood ; i heard , gen. . that the people were full of sin , lust , and all other sin , and therefore the lord destroyed them ; and i knew that i had the same sins , and therefore i was afraid ; but i feared only this bodily life , and not for my soul : after this , my heart did a little desire to pray to god , because god found noah righteous , and did save him , therefore i desired to pray ; but again i laid it by , and i said it is vain to pray , for if i pray , and should commit sin , i shall be punished , or imprisoned , but if i pray not , i may commit what sin i will , and have no punishment for it . about a year after , i heard the minister teach another word , that the death of christ is precious , and our death is nothing worth , therefore god promiseth pardon of all sins for christ his sake ; he bid us remember this against next time : when he came again , he asked me , and i did remember it , and do to this day ; but i confess i did not believe , only i did remember it , and answered when i was asked : and then again , i desired to pray to god , and would not go away , but it was because i loved our place and dwelling ; i prayed , but i believed not , i considered not eternal life , but only this worldly life : and thus i went on , till they chose rulers at natik , they chose me , and i refused , because i believed not : after that , my wife and child died , and i was sick to death , but lived again , and being well , i thought i could not pray , i was a child , and therefore could not , i put off praying to god , my relations died , and why should i pray ? but then i considered , why does god thus punish me ; yea , the minister spake to me about it , and said , it may be it was because i refused to do gods work , as moses , when he first refused , god was patient , but when he persisted in his refusal , god was angry ; and then my heart saw my sin , and then my heart almost believed : i desired to do right , and to keep the sabbath , for i further heard in the th commandment , remember the sabbath to keep it holy ; and psa. . i will walk wisely in a perfect way : also in isay . if thou turn away thy foot from the sabbath , and do not thy own works , nor find thy own pleasure , nor speak thy own words ; therefore my soul desired to keep the sabbath , then the souldiers came upon us on the sabbath day , while we were at meeting , and took away our guns , and caused us to bring them as far as roxbury ; that night my heart was broken off , my heart said , god is not , the sabbath is not , it is not the lords day , for were it so , the souldiers would not have then come ; then my heart cast off praying , then we came before the magistrates , and cutshamoquin asked , why they came on the sabbath-day : it was answered , that it was lawful ; but i did not understand it : that day i being very thirsty , did drink too much , and was brought before the magistrates , and was ashamed : i came to roxbury to the minister , and there i was ashamed also , because i had greatly sinned ; then i cried to god for free-mercy , because precious is the death of christ , oh pardon this my sin : yet again i had temptations to drinking , and then i considered what a great sinner i was , even like a beast before god : then i heard that word , mat. . he that breaketh the beast of gods commands , and teacheth others so to do , shall be the least in the kingdome of heaven : my heart said , lord , such an one have i been , for i have been an active sinner ; yet i cried again for mercy , o lord freely pardon my great sins . again , i confess i am very weak , even like a very child , and i so walk , and know not what to do ; if i die , i fear i shall die in my sin ; yet i cried again , o god pardon me for christ his sake . again , further i confess , that when i was troubled about our wants , poverty , and nakedness , i considered that text , foxes have holes , and birds have nests , but the son of man hath not whereon to lay his head . and again , mat. . the birds plough not , and the flowers spin not , and yet god doth both feed and cloath them ; and therefore be not over-much troubled about these things , yet i desire to follow labour with my hands , because gen . god gave adam dominion over the creatures , and commanded him to till the ground : and gen. . he set him in the garden , and commanded him to dress it , and keep it : also gen. . he said , thou shalt eat thy bread in the sweat of thy face all thy dayes , till thou returnest to thy dust . when i remember these things , my heart doth bow to labour : also i heard that riches were the root of all evil , and dives with his fine apparel , and dainty fare , was in hell , and poor lazarus was in heaven : when my heart is troubled about our land , ●nd about riches , i quiet my heart with these meditations . also i further heard , when my heart was troubled about salvation , and doubted , i heard that there is no means of salvation but christ , not any thing in the world can carry us to heaven , only christ , which i did believe , by gen. . where iacob dreamed a dream , and he saw a ladder which stood on earth , and the top reached up to heaven , and that ladder is christ ; who is man , and so toucheth the earth ; and god , and so is in heaven , and by believing in him , we ascend to heaven as by a ladder . this helped me almost to believe , and i cried , oh christ be thou my ladder to heaven ! again , ioh. . christ saith , none cometh to the father , but by me ; therefore i believe , nothing can carry me to god , but only christ , if i penitently believe in him . again , i confess i do still find my self very weak to resist sin , for if i read , and teach on the sabbath , i teach indeed , but i do not as i ought ; and therefore that word of christ doth rebuke me , mat. . hear , and do what they say , but do not as they do . when i do , among others , reprove sinners , that word of christ reproveth me : thou hypocrite , first cast the beam out of thine own eye , and then thou mayest see clearly so cast the moat out of thy brothers eye . again , when i pray , i find hypocrisie in my heart , to do it to be seen of men , and that word of christ reproveth me , mat. . they pray to be s●en of men , verily they have their reward ; and then i cryed mightily to god , o lord help me , pardon me , what shall i do . again , i heard mat. . the son of man hath power to pardon sin on earth , and therefore me o lord ; then my heart did desire christ , and to pray as long as i live , and my heart was stirred up thereunto , by luke . christ spake a parable , that we should pray , and not be weary , because the widdow tyred the unjust judge , and made him help her ; how much more shall god the righteous judge , hear and help his children , that cry night and day , therefore i desired to pray unto god as long as i lived : then my heart said , what shall i do , for i am weak , and i fear i shall perish ; then i heard that word , ioh. . god so loved the world , that he gave his only son , that whosoever believeth in him should not perish , but have eternal life . and again it is said , that god loved his son , and gave all things into his hand : i am weak , and though i pray , yet i am weak , therefore i desired to be in christs hand , as in a fort ; in a fort we are safe from exercise , they cannot easily catch us ; out of a fort we are open to them : so i desire church-estate , the seals of baptisme , and the lords supper , and all church-ordinances , as a fort unto my soul : i heard that word of christ , mat. . thou art peter , and on this rock i will build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it : oh i desire to be there kept ! again , i heard mat. . god is able of these stones to raise ●p seed to abraham ; therefore raise up me o lord : and again , christ came to iohn to be baptized , iohn refused , but christ said , suffer it to be so : it is necessary to fulfill all unrighteousness , therefore so i desire to do all that is right , and i desire to be baptized . again i confess , i fear i shall sin again , and defile my self , after i am washed and baptized , even as the dog returneth to his vomit ; therefore i cry , o god help me for thy free mercies sake . again , i heard that in mat. . where two or three are met together in my name , christ is in the midst of them : therefore i desi●● to have the ordinances of christ , to be with christ ; but my heart saith , if i be bound by ordinances , then i shall be imprisoned , but yet i desire to be there in pr●●on with christ ; if my heart say , i shall be as dead , but yet i desire to be so with christ . again , i heard in iohn , christ saith , who ever cometh to me , i cast him not away , but he shall have life : but ioh. . christ doth say , ye will not come unto me , that you might have life : therefore my heart did greatly fear , and pray , oh that i might come to christ ! and christ is the everlasting son of god ; therefore my soul desireth to be with him : and this i confess , that though i believe in christ , yet i am still weak ; and therefore i desire to be made strong by the seals ; but i fear i am unworthy , because of that word , mat. . cast not pearls before swine , nor holy things to dogs ; yet my heart saith , o lord remember me , and yet let me a dog come under thy table to get a crum ; and i cry to god because of all my weakness ! i confess i cannot deliver , or help , or save my self , only christ jesus can do it , and let free-grace pardon me , and save me , o god have mercy on me ! again , mat. . whatever ye bind on earth , is bound in heaven ; and whatever ye loose on earth , is loosed in heaven ; therefore i desire to be loosed both in earth , and in heaven , and to be sealed with gods seal . when i had read this confession of his , i said , because the lord hath said , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses , every truth shall be established ; therefore i desired that the rest of the interpreters might attest unto this which i had read . first , mr. peirson said , so far as i discern , i doubt not of the truth of what mr. eliot hath delivered , and for that which he hath now uttered , though some things the indian hath added more then he spake in private , and some things left out , and some things otherwise placed , yet for the substance of his present confession , it is the same with that which he delivered in private , where we did carefully try all things , that we might be sure that we understood him right . then bro. fouldyer was desired to speak ; who saith , that he did not expect to have understood so much of his speech , and so plainly as he did , and his interpreter did perfectly understand all ; and to his best understanding , that which mr. eliot had delivered , was the very same which he spake . i said unto the assembly , in that he spake so plain to his understanding , it is because i had advised him , and so all the rest , to express themselves in the most plain and familiar words and expressions they could , for my more easie and perfect understanding . again , for that my bro. peirson observed , that they left out something , and added other , and varied in sundry expressions : it is true , i observed the same , and it may well be so , for they have not any writing , or like helps , only their memory , and the help of gods spirit , to read in their own hearts , what they utter . then the two sons of thom. stanton were called , to testifie the schollar spoke first , and said , that he did understand perfectly all that the indian said , and he did not observe any difference in what mr. eliot had delivered , but it was the same which the indian spake . the other spake , and said , he did not perfectly understand all that the indian said , but so far as he did understand , mr. eliot had delivered the truth . my son was called to speak , who said , i did , for the most part , well understand the indian , and to my best understanding , my father hath given a true interpretation thereof . antony . he was next called , who thus spake . i confess my sins before the lord , and all these people and godly men , for ye throughly know that we are great sinners , not only before god , but before man also . i confess that in my mothers womb i was conceived in sin , and that i was born in iniquity ; my father and mother were sinners , and lived in fin , they prayed to many gods , the sun , heavens , beasts , trees , and every thing in the world , they made them their gods , and throughly we followed these sins : when i was born , i was in the image of satan , i knew not that god made all this world , i was only wise to sin , and i did all those things which i liked to do , even all lusts , from my youth up ; and now i confess my sins before god , and all men , for god and men do know them : i did all my delights . when i was a youth the english came , but i regarded them not : afterward i heard that the indians prayed , but my heart-said , i will not pray so long as i live , for they be vain words to pray unto god , my parents taught me to pray unto many gods : sometime i came to english towns on the sabbath day , and i played , for i did not regard that sin ; i thought it vain to keep one day , yet i feared that the english should see me play , least they should be angry , but not because i offended god . afterwards i heard that my brothers prayed , and therefore i disliked them , and i thought i will forsake my brothers , because they do a vain work , and i did run away into the country , but they soon found me , and asked me to pray , and they pitied me , and loved me , and therefore i returned , not because i loved god , but because i loved my brothers : my brother said , go dwell with the english , and learn their manners ; i yeilded , because i loved my brother : i dwelt here at roxbury , and came to this meeting house , but in vain , i prayed not one word , and my heart did misbelieve ; i heard the minister preach that there is one god , and he made the world , and all things in it , but my heart thought it was a vain word ; i thought my father made me , and not god . again , i returned from this town , but yet i did not pray ; i heard the commandements , thou shalt not murder ; thou shalt not commit adultery ; thou shalt not steal ; thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour ; thou shalt not covet , &c. and other sins and punishments i heard of , and i feared to sin because of man , and because of punishment , but not for fear of god ; therefore vain were all my wayes . when i came back to noonantam , i did the same sins again , especially i loved lust ; yea , after my praying and being among them , i loved it more then before : when the minister came and taught , i went to the meeting , but in vain ; i learned nothing , but i still loved all our sins and lusts : afterward hearing the catechism , who made you ? god . who redeemed you ? jesus christ , &c. my heart misbelieved , and said , i will not believe , i will go away into the country . again , i heard that god made all the world , and then a little i believed , and thought i will pray to god , but weak it was . again ; i heard mat. . ask , and ye shall have , seek , and ye shall find , knock , and it shall be opened to you : then i prayed a little , and then i thought there was a god who made the whole world , i thought man could not make the world , but only god ; and therefore i did pray unto him . afterward my brothers were sick , and others also , i remembred that word , ask , and ye shall have ; then i prayed , to try if that word was true , but they dyed ; then i thought that was a vain word , and that god heareth not our prayers , and that god is not ; therefore i thought i will cast off praying , and run away . i did not believe in god ; my heart said , i shall die , whether i pray , or not pray , all is one : then i heard that praying was the way to everlasting life , but yet i regarded not praying , i thought of running away , and yet i thought , whether i go or stay i shall die , and therefore i was troubled , but i did not pray : afterward i was at work ▪ and my head was broken in the saw-pit , and then i knew god was angry with me , because i prayed not ; and then i did much know my sins , i thought surely god is angry ; i remembred that i had heard that word preached , watch , for ye know not the hour that the son of man cometh ; this i remembred when my head was broken , i heard that god made all the world , and adam , and set adam in paradise , and bid him eat of all the trees , saving of the tree in the midst of the garden , if he eat thereof he should die ; but adam did eat thereof , and died ; then my heart believed , surely god is , and he made the world , and man , and me . i heard gen. . god said , let us make man in our own image , and let him have dominion over all the creatures : then my heart believed , sure god is good to man , and man is a sinner against god ; and therefore god is angry with me for my sins . i heard that god formed man of the dust of the earth , and breathed into him the breath of life ; and then my heart said , surely god made the world , and man , and me , and all things , and my heart believed : and now i know god is angry with me ; now i will pray to god as long as i live , and no more return to sin , but i will do gods word all my daies . again , i heard that god made adam sleep , and took out of him a rib , made it a woman , and brought her to man ; then i thought , sure god made us , and the world , and these great works shew , that there is a god . again , i heard that god called her the mother of all living , and by that means we have life , and then i believed that god made us ; and therefore i will pray to god as long as i live , and no more cast it off . again , i heard gen. . that god saw the sin of man , that it was great , and that all the thoughts and imaginations of his heart are only evil continually ; and therefore god was angry , and repented that he had made man , and therefore drowned the world , and every living creature ; he caused it to rain fourty dayes on the earth ; then my heart said , sure there is a god , and he will perform all his threatnings , he is god , and therefore he will do it . again , i heard that god found noah righteous , and he found favour in his sight ; he believed in god , and did obey his word , and god saved him : then my heart desired to believe that god is , and to pray unto him . again , i heard gen. . that the angels of god came to lot in sodom , and delivered just lot , but did burn up with the wicked sodomites with fire from heaven , who had cast off praying to god , and did commit great sins against god ; therefore i saw that i had deserved to be burnt , because i had done their sins : and when god sent his angels , and did deliver just lot , and then the rest were burnt , then i saw in my heart , sure god is merciful to them that love him ; and therefore my heart said , i will no more return to sin , but i will follow god ; but yet , sometimes i doubted , but i believed the mercy of god , according to that i heard , mat. . she called his name jesus , for he saveth his people from their sins : then my heart thought , surely it is true , that christ is the son of god , and was made man , and is merciful ; but yet i still did doubt whether christ was the son of god . again , i heard mat. . repent , for the kingdome of heaven is at hand . and again , the voice of one crying in the wilderness , prepare ye the way of the lord , and make his paths straight : my heart said , i desire to repent , and to make ready my heart for god , that i may have mercy and pardon in christ jesus . again , the word saith , the tree that brings not forth good fruit , is cut down , and cast into the fire : my heart said ; sure so is my heart , and i have deserved to be cast into the fire ; i have brought forth such fruits as may justly cut me down . again , i heard the word of christ , he that heareth the word , and doeth it , shall be blessed : then my heart said , i have deserved not to be pardoned , but i beg for mercy . again , the word saith , this is my beloved son , in whom i am well pleased : my heart said , sure god is merciful to send his own son , and christ is merciful that he came and died for us . again , i heard that the tempter came to christ , and said , if thou be the son of god , make these stones bread : but christ said , man liveth not by bread only , but by every word which cometh out of the mouth of god : then i believed that christ was the son of god , and that my soul liveth not by bread , but by the word of god . again , mat. . the leper came to christ , and said , lord if thou wilt , thou canst make me whole , and iesus touched him , and he was healed : then my heart said , surely christ is the son of god , and he only can heal my sins . again , i heard in mat. . if ye forgive one another , god forgiveth you : then my heart said , i desire to do this , else god will be angry with me . again , i heard mat. . all diseased came to christ , the blind , halt , &c and he healed them ; therefore i believed that he was the son of god , and i begged of christ to pardon my sins , and save me , because sure he is christ the son of god . again , the word saies , not every one that saith lord , lord , shall enter into the kingdome , but he that doth the will of my father : then my heart said , i do fear , because i do very weakly obey the word of god ; and therefore christ saith , depart ye workers of iniquity : my heart said , such an one am i but now i cry to , and trust to christ , to pardon all my sins . again , i heard mat. . that christ said capernaum was lifted up to heaven by the gospel , but should be cast down to hell , for refusing it : i thought i did now pray , i● i now fall off i shall perish . and again , christ saith , it shall be easier for tyre and sidon in that day : then my heart said , i have deserved the worst of gods wrath , for i believed not the great works of god ; and therefore i desire pardon of all my sins , and to forsake all my sins , and to pray to christ as long as i live . again , i heard mat. . that heaven and earth shall pass away , but not one jot or tittle of the word of god , but all shall be fulfilled : therefore my heart did desire , that i may both hear and do the word of god , which will never perish . again , i heard mat. christ saith , who say ye that i am ? peter said , thou art christ , the son of the living god ; christ said , blessed art thou peter , flesh and blood hath not revealed this to thee , but my father , and on this rock i will build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it : therefore my heart believed that god helped me to receive christ , and i desire to take that promise to peter , and my heart joyed more and more in christ , and in the word of god . again , i heard mat. . iesus took bread , and blessed it , and brake it , and gave it , and said , take eat , this is my body which is broken for you , and likewise the cup , &c. saying , this is my blood in the new testament , which was shed for remission of sins , &c. my heart said , sure christ is full of love , and hath given us great mercy , and i desire to partake of it . again , the wicked did kill christ , but he rose again , and ascended to heaven ; then my heart believed christ . again , i heard iohn . no man cometh to the father , but by me : my heart said , so be it lord ; i desire to come to god by christ ; and i said , why did the wicked kill christ ? my heart said . i believe that christ died for my sin ; and therefore i desire to believe in christ : then my heart did joy in christ , and to heartle word of god ; but yet to this day i have doubts in my heart , my heart is weak to this day : and now i know that in six daies god made the world , and before that god i desire to confess my sins , and forsake them , and no more to do them . sometimes my heart is in an ill frame , and loveth sin , and my heart hateth good ; therefore i desire the free mercy of christ to hold and keep my soul . when he had finished , and i had read before the assembly this confession of his , we called upon the witnesses to co-attest . who did in the same order as before express themseves to the like purpose . only when we called for tho : stanton his sonnes , they were not present , nor did they any more appeare in the congregation , to attest the indians confessions all the day . ponampiam he was next called forth , and thus spake . i confess my sinnes before the lord , and his people this day . while my father lived , and i was young , i was at play , and my father rebuked me , and said , we shall all die shortly . [ in private we asked him what ground or reason moved his father so to speak ? he answered , it was when the english were new come over , and he thinketh that his father had heard that mr wilson had spoken of the flood of noah , how god drowned all the world for the sinnes of the people . ] then i was troubled , and thought sure what god saith , shall be , and not what man saith ; but i quickly forgot this , and thought not of any good . that same winter the pox came ; all my kindred died , only my mother and i lived , we came to cohannit , by dorchester , where i lived till i was a man , and married . all those daies i sinned , and prayed to all gods , and did as others did , there i lived till the minister came to teach us . when i heard that they prayed , my heart desired it not . sometime i prayed among them , and sometime i neglected it . i feared to pray because of the sachems , therefore i put it off , for the fear of man . afterward i considered in my heart , to pray to god , not because i loved the word , but for other reasons . i heard that word , mal. . from the rising of the sun to the going down thereof , my name shall be great among the gentiles , and in every place incense shall be offered unto my name , and a pure offering , for my name shall be great among the heathen , saith the lord of hosts . then i was troubled in my thoughts about running away , yet then i thought if i should go to another place , they must pray also , and therefore i cannot flie from praying to god , therefore i tarried , and when others prayed , i prayed with them , only i still feared man ; after i heard the same word again , to perswade us to pray to god ; and i did so , but not for gods sake , only it was before man . i remembred the sabbath , and i heard mr mathews also preach of it , and therefore i thought i would keep the sabbath , but still i feared man . upon a sabbath , they wished me to teach what i remembred , that the minister had taught . i did so , and we had talk about what i said , and we fell out . thereupon i went away , and left praying to god . i went into the countrey , but i remembred my wife and children , and quickly returned , but not for gods sake . again the minister preached on chron. . . and thou solomon my son know the god of thy fathers , and serve him with a perfect heart , and with a willing mind , for the lord searcheth all hearts , and understandeth all the imagination of the thoughts ; if thou seek him , he will be found of thee , but if thou forsake him , he will cast thee off for ever . this greatly troubled me , because i had left praying to god , and i had deserved eternall wrath . then i desired to pray , i begged mercy , but i knew not what to do , for my sins were many , my heart was full of originall sin , and my heart was often full of anger ; but then i was angry at my self , for i found my heart quickly carried after sin . afterward , through the free mercy of god , i heard that word , he that penitently believeth in christ shall be pardoned and saved ; then my heart did beg earnestly for pardon and mercy . i heard ioh. . whatever ye ask the father in my name , he will give it you ; therefore my heart did now greatly beg for mercy in christ and pardon . afterward i heard mat. . . who ever looketh upon a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery in his heart . then my heart was troubled , because many were my sins , in my eies , and heart , and actions too . my heart did love the having of two wives , and other lusts of that kind : then satan said to me , you are a great sinner , and god will not pardon you , therefore cast off praying , and run away , it is a vain thing for you to pray . here you want land , but in the countrey there is land enough , and riches abundance , therefore pray no more . my heart did almost like it , but i heard that word , mat . satan tempted christ , and shewed him the kingdoms of the world , and the glory thereof , and promised to give them to him , if he would worship him . then my heart said , that even thus satan tempteth me to cast off praying to god ; and therefore my heart desired to believe that word of christ , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve . then i prayed again , but still i was full of sin , and very weak i was , and i loved sin . again i heard , ioh. . i am the way , the truth , and the life , no man cometh unto the father but by me . then i fully saw that christ only is our redeemer , and saviour , and i desire to believe in christ ; and my heart said , that nothing that i can do can save me , only christ : therefore i beg for christ , and a part in him . then said my heart , i give my heart and my self to christ , and my wife and children , let him do with us what he will . then my mother and two children died , and my heart said , what christ will do , so be it ; i have given them to him , and i begged pardon and mercy , if god will please to pardon me a poor sinner , blessed be his name . when i had read this confession in the assembly , we called upon the witnesses , as before we did , whose answer was like as before it was . john speen hee was next called forth , and thus spake . i confess my sins this day before the lord , and not only before god , but before all these people . before i prayed , verily i was a great sinner , yea , in my mothers womb i was a sinner : my sins are such as not only god knows , but people also know them . before our praying , i did thorowly sin , and did commit all sins ; and now i confess these my sins before god . after i prayed , i did alos live in sin . at first when i prayed , i did not worship god , nor believe in christ ; but i did therefore pray , because my brothers , and friends , and waban , and the rest did pray , for their sakes i prayed . and again i therefore prayed , because many english knew me , that i might please them ; and because i saw the english took much ground , and i thought if i prayed , the english would not take away my ground , for these causes i prayed . when i prayed , it was but with my mouth , yet i thought i do well enough in that i pray thus , and i thought , that for it god will pardon all my sins ; and i thought that my praying was good enough . but yet again i sinned , and did the like sins as before , only i did outwardly pray , but i mourned not for my sins . i thought , if we pray and leave pauwauing , who shall make us well when we are sick . but again , i thought man could not make us well , because he must die himself , and therefore pauwauing is a vain thing , and they die though they pauwau . but still my heart did not believe praying to god : then i heard that word , repent and believe ; and if we repent and believe , god will pardon all our sins . then sometimes i repented , yet again quickly i committed sin ; and sometimes i thought i am throughly a sinner . i heard that god made the world , and all things in it , and lastly man , and that god formed him of the dust of the earth , and breathed into him the breath of life , and he became a living soul , and that god made a covenant with adam , that he should eat of all the trees of the garden , save one in the midst of the garden , and if he eat of that tree , he should die . then i understood that adam sinned , & fell , and thereby i uneerstood that i became a sinner , born in sin , my heart full of sin , and god will not pardon sinners ; and yet again i sinned , and therefore i feared that god will not pardon me , because more and more i sinned : and thus i sinned after praying , as well as before praying . when they chose rulers , and chose my brother , and not me , my heart was in an evil frame , and then i thought sure i am a great sinner , and yet still i was more and more a sinner . after my brothers loved me still , and then i repented of my sins , but not for gods sake , but for my brothers sake ; then i desired to pray as long as i live . my brother died , which troubled me ; the people said , be you in your brothers place : then my heart thought , i will no more do as i had done , but sure i was weak , my praying was but words , i was a great sinner . after this , a while since i heard that word , mat. . the unclean spirit being cast out of a man , he walketh about seeking rest and findeth none ; then hee returneth and bringeth other spirits with him worse then himself , and the end of that man is worse then his beginning . when i heard this , my heart feared . i thought now i repent of my many sins , for verily i am a great sinner , & i have offended , i am times worse then before i prayed ; then i repented . again i heard that word , he that penitently believeth shall be saved , and then my heart did desire to repent and believe , then i thought that men will not forgive me , and therefore it is not good to abide in this place , but i remembred that i had learned to read the word , and if i should forsake my friends , i should lose the word of god . then i heard that word , repent , for the kingdome of heaven is at hand , my heart said ô let it be so , and then my heart rested ; but yet quickly it was unquiet again . then i did strongly desire to repent of my sinnes . i heard that word , that god sowed good seed , but evill seed was sowen by the enemy , and such were in my heart , and as in my field there were many roots , and weeds which spoyled the corne , and i plucked them up , and cast them out ; my heart said , verily just so is my heart , the word is but a little in my heart , and there be many ill roots in me , and therefore god may justly cast me out from among his people , because of my many sinnes . then my heart said , i desire to pray to god as long as i live , and now i forsake my sins , who have been a great sinner . now i beg of christ , o give me thy spirit , that i may confess my sins before god , and not only before men ; again i remember that i cannot pardon or help my self , but only christ must help me . again i heard that word , all manner of sin shall be forgiven to a man , but the sin against the holy ghost , shall not be forgiven in this world , nor in the world to come . then my heart feared , because many and great were my sins since i prayed to god , and i cried to god for mercy and pardon : and then i thought i will pray to god as long as i live . but verily i am a sinner , for i am guilty not only of adams sin , but of my own sins also , and they are many . i remember that in catechisme i learn , that god made a covenant of works with adam , do the commands , and thou shalt live , and thy seed also ; but if thou sin , thou shalt die , and thy seed also ; therefore by that i know i am a sinner , and have deserved to die . then i crie to god , o god have mercy upon me , and pardon me . again , i heard of the mercy of god , but i am forgetfull , and cannot remember gods mercies to me . god made a covenant with abraham and said , i will be thy god , and the god of thy seed after thee , then my heart said , o let it be so to me o lord . and now abraham is in heaven , who believed , and kept gods covenant ; so i , if i believe and keep gods covenant , god will have mercy on me . i remembred the covenant of circumcision to him , and all his family ; and such a covenant i desire for me and mine . again i heard , mat. . in those daies iohn baptized in iordan : saying , repent for the kingdome of god is at hand . when i heard this my heart said , the same is now with us , not abrahams signe but baptisme , and therefore i desire to repent , and confess before god , and before the church : and i desire not only to confess , but to have repentance , and faith , that i may have grace , mercy , and pardon : and such repentance as workes obedience . again , the same word saith , vers. . they were baptized confessing their sins ; so i desire to do . i do confess before god , and desire to cast off , and forsake my sins , and to go to christ . the promise of pardon is to them that penitently believe , and rest on christ . in the same baptism of iohn , he said , i baptize you with water , but he that cometh after me , is mightier then i , he shall baptize you with the holy ghost and fire . now this baptism i desire , and not to receive the signe in vain : i desire to purge out evill thoughts , and therefore i confess these sins before god , that they may be purged , and i desire the spirit of god may dwell in me for ever , to turn me to christ . i cannot of my self do any of these things , but only christ jesus can by his spirit in me . again i heard another word , as the eagles are about a carkass , so believers come to christ : then my heart said , so be it oh lord ; when i receive the covenant of god , i am like the eagles ; when i come to christ , i desire not to come in vain ; but if i feed not , i shall die , my soul will die . then i greatly begged that i might feed my soul on christ ; and oh christ send thy spirit into my heart , that i may not only know , but do the word of god . again , christ , near his death , took bread , and blest it , and broke it , and gave it to his disciples , and said , take yee , eat yee , this is my body which was broken for you : and so also he did the cup , and said , drink yee of it , this is the cup of my blood in the new testament which is shed for the remission of sins . now this believers in christ must do , not only to eat bread , and to take the sign , but soul food : therefore christ sending his spirit , and helping me , i desire to receive the sign , not in vain , but to help my faith . when i had read this confession in the assembly , we called upon the witnesses , ( as before wee did ) whose answer was to the like purpose as before . wutasakompauin he was next called forth , who thus spake . help me oh jesus christ , to confess before the lord ; oh i am full of sin , because adams sin made mine , and so was a sinner in my mothers womb . when i was a youth i found many sins , and after i was grown up , i did the same alwaies , all the daies of my life i lived in sin . after the english came , i went to their houses ; they would teach me about god , but i hated it , and went out , i did not love such teaching . afterward the minister taught , and at first waban perswaded me to pray , and taught us ; i did not at first like it , yet afterward i did . four years the minister came to noonantam ; i came , but i only came , i lost all he taught . after i considered one word ; the minister said , that god sent him to teach us ; then i thought surely there is a god , therefore i must believe and pray : a little i believed , but when i heard , i did only outwardly hear . after , my wife and children died , and then i almost cast off praying . i had another wife , and she died also ; and then my heart said , surely god is angry with me , who doth thus afflict me . then i heard that word , mat. . god made a feast , and invited his guests , and they would not come , and therefore god was angry with them : so did i ; for i came not to the word of god , when he called me , i cared not for the feast of christ . again , after many of my friends were destroyed , i thought it was because they prayed not to god , therefore i feared that god is angry with me also , because of his punishments . i fear , i believe not christ ; and my heart feareth , because of my sins ; daily i break gods commands . another word i heard , mat. . blessed are they who hunger and thirst after righteousness , for they shall be satisfied ; this is the word of christ , and i desire to hunger for christ , and begged o christ help me . again , i remembred that word , blessed are the pure in heart , for they shall see god ; my heart saith , o christ help me to be so , that cleane may be my heart . again , i heard that word , blessed are the peace-makers , for they shall be called the children of god ; then my heart thought , o that i had peace with god in christ , that i might have that blessing ; and therefore i now confess my sins before god , and i beg mercy from god in jesus christ . when i had read this short confession , ( for the day spent , and brevity was called for ) we called upon the witnesses who spake as formerly . monotunkquanit . he was next called , who thus spake . i have heard the word , and prayed to god several yeares . and i confess that before i prayed , i was full of sin , and yet i do not know my sins . i thought they were all good waies , and therefore i did them . i knew not the sabbath , nor lecture daies , nor any good , only i knew wild actions , daily i desired falshood , vile actions , singing indian songs , these things i desired to do : but all good things i was ignorant of , and very much i sinned , daily . then i heard of praying to god . i came to cohannit at dorchester , from nipmuk where i lived , but my heart laughed at praying , and said its a vain action , only those actions that i was bred up in , i liked and esteemed , but these new things i derided . the sachims disliked it , and therefore so did i . the rich men disliked it , and therefore so did i . i believed not , that god is ; i went to cohannit , not for praying , but to gather clams : when i came thither , they exhorted me to pray : and said , the minister cometh to morrow to teach , it is lecture day . i desired to see him : he came , they met together . i went , and carried my son samuel : i saw the minister , he called my son ; asked him , who made you ; they bid him say god ; but i had not so taught him . he asked , whose son he was , they said mine : he said , do you pray to god ? i said no , for i am a poore man , and naked : they that pray are cloathed . therefore i will not pray , can poore men pray ? therefore i would not pray : i went home . then waban and totherswamp came to my house , and taught me to pray . they intreated me , now pray to god ; my heart liked it not . they said , god is a great god , and made all the world . i said , who is witness of that ? they said , the minister will answer you . again , they taught me the commandments of god ; but i did not believe . totherswamp promised to come again , he did so ; and said , now pray to god , because god is good . i thought it a teadious thing to pray to god . then he strongly intreated me : i said i will try ; but not for praying , but in vain . then my kindred said , praying is a vain thing , why will you pray ? therefore returne again : then i went , and prayed . when i first came , waban taught that word . the night is farre spent , the day is as hand , therefore let us cast off the works of darkness , and let us put on the armour of light . my heart asked what are dark workes ? they answered , sianes ; and what is day ? they answered , praying to god , and the wisdome of the word is light : and this is now almost come unto us . then my heart smile , i will pray to god . again , i heard the minister who said , these words , thou shalt have no other gods but me ; thou shalt not make to thy selfe any graven image , nor the likeness of any thing in heaven above , in the earth below , in the waters under the earth : thou shalt not bow down to them , nor worship them ; then my heart said , that i did worship many false gods , therefore if i pray , it may be god will kill me : but they said no , he is a good god ; then i prayed , and then my kindred hindred me . therefore my heart said , if my kindred pray , then i will pray . then i was taught more , and i did heare the word , that god made adam of the dust , and made him sleep , and took out a rib , and made a woman , and thus god made man . my heart said , it may be god made english men , but not us poore naked men , as we are of a strange language ; and therefore i doubted to pray . then i heard of nimrod his building of babel , and that god was angry , made strange to each other their language , and brake their work : then my heart said , surely so it is , as i did believe . again i heard , that god found one man just , noah , and saved him in his ark , and did drown the world : then my heart said , i desire that god may find many just persons with us , therefore i pray to god : then i more prayed . again i heard , that god made a covenant with abraham and his seed , to be their god . my heart said , so let it be : i desire to be in this covenant of god , and to pray so long as i live . i thought , if i do well , god will pardon all my sinnes : the minister said no ; if you do all good , as perfectly , yet god will not pardon : god will pardon , only for iesus christ his sake . then i believed iesus christ was both god and man , and made peace betwixt god and man : christ did for us all the commandments of god , and died for us , he payed death for us ; and therefore for his sake god will pardon us , if we believe in christ . i heard that which mat. . ask and ye shall have , seek and ye shall find , knock , and it shall be opened , &c. then my heart said , i will pray as long as i live , and knock at heaven dore . again i heard that word , enter in at the streight gate , &c. my heart said , sure it is so , narrow and hard is the way to heaven , broad and easy is the way to hell ; i desire to walk in the narrow way to heaven . again , christ died for us , and thereby saveth us ; and saith , come to me all that are weary , and i will give you rest . then my heart said , great is my weariness , for many are my sinnes , and i desire rest in christ . i heard that christ only is our redeemer and saviour , my heart did much joy in it ; and i desired to pray and heare the word as long as i live . another word of christ i heard , whoever forsaketh father or mother , or brother or lands for my sake , &c. my heart said , ô lord let it be so , i have for christ his sake left all , and come to pray . and i desire now to confess before the church of roxbury , and do submit to your government , and gods ordinances among you . he was going on , but shortness of time made me take him off . when i had read this confession , and the witnesses had spoke as before , some of the elders present , did move that seeing there be two more to speak , and the time streight ; and seeing mr peirson had in private taken in writing their confessions , which they perceived by his testimony , to be for substance the same which they expressed in publick ; what if the assembly should heare mr peirson read those two remaining confessions , according as he had taken them ? the motion was acceptable to the assembly , and he did read them , which are as followeth . piumbuhhou . first , this i say in the presence of god , and in your presence , verily i knew not how or what to confess or god , before i prayed . i knew not who gave me life and being , but i thought my life was of my self . i confess i was born in sin , my parents were sinners , and i thought i had life from none but my parents , therefore my sins were very great : from the first time that i saw light , untill this day , i do nothing else but sin ; hard is my heart , proud is my heart , and hypocriticall : i do hypocriticall acts , to this day . i act foolishly , and deceitfully ; therefore so many are my sinnes , that i am not able to express them ; only this i say , that i am naught . then i heard that waban prayed , and they said to me , pray to god : but i hated it , for i had a wife , and many children , and therefore i cared not for praying . i thought if they were any of them sick , the pauwaus could make them well , therefore i believed not waban , when he exhorted me to pray to god . then my wife and children died : then my afflicted poore heart came in , and the minister came to me and said , pray to god , because god afflicteth and tryeth you ; my heart said , when the minister spake to me , let it be as you say , that god may shew me that mercy : then my heart said , i will pray to god , from henceforth , as long as i live . then i heard the minister preach of the great works of god , in making heaven and earth , and therefore fear the great punishments of god ; and because my heart so feared , and condemned me , therefore i did believe that god is , who had punished me , and took away my children . again , i heard from mat. . christ saith , blessed are the poore in spirit , for theirs is the kingdome of god : and blessed are the mercifull , for they shall find mercy ; my heart said , i am a poore man , and therefore i will pray to god so long as i live : and i desire to find mercy with god . again , now my heart saith , i am weak and doubting , and full of misbelief . again , i heard that word of christ , which saith , come unto me all yee that are weary and heavy laden , and yee shall find rest ; my heart said , be it so o lord : and now i will pray to god , as long as i live ; my heart said , surely i am greatly laden with many , and great sins : and therefore i will go to christ , and pray unto him , as long as i live . again , christ saith , take up my hurden , and learne of me , for i am humble and meeke ; then my heart said , surely i am a great sinner , and therefore i desire to learne of christ , and to follow him . again christ faith , yee shall find rest to your soul ; and therefore my soul desired to pray as long as i live , that i may find rest to my soul in christ . again , my heart did gladly hear the word of christ , and the great redemption of christ . again , i learned in a catechism , that christ sendeth his spirit into my heart , to break it , to make it repent , to convert me , to cause me to believe : my heart said , therefore i desire to pray to god , and to believe for pardon , and adoption , and peace with god . then hearing of the mercy of christ , my heart said , i am like a dead man , and therefore i desire to be with christ as long as i live : my heart did not know how to convert , and turn to god , therefore my heart did gladly pray to god for it ; my heart did desire to pray , because i heard , christ is our redeemer , and doth deliver our soules . i cannot deliver my selfe , therefore i desire that christ may be my deliverer : therefore i betrust my soul with christ as long as i live ; and because christ is my mercifull god , therefore let him do with my soul what he will . when mr peirson had read this confession , he was desired to go on , and read the last , which was wabans confession , and is as followeth . waban . first , i confess , that before i prayed , it was hard to love another fashion then my old course : my parents were sinners , and in my mothers belly i was in sin : after i was born , the same way of sin i followed . when i was a child i grew up in sin , and i did not know that they were sins , but now of late i know them ; in my youth also , in the same sins i lived , and did not know them to be so , but by the remebrance of my waies , i do remember my sins , and hereby i am made to understand , that my parents taught me to love sin . and after they were dead , others taught me to sin : i liked to be taught to commit sin ; those that taught me , said to me , choose to be a pauwau : they said , if you be a pauwau , you may make others to live ; and if you he a pauwau , god will blesse you , and make you rich , and a man like god . then i desired so to do : also i alwaies desired other sins , for my heart did desire to grow up in those sins , alwaies lust i desired , alwaies my heart labored and desired to know how to adde to , and to multiply my sins . thus it came to pass that i knew abundance of sins , before i knew my waies were sin . when the english came hither , they said , when i came to the englist houses , that i loved the devil : then i was very angry , and my words were , you know the devil : i do not know the devil , and presently i would go out of the house : sometime they spake meekly to me , and would say , god is in heaven , and he is a good god : yet i regarded not these words , but strongly i loved my sins : it was hard for me to believe what the english said : after many yeares , i sometime believed a word , but i left not my sin . when i began to understand more , i began to doubt , but i desired not conversion from sin . afterward , when the english taught me , i would sit still , because they would give me good victuals ; then i sometimes thought , certainly god is in heaven : then my thoughts said , it may be i have sinned . again i thought , if i prayed , god could not understand mee ; then i found it hard to believe , and love god , because i was almost an old man , because i thought , if any could read the book , he would love god . i asked mr iackson , whether god knew our language ? hee answered , yea : god knoweth all languages in the world , and therefore now pray unto god ; then i first thought , i will pray unto god ; a little i thought of praying ; sometimes i would a little pray when i eat ; about that time you came to teach us ; then i remembred the word , glad tidings was sent us from heaven ; then my heart said , now i will pray , because the minister is come to my house , now i heard the word of god . then you called the children to catechism : and one question is , who redeemed you ? then you taught , that christ died for our sinnes . then my heart thought , that christ is a very great life-giving god . then i feared not pauwaus , nor loved them ; and the minister taught , that we must take heed of all these sins . then my heart said , i will leave off my sins ; and again my heart said , i will pray to god as long as i live . further you taught , that christ died for sin , was buryed , rose again , ascended : then my heart hoped and desired , oh that it might be so , that i might have eternall life by christ , because christ is a great life-giving god . but then i found that i did not understand right words , and therefore i walked not in the right way : when the word of god said , six daies shalt thou labour , then i was strong , yet i did not labour ; and i was soon weary of praying to god : and therefore i saw , i found not the right way unto righteousness ; therefore now i verily see that i am a sinner , and did not believe : my heart feared because of my great sins , and my heart feareth that i do not yet much know the word of god . sometime my heart saith i believe , i am a believer : but my heart wandereth away , and the deceits of my heart i sometime know , and my poverty i know , but my heart careth not for that ; i reject riches , but my heart saith strongly , i will pray to god so long as i live ; i do not throughly know the vanity of my mind . i have heard the word but believed it not . i remember that word of christ , the pharisees said , why doth you master eat with publicans and sinners : christ said , those that are not sick need not the physitian , but they that are sick . my heart said , sure i do not need the physitian : but my desire is now , that i may need him , and spirituall life by him . again , i heard that word of christ , a leper came to christ , and worshiped him , saying , lord if thou wilt , thou canst make me cleane : and christ touched him , and he was perfectly healed . then my heart said , that outward healing which he had , my soul desireth , that i may have it in my soul : for christ healeth the outward diseases of the body , but especially the inward filth of the soul ; this i desire may be healed . again i heard that word , go learn what that meaneth , i desire mercy and not sacrifice : i came not to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance . then my heart said , my own righteousness cannot obtain mercy for me ; then my heart said , oh i fear that christ the truest righteousness is not in my heart : i am almost ready to die ; and now i desire to know christ . when mr peirson had done reading these two last confessions . mr wilson spake to this purpose , though they have all spoken well of jesus christ , in their confessions , and especially the last viz : monotunkani● , yet he desired further to heare how they were instructed in the knowledge of christ . this question touching christ , i called piumbathou to answer , and his answer was to satisfaction : and then many other catecheticall questions were propounded , which would be too long to rehearse , as touching grace , ordinances , sacraments , baptisme and the lords supper : about repentance and faith , all which they readily answered , & so as that there was no reply . nish●hko● , answered the question what faith is , mr allin asked him , whether he had that faith in his heart , which he now spake off ; to which after a pause , he answered to this purpose , that he feared himself about it , and if he spake , he must say no! but he hoped in the lords mercy that he would work it in him , and help him to believe . then mr danforth said , i ask you nishohkou this question , and answer me in english whether the same lusts which you have so much confessed , do not follow you still ; and what you do to resist them ? i said that a question to the like purpose was asked him , when he made confession in private , to which he answered in broken english , if the assembly pleased i would read that : but he was desired to answer now , and his answer was to this purpose ; that the word of god is all one like a sword : and he did with that , resist his temptations . he was asked further , if he did diligently watch against his sins : he answered , he did not well know what a diligent watch is , but he hoped that jesus christ would keep him . then mr danforth called anthony and asked him , whether he believed that it was the duty of men to labour six daies in the week ? after a pause , he answered , he believed it was gods command , but he confessed he did not obey it so much as he ought to do ; and saith mr danforth , that i would have asked you next , whether you obey it , for you ought to do so ; and follow labour , and cloath your selfe and family better , and you ought to give towards the maintenance of gods ordinances . after this i remember no more questions . then i declared to the congregation , that they having heard their confessions ; if they thought meet , they might hear what testimonies we have to produce touching their conversation , but it went not forward , and so we ceased the work , and reverend mr wilson concluded with prayer . after the publick meeting , the messengers of the churches met together , and considered what answer to give to our church : and the vote among them all was , that as touching their confessions , which was the work of the day , they were satisfactory , and they appeared in that respect , to be fit matter for church estate . the end these are to testify to all men whom it may concern , that two of five indian youths , viz. cales and ioel , that are instructed and educated in the grammer school at cambridge , were publiquely examined at the commencement in cambridge ( mon. . . . ) concerning their progress in the learning of the latine tongue , out of buchanans translation of davids psalmes , and they gave good satisfaction unto our selves , and also to the honorable magistrates , and reverend elders that were present , and others that were judicious , as we have had opportunity to inquire off : and we conceive , that the other three indian youths , that are trained up in the same school , have made some competent proficiency , for the short time that they have been with us : in witness whereof we have subscribed our hands . camb. sept. . . charles chauncy praesident of haward colledge in cambridge . elijah corlet londinensis olim & jam ludimagister cantabrigiensis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- [ note here that god hath so blessed this youth , that hee is one of our school-masters , and an hopefull young man . ] the planters plea· or the grounds of plantations examined, and vsuall objections answered together with a manifestation of the causes mooving such as have lately vndertaken a plantation in nevv-england: for the satisfaction of those that question the lawfulnesse of the action. white, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the planters plea· or the grounds of plantations examined, and vsuall objections answered together with a manifestation of the causes mooving such as have lately vndertaken a plantation in nevv-england: for the satisfaction of those that question the lawfulnesse of the action. white, john, - . [ ], p. printed by william iones [, m. flesher, and j. dawson], london : . by john white. "jones pr[inted]. quire a and posibly h-i; flesher b-g; dawson k-m"--stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng colonization -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the planters plea . or the grovnds of plantations examined , and vsuall objections answered . together with a manifestation of the causes mooving such as have lately vndertaken a plantation in nevv-england : for the satisfaction of those that question the lawfulnesse of the action . thes . . . prove all things , and holde fast that which is good . london , printed by william iones . . to the reader . courteous reader : it will appeare to any man of common sense at first sight , that this rude draught , that sets forth certaine considerable grounds in planting colonies , being wrested out of the authours hand , hardly overlooked , much lesse field and smoothed for the presse , was never intended to be presented to publicke view , especially in this attire : wherefore the reader is intreated to observe , that the particulars of this small pamphlet , being all ranged under these two heads , matters of fact or of opinion : in the former the authour sets downe his knowledge , and consequently what he resolves to justifie ; in the latter what he conceives to be most probable , not what he dares warrant as certaine and infallible . wherefore if in the declaring of his owne opinion , either concerning colonies in general , or this in particular , he propose anything that to men of better and more solid judgement upon mature advise shall seeme either not sound , or not evident , or not well fortified by strength of reason ; he desires rather advertisement thereof by some private intimation , than by publicke opposition , as not conceiving an argument of this nature , wherein neither gods glorie nor mans salvation have any necessary interest , ( though the worke be directed to , and doth in a good measure further both , ) worth the contending for in a time when so many weighty controversies in the fundamentalls of religion are in agitation : and withall professing himselfe willing to receive backe any light golde that hath passed from him unweighed , and to exchange it for that which will be weight , as being conscious to himselfe , that he desires not willingly to beguile any man. besides , the reader may be pleased further to observe , that seeing the arguments produced in this treatise are rather proposed than handled , they cannot carry with them that appearant and cleare evidence of truth at the first view , as they might and would doe , if they were more largely deduced , and more fully fortified . wherefore he is intreated not to reject them too easily , as carrying more weight than they seeme to doe at the first appearance . howsoever the authors intention and opinion be construed & approved ; if it may be beleeved that the gentlemen that are lately issued out from us , to lay the foundatiō of a colony in new-england , haue not beene thrust forward by unadvised precipitation , but led on by such probable grounds of reason and religion , as might be likely to prevaile with men that desire to keepe a good conscience in all things : i trust these will holde themselves reasonably satisfied ; howsoever both they , and such as wish the furtherance of your designe , have ( i assure my selfe ) a testimonie from god and your owne consciences , that they have endeavoured to take there footing upon warrantable grounds , and to direct themselves to a right scope , as will be further manifested in this ensuing treatise . a briefe svrview of colonies : and first , of their ground and warrant . chap. i. by a colony we meane a societie of men drawne out of one state or people , and transplanted into another countrey . colonies ( as other conditions and states in humane society ) have their warrant from gods direction and command ; who as soone as men were , set them their taske , to replenish the earth , and to subdue it , gen. . . those words , i grant , expresse a promise , as the title of a benediction prefixed unto them here , & in the repetition of them to noah , implies . gen. . . but that withal they include a direction or command was never , as i conceive , doubted by any . iunius upon them : prout vim intus indiderat , sic palam mandatum dedit eurandae propagationis & dominationis exercendae . and paraeus , iubet igitur replere terram , non solum generatione & habitatione , sed cum primis potestate eultu & usu : etsi vero nonnullae orbis partes manent inhabitabiles ; habemus nihilominus totius dominium iure divino , lic et non habeamus totius orbis usum culpâ & defectu nostro . and before them , calvin ; iubet eos crescere & simul benedictionem suam destinat , &c. and divers other's . it will be granted then that the words include and have the force of a precept , which perhaps some may conceive was to continue during the worlds infancy , and no longer ; but such a limitation wants ground . it is true that some commandements founded upon , and having respect unto some present state and condition of men , received end or alteration when the condition was ended , or changed . but precepts given to the body of mankind , as these to adam & noah , receive neither alteration in the substantials , nor determination while men , and any void places of the earth continue , so that allowing this commandement to bind adam , it must binde his posterity , and consequently our selves in this age , and our issue after us , as long as the earth yeelds empty places to be replenished . besides , the gift of the earth to the sonnes of men , psal. . . necessarily inforceth their duty to people it : it were a great wrong to god to conceive that hee doth ought in vaine , or tenders a gift that he never meant should be enjoyed : now how men should make benefit of the earth , but by habitation and culture cannot bee imagined . neither is this sufficient to conceive that gods intention is satisfied if some part of the earth be replenished , and used , though the rest be wast ; because the same difficulty urgeth us still , that the rest of which we receive no fruit , was never intended to us , because it was never gods minde wee should possesse it . if it were then the minde of god , that man should possesse all parts of the earth , it must be enforced that we neglect our duty , and crosse his will , if we doe it not , when wee have occasion and opportunitie : and withall doe little lesse then despise his blessing . withall , that order that god annexed to marriage in his first institution , viz. that married persons should leave father and mother , and cleave each to other , is a good warrant of this practice . for sometime there will be a necessitie , that yong married persons should remove out of their fathers house , and live apart by themselves , and so erect new families . now what are new families , but pettie colonies : and so at last removing further and further they overflow the whole earth . therefore , so long as there shall be use of marriage , the warrant of deducing colonies will continue . it is true , that all gods directions have a double scope , mans good , and gods honour . now that this commandement of god is directed vnto mans good temporall and spirituall , is as cleere as the light . it cannot be denyed but the life of man is every way made more comfortable , and afforded a more plentiful supply in a large scope of ground , which moves men to bee so insatiable in their desires to joyne house to house , and land to land , till there be no more place ; exceeding , i grant , therein the measure and bounds of iustice ; and yet building upon a principle that nature suggests , that a large place best assures sufficiency : as we see ; by nature , trees flourish faire , and prosper well , and waxe fruitfull in a large orchard , which would otherwise wither and decay , if they were penned up in a little nursery : either all , or at best , a few that are stronger plants and better rooted , would encrease and over-top , and at last , starve the weaker : which falls out in our civill state ; where a few men flourish that are best grounded in their estates , or best furnished with abilities , or best fitted with opportunities , and the rest waxe weake and languish , as wanting roome and meanes to nourish them . now , that the spirits and hearts of men are kept in better temper by spreading wide , and by pouring , as it were , from vessell to vessell ( the want whereof is alleaged by the prophet ieremy as the cause that moab setled vpon his lees , and got so harsh a relish ier. . . ) will bee euident to any man , that shall consider , that the husbanding of unmanured grounds , and shifting into empty lands , enforceth men to frugalitie , and quickneth invention : and the setling of new states requireth justice and affection to the common good : and the taking in of large countreys presents a naturall remedy against couetousnesse , fraud , and violence ; when euery man may enjoy enough without wrong or injury to his neighbour . whence it was , that the first ages , by these helpes , were renowned for golden times , wherein men , being newly entred into their possessions , and entertained into a naked soile , and enforced thereby to labour , frugality , simplicity , and justice , had neither leisure , nor occasion , to decline to idlenesse , riot , wantonnesse , fraud , and violence , the fruits of well-peopled countryes , and of the abundance and superfluities of long setled states . but that which should most sway our hearts , is the respect unto gods honor , which is much advanced by this worke of replenishing the earth . first , when the largeness of his bounty is tasted by setling of men in al parts of the world , wherby the extent of his munificence to the sonnes of men is discovered ; the psalmist tells us that god is much magnified by this , that the whole earth is full of his riches , yea and the wide sea too , psal. . . . and god , when hee would have abraham know what he had bestowed on him when he gave him canaan , wills him to walke through it in the length of it , and in the breadth of it , gen. . . secondly , gods honour must needs bee much advanced , when , together with mens persons , religion is conveyed into the severall parts of the world , and all quarters of the earth sound with his praise ; and christ iesus takes in the nations for his inhenitance , and the ends of the earth for his possession , according to gods decree and promise . psal. . . besides all that hath beene said , seeing gods command , and abilities to performe it , usually goe together , we may guesse at his intention and will , to have the earth replenished , by the extraordinarie fruitfulnesse that hee gave to mankinde in those first times , when men manifested their greatest forwardnesse for the undertaking of this taske ; which seemes to bee denyed to the latter ages , and peradventure for this reason among others , because the love of ease and pleasure fixing men to the places and countreyes which they finde ready furnished to their hand , by their predecessors labours and industry , takes from them a desire and will of undertaking such a laborious and unpleasant taske as is the subduing of unmanured countreyes . objection . but , it may be objected , if god intended now the issuing out of colonies , as in former ages , hee would withall quicken men with the same heroicall spirits which were found in those times : which wee finde to be farre otherwise . although the strong impression upon mens spirits that have beene and are stirred up in this age to this and other plantations , might be a sufficient answer to this objection , yet we answer further . answer . it s one thing to guesse what god will bring to passe , and another thing to conclude what hee requires us to undertake . shall we say that because god gives not men the zeale of moses and phineas , therefore hee hath discharged men of the duty of executing judgement . it is true indeed , that god hath hitherto suffered the neglect of many parts of the world , and hidden them from the eyes of former ages ; for ends best knowne to himselfe : but that disproves not that the duty of peopling voyd places lyes upon us still , especially since they are discovered and made knowne to us . and , although i dare not enter so farre into gods secrets , as to affirme , that hee avengeth the neglect of this duty by warres , pestilences and famines , which unlesse they had wasted the people of these parts of the world , wee should ere this , have devoured one another ; yet it cannot be denyed , but the neare thronging of people together in these full countreyes , have often occasioned amongst us ciuill warres , famines , and plagues . and it is as true that god hath made advantage of some of these warres , especially which have laid many fruitfull countreyes wast , to exercise men in these very labours which employ new planters ; by which he hath reduced them to some degrees of that frugality , industry , and justice , full states of unnecessary multitudes , or of replenishing wast and voyd countries ; they have a cleare and sufficient warrant from the mouth of god , as immediately concurring with one speciall end that god aimed at in the first institution thereof . but , seeing gods honour , and glory ; and next mens salvation , is his owne principall scope in this and all his wayes ; it must withall bee necessarily acknowledged that the desire & respect unto the publishing of his name where it is not knowne , and reducing men , that live without god in this present world , unto a forme of piety and godlinesse , by how much the more immediately it suites with the mind of god , and is furthest caried from private respects , by so much the more it advanceth this worke of planting colonies above all civill and humane ends , and deserves honour , and approbation , above the most glorious conquests , or successefull enterprizes that ever were undertaken by the most renowned men that the sunne hath seene , and that by how much the subduing of satan is a more glorious act , then a victory over men : and the enlargement of christs kingdome , then the adding unto mens dominions : and the saving of mens soules , then the provision for their lives and bodies . it seemes , this end , in plantation , hath beene specially reserved for this later end of the world : seeing ; before christ , the decree of god , that suffered all nations to walke in their own waies , acts . . shut up the church within the narrow bounds of the promised land , and so excluded men from the propagation of religion to other countries . and in the apostles time , god afforded an easier and more speedy course of converting men to the truth by the gift of tongues , seconded by the power of miracles , to winne the greater credit to their doctrine , which most especially , and first prevailed upon countries civilized , as the history of the apostles acts makes manifest . as for the rest , i make no question , but god used the same way to other barbarous nations , which hee held with us , whom hee first civilized by the romane conquests , and mixture of their colonies with us , that hee might bring in religion afterwards : seeing no man can imagine how religion should prevaile upon those , who are not subdued to the rule of nature and reason . nay , i conceive , god especially directs this worke of erecting colonies unto the planting and propagating of religion in the west indies , ( although i will not confine it to those alone ) and that for divers reasons , which ought to be taken into serious consideration , as affording the strongest motives that can be proposed to draw on the hearts and affections of men to this worke now in hand , for this purpose ; which gives occasion unto the publishing of this treatise . men in the times appointed by the law of moses , counting them and all they touch uncleane during that time appointed by the law : whether upon any other ground , or by a tradition received from the iewes , it is uncertaine . some conceive , their predecessors might have had some commerce with the iewes in times past , by what meanes i know not : howsoever it bee , it fals out that the name of the place , which our late colony hath chosen for their seat , prooves to bee perfect hebrew , being called nahum keike , by interpretation , the bosome of consolation : which it were pitty that those which observed it not , should change into the name of salem , though upon a faire ground , in remembrance of a peace setled upon a conference at a generall meeting betweene them and their neighbours , after expectance of some dangerous jarre . now then , if all nations must have christ tendred unto them , and the indies have never yet heard of his name , it must follow , that that worke of conveighing that knowledge to them , remaines to bee undertaken and performed by this last age . againe , what shall we conceive of that almost miraculous opening the passage unto , and discovery of these formerly unknowne nations , which must needs have proved impossible unto former ages for want of the knowledge of the use of the loadstone , as wounderfully found out as these unknowne countries by it . it were little lesse then impietie to conceive that god , ( whose will concurres with the lighting of a sparrow upon the ground ) had no hand in directing one of the most difficult and observeable workes of this age ; and as great folly to imagine , that hee who made all things , and consequently orders and directs them to his owne glory , had no other scope but the satisfying of mens greedy appetites , that thirsted after the riches of that new found world , and to tender unto them the objects of such barbarous cruelties as the world never heard of . wee cannot then probably conceive that god , in that strange discovery , aymed at any other thing but this , that , after hee had punished the atheisme , and idolatry of those heathen and bruitish nations , by the conquerors cruelty , and acquainted them , by mixture of some other people , with civility , to cause at length the glorious gospell of iesus christ to shine out unto them , as it did to our forefathers , after those sharpe times of the bitter desolations of our nation , betweene the romanes and the picts . a fourth reason , to prove that god hath left this great , and glorious worke to this age of the world , is the nearnesse of the iewes conversion ; before which , it is conceived by the most , that the fulnesse of the gentiles must come in , according to the apostles prophesie , rom. . . that this day cannot be farre off appeares by the fulfilling of the prophesies , precedent to that great and glorious worke , and the generall expectation thereof by all men , such as was found among the iewes both in iudea and in some other parts of the world before the comming of christ in the flesh , now then let it bee granted that the iewes conversion is neare , and that the gentiles , and consequently the indians must needs bee gathered in before that day ; and any man may make the conclusion , that this is the houre for the worke , and consequently of our duty to endeavour the effecting that which god hath determined ; the opening of the eyes of those poore ignorant soules , and discovering unto them the glorious mystery of iesus christ. chap. iii. the english nation is fit to undertake this taske . that this nation is able and fit to send out colonies into forraigne parts will evidently appeare by the consideration of of our overflowing multitudes : this being admitted for a received principle , that countreyes superabound in people when they have more then they can well nourish , or well employ , seeing we know , men are not ordained to live onely , but , withall and especially , to serve one another through love , in some profitable and usefull calling . granting therefore that this land by gods ordinary blessing , yeelds sufficiency of corne and eattell for more then the present inhabitants , yet , that wee have more people , then wee doe , or can profitably employ , will , i conceive , appeare to any man of understanding , willing to acknowledge the truth , and to consider these foure particulars . . many among us live without employment , either wholly , or in the greatest part ( especially if there happen any interruption of trade , as of late was manifested not onely in essex , but in most now what a disease this must needes bee in a state , where mens necessities inforce them to inventions of all wayes and meanes of expence upon the instruments of pride , and wantonnesse ; and of as many subtilties and frauds in deceitfull handling all works that passe through their fingers , that by the speedy wasting of what is made , they may bee the sooner called upon for new ; i leave it to any wise man to judge . it is a fearfull condition , whereby men are in a sort enforced to perish , or to become meanes and instruments of evill . so that the conclusion must stand firme , we have more men then wee can imploy to any profitable or usefull labour . objection . but the idlenesse or unprofitable labours of our people arise not from our numbers , but from our ill government , inferiour magistrates being too remisse in their offices ; and therefore may more easily be reformed by establishing better order , or executing those good lawes already made at home , then by transporting some of them into forraigne countreyes . answer . good government though it doe reforme many , yet it cannot reforme all the evills of this kind ; because it will bee a great difficulty to finde out profitable employments for all that will want ; which way we should helpe our selves by tillage i know not : wee can hardly depasture sewer rother beasts then we doe , seeing we spend already their flesh and hides : and as for sheepe , the ground depastured with them , doth or might set on worke as many hands as tillage can doe . if we adventure the making of linnen cloth , other soiles are so much fitter to produce the materialls for that worke , their labour is so much cheaper , the hindering of commerce in trade likely to bee so great , that the undertakers of this worke would in all probability bee soone discouraged . nay the multiplying of new draperies , which perhaps might effect more then all the rest , yet were in no proportion sufficient to employ the supernumeraries which this land would yeeld if wee could bee confined within the bounds of sobriety and modesty , seeing it may bee demonstrated , that neere a third part of these that inhabite our townes and cities ( besides such spare men as the country yeelds ) would by good order established , be left to take up new employments . we have as much opportunity as any nation to transport our men and provisions by sea into those countries , without which advantage they cannot possibly be peopled from any part of the world ; not from this christian part at least , as all men know : and how usefull a neighbour the sea is to the furthering of such a worke ; the examples of the graecians and the phaenicians , who filled all the bordering coasts with their colonies doe sufficiently prove unto all the world : neither can it be doubted , but the first planters wanting this helpe ( as abraham in his removing to charran first , and to canaan afterwards ) must needs spend much time and indure much labour in passing their famlies and provisions by land , over rivers and through woods and thickets by unbeaten pathes . but what need arguments to us that have already determined this truth ? how many severall colonies have wee drawne out and passed over into severall parts of the west indies ? and this we have done with the allowance , encouragement , & high cōmendation of state , perhaps not alway with the best success , who knowes whether by erring from the right scope ? questionlesse for want of fit men for that imployment , and experience to direct a worke , which being caried in an untrodden path , must needs be subject to miscariage into many errours . now whereas it hath beene manifested that the most eminent and desirable end of planting colonies , is the propagation of religion ; it may be conceived this nation is in a sort singled out unto that worke ; being of all the states that enjoy the libertie of the religion reformed ; and are able to spare people for such an employment , the most orthodoxe in our profession , and behind none in sincerity in embracing it ; as will appeare to any indifferent man , that shall duly weigh and recount the number and condition of those few states of europe , that continue in the profession of that truth which we imbrace . chap. iiii. that new-england is a fit country for the seating of an english colonie , for the propagation of religion . not onely our acquaintance with the soyle and natives there , but more especially our opportunity of trading thither for furres and fish , perswade this truth , if other things be answerable . it is well knowne , before our breach with spaine , we usually sent out to new-england , yearely forty or fifty saile of ships of reasonable good burthen for fishing onely . and howsoever it fals out that our new-found-land voyages prove more beneficiall to the merchants ; yet it is as true , these to new-england are found farre more profitable to poore fishermen ; so that by that time all reckonings are cast up , these voyages come not farre behind the other in aduantage to the state. no countrey yeelds a more propitious ayre for our tempor , then new-england , as experience hath made manifest , by all relations : manie of our people that have sound themselves alway weake and sickly at home , have become strong , and healthy there : perhaps by the drynesse of the ayre and constant temper of it , which seldome varies suddenly from cold to heate , as it doth with us : so that rheumes are very rare among our english there ; neyther are the natives at any time troubled with paine of teeth , sorenesse of eyes , or ache in their limbes . it may bee the nature of the water conduceth somewhat this way ; which all affirme to keepe the body alwaies temperately soluble , and consequently helps much to the preventing , and curing of the gout , and stone , as some have found by experiēce . as for provisions for life : the come of the countrey ( which it produceth in good proportion with reasonable labour ) is apt for nourishmēt , & agrees , although not so well with our taste at first ; yet very well with our health ; nay , is held by some physitians , to be restorative . if wee like not that , wee may make use of our owne graines , which agree well with that soyle , and so doe our cattle : nay , they grow unto a greater bulke of body there , then with us in england . vnto which if wee adde the fish , fowle , and venison , which that country yeelds in great abundance , it cannot be questioned but that soile may assure sufficient provision for food . and being naturally apt for hempe and flax especially , may promise us linnen sufficient with our labour , and woollen too if it may be thought fit to store it with sheepe . the land affords void ground enough to receive more people then this state can spare , and that not onely wood-grounds , and others , which are unfit for present use : but , in many places , much cleared ground for tillage , and large marshes for hay and feeding of cattle , which comes to passe by the desolatiō hapning through a three yeeres plague , about twleve or sixteene yeeres past , which swept away most of the inhabitants all along the sea-coast , and in some places utterly consumed man , woman & childe , so that there is no person left to lay claime to the soyle which they possessed ; in most of the rest , the contagion hath scarce left alive one person of an hundred . and which is remarkable , such a plague hath not been knowne , or remembred in any age past ; nor then raged above twenty or thirty miles up into the land , nor seized upon any other but the natives , the english in the heate of the sicknesse commercing with them without hurt or danger . besides , the natives invite us to sit downe by them , and offer us what ground wee will : so that eyther want of possession by others , or the possessors gift , and sale , may assure our right : we neede not feare a cleare title to the soyle . in all colonies it is to bee desired that the daughter may answer something backe by way of retribution to the mother that gave her being . nature hath as much force , and founds as strong a relation betweene people and people , as betweene person and person : so that a colonie denying due respect to the state from whose bowels it issued , is as great a monster , as an unnaturall childe . now , a colonie planted in new-england may be many wayes usefull to this state. as first , in furthering our fishing-voyages ( one of the most honest , and every way profitable imployment that the nation undertakes ) it must needes be a great advantage unto our men after so long a voyage to be furnished with fresh victuall there ; and that supplyed out of that land , without spending the provisions of our owne countrey . but there is hope besides , that the colonie shall not onely furnish our fisher-men with victuall , but with salt too , unlesse mens expectation and conjectures much deceive them : and so quit unto them a great part of the charge of their voyage , beside the hazard of adventure . next , how serviceable this country must needs bee for provisions for shipping , is sufficiently knowne already : at present it may yeeld planks , masts , oares , pitch , tarre , and iron ; and hereafter ( by the aptnesse of the soyle for hempe ) if the colonie increase , sailes and cordage . what other commodities it may afford besides for trade , time will discover . of wines among the rest , there can be no doubt ; the ground yeel ding naturall vines in great abundance and varietie ; and of these , some as good as any are foundin france by humane culture . but in the possibilitie of the serviceablenesse of the colonie to this state , the judgement of the dutch may somewhat confirme us , who have planted in the same soyle , and make great account of their colonie there . but the greatest advantage must needes come unto the natives themselves , whom wee shall teach providence and industry , for want whereof they perish oftentimes , while they make short provisions for the present , by reason of their idlenesse , & that they have , they spend and wast unnecessarily , without having respect to times to come . withall , commerce and example of our course of living , cannot but in time breed civility among them , and that by gods blessing may make way for religion consequently , and for the saving of their soules . vnto all which may bee added , the safety and protection of the persons of the natives , which are secured by our colonies . in times past the tarentines ( who dwell from those of mattachusets bay , neere which our men are seated ; about fifty or sixty leagues to the north-east ) inhabiting a soile unfit to produce that countrey graine , being the more hardy people , were accustomed yearely at harvest to come down in their canoes , and reape their fields , and carry away their corne , and destroy their people , which wonderfully weakened , and kept them low in times past : from this evill our neighbourhood hath wholy freed them , and consequently secured their persons and estates ; which makes the natives there so glad of our company . objection . but if we have any spare people , ireland is a fitter place to receive them then new-england . being , nearer . , our owne . , void in some parts . , fruitfull . , of importance for the securing of our owne land. , needing our helpe for their recovery out of blindnesse and superstition . answere . ireland is well-nigh sufficiently peopled already , or will be in the next age . besides , this worke needs not hinder that , no more then the plantation in virginia , bermudas , s. christophers , barbados , &c. which are all of them approved , and incouraged as this is . as for religion , it hath reasonable footing in ireland already , and may easily be propagated further , if wee bee not wanting to our selves . this countrey of new-england is destitute of all helpes , and meanes , by w ch the people might come out of the snare of satan . now although it be true , that i should regard my sonne more then my servant ; yet i must rather provide a coate for my servant that goes naked , then give my sonne another , who hath reasonable clothing already . objection . but new-england hath divers discommodities , the snow , and coldnesse of the winter , which our english bodies can hardly brooke : and the annoyance of men by muskitoes , and serpents : and of cattle , and corne , by wilde beasts . answere . the cold of winter is tolerable , as experience hath , and doth manifest , and is remedied by the abundance of fuell . the snow lyes indeed about a foot thicke for ten weekes or there about ; but where it lies thicker , and a month longer , as in many parts of germany , men finde a very comfortable dwelling . as for the serpents , it is true , there are some , and these larger then our adders ; but in ten yeares experience no man was ever indangered by them ; and as the countrey is better stored with people , they will be found fewer , and as rare as among us here . as for the wilde beasts , they are no more , nor so much dangerous or hurtfull here , as in germany and other parts of the world . the muskitoes indeed infest the planters , about foure moneths in the heat of summer ; but after one yeares acquaintance , men make light account of them ; some fleight defence for the hands and face , smoake , and a close house may keepe them off . neither are they much more noysome then in spaine , germany , and other parts ; nay , then the fennish parts of essex , and lincolne-shire . besides it is credibly reported , that twenty miles inward into the countrey they are not found : but this is certaine , and tried by experience , after foure or five yeares habitation they waxe very thinne : it may be the hollownesse of the ground pected in new-england but competency to live on at the best , and that must bee purchased with hard labour , whereas divers other parts of the west-indies offer a richer soyle , which easily allures inhabitants , by the tender of a better condition then they live in at present . answer . an unanswerable argument , to such as make the advancement of their estates , the scope of their undertaking ; but no way a discouragement to such as aime at the propagation of the gospell , which can never bee advanced but by the preservation of piety in those that carry it to strangers ; now wee know nothing sorts better with piety them competēcy ; a truth which agur hath determined long agoe , prov. . . nay , heathen men by the light of nature were directed so farre as to discover the overflowing of riches to be enemie to labour , sobriety , justice , love and magnanimity : and the nurse of pride , wantonnesse , and contention ; and therefore laboured by all meanes to keepe out the love and desire of them from their well-ordered states , and observed and professed the comming in and admiration of them to have beene the foundation of their ruine . if men desire to have a people degenerate speedily , and to corrupt their mindes and bodies too , and besides to tole-in theeves and spoilers from abroad ; let them seeke a rich soile , that brings in much with little labour ; but if they desire that piety and godlinesse should prosper ; accompanied with sobriety , justice and love , let them choose a countrey such as this is ; even like france , or england , which may yeeld sufficiency with hard labour and industry : the truth is , there is more cause to feare wealth then poverty in that soyle . chap. . what persons may be fit to be employed in this worke of planting a colony . it seemes to bee a common and grosse errour that colonies ought to be emunctories or sinckes of states ; to drayne away their filth : whence arise often murmurings at the removall of any men of state or worth , with some wonder and admiration , that men of sufficiency and discretion should preferre any thing before a quiet life at home . an opinion that favours strongly of selfe-love , alwaies opposite and enemy to any publike good . this fundamentall errour hath beene the occasion of the miscariage of most of our colonies , and the chargeable destruction of many of our country-men , whom when we have once issued out from us we cast off as we say to the wide world , leaving them to themselves either to sinke or swimme . contrary to this common custome , a state that intends to draw out a colony for the inhabiting of another country , must looke at the mother and the daughter with an equall and indifferent eye ; remembring that a colony is a part and member of her owne body ; and such in whose good her selfe hath a peculiar interest , which therfore she should labour to further and cherish by all fit and convenient meanes ; and consequently must allow to her such a proportion of able men as may bee sufficient to make the frame of that new formed body : as good governours , able ministers , physitians , souldiers , schoolemasters , mariners , and mechanicks of all sorts ; who had therefore need to bee of the more sufficiency , because the first fashioning of a politicke body is a harder taske then the ordering of that which is already framed ; as the first erecting of a house is ever more difficult then the future keeping of it in repaire ; or as the breaking of a colt requires more skill then the riding of a managed horse . when the frame of the body is thus formed and furnished with vitall parts , and knit together with firme bands & sinewes , the bulke may be filled up with flesh , that is with persons of lesse use and activity , so they bee plyable and apt to bee kept in life . the disposition of these persons must bee respected as much or more then their abilities ; men nourished up in idlenesse , unconstant , and affecting novelties , unwilling , stubborne , enclined to faction , covetous , luxurious , prodigall , and generally men habituated to any grosse evill , are no fit members of a colony . ill humours soone overthrow a weake body ; and false stones in a foundation ruine the whole building : the persons therfore chosen out for this employment , ought to be willing , constant , industrious , obedient , frugall , lovers of the common good , or at least such as may be easily wroght to this temper ; considering that workes of this nature try the undertakers with many difficulties , and easily discourage minds of base and weake temper . it cannot , i confesse , be hoped that all should be such ; care must be had that the principalls be so inclined , and as many of the vulgar as may bee , at least that they bee willing to submit to authority ; mutinies , which many times are kindled by one person , are well nigh as dangerous in a colony , as in an armie . these are rules concerning electing of fit persons for colonies in generall , unto which must be adjoyned the consideration of the principall scope whereat the colonie aimes ; which must be religion , whether it bee directed to the good of others for their conversion ; or of the planters themselves for their preservation and continuance in a good condition , in which they cannot long subsist without religion . to this purpose must be allotted to every colony , for governours and ministers especially , men of piety and blamelesse life , especially in such a plantation as this in new-england , where their lives must be the patternes to the heathen , and the especiall , effectuall meanes of winning them to the love of the truth . nay it would beè indeavoured , that all governours offamilies , either may be men truly godly or at least such as consent and agree to a forme of morall honestie and sobrietie . as for other ends lesse principall , which are especially merchandise & defence , common sense teacheth everie man that the colonie must be furnished with the greatest store of such persons as are most serviceable to the maine end at which it aimes . objection . but able and godly persons being in some degree supporters of the state that sends them out , by sparing them she seemes to plucke away her owne props , and so to weaken her owne standing , which is against the rule of charitie , that allowes and perswades every man to have the first care of his owne good and preservation . answer . the first , indeed but not the onely care : so i must provide for mine owne family , but not for that alone ; but to answer this objection more fully , which troubles many , and distracts their thoughts , and strikes indeede at the foundation of this worke ( for either wee must allow some able men for civill and ecclesiasticall affaires for peace and warre , or no colonie at all : ) first i deny that such as are gone out from the state , are cut off from the state ; the rootes that issue out from the truncke of the tree , though they be dispersed , yet they are not severed , but doe good offices , by drawing nourishment to the maine body , and the tree is not weakned but strengthened the more they spread , of which wee have a cleere instance in the romane state : that citie by the second punicke warre had erected thirtie colonies in severall parts of italie ; and by their strength especially supported her selfe against her most potent enemies . i confesse that in places so farre distances new-england from this land , the case is somewhat different ; the intercourse is not so speedy , but it must needs be granted yet , that even those so far remote may be of use and seruice to this state still , as hath beene shewed . vels , improved not so much by sight as experience , after the affaires of the colony were setled ; what losse were it in lieu of so great a gaine ? lastly , if we spare men for the advancing of gods honour , men that doe us service that they may attend gods service , we have as much reason to expect the supply of our losse , as the repayring of our estates , out of which we spare a portion for our brethrens necessities , or the advancing of gods worship ; by the blessing of god according to his promise . chap. vi. what warrant particular men-may have to engage their persons , and estates in this imployment of planting colonies . to give a cleare resolution to this proposition , is a matter of no small difficultie : i shall declare mine owne opinion , and leave it to the censure of the godly wise . it is the conceit of some men , that no man may undertake this taske without an extraordinary warrant , such as abraham had from god , to call him out of mesopotamia to canaan ; their opinion seemes to rest upon a ground that will hardly be made good , sc. that the planting of colonies is an extraordinarie worke . which if it be granted , then the argument hath a strong , and for ought i know , a necessary inference : that therefore those that undertake it , must have an extraordinary call. but that proposition , that planting of colonies is an extraordinary worke , will not easily be granted . this argument lyes strongly against it . that duty that is commanded by a perpetuall law , cannot be accounted extraordinary . but the sending out of colonies is commanded by a perpetuall law. therefore it is no extraordinary duty . now that the commandement is perpetuall , hath beene proved . first , because it was given to mankind ; and secondly , because it hath a ground which is perpetuall , sc. the emptinesse of the earth , which either is so , or may be so while the world endures ; for even those places which are full , may be emptied by warres , or sicknesse ; and then an argument presseth as strongly the contrary way . the undertaking of an ordinary duty needs no other then an ordinary warrant ; but such is planting of a colony , as being undertaken by vertue of a perpetuall law ; therefore the undertaking to plant a colony , needs no extraordinary warrant . indeed abrahams undertaking was extraordinary in many things , and therefore needed an immediate direction from god. , he was to goe alone with his family and brethren . , to such a certaine place far distant . , possessed already by the canaanites . , to receive it wholy appropriated to himselfe , and his issue . , not to plant it at present , but onely sojourne in it , and walke through it for a time . now none of these circumstances fit our ordinary colonies ; and consequently abrahams example is nothing to this purpose , because the case is different , though in some other things alike . others conceive , that though men may adventure upon the worke upon an ordinary warrant , yet none can give that but the state ; therefore they require a command from the highest authoritie unto such as ingage themselves in this affaire . indeed that the state hath power over all her members , to command and dispose of them within the bounds of justice , is more evident , then can be denyed : but this power she executes diversly ; sometime by command , sometimes by permission : as in preparations to warre , sometimes men are compelled to serve , sometimes they are permitted to goe voluntaries that will. againe , somtimes the supreme power takes care of the whole businesse ; sometimes ( as in musters ) commits it to delegates . if the power of state then proclaime liberty to such as will , to gather and unite into the body of a colony , and commit the care to some persons that offer themselves , to associate to them whom they thinke fit , and to order them according to discretion ; no man can deny but that the state hath given a sufficient warrant . neither doth it appeare , that ever any state did more ; the romans use was to proclaime that they intended to plant a colony of such a number in such a place , and as many as would give in their names should receive so many acres of ground , and enjoy such other priviledges as they thought fit to grant them , which they then expressed : those which gave in their names were inrolled till the number was full , and then had they certaine commissioners appointed by the state of see all things ordered and directed accordingly , and to put every man into possession of his inheritance ; neither did the state interpose their authority in assigning , and choosing out the men , but left it free and voluntary to every man to take or leave . seeing nothing can beare out the hazzards , and inconveniences of such toylesome and difficult undertakings , as is the planting of colonies , but a willing minde : men can digest any thing that themselves choose or desire ; but a commandement makes pleasant things harsh , how much more harsh things intolerable ? but to come somewhat nearer unto the grounds of this resolution . in undertaking an new inployment two things must be taken into consideratiō , upon which a mans warrant must be grounded . , his ingagement unto his present condition in which he is setled . , the tender and offer of the new service unto which he is called . in both it must be first granted , that callings are employments in which we serve one another through love , gal. . . in something that is good , ephes. . . not seeking our owne , but other mens profit , cor. . . in furthering other mens good our ingagements are , , to the church in generall . , to that particular state of which wee are members , either wholy , or any branch of it . , to our friends . and these as they have interest in our labours of love in that order that is set downe , so they have power to require them in the same order , and that two wayes , either by their expresse ; command , or by the manifestation of their necessity , or speciall good proposed . the church in generall rarely layes any command but mostly chalengeth our service by the discovery of her need , and use of our labours for her good . the particular state , besides the pleading of her necessity ; interposeth her authority ; and that either immediately , as in deputing men to publike offices ; or mediately by our parents , or other governours whom she authorizeth to direct and setle us in such particular callings and imployments as may bee for her use and service . the state then by any publike intimation , proclaming free liberty to men to remove and plant themselves else-where , dischargeth these persons of the obligation wherein by her power and authority they stand bound to their particular calling wherein they are placed , and ought otherwise to continue . so that now particular persons stand no longer bound by the states authoritie , but by the manifestation of her necessities , which crave their ayde and service for their publike good and safety . the next thing then to bee taken into consideration , is the advantages or benefits , which may be gained by our service either to the church , state , or friends to whom wee have relation by private interest . in all these the first respect must be had to necessity , and the next to conveniency . how much is to bee yeelded to necessity , it hath pleased god to manifest ; by dispensing with his owne worship and service , in cases of necessity , not only upon our owne persons : but upon our goods or cattell . it must therefore be duly waighed whether we may be more serviceable to the church in the state where wee live , or in that wee desire to erect : and againe , whether service is of more necessity : and whether appeares to be greater , that must carry us , unlesse some pressing wants of private friends challenge our service from them both , which in matters of moment & importance , to them must be conceived to be cast in by god , as a discharge from any other employment . as for example , the furthering of the gospell in new-england , seemes to bee of more pressing necessity , and consequently by a stronger band to call mee on to that worke , then the state at home to my continuance here ; for here though i may doe something for the advancing of religion , yet my labours that way are not so needfull in the land , because many others may put too their hands to the same work . in new-england there are none to undergo the task : but in this case if the preservation of my fathers life or estate required my stay , that is a discharge unto me from this call to new-england ; not because his life or estate is of greater weight then the churches good , but because his necessity is greater ; for no body can procure my fathers safety but my selfe , other men besides my selfe may doe the church this service . thus men that are free from engagement may see what weights are allowed to bee cast into the ballance to determine their stay or removall . all the difficulty that remaines , is , who shall cast the scales ( that is ) who shall determine which benefit or necessity is the greater ? no question that which conscience well informed , assures mee to be so : but who shall informe my conscience , or by what rule shall my conscience judge ? it is out of peradventure that god must informe the conscience . but how shall i discover what god adviseth ? it is as certaine that if the word , by scanning the grounds which it proposeth , can give a seer resolution , it must be followed . the things that are revealed belong unto us and our children that we may doe them , deut. . . but many rules of scripture though cleere in themselves , yet are doubtfull and ambiguous in the application , because they cannot determine particulars . in this case then wee must have recourse to christian wisdome ; assisted : first , by the advise and counsell of godly wise friends . secondly , by the observation of the concurrence of opportunities , occasiones sunt dei nutus . thirdly , by and consideration of the inclination of the heart proposing a right end scope after frequent and earnest prayer . a resolution taken after all these meanes used , as in gods presence , without prejudice , with a sincere desire to know and bee informed of gods will , and obey it , may be taken for the voice of god at present , and ought to direct the practise , though it binde not the conscience to embrace the things resolved for an infallible and onely the most probable direction . and the truth is , that unlesse this advise and resolution by christian wisedome , applying the generall rules of gods word to our owne particular case after wee have sought counsell of god , and our christian friends may be admitted for a rule to direct our practise , i know not what rule to prescribe to bee followed . suppose i would marry a wife , nothing but christian wisedome so assisted , as is expressed before , can shew mee which is the woman . cap. . answering obiections against the maine bodie of the worke . obiection . all experience is against the hope and good successe of colonies ; much money , and many mens lives have beene spent upon virginia , st. christophers , new-found-land , &c. with no proportionable successe , and what reason have wee to expect other event of this ? ansvver . to speake nothing of particulars , which perhaps might occasion some distaste , i denie not but the ends which they proposed may be good and warrantable ; men may set before themselves civill respects , as advancement of the nation , and hope and expectation of gaine , which perhaps hath either wholly set on , or strongly swayed these lately undertaken colonies : but i conceive where the service of the church , and respect unto the advancement of the gospell is predominant , we may with greater assurance depend upon gods engagement in the worke , and consequently expect a prosperous successe from his hand . besides , why may not english plantations thrive as well as dutch ? where and when have their colonies failed ? to speake nothing of the east-indies , even this which they have setled in new-england upon hudsons river with no would be no question of a flourishing state there in convenient time by the concurrence of gods ordinary blessing . in this dutie if we be wanting unto them , there will be great cause to suspect , that the exception against the worke , for the insupportable butthen of the charge , is but a faire pretext to colour our feare of our owne purses , which many are more faithfull unto , than unto the service of god and of his church . obiection . but the pretended end of winning the heathen to the knowledge of god and embracing of the faith of christ , is a meere fantasie , and a worke not onely of uncertaine but unlikely successe , as appeares by our fruitlesse endeavours that way , both in virginia and new-england , where new-plimmouth men inhabiting now these ten yeares , are not able to give account of any one man converted to christianity . ansvver . and no marvell , unlesse god should worke by miracle ; neither can it be expected that worke should take effect untill we may be more perfectly acquainted with their language , and they with ours . indeede it is true , both the natives and english understand so much of one anothers language , as may enable them to trade one with another , and fit them for conference about things that are subject to outward sense ; and so they understand our use in keeping the sabbath day , observe our reverence in the worship of god , are somewhat acquainted with the morall precepts ; know that adultery , theft , murther and lying are forbidden , which nature teacheth , because these things are outward , and may bee understood almost by sense : but how shall a man expresse unto them things meerely spirituall , which have no affinity with sense , unlesse wee were throughly acquainted with their language , and they with ours ? neither can we in theirs , or they in our tongue utter any continued speech , because neither we nor they understand the moods , tenses , cases , numbers , praepositions , adverbes , &c. which make coherence in words , and expresse a perfect sense . besides , it hath beene intimated that wee hardly have found a brutish people wonne before they had beene taught civility . so wee must endeavour and expect to worke that in them first , and religion afterwards . amongst such as have beene brought over into england from virginia there was one nanawack , a youth sent over by the lo. de laware , when hee was governour there , who comming over and living here a yeare or two in houses where hee heard not much of religion , but saw and heard many times examples of drinking , swearing , and like evills , remained as hee was a meere pagan ; but after removed into a godly family , hee was strangely altered , grew to understand the principles of religion , learned to reade , delighted in the scriptures , sermons , prayers , and other christian duties , wonderfully bewailed the state of his country-men , especially his brethren , and gave such testimonies of his love to the truth , that hee was thought fit to be baptised : but being prevented by death , left behinde such testimonies of his desire of gods favour , that it mooved such godly christians as knew him , to conceive well of his condition ; neither is there any cause to doubt but time may bring on in others , as well as it did in him , that which wee expect upon a sodaine in vaine . reply . but some conceive the inhabitants of new-england to be chams posterity , and consequently shut out from grace by noahs curse , till the conversion of the iewes be past at least . ansvver . how doe they appeare to be chams posterity ? whose sonnes by the agreement of writers , tooke up their dwellings together in canaan , palestina , and the parts adjoyning in arabia , egypt , mauritania , lybia , and other bordering parts of africke , and consequently for any footsteps of their descents appearing unto us , might bee as farre from peopling the west indies , as any other part of the posteritie of noahs sonnes . neither doe mens conjectures agree , ( for wee have no certainties to build on ) whence these countries of the parts of america towards new-england might most probably be peopled . but admit the inhabitants to be chams posteritie doth not the prophet esay foretell the conversion of chams posterity in egypt , performed in the primitive times , all histories witnessing that the egyptians had amongst them a church of eminent note , governed by divers bishops under the patharen of alexandria ? and who knowes not the numerous churches of africke , wherein were above bishops in st. austins time , governing sundry nations , all of them of chams posteritie ? but what testimonie of scripture , or ground of reason from scripture , layes such a fearefull curse upon all chams posteritie ? noahs curse reacheth but to one branch , to canaan , and as interpreters conceive , with especiall relation to the extirpation of that part of his issue which inhabited iudea , by the children of israel . it is too much boldnesse then to curse where god hath not cursed , and shut out those from the meanes of grace , whom god hath not excluded . obiection . but admit the english might be thought fit to plant a colony in new-england , yet this time is unfit , in this troubled condition of the church ; it were more convenient for men to keepe close together , than to scatter abroad , that so they might be the more able to resist the common enemie . this withdrawing of our selves in time of so great hazard betrayes weaknesse of heart , and proclaimes our despaire of the cause of religion , which the godly entertaine with sad hearts , and the iesuites with smiling countenances . ansvver it is reported that when annshal lay before rome , it discouraged him much in his hopes of taking the citty , that at the same instant there marched out of the citty at contrary gates under their colours an armie of souldiers towards the sea , to be shipped & sent over for a supply into spaine ; for it argued the romans feared him not , that durst spare a supplie of men to a countrie so farre distant when the enemie lay at the gates : and it seemes to argue courage rather than feare , when in the weakest condition of the church men testifie their hope and expectation of the enlargement of that kingdome of christ which wicked men and his enemies glorie that they have as good as conquered and subdued . i conceive those that engage themselves in this adventure are not so void of religion as to conceive the scourge of god cannot reach them in new-england ; or of reason , as to thinke new-england safer than olde . but they scatter and withdraw themselves in a time of neede ? suppose the state were in such needed as is pretended in this objection , yet in such a popular land , such a number as is employed in this worke is not very considerable ; for i thinke no man conceives a thousand or two thousand men are of any great weight to sway the ballance , when so many great stones lie in the skales . againe , that wherein they seeme to be most usefull to us is their prayers , which ( according to their profession and promise ) they will performe in absence , as if they , were present with us . and if any other way their service be required , as they holde themselves bound , so will they at all times doe their uttermost for the discharge of their dutie to this their native country . and lastly , by that time all the particulars of this treatise are wel weighed , it will be found that their employment there for the present is not inconvenient , and for the future may prove beneficiall to this state. obiection . it may be , passing over of two thousand or three thousand persons will be of no great moment , and so many might be spared ; but some mens examples drawing on others , and there being no stint or limits set unto mens itching humours after this new worke , we know not where to expect any end ; and what consequents may follow the issuing out of great multitudes , especially on a sodaine , it is easie to conjecture . ansvver . if that should be a true and reall feare , and not a pretence , i should much wonder that any man should have so little insight into the disposition of his owne country-men . howsoever some men are content to remove from their dwellings , and to leave their beloved countrie and friends , let no man conceive we shall finde over-many of that humour : we are knowne too well to the world to love the smoake of our owne chimneyes so well , that hopes of great advantages are not likely to draw many of us from home : and that evidently appeares by the different habits and affections of the mindes of men unto this voyage . some pittie the exposing of their friends , or such unto whom for the report of their honestie and religion they wish well , unto so many dangers and inconveniences ; others and the most part scoffe at their folly ; a third sort murmure and grudge that they are abandoned and forsaken by them : and good men dispute the warrant of their undertaking this worke , and will not be convinced . it may be , private interests may prevaile with some ; one brother may draw over another , a sonne the father , and perhaps some man his inward acquaintance ; but let no man feare the over-hasty removall of multitudes of any of estate or abilitie . as for the poorer sort it is true , many of them that want meanes to maintaine them at home , would be glad to passe over into new-england to finde a better condition there ; but by what meanes will they be transported , or provided of necessaries for so chargeable a journey ? and without such provisions they will be found very unwelcome to such as are alreadie planted there . besides , it cannot be doubted but the state will be so watchfull as not to suffer any prejudice unto it selfe , if the numbers of those that leave her should increase too fast . if the state should be slacke , even those that now allow the passing over of some good and usefull men , when the number is growen to an indifferent proportion will of themselves be carefull to restraine the rest as farre as their counsell and advice can prevaile . the truth is when some or families are seated there , the colonie will be best filled up with youthes and girles , which must be continually drawne over to supply the roomes of men-servants and maid-servants , which will marry away daily , and leave their masters destitute . but it may be justly admired , what the cause should be that men of contrary mindes should so strangely concurre in the jealousies and dislikes of this worke , neither opposing any of the former colonies , whereof the least ( i meane virginia , barmudas , and st. christophers ) drew away two for one of those which are yet passed over to new-england ; unlesse it be that the best workes finde commonly worst entertainment amongst men . obiection . it is objected by some , that religion indeede and the colour thereof is the cloake of this work , but under it is secretly harboured faction and separation from the church . men of ill affected mindes ( they conceive ) unwilling to joyne any longer with our assemblies , meane to draw themselves apart , and to unite into a body of their owne , and to make that place a nursery of faction and rebellion , disclaiming and renouncing our church as a limbe of antichrist . ansvver . a man might justly hope that the letter sub - i conceive we doe and ought to put a great difference betweene separation , and non-conformity ; the first we judge as evill in it selfe , so that whosoever shall denie us to be a church , either of our owne men , or strangers of another nation , we cannot be are it : but other churches that conforme not to our orders and ceremonies we dislike not , onely we suffer it not in our owne ; not that we adjudge the disusing of ceremonies simply evill , but onely evill in our owne men , because wee conceive it is joyned with some contempt of our authority , and may tend to a rent in the church : but yet neither can this imputation be charged justly on our new-england colonie ; if the men were well scanned , i conceive it may be with good assurance maintained , that at least three parts of foure of the men there planted , are able to justifie themselves to have lived in a constant course of conformity unto our church government and orders . yea but they are weary of them now , and goe over with an intention to cast them off ? intentions are secret , who can discover them ; but what have they done to manifest such an intention ? what intelligence have they held one with another to such purpose ? there passed away about persons out of the western parts from plimmouth , of which i conceive there were not sixe knowne either by face or fame to any of the rest . what subscription or solemne agreement haue they made before hand to binde themselves unto such a resolution ? if that were forborne for feare of discovery , yet it concerned those who had such an intention to be well assured of a governour that might effectually further their purposes : mr. . winthrop , whom they have all chosen , ( and that not the multitude , but all the men of best account amongst them ) is sufficiently knowne in the place where he long lived , a publicke person , and consequently of the more observation to have been every way regular and conformable in the whole course of his practise . yea but they have taken ministers with them that are knowne to be unconformable , and they are the men that will sway in the orders of the church ? neither all nor the greatest part of the ministers are unconformable . but how shall they prevent it ? what minister among us well seated in a good living , or in faire expectance of one , will be content to leave a certaine maintenance , to expose himselfe to the manifold hazards of so long a journey , to rest upon the providence of god , when all is done , for provision for himselfe and his family ? pardon them if they take such ministers as they may have , rather than none at all . hath any conformable minister of worth , and fit for that employment , tendred his service , whom they have rejected ? no man can affirme they have taken such out of choise rather than necessity , unlesse it be manifested where they have refused others whom they might have had . but there are some unconformable men amongst them , yea and men of worse condition too ? and if there were no drunkards nor covetous persons nor vicious any way , it would and might justly move all the world to admiration . but there is great oddes betweene peaceable men , who out of tendernesse of heart forbeare the use of some ceremonies of the church , ( whom this state in some things thinkes fit to winke at , and it may be would doc more if it were assured of their temper ) and men of fiery and turbulent spirits , that walke in a crosse way out of distemper of minde . now suppose some of those men that ( knowing the disposition of their owne mindes , how unable they are to bring their hearts to answer the course of our churches practise in all things ) consider that their contrary practise gives distaste to government , and occasions some disturbance unto the churches peace , upon that ground withdraw themselves for quietnesse sake : would not such dispositions be cherished with great tendernesse ? and surely , as farre as guesse by circumstances may leade us , we have more cause to thinke that they are so minded than otherwise ; because this will certainely be the consequent of their going out from amongst us , which they cannot but foresee : and if they had meant otherwise , their way had beene to remaine in the midst of us as thornes in our eyes , and prickes in our sides , and not to depart from us : seeing wee know it is the remaining of the thorne in the midst of the flesh which torments ; the plucking it out , and casting it away breedes ease and quietnesse . i should be very unwilling to hide any thing i thinke might be fit to discover the uttermost of the intentions of our planters in their voyage to new-england , and therefore shall make bold to manifest not onely what i know , but what i guesse concerning their purpose . as it were absurd to conceive they have all one minde , so were it more ridiculous to imagine they have all one scope . necessitie may presse some ; noveltie draw on others ; hopes of gaine in time to come may prevaile with a third sort : but that the most and most sincere and godly part have the advancement of the gospil for their maine scope i am cōfident . that of them , some may entertaine hope and expectation of enjoying greater libertie there than here in the use of some orders and ceremonies of our church it seemes very probable . nay more then that , it is not improbable , that partly for their sakes , and partly for respect to some germans that are gone ouer with them , and more that intend to follow after , euen those which otherwise would not much desire innovation of themselves , yet for the maintaining of peace and unitie , ( the onely 〈◊〉 of a weake unsetled body will ) be wonne to consent to some variation from the formes & customes of our church . nay i see not how we can expect from them a correspondence in all things to our state civill or ecclesiasticall : wants and necessities cannot but cause many changes . the churches in the apostles & in the setled times of peace afterwards were much different in many outward formes . in the maine of their carriage two things may moue them to vary much from us : respect to the heathen , before whom it concernes them to shew much pietie , sobrietie , and austeritie ; and the consideration of their owne necessities will certainely enforce them to take away many things that we admit , and to introduce many things that wee reject , which perhaps will minister much matter of sport and scorne unto such as have relations of these things , and that represented unto them with such additions as same usually weaves into all reports at the second and third hands . the like by this their varying in ciuill conversation , wee may expect of the alteration of some things in church affayres . it were bootlesse to expect that all things will or can be at the first forming of a rude and incohaerent body , as they may be found in time to come ; and it were strange and a thing that never yet happened , if wee should heare a true report of all things as they are . but that men are farre enough from projecting the erecting of this colony for a nursery of schismatickes , will appeare by the ensuing faithfull and unpartiall narration of the first occasions , beginning , and progresse of the whole worke , layd before the eyes of all that desire to receive satisfaction , by such as have beene privie to the very first conceiving and contriving of this project of planting this colony , and to the severall passages that have happened since , who also in that they relate , consider they have the searcher of all hearts and observer of all mens wayes witnesse of the truth and falsehood that they deliver . about ten yeares since a company of english , part out of the low-countryes , and some out of london , and other parts , associating themselves into one body , with an intention to plant in virginia : in their passage thither being taken short by the winde , in the depth of winter the whole ground being under snow , were forced with their provisions to land themselves in new-england upon a small bay beyond mattachusets , in the place which they now inhabit and call by the name of new-plinmouth . the ground being covered a foote thicke with snow , and they being without shelter , and having amongst them divers women and children , no marvell if , they lost some of their company , it may bee wondered how they saved the rest . but notwithstanding this sharpe encounter at the first , and some miscarriages afterward , yet , ( conceiving gods providence had directed them unto that place , and finding great charge and difficultie in removing ) they resolved to fixe themselves there ; and being assisted by some of their friends in london , having passed over most of the greatest difficulties that usually encounter new planters , they beganne to subsist at length in a reasonable comfortable manner : being notwithstanding men but of meane and weake estates of themselves . and after a yeares experience or two of the soyle and inhabitants , sent home tydings of both , and of their well-being there , which occasioned other men to take knowledge of the place , and to take it into consideration . about the yeare . some westerne marchants ( who had continued a trade of fishing for cod and bartering for furres in those parts for divers yeares before ) conceiving that a colony planted on the coast might further them in those employments , bethought themselves how they might bring that project to effect , and communicated their purpose to others , alledging the conveniency of compassing their proiect with a small charge , by the opportunitie of their fishing trade , in which they accustomed to double-man their ships , that ( by the helpe of many hands ) they might dispatch their voyage , and lade their ship with fish while the fishing season lasted , which could not be done with a bare sayling company . now it was conceived , that the fishing being ended the spare men that were above their necessary saylers , might be left behind with provisions for a yeare ; and when that ship returned the next yeare , they might assist them in fishing , as they had done the former yeare ; and , in the meane time , might employ themselves in building , and planting corne , which with the provisions of fish , foule , and venison , that the land yeelded , would affoord them the chiefe of their foode . this proposition of theirs tooke so well , that it drew on divers persons , to joyne with them in this project , the rather because it was conceived that not onely their owne fishermen , but the rest of our nation that went thither on the same errand , might be much advantaged , not onely by fresh victuall , which that colony might spare them in time , but withall , and more , by the benefit of their ministers labours , which they might enjoy during the fishing season ; whereas otherwise being usually upon those voyages nine or ten moneths in the yeare , they were left all the while without any meanes of instruction at all . compassion towards the fishermen , and partly some expectation of gaine , prevailed so farre that for the planting of a colony in new-england there was raised a stocke of more then three thousand pounds , intended to be payd in in fiue yeares , but afterwards disbursed in a shorter time . how this stocke was employed , and by what errours and over-sights it was wasted , is i confesse not much pertinent to this subject in hand : notwithstanding , because the knowledge thereof may be of use for other mens direction , let me crave leave in a short digression to present vnto the readers view , the whole order of the managing of such monies as were collected , with the successe and issue of the businesse vndertaken . chap. viii . a digression manifesting the successe of the plantation intended by the westerne men . the first imployment then of this new raised stocke , was in buying a small ship of fiftie tunnes , which was with as much speed as might be dispatched towards new-england vpon a fishing voyag : the third yeare . both ships with a small vessell of fortie tuns which carried kine with other prouisions , were againe set to sea upon the same voyage with the charge of two thousand pounds , of which summe the company borrowed , & became indebted for one thousand pounds and upwards . the great ship being commanded by a uery able master , hauing passed on about two hundred leagues in her voyage , found her selfe so leake by the carpenters fault , ( that looked not well to her calking ) that she bare up the helme and returned for waymouth , & having unladen her provisions and mended her leake , set her selfe to sea againe ; resolving to take aduice of the windes whether to passe on her former . voyage or to turne into new-found-land , which she did , by reason that the time was so far spent , that the master and company dispaired of doing any good in new-england : where the fish falls in two or three mounths sooner then at new found land . there she tooke fish good store and much more then she could lade home : the overplus should have beene sold and deliuered to some sacke or other sent to take it in there , if the voyage had beene well mannaged . but that could-not be done by reason that the ship before she went was not certaine where to make her fish ; by this accident it fell out that a good quantitie of the fish she tooke was cast away , and some other part was brought home in another ship. at the returne of the ships that yeare , fish by reason of our warres with spaine falling to a very low rate ; the company endevoured to send the greater ship for france : but she being taken short with a contrary winde in the west-country , and intelligence given in the meane time that those markets were over-laid , they were en-forced to bring her backe againe , and to sell her fish at home as they might . which they did , and with it the fish of the smaller ship , the new-england fish about ten shillings the hundred by tale or there about ; the new-found-land fish at six shillings foure pence the hundred , of which was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised vpon it after the ships returne : by this reason the fish which at a market in all likely-hood might have yeelded well nigh two thousand pounds , amounted not with all the provenue of the voyage to aboue eleaven hundred pounds . vnto these losses by fishing were added two other no small disaduantages , the one in the country by our land-men , who being ill chosen and ill commanded , fell into many disorders and did the company little seruice : the other by the fall of the price of shipping , which was now abated to more then the one halfe , by which meanes it came to passe , that our ships which stood vs in little lesse then twelue hundred pounds , were sold for foure hundred and eighty pounds . the occasions and meanes then of wasting this stocke are apparently these . first , the ill choice of the place for fishing ; the next , the ill carriage of our men at land , who having stood vs in two yeares and a halfe in well nigh one thousand pound charge , never yeelded one hundred pound profit . the last the ill sales of fish and shipping . by all which the aduenturers were so far discouraged , that they abandoned the further prosecution of this designe , and tooke order for the dissoluing of the company on land , and sold away their shipping and other provisions . two things withall may be intimated by the way , the first , that the very proiect it selfe of planting by the helpe of a fishing voyage , can never answer the successe that it seemes to promise ( which experienced fisher-men easily have foreseene before hand , and by that meanes haue preuented divers ensuing errors ) whereof amongst divers other reasons these may serue for two . first that no sure fishing place in the land is fit for planting , nor any good place for planting found fit for fishing , at least neere the shoare . and secondly , rarely any fisher-men will worke at land , neither are husband-men fit for fisher-men but with long vse & experience . the second thing to be obserued is , that nothing new fell out in the managing of this stocke seeing experience hath taught vs that as in building houses the first stones of the foundation are buried vnder ground , and are not seene , so in planting colonies , the first stockes employed that way are consumed , although they serue for a foundation to the worke . chap. ix . the vndertaking and prosecution of the colony by the londoners . bvt to returne to our former subiect from which we digressed . vpon the manifestation of the westerne aduenturers resolution to give off their worke , most part of the land-men being sent for , returned ; but a few of the most honest and industrious resolved to stay behinde and to take charge of the cattell sent over the yeare before ; which they performed accordingly : and not likeing their seate at cape anne chosen especially for the supposed commoditie of fishing , they transported themselues to nahum , keike , about foure or fiue leagues distant to the south-west from cape anne . some then of the aduenturers that still continued their desire to set forwards the plantation of a colony there ; conceiving that if some more cattell were sent over to those few men left behinde ; they might not onely be a meanes of the comfortable subsisting of such as were already in the country ; but of inviting some other of their friends and acquaintance to come over to them : aduentured to send over twelue kine and buls more . and conferring casually with some gentlemen of london , moved them to adde vnto them as many more . by which occasion the businesse came to agitation a-fresh in london , and being at ration ) are nothing else but the fruits of jealousie of some distempered minde , or which is worse , perhaps , savour of a desperate malicious plot of men ill affected to religion , endevouring by casting the vndertakers into the jealousie of state , to shut them out of those advantages which otherwise they doe and might expect from the countenance of authoritie . such men would be entreated to forbeare that base and unchristian course of traducing innocent persons , under these odious names of separatists and enemies to the church and state , for feare least their owne tongues fall upon themselves by the justice of his hand who will not fayle to cleare the innocency of the just , and to cast backe into the bosome of every slaunderer the filth that he rakes up to throw in other mens faces . as for men of more indifferent and better tempered mindes , they would be seriously advised to beware of entertaining and admitting , much more countenancing and crediting such uncharitable persons as discover themselves by their carriage , and that in this particular , to be men ill affected towards the worke it selfe , if not to religion ( at which it aymes ) and consequently unlikely to report any truth of such as undertake it . chap. x. the conclusion of the whole treatise . now for the better preventing of such suspitions and jealousies , and the ill affections to this worke , that may arise thereupon ; two things are earnestly requested of such as passe their censures upon it , or the persons that undertake it . the first is , that although in this barien and corrupt age wherein we live , all our actions are generally swayed and carryed on by private interests ; in so much as sincere intentions of furthering the common good ; ( grounded upon that love through which wee are commanded to serve one another ) be the wonders of men ; notwithstanding men would not thinke it impossible , that the love which waxeth cold and dyeth in the most part , yet may revive and kindle in some mens hearts : and that there may be found some that may neglect their case and profit to doe the church good and god service , out of a sincere love and affection to gods honour and the churches good . why may not wee conceive that god may prevaile upon the hearts of his servants , to set them on as effectually to seeke the inlargement of his kingdome ; as a blind zeale fomented by the art and subtiltie of satan may thrust on priests and iesuites , and their partisans , to engage their persons and estates for the advancing of the devils kingdome ? or if in the worlds infancy , men out of an ambitious humour , or at present for private advantages and expectation of gaine , thrust themselves out from their owne dwellings into parts farre remote from their native soyle ; why should not we conceive , that if they doe this for a corruptible crowne ; that the desire and expectation of an incorruptible ( the reward of such as deny themselves for the service of god and his church ) may as strongly allure such as by patient cōtinuance in well-doing , seeke immortalitie & life ? and yet the favourable conceits that men entertaine of such as follow in all their actions the wayes of their private gaine , and the jealousies that they are apt to entertaine of such as pretend onely the advancement of the gospell , manifestly argue that the generall opinion of the world is that some may be true to themselves and the advancement of their owne private estates , but hardly any to god and his church . i should be very unwilling to thinke , they cherish this suspition upon that ground that moved that sensuall emperour to beleeve that no man was cleane or chaste in any part of his body , because himselfe was defiled and uncleane in all . this is then the first favour that is desired , of such as consider this action , to beleeve that it is neither impossible nor unlikely that these mens intentions are truely and really such as they pretend , and not collours and cloakes for secret dangerous purposes , which they closely harbour in their breasts , especially when all apparant circumstances concurre to justifie the contrary . the next request that is presented to all indifrerent minded men is ; that they would be pleased to set before their eyes that which hath beene alreadie mentioned , that as there followed the children of israel a mixt multitude out of egypt , so it is probable there may doe these men out of england , and that of divers tempers : some perhaps men of hot and fiery spirits , making change and innovation their scope , may conceive that ( when they see that for the desire and care of preserving unitie and love , and taking away occasions of offence to tender consciences , some changes and alterations are yeelded unto ) they have gained what they expect , and may as fondly triumph in their supposed victory , as if they had overthrowne all order and discipline ; as they doe absurdly mistake the grounds and ends which the course of government proposeth and aymeth at : and thereupon in their relations to their friends , represent things not as they are really done and intended , but as they apprehend them in their fantasies . others there will be that prooving refractary to government , expecting all libertie in an unsetled body ; and finding the restraint of authority , contrary to expectation , in their discontented humours , meeting with no other way of revenge , may be ready to blemish the government with such scandalous reports as their malicious spirits can devise and utter . now although some say , that malice is a good informer , notwithstanding no wise or good man admits it for a fit iudge ; if therefore men will be pleased to forbeare the over-hastie beliefe of such reports , as shall be sent over or given out , either by men of foolish and weake mindes or distempered humors , untill they receive more assured satisfaction from such as understand and are acquainted with the grounds and secret passages of the affayres of government , they shall keepe their owne hearts upon the even-ballance of a right judgement , and provide for the innocency of those upon whom they passe their censure . if by these meanes jealousies and suspitions may be prevented , i make no question but the relations which this worke hath both to the state and church , will upon mature advise so farre prevaile with all well-minded men , as to move them not onely to affoord their prayers for the prosperous successe of this new planted colony , that from small and contemptible beginnings , it may grow to a setled and well formed church ; but with all their best furtherance , consilio , auxilio , re , by advise , friends , and purses . which howsoever the principalls of this worke , out of their modestie , crave not , yet the necessary burdens which so weightie an undertaking chargeth them withall , will certainely inforce them to need , whatsoever men judge to the contrary . neither is or will the burden be intolerable to this state ; a common stocke of ten thousand pound may be sufficient to support the weight of generall charges of transporting and maintaining ministers , schoole-masters , commanders for warres ; and erecting of such buildings as will be needfull for publique use for the present ; and for time to come it cannot be questioned but the colony it selfe having once taken roote , when mens labours beginne to yeeld them any fruit , will be found sufficient to beare her own burden . alas , what were it for a marchant or a gentleman of reasonable estate , to disburse twentie-fiue pound or fiftie pound , for the propagating of the gospell , who casts away in one yeare much more upon superfluities in apparell , dyet , buildings , &c : and let men seriously weigh and consider with themselves , whether a worke of so great importance , so neerely concerning gods honour , and the service of the church calling upon them ( as lazarus upon dives ) for some of the wast of their superfluous expences ; if they lend a deafe eare to the motion , will not assuredly plead strongly against them at the barre of christs judgementfeate at the last day ? nay , what a scorne would it be to the religion we professe , that we should refuse to purchase the propagation of it at so easie a rate , when the popish partie charge themselves with such excessiue expences ; for the advancement of idolatry and superstition ? it s true , it will be valued at a low rate , that the colony is able to returne you againe by way of recompence ; perhaps the enjoying of such immunities and priviledges , as his majestie hath beene pleased to grant unto them , and an hundred or two hundred acres of land to every man that shall disburse twentie-fiue pound , and so for more proportionablie , for the raising of the common stocke ; yet their posteritie ( if not themselves ) may have cause in time to come , to acknowledge it a good purchase that was made at so low a rate : but if they lend , looking for nothing againe , wee know the promise luk. . . he is no looser , that hath made god his debter . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e . that colonies have their warrant from god. . argument from gods commandement . . argument from gods gift of the earth to men . . argument from the law of marriage . . argument from the benefit that comes to mens outward estates . . argument is from the furthering of godlinesse and honesty . . argument from the aduancement of gods glory . . argument from the abilities wherewith god furnisheth men for this worke . . reason from the miraculous opening of the passage to these parts of the world . . reason from the nearnesse of the jewes conversion . . argument from the opportunity of the sea. . argument from our owne practice alreadie . . argument from our fitnes to the maine end of colonies , the planting of true religion . . argument or occasion , trade into the countrey . . the fitnesse of the countrey for our health and maintenance . . argument from the emptinesle of the land. . argument from the usefulnesse of that colony to this state. . in our fishing voyages . . argument the benefit of such a colony to the natives . . obiection , from experience of the ill successe of colonies . your reward shall be great , and you shall be the childrē of the highest luk. . . the present state of new-england impartially considered in a letter to the clergy. palmer, john, - ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the present state of new-england impartially considered in a letter to the clergy. palmer, john, - ? f. l. p. printed for samuel green, [boston, mass. : ] by john palmer. imprint from evans. caption title. signed on p. : f.l. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . massachusetts -- politics and government -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of nevv-england impartially considered , in a letter to the clergy . reverend sirs . two moneths have already past away , since with astonishment i have beheld the most deplorable condition of our countrey ; into what a chaos of confusion and distraction have we run our selves ? and in what a labrinth of miseries and perplexityes are we involved ? 't is high time now to make some serious reflections on the state of our affairs . in the first place therefore , 't will be necessary to examine our selves , and to consider , . for what reasons , and to what end did we take up arms ? . whether those reasons be substantial , and such as carry with them weight enough to justifie the act ; and whether the proposed end can be obtained by such methods ? . if not , what will be the event , and whether any way be left open to us for a peaceable and friendly settlement ? although there be some ( not of the meanest capacities ) among us , who are of opinion , that a few persons to gratisie their malice , ambition or revenge have been the plotters & contrivers of our unhappy troubles , and the better to carry it on have made use of the deluded countrey men , as the monkey did the cat 's foot to pluck the chesnut out of the fire ▪ yet i shall not lightly be over credulous in that matter , nor give entertainment to such suggestions ; i shall onely therefore instance such things as conversation & report have brought to my knowledge , or as i shall find obvious in the declaration ; the summe of which is , that above ten years since , there was an horrid popish plot in the kingdome of england , in which the extirpation of the protestant religion was designed . that there was great reason to apprehend the reformed churches of new-england , were to be overwhelmed in the same pit of ruine and destruction . that the better to effect it , our charter ( the onely hedge which kept us from the wild beasts of the field ) was both injuriously and illegally condemned , before it was possible for us to appear at westminster in the legall defence of it , and without a faire leave to answer for our selves that by an illegall commission we were put under a president and councill , which was soon superseded by another more arbitrary and absolute to sr. edmond andros , giving him power , by the advice of his councill , to make lawes and levy taxes as he pleased , to muster and imploy all persons resident in the territory , as occasion should require , and them to transfer to any english plantation . that severall red-coats were brought over , to support what should be imposed upon us , and more threatned . that preferments were principally loaden on strangers and haters of the people . that we were squeez'd and oppress'd by a crew of abject persons from new-york , who took and extorted extraordinary and intolerable fees. that it was impossible to know the lawes that were made , and yet dangerous to break them . that by some in open councill , and by the same in private converse , it was affirmed , that the people in new-england were all slaves , and the onely difference between them and slaves , was their not being bought and sould ; and that it was a maxim delivered in open court , by one of the councill , that we must not think the priviledge of english men would follow us to the end of the world. that we were denied the priviledge of magna charta , and that persons who did but peaceably object against raising taxes without an assembly , were for it severely fined . that juries have been picked and pack'd , and that some people have been fined without a verdict , yea without a jury . that some people have been kept long in prison , without any information against them , or being charged with any misdemeanour , or habeas corpus allowed . that jury-men were fined and imprisoned , for refusing to lay their hand on the booke , as they came to be sworn , contrary to the common law of new-england . that there was a discovery made of flaws in the titles of our lands : and that the governour denied that there was any such thing as a towne among us . that writts of intrusion were issued out . that the governour caused our lands to be measur'd out for his creatures , and that the right owners for pulling up the stakes have been grievously molested . that more than a few were by terrours drawne to take patents at excessive rates . that the forceing of the people at the east-ward thereto , gave a rise to the late unhappy invasion by the indians . that blanke patents were got ready , to be sold at great prices , and severall persons had their commons begg'd . that the governour and five or six of the councill , did what they would , and that all such who were lovers of their countrey were seldome admitted . that all manner of craft and rage was used to hinder mr. mather's voyage to england , and to ruine his person . that allthough the king promised mr. mather a magna charta for redresse of grievances , and that the governour should be writ unto , to forbeare those measures that he was upon ; yet we were still injured in those very things which were complained of . that our ministers and churches have been discountenanced . that we were imbriared in an indian-warre , and that the officers and souldiers in the army were under popish commanders . that the rest of the english plantations , being alarm'd with just fears of the french , who have treated the english with more than turkish cruelty , could not but stirr us up to take care for our owne preservation , lest we should be delivered to the french , before orders could come from his higness the prince of orange , and the parliament of england . that we have for our example the nobility , gentry and commons of england , and above all we esteeme it our duty to god so to have done . thus far have i traced the declaration , and do not know that any one thing materiall is omitted , i shall now mention some other things which have occurr'd . 't was credibly reported , that boston and all the inhabitants were to be destroyed , and to that end the mahawks were to be brought down . that there were severall fire-workes prepared in the fort , and vaults dugg under ground to blow up the towne . that the souldiers at the east-ward were all poisoned with rumm . that there were thirty sail of french frigots upon the coast . with severall other things which i cannot recollect . these are the principall reasons alledged for our takeing up arms : now the end can be no other than the redresse of those evills complained of . the next thing then to be considered of is , whether all or any of the reasons aforesaid , are sufficient to justifie our proceedings , and whether the proposed end can be attained by such measures . first then , that there was an horrid popish plott , is without doubt , and if england at that time had fallen under the yoak of roman tyranny and thraldome , t is as certainly true new-england must have undergone the same fate : but that this should be used or introduced as a reason or argument for vacating our charter is beyond my conception ; for fire and sword were the designed instruments and ministers of their barbarous and hellish contrivance : and if they had once prevailed , how weak a rampart would our charter have been against so cruell and powerfull an enemy ? would a blood thirsty and conquering papist have made westminster-hall the arbiter ? certainly , no ; we must have received our law from the mouth of the cannon , and our hedge would have been broke downe with a great deal of ease . is it reasonable to imagine , that after they had waded through the blood of king and nobles to their wished-for end in old england , they would make use of politicks in new - ? and as preposterous and unreasonable to fancy , that for that end our charter was called in question , especially when we consider that more than four decads of years have allready past since the crowne of england first thought it not fit for us to hold any longer , and severall years after the popish plot was discovered before the scire facias issued out . . that the charter was injuriously and illegally condemned , without giveing us timely notice of it , or allowing us to answer for our selves , might bear some weight with it , if true : but it will appeare quite other wise , and that we had opportunity enough to have made defence on behalfe of our charter , if we had so thought fit , for severall years before the proceedings to the condemnation thereof . our late soveraigne king charles the second , by his letters signified to us the many complaints that were made to him of our encroachments , and ill-administration of the government , and commanded that we should send over agents sufficiently authorized , to answer the same , which we at length so far complyed with , as to send agents , who when they were called to hear and answer the said complaints , alwaies excused and avoided the principall parts thereof pretending they were not sufficiently impowered for that purpose ; and after , other agents fully impowered to answer , but not to submit or conclude any thing : and when his majesty was pleased to cause a writt of quo warranto to be sued forth , against our charter , and sent over with his gracious declaration , and proposals of such regulations to be made therein , as might be agreeable with his majesties service & the good & well-fare of his subjects here , and required an entire submission from us therein ; our generall court would not submit to , or comply therewith ; onely a letter was sent to the right honourable sr. lionell jenkins , then secretary of state , dated the . of december , subscribed by the governour & eight of the assistants onely ; wherein after the acknowledgement of their haveing had a copy of the quo warranto and his majesties declaration , they say that the major part of the magistrates have for severall weeks declared their opinion , and voted to lay themselves at his majesties feet , by an humble submission and resignation of themselves to his majesties pleasure ; not being willing to contend with his majestie in a course of law , but by the next opportunity to dispatch their agents fully impowered to make their submission according to his majesties said declaration , but by no means can at present obtain the consent of the deputyes whereby to make it an act of the corporation , and therefore have agreed with them to a power of attourney-ship , to save a default , in hopes that further time will prevail to dispatch their agents accordingly , and shall earnestly endeavour to give the people a better understanding before the next ships saile from hence : his majesty by this finding that all the easie meanes he had used could not bring us to any answer , for the crimes and misdemeanours laid to our charge , nor produce any thing else but bassles and delayes , gave order to his attourney generall to sue out a writ of scire facias out of the high court of chancery , against our governour and company , which was accordingly done , directed to the sheriffs of london &c. and made returnable in easter terme , in the yeare of his majesties reigne , wherein they were required to make knowne to the said governour & company at london , that they may appeare in his majesties high court of chancery at westminster , on the day of the returne thereof , to shew cause wherefore the said charter for the reasons in the said writt of scire facias mentioned and contained , should not be made void , null , and cancelled , and the liberties and priviledges thereby granted to the said governour and company be seized into the king's hands ; upon which writt the said governour and company not appearing , another writt of scire facias of the same tenour issued forth , returnable in trinity terme then next following , when the said governour and company appeared by their constituted attourney and councill , but refused to plead to the said writt , onely moved for time to send hither , which not being agreeable with the rules and practice of the court in such cases , could not be allowed : but in favour to them a rule was made , that unless they pleaded by the first day of the then next michaelmas-terme , judgement should be entered by default . and in that terme for default of pleading , judgement was enterd on his majesties behalfe , and the said charter adjudged to be void , null , and cancelled , and that the liberties and priviledges of the said governour and company be seized into the kings hands , which was accordingly done , by the exemplification of the said judgement in the reigne of king james the second , and by his majesties commission to a president and councill to take the government of this countrey : all which proceedings are most just and and legall , according to the rules and practice of the law of england , and agreeable with many precedents of the like nature , both ancient and moderne . besides : all companies , corporations , or bodies politick , made or granted by letters patents or charter from his majesty , for any parts or places beyond the seas , are by themselves or agents , to be always ready to answer his majesty in any of his courts at westminster , when he shall think sit to order any suite , or writt to be sued and prosecuted against them ; and are supposed to be resident in or about london or westminster for that purpose , as the east-india , royall-affrican , bermudas , and hudson-bay companies are , who have their trade , factories , colonies and plantations abroad in asia , affrica , and america : and in the like state and condition ought the company and corporation of the massathusetts bay in new-england to be , according to the capacities given them by their incorporation of sueing and being sued , pleading & being impleaded ; wherein if we have neglected our duty , as well as exceeded our powers and priviledges granted , and would not put our selves into a condition to be heard when we ought and might , it is not his majesty nor the proceedings of his courts that are to be blamed but our selves . . that there was a commission sent to the president , and the successive one to sr. edmond andross , are both true , but that they were illegall , is a position a little too confidently asserted by the penman , who seems to be more a clergy-man than a lawyer ; but because the well clearing up of this point will be of great service to the subsequent discourse , 't will not be amiss that it be throughly considered . i shall therefore lay downe this as a certaine maxime , both consonant to reason & the lawes of the land : that those kingdomes , principalities , and colonies which are of the dominion of the crowne of england , and not of the empire of the king of england , are subject to such lawes , ordinances and forms of government as the crowne shall think fit to establish . that new-england and all the plantations are subject to the dominion of the crowne of england , and not to the empire of the king of england : therefore , the crowne of england may rule and governe them in such manner as it shall thinke most fit . for the proofe of which i shall instance wales , which was once a kingdome or territory governed by its owne lawes , but when it became of the dominion of the crowne of england , either by submission or conquest , it became subject also to such lawes as king edward the first ( to whome they submitted ) thought fit to impose : as may plainly appeare in the preamble of the statute of rutland . leges et consuetudines , partium illarum hactenus usitatas , coram nobis et proceribus regni nostri fecimus recitari , quibus diligenter auditis , et plenius intellectis , quasdam illarum de consilio procerum predictorum delevimus , quasdam permissimus , et quasdam correximus , et etiam quasdam alias adjiciendas et faciendas decrevimus , et eas de caetero in terris nostris in partibus illis perpetua firmitate , teneri et observari volumus , in forma subscripta . in english thus , we have caused the lawes and customs of those parts hitherto used , to be recited before us and the peers of our realme , which being diligently heard & more fully understood , some of them , by the advice of our peers aforesaid , we have obliterated , some we have allowed , and some we have corrected , and have also decreed that some others shall be made and added to them ; and we will , that for the future they be holden & observed in our lands in those parts with perpetual firmnesse , in manner herein after expressed . — then follow the ordinances appointing writts originall and judiciall in many things varying from those of england , and a particular manner of proceeding . and againe in the close of the said statute , et ideo vobis mandamus quod permissa de caetero in omnibus observaetis , ita tantum , quod quotiescunque et quandocunque et ●bicunque nobis placuerit , possimus praedicta statuta et eorum partes singulas declarare , interpretari , addere sive diminuere pro nostrae libi●o voluntatis prout securitati nostrae , et terrae nostrae viderimus expediri : and therefore we command you that from hence foreward you observe the premises in all things so onely , that as often , whensoever and wheresoever we please , we may declare , interpret , add to and diminish from the said statutes and every part of them according to our will and pleasure , so as we shall see it expedient for the safety of us and our land aforesaid . in the next place i shall instance ireland : that it is a conquered kingdome is not doubted , [ co. rep. fol. . a. ] but admitted in calvins case , and by an act of the th , th , and th , of king james , acknowledged in expresse words , viz. whereas in former times the conquest of this realme by his majesties most royal progenitors kings of england , &c. that by virtue of the conquest it became of the dominion of the crowne of england , and subject to such lawes as the conquerour thought fit to impose , untill afterwards by the charters and commands of h. the second , king john , and h. the . they were entituled to the lawes & franchises of england ; as by the said charters , reference being thereunto had , may more fully appeare . i shall onely instance two . the first is out of the close rolls of h. the . wherein the king , after thanks given to g. de mariscis ▪ justice of ireland , signifies , that himself and all other his leiges of ireland should enjoy the liberties which he had granted to his leiges of england , and that he will grant & confirm the same unto them : [ claus . . h. . dorso ] which afterwards in the th yeare of his reigne he did : as followeth , rex dilecto et sideli suo richardo de burgo justiciar● ; suo hibern ▪ , salutem : mandavimus vobis firmiter precipientes , quatenus certo die & loco faciatis venire coram vobis , archiepiscopos , episcopos , abbates , priores , cometes & barones , milites & libere tenentes , et balivos singulorum comitatuum , et coram eis publice legi faciatis chartam domini johannis regis , patris nostri , cui sigillum suum appensum est , quam fieri fecit , et jurari a magnatibus hiberniae de legibus et consuetudinibus angliae observandis in hibernia . et precipiatis eis ex parte nostra , quod leges illas & consuetudines in charta praedicta contentas , de caetero firmiter teneant et observent . the king to his faithfull and beloved richard de burg justice of ireland greeting ; we have commanded you , firmly injoining you , that on a certain day and place , you make to come before you , the archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earles , barons , knights , & free-holders , and the baylifs of every county , and before them you cause to be publickly read , the charter of the lord king john our father to which his seal is affixed , and which he caused to be made and sworne to by the nobility of ireland , concerning the lawes and customs of england , to be observed in ireland . and command them on our behalfe , that for the future they firmly keep and observe those laws and customs conteined in the charter aforesaid , by all which it is evident that after the conquest , and before the recited charters , the inhabitants there , altho' composed of many free-borne english subjects who settled themselves among them , were neither govern'd by theire owne laws , nor the laws of england , but according to the good pleasure of the conqueror : and if you will take the opinion of sr. edward cooke in his annotations on the great charter , he tells you plainly that at the makeing thereof it did not extend to ireland , or any of the king 's forreigne dominions , but after the making of poynings law , which was in the th yeare of h. the th ( long after the great charter ) it did extend to ireland . i have onely one instance more , and that is the vsage of forreigne nations in theire plantations and settlements abroad . the government of the vnited provinces & denmarke are well knowne in europe , and yet in all theire plantations , their governments are despoticall and absolute ; all the power is in the hands of a governour & councill , and every thing is ordered and appointed by them ; as is well knowne to those that are acquainted with batavia , surinam , curasao , new-yorke ( when formerly in their hands ) and the island of st. thomas . by which it is it evident that those kingdoms and principalities which are of the dominion of the crowne of england , are subject to such laws , ordinances , and methods of government , as that crowne shall think sit to establish . the next thing then to be proved is , that new-england , and all the english colonies are subject to the dominion of the crowne of england , as wales and ireland are , and not to the empire of the king of england , as scotland is , 't is a fundamentall point consented unto by all christian nations , that the first discovery of a countrey inhabited by insidells , gives a right and dominion of that countrey to the prince in whose service and employment the discoverers were sent . thus the spaniard claimes the west-indies , the portungals , brasile , and thus the english these northern parts of america ; for sebastian cabott imployed by king h. the th . was the first discoverer of these parts , and in his name took possession , which his royall successours have held and continued ever since , therefore they are of the dominion of the crowne of england , and as such they are accounted by that excellent lawyer sr. john vaughan , in his reports [ vaugh. rep. craw versus ramsey . ] which being granted , the conclusion must necessarily be good , and it will follow , that englishmen permitted to be transported into the plantations , ( for thither without the kings licence we cannot come ) can pretend to no other liberties , priviledes or immunities there , than anciently the subejcts of england who removed themselves into ireland could have done : for 't is from the grace and favour of the crowne alone that all these flow and are dispensed at the pleasure of him that sits on the throne : which is plaine in the great charter it-selfe ; where after the liberties therein granted by the king it concludes thus , — tenendas & habendas de nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum , to have and to hold of us and our heires for ever , which by the learned sr. edward cooke is thus explained : these words ( saith he ) are not inserted to make a legall tenure of the king , but to intimate that all liberties at first were derived from the crowne . [ instit . pag. . fol. . ] barbadoes , jamaica , the leeward-islands & virginia have their assemblies , but , it is not sui juris , 't is from the grace & favour of the crowne signified by letters patents under the broad seale . but these assemblies have not power to enforce any act by them made above one year ; the king haveing in all the consessions granted them , reserved unto himselfe , the annulling or continuance of what laws they make , according to his pleasure . new-england had a charter , but no one will be so stupid to imagine that the king was bound to grant it us : neither can we without impeaching the prudent conduct and discretion of our fore-fathers , so much as think , they would put themselves to so vast an expence , and unnecessary trouble to obtain that which as englishmen , they thought themselves to have a sufficient right to before : we owe it onely to the grace and favour of our soveraigne , and if we had made beter use of it to promote the ends for which it was granted , the weight of those afflictions under which we now groan would not have laine so heavy upon us , at least we should have less deserved them . besides , the parliament of england have never by any act of theirs favoured the plantations , or declared or enlarged their priviledges ; but have all along plainly demonstrated that they were much differenced from england , and not to have those priviledges and liberties which england enjoyed ; being in all acts relateing to the plantations , restrained and burthened beyond any in england , as appears by the several acts made for the encreasing of navigation and for regulating and securing the plantation trade . i think i have both by good authority , practice & precedent , made it plaine , that the plantations are of the dominion of the crown of england , and without any regard to magna charta , may be ruled and governed , by such wayes and methods , as the person who wears that crowne , for the good and advancement of those settlements , shall think most proper and convenient . therefore ▪ neither the commission to the president , nor that to sr. edmond a●dros can be said to be illegall . since then such an one might lawfully be granted , we have grea● reason to commend the moderation of the gentleman , who was entrusted with it , and so returne thanks to almighty god for placeing over us a person endued with that prudence & integrity , that he was so for from exceeding his commission , that he never put in execution the powers therein granted him . have there been any taxes laid upon us , but such as were settled by laws of our owne makeing , any part whereof might be retained & in force after the condemnation of our charter that the king thought ●it . who hath been transferr'd out of this territory ? or did we ever pay fewer rates than we have done under him ? and whereas it is also alledged in the declaration , that there were courses ▪ taken to damp and spoile the trade , &c. the same is altogether mistaken , ( unlesse by that is meant the irregular trade , used heretofore with forreigners and privateers , contrary to the acts of navigation & the laws of the land ) for the very considerable advance of his majesties revenue ariseing by customs , doth sufficiently demonstrate that the lawfull trade of this territory , was very much encreased under the government of sr. edmond andros . . 't will be but time lost to say any thing of the red-coats , for no man can be so void of sence and reason to think that so many thousand men , which at this day inhabit this colony , could be imposed upon by one hundred red-goats , and if any body hath been so vain as to threaten us with more , i look upon it an effect of passion or folly ; for experience , which certainly is the most convinceing argument in the world , tells us there is no such thing . and haters of the people , i must confesse , i cannot easily comprehend ▪ unless to inhabit fourteen or fifteen years within the territory will make a man such . is their any one gentleman of the councill , that hath either been displaced or put into that station by the authority here ? which of our judges are strangers ? were not three of them brought up amongst us and of our owne communion ? and was not the other in the same imployment in some part of this territority at the time of the annexation ? from whome had the secretary and collector his commission ? certainly from no body here . did the alteration of the government change our treasurer ? is it not the same sr. edmond found here ? is he not a man of estate , good credit and reputation , and one of our owne countrey men ? were not all officers in the government , as well magisteriall as ministeriall , naturall borne english-men , & subjects to the crowne of england ? how then are strangers & haters of the people preferr'd , when there is not one that can reasonably and justly be so term'd in any place of trust or office throughout the dominion ? . who are mean't by abject persons from new-yorke , wants an explanation : for none of the gentlemen that came from thence now in any authority , but are well knowne to have liv'd there for a long time in esteem and reputation enough to merit a better epethite of all good and honest men ; and i believe it will one day appear , that their faithfull discharge of their dutyes , their constancy and steadiness to the church of england , and unshaken loyalty & fidelity to the crowne was their greatest crime . i am not well acquainted what fees were taken , but this i knowe , that a committee of the councill were appointed to make a settlement of fees , for all officers throughout the government , which was effected , approved of , and sent to england , and if any one have exceeded those limits they deserve to be called to account : but it ought to be in a due course of law. for the personal miscarriages of a ministeriall officer , are no sufficient warrant for an insurrection ; neither ought the whole government to be subverted because tom , or harry are ill men . the authority can but provide good and wholsome lawes , for the punishment of evill doers , and cause those lawes to be put in execution against offenders ; but if any one doth me a personall wrong , for which ▪ i have a remedy by law , and i will not take it , i ought not to quarrell with the government , for t is my own ▪ fault , and i might have redresse if i would . personall orimes must be censured personally : and a government ought no more to be scandalized and aspersed , because an extortioner is in it , than because there is a felon or a traitor . . i need not tell you that the statute lawes of england are printed at large , and that many abridgements of them are so likewise , and easie enough to be procured , neither can it be but very well knowne that all the acts of the governour and councill were solemnly publish'd with sound of trumpet as soon as made , and authentic copies afterwards transmitted to the clerks of each respective county throughout the territory : why then it should be said , that it was impossible to know the laws , i see no reason , unless by it is meant the common law , and if so , we may as well quarrell because we do not understand euclide , or aristotle ; for the knowledge of the law cannot be attained without great industry study and experience , and every capacity is not fitted for such an undertaking . ex quovis ligno non fit mercurius . if this was a grievance , what a miserable condition are we in now , that instead of not knowing the law , there is no law for us to know . . what rash or indiscreet expressions may fall from any single person of the councill , either in his private or politick capacity , i will not undertake to justifie ; all men are not endued with qualifications alike , every one in that station ought to give his opinion , as he himselfe understands the matter ; and if any one have unadvisedly uttered words so disagreeable , i know no body injured by it , neither can the government be justly censured for it . . that the priviledges of magna charta , & other liberties of english men were denied us , is a thing which can never be made appear , however admitting it , i have sufficiently discussed that point in the third article . . by the persons said to be severely sined , for peaceble objecting against raising of taxes , without an assembly , i conjecture are meant the ipswich men , who were so far from a peaceable objecting , that they assembled themselves in a riotous manner , and by an instrument conceived in writing , did associate and oblige themselves to stand by each other in opposition to the laws of the government , and by their example influenced their neighbours to do the like . and this by the law is esteem'd an offence of that nature , that it is next door to rebellion , for which they were indicted , tryed , and convicted , either by verdict or their owne confession ▪ . i cannot justifie that sheriffe who doth either pick or pack a jury , t is both repugnant to the law and his oath , and he deserves no favour that can be guilty of such a crime , but let him first be known , & the thing proved , for i do not remember any one that hath been convicted , nor so much as accused for such an offence . . judgement upon deumrrers and defaults are so practicable and warrantable by the law , that nothing can excuse the enumerating them amongst the grieviances in the declaration but the penman's want of knowledge in that profession . t is a maxim , volenti non fit injuria , and when both plaintiffe and defendant do by a joint consent submit to the determination of the court , or by their owne negligence make default ; who hath the wrong ? where is the injury ? this hath been a practice so frequently used in our former government , that no body can be ignorant of it . that any one hath been long imprisoned , without being charged with crime or misdemeanour , is an allegation which i dare be bold to say can never be proved . i have heard an habeas corpus was in one particular case denied , i will not enquire into the reasons of it , nor pretend to justifie it , although much may be said in that matter ; admitting the fact , 't was but a personall injury , for which the law gave an effectuall remedy , and if the party grieved would not make use of such , must the government be in fault ? if we do but consider well how many persons are now under farr worse circumstances , i am sure we cannot but blush when we read that part of the declaration . . that jury men were fined and imprisoned for refuseing to lay their hands on the book , i presume is a mistake , probably they may have been fined for their contempt , and sent to prison for not paying that fine , which by the law may be justified ; for every court may fine any man for a contempt in open court , and they themselves are judges of the contempt . whether it be a forceing of conscience or not , i shall leave to the casuists , but i am very well-satisfied it is not comprehended within the late indulgence , yet admit it were , the judges are sworn to do their duties in their office according to the lawes of the land , prescription is a good & sufficient law , the form of laying the hand on the booke hath been the onely modus of swearing , time out of mind ; therefore the laying the hand on the booke in swearing is a good law , and the judges cannot dispense with it salvo sacramento , if they did , a judgement in such a case would be erroneous & reversable : and 't is dangerous to admit of innovations , the common law of new-england is brought in to warrant the lifting up the hand ; but i take that to be the rara avis in terris , for i challenge the whole territory to produce one precedent of such a resolved case : but perhaps by it prescription is intended , if it be , that will as illy serve the turn as the other ; for the colony hath not been long enough settled to claim any advantage by that right , or if it had , could it be admitted without apparent violation of our charter , being absolutely repugnant to the lawes of england . . fully to discuss the question concerning the titles of our lands , would be a subject to copious for this present designe , therefore i shall onely glance at it as i pass by , being resolved , when time shall serve to declare my opinion more amply on that subject ; in the mean time let every considering man examine well our charter , which is the very basis of all our rights , ( unless we will set up a power above the kings ) and then let him tell me in whome the fee simple of that tract of land betwixt charles river & mirrimack remaines : if in the grantees or their heires , how do we derive our titles from them ? if in the governour and company of the massathusets bay , we must enquire whether pursuant to the directions and powers to them granted , it is by good & sufficient conveyances in the law derived unto us , if we find it so , we must not be disturbed with fears and jealousies , for nothing can hurt us : if not , we are infinitely obliged to those persons who have made us sensible of our weakenesses , in a time when by his majesties letters patents the governour was impowered to supply all such defects , and not upon terms either excessive or unreasonable , but upon such as were both easie & moderate , which will plainly appear to any man who will but give himself the trouble to peruse the table of fees , settled and allowed by the councill . yet still every man was at his own liberty to take a patent of confirmation or to let it alone , which is apparent enough by the many petitions now lying in the secretaries office , which although his excellency was alwayes ready ( so far as in him lay ) to grant , yet the more necessitous affairs of the government , which both he and all about him ever preferr'd to theire private advantage , took up so much of his time , that not above twenty ever past the seale , and i am very well assured , that not one example can be produced that the least compulsion was ever used in this case to any man living within this dominion . . that writts of intrusion were issued out , is doubtlesse true , and the government would have justly merited a severe censure , if all waies should have been free & open for the subject to attaine his right , and none left for the king. we should think our selves highly injured to be refused a capias or any other common writt , and i 'm sure the other is as peremptory a one in the kings case , and had the pen ▪ man been never so little acquainted with the natura brevium , or the register , he would have been ashamed to have stuffed up the declaration with such matter which can be of no other service , than to amuse & deceive ignorant people ▪ have their been any writts of this kind dureing sr. edmond ▪ s administration , taken out against either poor or ignorant persons that had neither purses nor brains to defend themselves : hath it not been against such as both for their estates and capacities , are sufficiently known to be eminent ? and the business of deer-island was brought on for no other intent than that right might be done to the king here , and that the party , if agrieved , might in a regular way have brought it to the councill board in england , for their determination : and i think if this matter were rightly understood , it would be of excellent service to the countrey , for such a judgement would sufficiently instruct us what we have to trust to ; . if the governour did say , there was no such thing amongst us as a towne , what can be inferred from thence ? t is not to be presumed but his discourse tended onely to a body corporate and politick , for we generally call that a towne in america , where a number of people have seated themselves together : yet it s very well known , t is so in name onely not in fact : i take that body of people to be a towne , properly so called , who by some act of law have been incorporated , and in that sence there is no such thing as a towne in the massachusetts , neither was there a power to make such before his excellencies arrivall . for one corporation cannot make another . [ the case of suttons hospital . co rep. ] . i am totally ignorant what is meant by blank patents , for t is the first time i ever heard of such a thing ; neither indeed can such a thing be . for he that takes a patent for his land , doth it in such a form as best pleaseth himself , or as he shall be advised to by his councill , and how any man living can so far know my mind , to prepare such an instrument for me , i leave the world to judge . this notion did arise from one roll of parchment onely , brought over by capt. tanner , and if we do but consider , that all law process was then in parchment , it would serve but a little while for that use ; for it contains not above sixty sheets . i am likewise gropeing in the darke , to finde out how the forceing of the people at the eastward to take patents ( although i know of no such thing done ) gave a rise to the late unhappy invasion by the indians , unless by that meames , they were deprived of those quit-rents and and acknowledgements , which by a base & dishonourable agreement the people of those parts some time since submitted to pay them , as their lords and masters . . that our commons might be begg'd , is not very strange , but that the governour must be criminall because such a thing is asked of him , is the most wonderfull thing in the world . to whome have they been granted , or for which of his creatures have they been measured out ? if lieut ' col ' lidge● be instanced , how came he to be the governour 's creature , that hath so long liv'd among us in reputation equall to the best of us , and whose fortunes were not so narrow that he needed a dependancy upon any body , and estate & interest in charles-town lands equalled if not exceeded any man's there , so his right to the grant ought to be preferr'd . if clarks-island , ( granted to mr. clarke of plimouth ) i must tell you 't is not within the plimouth patent , and therefore grantable at the pleasure of the king , which was the opinion of the councill in that case , and neither of the before-mentioned grants , nor indeed any other , did ever pass without their approbation and consent ; and this is all that i know of that can be objected . . what an age do we live in now , and how wonderful a thing is it , that it should be counted a crime in a land so well govern'd as once new-england was after a legall tryal & conviction , to punish & fine men for a riot and the contempt of authority , in the highest nature imaginable ? for what less was it for the number of three or more to meet together , throw downe & remove the land ▪ marks sett up by the surveyor generall thereunto authorized by the governours warrant ? and thus is the case and no otherwise . . that any of the councill were ever denied admittance to that board ▪ is a thing so appar●●tly false , that i 'm sure not a man amongst them but must justify the governour in that point ; who was alwaies so far from such a method , that altho there was a certain day appointed ed for their meeting every week , well k●●w●e to them all , yet it was a frequent thing for him , to send on purpose to salem , and other neighbouring parts , for the gentlemen that lived there : and i have seen the messengers account , wherein he chargeth a considerable summe of money for horse hire on those errands . 't is very well knowne , his excellency hath waited many houres for several of the gentlemen that live in towne , and would never sit , untill they came . and as he hath never done , nor ordered the least matter relateing to the government , without their advice and consent , so he never did it without a sufficient number to make a quorum , which was seven . . there was never any other course taken , to hinder mr. mather's voyage to england , than what the law allowes , neither can the government , without a great deal of injustice , be charged with any thing relating to that matter , for none in place knew his errand . there was a particular difference between mr. randoph & him , and i never heard of any other course taken by mr. randolph than the ordinary writt in such cases usual , which was so far from retarding his voyage , that an attourny's entring a common appearance in that case , would have been sufficient to have discharged him if the writt had been served . . suppose his majestie promised mr. mather a magna charta , for redress of grievances , and that his excellency should be wrote unto , to forbear the measures he was upon , yet no such thing being done , he was obliged to the observance of his majesties commands , before signified to him in his letters patents , which was a sufficient warrant to him , untill he should receive something subsequent to contradict it . . that our churches and and ministers have been discouraged , is so generall an head , and the rest of the declaration so particular , that it gives me cause to suspect the truth of it , and i shall hardly alter my opinion , until any one of you be instanced who kept himself within his province , and onely meddled with that which belonged to him . t is the church of england , that have most reason to complain , onley we cry whore first . has not their minister been publiquely affronted , & hindred from doing his duty ? what scandalous pamphlets have been printed to vilify the liturgy ? and are not all of that communion daily called papist dogs & rogues to their faces ? how often has the plucking down the church been threatned ? one while , it was to be converted to a schoole , & anon it was to be given to the french protestants ; and whoso will but take the pains to survey the glass windows , will easily discover the marks of a malice not common . i believe t is the first national church that ever lay under such great disadvantages , in a place where those that dissent from her must expect all things from her grace and favour . . should i undertake to recount all the particulars of the late indian rebellion , this would swell to a bulk bigger than ever i designed it , i shall onely tell you , we must look at home for the reasons of those troubles , which is well knowne began when his excellency was at new-york ▪ and that the folly and rashness of the people , drew it on their owne heads . the governours conduct in that affair has been so prudent and discreet , that i have no reason to doubt but the councill , into whose hands all the papers relating to that business did fall , are very well satisfyed with it . things were brought to that pass , that if our unhappy domestic troubles had not intervened , the war before this time would have been advantageously finished , without any rates or taxes on the countrey , for by his excellencies good husbandry , the standing revenue would have desrayed the charge . t is true , we have lost some of our friends and relations , in that expedition , but could the governour keep them alive ? are not diseases in armies , as fatall to men as the sword ? when death comes , t is not to be avoided ; and we see that all our art & care hath not been sufficient to preserve our dearest friends at home , from the greater mortality which hath run thro' the countrey . did any of them dye neglected ? which of them wanted any thing to be had in these parts ? did his excellency lye upon beds of downe , and fare deliciously every day ? no , the same meat , the same drink , the same lodging in their quarters & marches , were common to all , only he was generally the last taken care for . to what a degree of madness & impiety are we then grown , so falesly & maliciously to recriminate a person who hath so generously exposed himself to the hardships of that cold & uncomfortable climate , & the fatigues of war , against a barbarous and savage people ? and certainly if god almighty hath not given us over to believe lies , our eyes must be by this time open , & we cannot but knowe , we have been put-upon , shamm'd and abused ▪ who are popish commanders in the army ? will any man bare-fac'd averr so great an untruth ? it must be confess'd , there was one commander & no more under that circumstance ; but what had he to do with the forces ? his post was the command of the king's souldiers & fort at pemaquid , and was not commissionated for the army ; besides if he had , hath he not lived long amongst us ? did any one ever question his ability , courage , fidelity or conduct , and ought not that liberty of conscience , which has been so hotly preached up , even to the encouragement of immoral acts amongst us ▪ to be equally beneficiall to him with other men ? especially when the gentlemen in the countrey were so far from offering their service in the expedition , that some of the most eminent amongst them have absolutely refused the service . and i have been told , the governour 's proposalls to the councill , about his going to the eastward met with no opposition , lest some of the millitary men there , should have been bound in honour to have taken that employment upon themselves . . that some of the english plantations in the west-indies , which are contiguous to the french , should be alarm'd , is no wonder , for they were ever jealous of their neighbourhood , and always stood upon their guard ; but that we should be afraid of being delivered up to the french ; when there is neither war betwixt the two crownes , nor any fre●chmen that we can yet heare of , to receive us , is one of the most unaccountable things in the world . from what parts must they come ? from canada we know they cannot ; they have reason enough to look to themselves , for they are more afraid than we : france have their hands full at home , and it s well knowne they cannot spare any from the west-indies ; they made their utmost effort against estatia , and by the best intelligence we can get in that service or war , there was not one friggat . must they then drop out of the clouds , or do we expect a fleet from vtopia ? certainly this must needs convince any considering man that we have been extreamly abused ; and we must be stupid and sencelesse to think that sr. edmond andros , and ten or twelve men more ( for that is all the number said to be concerned in this wonderfull plott ) could they be guilty of so horrid a wickednesse & impiety ) were able to deliver so many thousand men well appointed , into the hands of a few french men , who from god knows whence , were to come the lord knows when . . that it was either our duty to god , or that we had either the nobility , gentry or commons of england , for our president , i cannot by any means allow , and i am amaz'd to see christians call that a duty , which god has so remarkably shewed his displeasure against in all countries and ages . is not rebellion as the sin of witcheraft ? numb . . , . who was it that sent the leprosie amongst the children of israel for their murmurring ? psal . . or how came the sudden fire with which they were burnt up ? how many thousands perished ▪ by the pestilence ? or were they a few that were stung to death with the fiery serpents ? do we not read , that the earth opened and swallowed up some of their captaines , with their wives and children quick , which horrible destruction fell upon the israelites for their murmurring against moses , whome god had appointed their head & chiefe magistrate ? what shall i say of absalom ? what of achitophel ? or what of sheba ? holy writt is so full of examples of the like nature , that no body can esteem that a duty which is so often testifyed against . and as it is far from being our duty to god , so there is no parallel between the proceedings of the lords spirituall & temporall in england and ours here ; for the designe of establishing popery & arbitrary government there , was so evident , that no room was left for the least doubt of it . that there could be a contrivance to introduce popery here , is altogether ridiculous , & incredible : for , who was to have effected it ? could these few of the church of england , who with the hazzard of their lives and fortunes so lately opposed it in europe , and that in all ages have been the onely bulwark against it ? or were the 〈◊〉 independents , or annabaptists to have brought this about ? it must have been one of these , for i dare be bold to say , there are not two roman catholicks betwixt this and new-yorke ; and i think the others are not likely to accomplish it ; which makes it plaine to me there could not be any such designe . i have sufficiently demonstrated in the third article , the little right we have to any other government in the plantations , and that we cannot justly call that arbitrary , which by the law we are obliged to submit to : so that betwixt theire condition and ours , there can be no parity . as their reasons and ours were different , so are the measures which have been taken : for his late hignesse the prince of orange , haveing well weighed and considered the tottering condition of the protestant religion all over europe , thought it was high time for him to take up arms , as well for his owne preservation ; as that of his neighbours and allies . we do not finde , that , notwithstanding the danger that hung over their heads , the people of england took up armes to right themselves , but instead thereof , they became humble suppliants to his highness for his favour and protection , which he was pleased to grant them . neither do we finde , that the lords spirituall & temporall assumed any authority , for which they had no colour of law : as they are peers , they are invested with the highest authority , are the grand conservators of the peace of the nation : they never left their duty and allegiance to his late majesty , untill he first left the kingdome , and all things were transacted in his name , and by his authority untill the very minute the prince was proclaimed , who came , not by force to conquer and subject the nation to a forreigne power , nor to subvert and destroy the lawfull government ; but to maintaine & support the same in a peaceable manner , by a free parliament , for which his majestie issued forth his writts , and had he thought fit to have stayd untill their sitting , all griveances might have been redressed : the prince or peers never abrogated nor altered any of the lawful powers of the nation , but strengthened & confirmed all that were capable of bearing office , by which there was alwaies a due administration of justice : the sword was never said to rule & s●ay , and by consequence that confusion and disorder avoided which our il●●gall & arburary proceedings have precipitated us into . as to the fancifull stories of macquaes , subterranean vaults , fire-works , french friggots , poisoning the souldiers to the eastward &c. they are so apparently false & strangely ridiculous , that by this time no man in his wits can believe them , and i need no argument to confute the credit of those monstrous follies , since time and experience have sufficiently demonstrated them to be meer lyes & inventions . and now i hope all sober thinking men are convinced , that the before alledged reasons , are in themselves either absolutely false , or of little moment , and consequently no sufficient grounds for us to take up arms. all that remains on this head therefore , will be to shew , st . that if all the reasons had been true , yet it could not justifie our proceedings . and , . if our condition had been as bad , and our grievances really as great as we were made believe , these measures could never mend the one nor redres●e the other . the most excellent grotius hath so learnedly wrote upon the first of these , that i shall presume to use no other argument than his own upon that head , which pray consider . private men may without doubt ( saith he ) [ grot. de jure belli & pacis lib. . cap. . quaest . . ] make war against private men , as the traveller against the theife or robber : so may soveraigne princes & states , against soveraign princes , as david against the king of the ammonites . private men may make war against princes , if not theire owne , as abraham against the king of babylon and his neighbours . so may soveraign princes against private men , whether they be their owne subjects , as david against ishbosheth and his party ; or strangers , as the romans against pirates . the onely doubt is whether any person or persons , publique or private , can make a lawful war against those that are set over them , whether supream or subordinate unto them : and in the first place , it is on all hands granted , that they that are commissionated by the highest powers , may make war against theire inferiors , as nehemiah against ●obi● & sanballat , by the authority of artaxtrxes . but whether it be lawful for subjects to make warre against those who have the supream power over them , or against such as act by , & according to their authority is the thing in question . it is also by all good men acknowledged , that if the commands of a prince shall manifestly contradict , either the law of nature , or the divine precepts , they are not to be obeyed : for the apostles when they urged that maxim , ( act. . ) deo magis quam hominibus obediendum , that god is rather to be obeyed than man , unto such as forbad them to preach in the name of jesus , did but appeal to a principle of right reason , which nature had insculp't in every mans breast : and which plato expresseth in almost the very same words . but yet , if either for this or any other cause , any injury be offered unto us , because it so please him that hath the soveraigne power , it ought rather to be patiently tolerated than by force resisted : for although we do not owe an active obedience to such commands of princes , yet we do owe a passive ; though we ought not to violate the laws of god or of nature to fulfill the will of the greatest monarch , yet ought we rather patiently to submit to whatsoever he shall inflict upon us for not obeying , than by resistance to violate our countryes peact . the best and safest course we can steer in such a case , is , either by flight to preserve our selves , or resolvedly to undergo whatsoever shall be imposed upon us . . war against superiors as such , is unlawful . and naturally all men have a right to repell injuries from themselves by resisting them ( as we have already said ) but civil societies being once instituted for the preservation of the peace , there presently succeeded unto that common-wealth , a certain greater right over us & ours , so far forth as was necessary for that end . and therefore that promiscuous right that nature gave us to r●ssst , the common-wealth , for the maintaining of good order and publick peace , hath a right to prohibit , which without all doubt it doth ; seeing that otherwise it cannot obtein the end it proposeth to it self . for in case that promiscuous right of forcible resistance should be tolerated , it would be no longer a common-wealth that is a sanctuary against oppression , but a confused rabble , such as that of the cyclops , whereof the poet thus , — where every ass may on his wife & children judgement pass . a dissolute company , where all are speakers and none hearers : like to unto that which valerius records of the bebri●ii , — who all leagues and laws disdain and justice , which men's minds in peace retain . salust makes mention of a wild and savage people living like beasts in woods and mountains , without lawes and without government , whom he calls aborigixes : and in another place of the getuli , who had neither lawes , good customs , nor any princes to govern them . but cities cannot subsist without these , generale pactum est societatis humanae regibus ob●ai●● ; all humane societies ( saith st. augustine ) unanimously agree in this , to obey kings ; so aeschylus , kings live by their owne lawes , subject to none . and sophocles , they princes are , obey we must , what not ? to the same tune sings euripides , folly in kings must be with patience born . whereunto agrees that of tacitus , principi summum rerum arbitrium dii dederunt , &c. subditis obsequii gloria relicta est ; god hath invested a prince with soveraign power , leaving nothing to subjects but the glory of obedience . and here also , base things seem noble when by princes done ; what they impes● , bear thou , be 't right or wrong . [ sen. ] wherewith agrees that of salust , impune quid vis facere , hoc est regem esse ; to do any thing without fear of punishment , is peculiar to kings : for as mark anthony urged in herod 's case , if he were accountable for what he hath done as a king , he could not be a king. hence it is , that the majesty of such as have soveraign power , whether in one or more , is fenced with so many and so severe lawes , and the licentiousnesse of subjects restrained with such sharp and exquisite torments ; which were unreasonable , if to resist them were lawfull . if a souldier resist his captain that strikes him , and but lay hold on his pa●tizan , he shall be cashiered ; but if he either breake it , or offer to strike againe ▪ he shall be put to death : for as aristotle observes if he that is an officer strike , he shall not be struck againe . . the vnlawfulness of making war against our superiours , is proved by the jewish law. [ jos . . . . sam. . . dent. . . ] by the hebrew law , he that behaved himself contumaciously against either the ▪ high priest , or against him who was extraordinarily by god ordained to govern his people , was to be put to death ; and that which in the eighth chapter of the first booke of samuel , is spoken of the right of kings , to him that throughly inspects it , is neither to be understood of their true and just rights , that is , of what they may do ●ustly and honestly ( for the duty of kings is much otherwise described deut . ) nor is it to be understood barely , of what he will do : for then it had signified nothing that was singular or extraordinary , for private men do the same to private men : but it is to be understood of such a fact as usurps or carries with it the priviledge of what is right , that is , that it must not be restisted although it be not right ; for kings have a right peculiar to themselves , and what in others is punishable in them is not . that old saying , summ●m jus , summa injuria , extreme right is extreme wrong , is best sitted to the case of kings , whose absolute power makes that seem right , which strictly taken is not so . there is a main difference between right in this sense taken , and just ; for in the former sence , it comprehends whatsoever may be done without fear of punishment : but just , respect only things lawful and honest . and though some kings there be , who are ( what servius in cicero's philippicks is commanded to be ) magis justitiae quam juris consulti ; more regardful of their honour and duty than of their power and prerogatives : yet this doth not diminish their soveraign right ; because if they will they may do otherwise without the danger of being resisted . and therefore it is added in that place of samuel before cited , that when the people should at any time be thus oppressed by their kings , as if there were no remedy to be expected from men , they should invoke his help who is the supream judge of the whole earth . so that whatsoever a king doth , tho' the same done by an inferior person would be an injury , yet being done by him is right . as a judge is said jus reddere , to do right , though the 〈◊〉 he gives be unrighteous . . by the g●s 〈◊〉 when christ in the new-testament commanded to give caes●r his due , doubtless he intended that his disciples should yield ●s great , if not a greater obedience , as well active a● passive unto the higher power , than what was due from the jews to their kings : which st. paul , ( who was be●● able to interpret his masters words ) expounding romans . doth at large describe theduty of subjects ; charging those that resist the power of kings , with no less crime than rebellion against god's ordinance , and with a judgment as great as their sin : for , saith he , they that do so resist shall receive unto themsel●●s damnation . and a little aser he urgeth the necessity of our subjection , not altogether for fear but for conscience , as knowing , that he is the 〈◊〉 of god for our good. now if there be a necessity of our subjection , then there is the same necessity for our not resisting , because he that resists is not subject . neither did the apostle mean such a necessity of subjection as ●ris●th from an apprehension of same worse inconvenience that might follow upon our resistance , but such as proceeds from the sense of some benefit that we receive by it , whereby we stand obliged in duty , not unto man onely , but unto god ; so that ; he that resists the power of the sapream magistrate , incurrs a double punishment ( saith plato ) first from god , for breaking that good order which he hath constituted amongst men . and secondly , from the common wealth , whose righteous laws , made for the preservation of the publick peace , are by resistance weakned , and the common-wealth thereby 〈◊〉 for canst thou believe ( saith plato ) that any city or kingdom can long stand , when the publick decrees of the senate shall be wi●fully 〈◊〉 and trampled upon by the over-swelling power of some private men , who i● 〈◊〉 against the execution of the laws , do , as much as in them lies , d ssolve 〈◊〉 common-wealth , & consequntly bring all into confusion . the apostle therefore sortisies this necessity of publick subjection to princes with main reasons : first because god had constituted and approved of this order of commanding and obeying ; and that not only under the jewish , but under the christian law : wherefore the powers that are set over us are to be observed ( not servilely , superstitiously , or out of fear , but with free , rational , & generous spirits ) tanquam a diis aa●ae , as being given by the gods , saith plato : or as st. paul , tanquam a deo ordina●ae , as if ordained by god himself . which order as it is originally god's , so by giving it a civil sanction , it becoms ours also : for thereby we add as much authority to it as we can give . the other reason is drawn ab utsli , from profit : because this order is constituted for our good , and therefore in conscience is to be obeyed and not resisted . but here some men may say , that to bear injuries is not at all profitable unto us , whereunto some men ( haply more truly than aposi●ely to the meaning of the apostle ) give this answer , that patiently to bear injuries , conduceth much to our benefit , because it entitles us to a reward , far transcending our sufferings , as st. paul testisies . but though this also be true , yet it is not ( as i conceive ) the proper and genuine sense of the apostles words , which doubtless have respect to that universal good , whereunto this order was first instituted , as to its proper end ; which was the publick peace , wherein every particular man , is as much concerned , if not much more than in his private . ( for what protection can good laws give , if subjects may refuse to yield their obedience to them ; whereas , by the constant observance of good laws , all estates , both publick and private , do grow up and flourish together ) [ plato . ] and certainly these are the good fruits that we receive from the supream powers , for which in conscience we owe them obedience . for no man did ever yet wish ill to himself . ( but he that resists the power of the magistrate , and willfully violates the laws established , doth in effect ( as far as in him is ) dissolve his countrey 's peace . and will in the end bury himself also in the ruins of it . ) [ plato . ] besides , the glory of kings consists in the prosperity of their subjects , when sylla had by his cruelty , almost depopulated , not rome only , but all italy , one seasonably admonisht him , sinendos esse aliquos vivere , ut essent , quibus imperet ; that some should be permitted to live , over whom he might rule as a king. [ floras . aug. de . civ . dei. lib. . cap. . ] it was a common proverb among the hebrews , nisi potestas publica esset , alter alterum vivum deglutiret ; were it not for the soveraign powers , every kingdom would be like a great pond , wherein the greater fish would alwaies devour the lesser . agreeable whereunto is that of chrysostome , vnless there were a power over us to restrain our inordinate lusts , men would be more sierce & cruel than lions & tygers , not only biting , but eating & devouring one another . take away tribunals of justice , and you take away all right , property and dominion : no man can say , this is mine house , this my land , these my goods or my servants : but omnia erunt fortiorum , the longest sword would take all . [ chrys de statuis . ad eph. ] the mighty man could be no longer secure of his estate than until a mightier than he came to dispossess him ; the weaker must alwaies give place to the stronger : and where the strength was equal the loss would be so too ; and this would at length introduce a general ataxy , which would be far more perilous than a perfect slavery . wherefore seeing that god hath established ( and humane reason upon tryal approved of ) soveveraign empire as the best preservative of humane societies , that every m●n should yield obedience thereunto is most rational : for without subje● ion there can be no proctection . obj●ct . but here it will he objected , that the commands of p●irces do not 〈…〉 to the publique good , and therefore when they 〈◊〉 from that ●nd for which they were ordained , they ought not to be obeyed . to which i answer . that though the supream magistrate doth sometimes , either through fear , anger , ●●st , coveteousness , or such like inordinate 〈…〉 the ordinary p●●h of justice and equity , yet are these 〈…〉 but seldome ● to be passed over as personal blemishes , which ( a● tacitus rightly observes ) are abundantly recompensed by the more frequent examples of better princes . ( besides the lives of princes are to be considered with some grains of allowance , in respect of those many provocations and opportunities they have to offend , which private men have not ; all men have their failings , we our selves have ours ; and in case we will admit of none in kings , we must not rank them amongst men but gods. the moon hath her spots ; venus her mole ; and if we can find nothing under the sun without blemish , why should we expect perfection in kings ? he is very uncharitable that judges of rulers by some few of their evil deeds , passing over many of their good ones . seeing therefore that there is in all men's lives , as in our best coin , an intermixture of good and evil ; it is sufficient to denominate a prince good , if his vertues excel his errors . besides , to charge the vices of kings upon the government , as they usually do who affect innovation , is but a cheat : for what is this , but to condemn the law for the corruption of some lawyers : or agriculture , because some men do curse god for a storm ? si mentiar , ego mentior , non negotium ; if i do lye , ( saith the merchant in st. augustine ) it is i that am to be be blamed not my calling . and if some princes do prevaricate in some things , they and not their function are ●o be blamed . but as to laws , tho they cannot be so made as to fit every m●n case , yet it sufficeth to denominate them good , if they obviate such 〈…〉 as are frequently practised , and so do good to the generality of the people . but as to such cases which because they rarely happen cannot so easily be provided against by particular laws , even these a●so are understood to be restrained by general rules . for though the reason of the law being particularly applyed to that special case hold not ; yet in the general , under which special cases may lawfully be comprehended , it may . and much better is it so to do , than to live without law , or to permit every man to be a law to himself . very apposite to this purpose is that of seneca , [ lib. . de benef cap . ] better is it not to admit of some excuses , though just from a few , than that all should be permitted to make whatsoever they please . memorable is that of pericles in thucydides , [ lib. . ] better it is for private men , that the common-wealth flourish , though they thrive not in it , than that they should abound & grow rich in their own private estates , and the common-wealth pine and wither : for if the whole be ruined , every private mans fortunes must needs be ruined with it : but if the common-wealth flourish , every private mans estate , though in it self weake , may in time be repaired . wherefore , since the state if well ordered , can easily support any private mans fortunes , but a private mans estate , though never so well ordered , cannot repair the loss of the publique state : why do ye not rather contribute your utmost care to advance the publique , than ( as ye now do ) seek to build your own private fortunes upon the publique ruines ? wherewith agrees that of ambrose , [ de off. lib. . ] eadem est singulorum utilitas , quae universorum ; the profit which the common-wealth receives , redounds to every private man. and that also in the law , semper non quod privatim interest ex sociis ; sed quod communi societate expedit , servari debet ; evermore , not that which particularly availeth any one party , but that which conduceth to the benefit of the common society is to be observed . ( when the common people in ●ome began to mutinee by reason of some taxes extraordinarily imposed on them , laevinus the consul exhorted the senate , to encourage the people by their own example ; and to that very end advised every senator to bring into the senate-house , all the gold , silver and brass money he had ▪ that it might be delivered to the ●r●umo●ri for the publ ck service : adding this reason , if our city overcome , no man needs to fear his own 〈◊〉 but if it fall , let no man think to preserve his own [ liv. l. . ] ) for as plato rightly observes , what is common strengthens a city , but what enricheth private families only , weakens and diss lves it : and therefore it concerns both princes and subjects to prefer the affairs of the common-wealth , before their own either pleasure or profit ) it is a very true observation of xenophon's , he that in an army behaves himself sedi●ion sly against his ▪ general , sins against his own life . and no less true is that of jamblicus , no man should think himself a loser by what the common-wealth gains , for every private mans loss is sufficiently recompensed in the publick profit : for as in the natural body , so doubtless in the civil , in totius salute , salus est partium ; the well being of every part , consists in the safety of the whole . but without doubt , among those th ngs that are publick , the chief & principal is that aforesaid order of we●● commanding and well-obeying : which cannot consist where private subjects assume that licence of resisting the publick magistrate : which is excellently described by dion cassius , whose words sound much to this s●●se , i cannot concei●e it seemly for a prince to submit to his subjects , for there can be no safety , wh●●e the free are advanced above the head , or wher they undertake to govern , whose duty it is to be governed . what a dismal confusion would it introduce in a family if children should be permitted to despise their parents or servants to dispute the commands of their masters ? in what a d●sperate condition is that patient , that will not be ruled in all things by his physitian ? and what hopes can there be of that ship , where the marriners refuse to obey their pilot ? surely god hath ordained , and humane reason upon tryal hath found it necessary , that for the preservation of 〈◊〉 me society , some should command , and some obey . to the testimony of st. paul , we shall add that of st. peter , whose words are these , honour the king , servants , be ye subjects to your masters with all fear , and not only to the good & gentle , but also to the froward : for this is thank-worthy , if a man for conscience sake ●●●ourd god endure grief , suffering wrongfully , for what glory is it , if when ye be buffeted for your faults ye take it patiently ? but if when ye do well , & suffer for it , ye take it patiently , this is acceptable with god. . fet. . , , . and this he by and by confirms by christ's own example , which clemens also in his constitutions thus expresseth , the servant that seareth god , saith he , will serve his master also with all faithfulness , yea , though he be impious and unjust . whence we may observe two things : first , that under the subjection that servants are in even to hard masters , is also couched that of subjects unto kings , though tyrannical . and therefore , as a little before he commanded subjection to every humane ordinance ; that is , to the laws and constitutions of princes without distinction , ( for when that epistle was written , there were very few princes that were not idolaters ) yet submit we must , saith st. peter , for all that ; and that , p●opter dominum , for the lord's sake . so what follows in the same chapter being built upon the same foundation , respects the duty as well of subjects as of servants . and so requires the same obedience , as well passive as active ; such as we usually pay to our parents , according to that of the poet , thy parents love if good , if bad yet bear . and also that of terence , to bear with parents , piety commands . and that likewise of ciccro in his oration for claentius , men ought not only to c●nce●l the injuryes done unto them by their parents , but to bear them with 〈◊〉 a young man of erc●ria that had been long educated under 〈◊〉 being demanded , what he had learned ? answered , meekly to bear ●is ●rath . so justin relates of 〈◊〉 that he endured the reproaches of the king , with the same calmness of spirit , as if he had ●een his father . [ i●b . . ] ●●renda sum 〈◊〉 ingeria , the humours of kings most be endured : saith tacitus : [ ann. . hist . . ] and in another place he tells us , that good emperours are to be wished for , but whensoever they are , they must be obeyed . so also livy , as the r●ge of our parents , so the cruelty of our countrey are no ways to be 〈◊〉 but by patience and sufferance . for which claudius highly ext●ls the persians , who obeyed all their kings equally tho never so cruel . . neither did the practice of the primitive christians swerve from this law of god , which is an undeniable argument that they so understood it . for though the roman emperours were sometimes the very worst of men , and deadly enemies to the christian faith ; yea , though there wanted not such under their government , who under the specious pretence of freeing the common-wealth from tyranny and oppre●●●on , took arms against them , you could the● never perswade the christians to join with them . in the constitutions of clemens we read , ●●giae potestati resistere nefas , to 〈◊〉 the power of a king is impious . ●e●tullian in his apology writes thus , w●at was that cassius that ●●nspi●●d against the life of julius caesar ? what was that polcennius n g●r that in love to his own countrey , took arms in syria , as clodius albinus did in france & britain , against that bloody emperour septimius severus ? or what was that plautianus , who to set the common-wealth free from tyranny , attempted the life of the same emperour in his own pallace ? what was that aelius laetus , who having s●st po●sened that infamous emperour commodus , fearing it should not take that effect which he desired , did afterwards hir● narcissus a strong wrestler to strangle him ? or what was that parthenius , ( whose fact tertullian doth so much detest ) who being chamberlain to that execrable tyrant domitian , yet killed him in his own chamber ? what ( saith ter●ilian ) were all these ? surely not christians , but romans . nay , so abominated they were by christians , that tertullian seems to glory in this , that though christians were every where reproached as enemies , nay traitors to the imperial crown , yet could they never find any of them , either stained with that crime , or so much as favouring those treasonable practices of either cassias , niger . or albinus . when st. ambrose was commanded by the emperour valentinus to give up his church to be garrisun'd by souldiers , though he took it to be an injury done , not only to himself and his congregation , but even unto christ himself ; yet would he not take any advantage of the commo●●●s it made among the people , to make resistance . [ s●● gratian c. . q. . ] if the emperour ( saith he ) had commanded what was in my power to give , were it mine house , land , goods ▪ go●d or si ver , how readily should i obey ; whatsoever is mine i would wi●ingly offer : hat the temple of god , i cannot give away , 〈…〉 to any man : cum ad cust●di●ndum , n●n 〈…〉 〈◊〉 it was commit●ed to m●e to defend and to 〈…〉 and where●s the people being ●●raged thereby , 〈…〉 to repel the souldiers , he re●used it saying , 〈…〉 though provoked and compelled thereunto , yet withstand or resist i cannot ; grieve and weep , and mourn i can , against arms , souldiers and coths : i have no other weapons but tears : for these are the only forts and mu●ments of a priest : aliter nec debeo n●c possum resistere , otherwise i neither ought nor can resist . [ lib. . orat. in a●xen . ] and presently after , being commanded to appease the tumult , he replied , that not to excite them was in his power , but being exasperated and enraged , to appease them was in the sole power of him , who when he pleased , could ●●●ll the ragings of the seas & the madness of the people . [ epist . . ] and in another place he writes thus , will ye hale me to prison , or cast me into chains ? i am willing to suffer , neither shall i guard my self with multitudes of people who offer themselves to defend me . neither would he make use of the forces of maximus , when offered against the emperor , though an artan , and a grievous persecutor of the church . in imitation of whom , gregory the great , in one of his epistles confesseth , that if he would have engaged himself in the death of the lombards , that nation had at that day , had neither king , dukes , nor earls , but had been reduced into extreme confusion . [ greg. l. . ep. . ] nazianzen informs us , that julian the apostate was diverted from some bloody designs he intended against the church , by the tears of christians : adding withal , that these are our best preservatives against persecutions . [ naz ▪ orat. . in julian . ] and because a great part of his army were christians , therefore his cruelty towards them , would have been not injurious to the church of christ only , but would at that time have much endagerd the common-wealth . unto all which we may also add that of st. augustine , where expounding those places of st. paul , he saith , even for the preservation of our own lives , we ought to submit to the supreme power , & not to resist them in whatsoever they shall take away from us . . 〈◊〉 magistrates ought not to resist the supream . some very learned men there are even this age , who accommodating themselves t●o servil●l● to the times and places wherein they live , do perswade themselves l●st , and then others , that though this licence of resisting the supream power be inconsistent with the condition of private men , yet it ag●ee with the rights of inserior magistrates ; nay , further , that the● sin in case they do it not : which opinion is to be exploded , us for as in logick there is a genus which is called 〈◊〉 which though it be comprehensive of all that is under it , as a living creature comprehends both man and beast ; yet hath it a cenus above it , in respect whereof it is but a species : as a living creature is to a body , which comprehends all sorts of bodies , both animate and inanimate . the like we may say of magistrates , some are supream , who rule all , and are ruled by none ; others are subordinate , who in respect of private men , are publick persons , governing like princes ; but in respect of the supream magistrate are but private men , and are command●d as subjects . for the power or faculty of governing , as it is derived from the supream power , so it is subject unto it , and whatsoever is done by the inferior magistrate , contrary to the will of the supream , is nu●● , and reputed but as a private act , for want of the stamp of publick authority . all order ( say philosophers ) doth necessarily relate to somewhat that is first and highest , from whence it takes its rise and beginning . now they that are of this opinion , that inseriour magistrates may resist the supream , seem to introduce such a state of things , as the poets fansied to have been in heaven before majesty was thought on , when the lesser gods denied the prerogative of jupiter . but this order or subordination of one to another , is not only approved of by common experience , as in every family the father is the head , next unto him the mother , then the children , and after them the servants , and such as are under them : so in every kingdom , each power under higher powers are — and , all governours are under government — to which purpose is that notable saying of st. augustine , observe ( saith he ) the degrees of all humane things : if thy tutor enjoin thee any thing , thou must do it ; yet not , in case the proconsul command the contray : neither must thou obey the consul , if thy prince command othertherwise : for in so doing thou canst not be said to contemn authority , but thou chusest to obey that which is highest : neither ought the lesser powers to be effended , that the greater is preferred before them , for 〈…〉 . [ grat. c. . q. , qui● 〈◊〉 and that also of the s●me father concerning pilate , because 〈◊〉 he ) god h●d invessed 〈◊〉 such a power as was it self subordinate 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 but 〈…〉 approved of by divine authority , for 〈◊〉 enjoyns us 〈…〉 unto kings otherwise than unto magistrates : to ●ings as 〈◊〉 that is , absolutely , without exceptions to any other commands than those directly from god : who is so far from justifying our resistance , that he commands our passive obedience : but unto magistrates , as they are deputed by kings , and as they derive their authority form them . and when st. paul subjects every soul to the higher powers , ( rom. . ) doubtless he exempts not inferiour magistrates . neither do we find among the hebrews ( where there were so many kings utterly regardless of the laws both of god & men ) any inferior magistrates , among whom , some without all question , there were both pious and valiant , that ever arrogated unto themselves this right of resisting by force , the power of their kings , without an express command from god , who alone ha●● an unlimited power and jurisdiction over them . but on the contrary , what duties inferior magistrates owe unto their kings , though wicked , samuel will instruct us by his own example , who though he knew that saul had corrupted himself , and that god also had rejected him from being king , yet before the people , and before the elders of israel , he gives him that reverence and respect that was due unto him , ( . sam. . . ) and so likewise the state of religion publickly professed , did never depend upon any other humane authority , but on that of the king , and sanhedrim . for in that after the king , the magistrates with the people , engaged themselves to the true worship and service of god , it ought to be understood , so far forth as it should be in the power of every one of them . nay , the very images of their false gods which were publickly erected , ( and therefore could not but be scandalous to such as were truly religious ) yet were they never demolished , so far as we can read of , but at the special command either of the people when the government was popular , or of kings , when the government was kingly . and if the scriptures do make mention of any violence sometimes offered unto kings , it is not to justifie the fact , but to shew the equity of the divine providence in permitting it . and whereas they of the contrary perswasion do frequently urge that excellent saying of trajan the emperour , who delivering a sword to a captain of the praetorian band , said , hoc pro me u●ere , si recte impero ; si male , contra na : use this sword for me if i govern well , but if otherwise , against me . we must know , that trajan ( as appears by pliny's panegyrick ) was not willing to assume unto himself regal power , but rather to behave himself as a good prince , who was willing to submit to the judgment of the senate and people ; whose decrees he would have that captain to execute , though it were against himself . whose example both pertinax and macrinus did afterwards follow ▪ whose excellent speeches to this purpose are recorded by herodian . the like we read of m. anthony , who refused to touch the publick sure without the consent of the roman senate . . of resistance in case of inevitable necessity . ] but the case will yet be more difficult , whether this law of not-resisting do oblige us , when the dangers that threaten us be extream , and otherwise inevitable . for some of the laws of god himself , though they sound absolutely , yet seem to admit of some tacite exceptions in cases of extream necessity : for so it was , by the wisest of the jewish doctors , expresly determined concerning the law of their sabbath , in the times of the hasamonaeans , whence rose that famous saying among them , periculum animae impellit sabbatum ; the danger of a man's life drives away the sabbath . when the jew in synesius , was accused for the breach of the sabbath , he excuseth himself by another law , and that more forcible , saying , we were in manifest jeopardy of our lives . when bacchides had brought the army of the jews into a great strait on their sabbath day , placing cing his army before them and behind them , the river jordan being on both sides ; jonathan thus bespake his souldiers , let us go up now & fight for our lives , for it standeth not with us to day , as in times past . ( . mac. . , , . ) which case of necessity is approved of , even by christ himself , as well in this law of the sabbath , as in that of not eating the shew-bread . and the hebrew doctors pretending the authority of an ancient tradition , do rightly interpret their laws made against the eating of meats forbidden , with this tacite exception : not that it was not just with god to have obliged us even unto death , but that some laws of his are conversant about such matters as it cannot easily be believed that they were intended to have been prosecuted with so much rigour as to reduce us to such an extremity , as to dy rather than to disobey them , which in humane laws doth yet further proceed . i deny not , but that some acts of vertue are so strictly enjoyned , that if we perform them not , we may justly be put to death : as for a centinel , to forsake his station . but neither is this rashly to be understood to be the will of the law-giver . nor do men assume so much right over either themselves or others , unless it be when , & so far forth as extreme necessity requires it . for all humane laws are so constituted , or so to be understood as that there should be some allowance for humane frailty . the right understanding of this law of resisting or not-resisting the highest powers in cases of inevitable necessity , seems much to depend upon the intention of those who first entered into civil society , from whom the right of government is devolved upon the persons governing : who had they been demanded , whether they would have imposed such a yoke upon all mankind as death it self , rather than in any case by force to repel the insolencies of their superiours ; i much question whether they would have granted it , unless it had been in such a case , where such resistance could not be made without great commotions in the common-wealth , or the certain destruction of many innocents , for what charity commends in such a case to be done , may , i doubt not , pass for an humane law. but some may say , that this rigid obligation , ●o dye rather than at any time to resist injuries done by our superiours , is not imposed on us by any humane , but by the divine law. but we must observe , that men did not at first unite themselves in civil society , by any special command from god , but voluntarily , out of a sence they had of their own impotency to repel force and violence wh lst they lived solitarily , and in families appart ; whence the civil power takes it rise : for which cause it is that st. peter calls it an humane ordinance , although it be else-where called a divine ordinance , because this wholesome constitution of men was approved of by god himsef . but god in approving an humane law , may be thought to approve of it as an humane law , & after an humane manner . barkly ( who was the stoutest champion in defending kingly power ) doth notwithstanding thus far allow , that the people or the nobler part of them , have a right to defend themselves against cruel tyranny , and yet he confesseth , that the whole body of the people is subject unto the king. [ barkley . lib. . contra monarchomach . c. . ] now this i shall easily admit , that the more we desire to secure any thing by law , the more express and peremptory should that law be , and the fewer exceptions there should be from it ; ( for they that have a mind to violate that law , will presently seek shelter , and think themselves priviledged by those exceptions , though their cases be far different ; ) yet dare i not condemn indifferently either every private man , or every , though lesser part of the people , who as their last refuge , in cases of extream necessity , have anciently made use of their arms to defend themselves , yet with respect had to the common good. for david , who ( saving in some particular facts ) was so celebrated for his integrity , did yet entertain first four hundred , and afterwards more armed men ; to what end , unless for the safegaurd of his own person , against any violence that should be offered him ? but this also we must note , that david did not this until he had been assured , both by jonathan , and by many other infallible arguments , that saul sought his life ; and that even then , he never invaded any city , nor made an offensive warr against any ▪ but lurked only for his own security , sometimes in mountains , sometimes in caves , and such like devious places , and sometimes in forreign nations , with this resolution , to decline all occasions of annoying his own countrey-men . a fact parallel to this of david's , we may read in the maccabees : for whereas some seek to defend the wars of the maccabees upon this ground , that antiochus was not a king , but an usurper ; this i account but frivolous : for in the whole story of the macabees , we shall never find antiochus mentioned by any of their own party , by any other title than by that of king ; and deservedly : for the hebrews had long before submitted to the 〈◊〉 empire , in whose right antiochus succeeded . and whereas the hebrew laws forbad a stranger to be set over them , this was to be understood by a voluntary election , and not by an involuntary compulsion , through the necessity of the times . and whereas others say , that the maccabees did act by the peoples right , to whom belonged the right of governing themselves by their own laws , neither is this probable : for the jews being first conquered by nebuchad●osor ▪ were by the right of war subject unto him , and afterwards became by the ●ame law subject to the medes and persians , as successours to the chaldeans , whose whole empire did at last devolve upon the macedonians and hence it is , that the jews , in tactius are termed the most servile of all the eastern nations ; neither did they require any covenants or conditions from alexander or his successours , but yielded themselves freely , without any limitations or exceptions , as before they had done unto darius . and though they were permitted sometimes to use their own rites , and publickly to exercise their own laws , yet was not this due unto them by any law that was added unto the empire , but only by a precarious right that was indulged unto them by the favour of their kings . there was nothing then that could justifie the maccabees in their taking of arms , but that invincible law of extream necessity which might do it so long as they contained themselves within the bounds of self-preservation , and in imitation of david , betook themselves to secret places , in order to their own security ; never offering to make use of their armes unless violently assaulted . in the mean time , great care is to be taken , that even when we are thus enforced to defend our selves in cases of certain and extream danger , we spare the person of the king ; for they that conceive the carriage of david towards saul , to proceed not so much from the necessity of duty , as out of some deeper consideration , are mistaken : for david himself declares , that no man can be innocent that stretcheth forth his hand against the lord 's annointed : ( . sam. . . ) because he very well knew that it was written in the law , thou shal● not ●●e gods , that is the supream judges : thou shalt not curse the rulers of thy people . ( exod. . . ) in which law , special mention being made of the supream power ; it evidently shews that some special duty towards them is required of us . wherefore optatus melevitanus speaking of this fact of david , saith , that god's special command coming fresh into his memory , did so restrain him , that he could not hurt saul , though his mortal enemy . wherefore he brings in david thus reasoning with himself , volebam hostem vincere , sed prius est divina praecepta observare , willingly i would overcome mine enemy , but i dare not transgress the commands of god. [ lib. . ] and josephus speaking of david after he had cut off sauls garment , saith , that his heart smote him : so that he confessed , injustu● ▪ facinus crat regem suum occidere , it was a a wicked act to kill his soveraign . and presently after , horrendum regem quamvis malum occid●re , poenam enim id factenti imminere constat , ab eo qui regem dedit , it is an horrid act to kill a king , though wicked , for certainly he , by whose providence all kings reign , will pursue the regicide with vengeance inevitably . to reproach any private man falsely is forbidden by the law , but of a king we must not speak evil , though he deserve it ; because as he that wrote the problems ( fathered upon aristotle ) saith , he that speaketh evil of the governour , scandalizeth the whole city . so joab concludes concerning shimei , as josephus testifies , shalt thou not dye , who presumest to curse him whom god hath placed in the throne of the kingdom ? the laws ( saith julian ) are very severe on the behalf of princes , for he that is injurious unto them , doth wilfully trample upon the laws themselves . [ misopogoris ] now if we must not speak evil of kings , much less must we do evil against them . david repented but for offering violence to saul's garments , so great was the reverence that he bare to his person , and deservedly : for since their soveraign power cannot but expose them to the general hatred , therefore it is sit , that their security should especially be provided for . this , saith quintilian , to the fate of such as sit at the stern of government , that they cannot discharge their duty faithfully , nor provide for the publick safety , without the envy of many . ( and for this cause are the persons of kings guarded with such severe laws , which seeem , like draco's , to be wrote in blood , ) as may appear by those enacted by the romans , for the security of their tribunes , whereby their persons became inviolable . amongst other wise sayings of the esseni , this was one , that the persons of kings should be held as sacred . and that of homer was ast noable , his chiefest care was for the king , that nothing should endanger him . and no marvel : for as st. chrysostome well observes . if any man kill a sheep , he but lessens the number of them , but if he kill the shepherd , he dissipates the whole fl●ck . the very name of a king , as curtius tel's us , among such nations as were governed by kings , was as venerable as that of god. so artabanus the persian , amongst many and ●●●se most excellent laws we have , this seems to be the best , which commands us to a●ore our kings as the very image of god who is the saviour of all . and therefore as plutarch speakes , nec ●as , nec l●i●um est regis corpori manus inferre , it is not permitted by the laws of god or man , to offer violence to the person of a king. but as the same plutarch in another place tells us , the principal part of 〈◊〉 is ▪ to save him that saves all . if the eye observe a blow threatning the head , the hand , being instructed by nature , interposeth it self , as preferring the safety of the head ( whereupon all other members depend ) before their own . wherefore , as cassiod●●e notes , he that with the loss of his own life , redeems the life of his prince , doth well ; if in so doing he propose to himself the freeing of his own soul , rather than that of another mans body , for as conscience teacheth him to express his sidelity to his soveraign ; so doth right reason instruct him to prefer the life of his prince , before the safety of his own body . but here a more difficult question ariseth ; as namely , whether what was lawful for david and the maccabees , be likewise lawful for us christians : or whether christ who so often enjoins us to take up our cross , do not require from us a greater measure of patience ? surely , where our superiours threaten us with death upon the account of religion , our saviour advised such as are not obliged by the necessary duties of their calling to reside in any one place , to flee , but beyond this , nothing . st. peter tells us , that christ in his suffering left us an ensample , who tho' he knew no sin , nor had any guile found in his mouth , yet being reviled , reviled not again , when he suffered , he threatned not , but remmitted his cause to him that judgeth righteously ( . pet. . , , , , . ) ▪ nay he adviseth us to give thanks unto god , and to rejoice when we suffer persecution for our religion : and we may read how mightily christian religion hath grown and been advanced by this admirable gift of patience , wherefore how injurious to those anc ent christians ( who ( living in or near the times of either the apostles themselves or men truly apostolical ) must needs be well instructed in their discipline , and consequently walked more exactly according to their rules , yet suffered death for their saith ) how injurious i say , to these men , are they , who hold that they wanted not a will to resist , but rather a power to defend themselves at the approach of death ? surety tertullian had never been so imprudent , nay , so impudent as so considently to have affirmed such an untruth , whereof he knew the emperor could not be ignorant , when he wrote thus unto him , if we had a will to take our private revenge , or to act as publick enemies , could we want either num●●rs of men , or stores of warlike previsions ? are the moors , germans , partisians , or the people of any one nation , more than those of the whole worl● ? we , though strangers , yet d● fill all places in your dominions ; your cities , islands , castles , forts , assemblies , your very camps , tribes , cour●s , palaces , se●● es ; only your temples we leave to your selves : for what war have we not alwaies declared our selves sit and ready , though in numbers of men we have sometimes been very unequal ? how cometh it then to p ss , that we suffer death so meekly , so patiently , but that we are instructed by our religion , that it is much better to be killed than to kill ? cyprian also treading in his masters steps , openly declares , that it was from the principles of their religion , that christians being apprehended , made no resistance , nor attempted any revenge for injuries unjustly done them , though they wanted neither numbers of men , nor other means to have resisted , but it was their confidence of some divi●e vengeance that would fall upon their persecutors , that made them thus patient , & that perswaded the innocent to give way to the nocent . [ lib. . ] so lactantius , we are willing to conside in the majesty of god , who is able , as well to revenge the contempt done to himself , as the injuries and hardships done unto us : wherefore , though our sufferings be such as cannot be expressed , yet we do not mutter a word of discontent , but refer our selves wholly to him who judgeth righteously . and to the same tune sings st augustine , when princes err , they presently make laws to legitimate their errors , and by those very laws they judge the innocent , who are at length crowned with martyrd●m . [ ep . ] and in another place , tyran's are so to be endured by their subjects , & hard masters by their servants , that both their temporal lives ( if possible 〈◊〉 may be preserved , and yet their eternal safety carefully provided for : which he illustrates by the examples of the primitive christians , who though they then s● journed upon earth as 〈…〉 numbers of 〈…〉 them , yet ●h●se rather patiently to s●ffer all manner of torments , than forcibly to resist th●●e persecutors : neither would they sight to preserve their 〈◊〉 lives , but chose rather not to sight , th●t so they might ensure unto themselves an eternal . for they endured bonds , s●●ipes , imprisonment the 〈◊〉 the fire , the cross ; they were ●lead alive , killed , and quartered , and , ye● they multiplied ; they esteemed this life not worth the sighting for , so that with the loss of it they ●ight purchase what so eagerly they panted after , a better . of the same opinion was cyril , as may appear by many notable sayings of his upon that place of st. john , where he treats of peter's sword. the thebean legion , we read , consisted of . souldiers , and all christians , who when the emperour maximianus would have compelled the whole army to sacrifice to idols , first removed their station to agaunus , and when upon fresh orders sent after them , they refused to come , maxin●tanus commanded his officers to put every tenth man to death , which was easily done , no man offering to resist : at which time mauritius ( who had the chief command in that legion , and from whom the town agaunus in switzer-land was afterwards called st. mauritz , as encherius , bishop of lyons , records ) thus bespake his fellow souldiers , how fearful was i lest any of you under the pretence of defending your selves ( as was easie for men armed as ye are to have done ) should have attempted by force to have rescued from death those blessed martyrs ? which had you done , i was sufficiently instructed by christs own example to have forbidden it , who expresly remanded that sword into its sheath , that was but drawn in his own defence ; thereby teaching us that our christian faith is much more prevalent than all other arms . this tragick act being past , the emperor commanding the same thing to the survivours , as he had done before to the whole legion , they unanimously returned him this answer , i ●i quidem , caesar , milites sumus , &c. we are thy soldiers , o caesar , we took arms for the defence of the roman empire ; we never yet deserted the war , nor betrayed the trust reposed in us ; we were never yet branded with fear or cowardise , but have alwaies observed thy commands , until being otherwise instructed by our christian laws , we refuse to worship the devil , or to aproach those altars that are polluted with blood . we find by thy commands , that thou resolvest either to draw us into idolatry , or to offright us by putting every tenth man of us to death : make no further search after those that are willing to lye concealed ; but know that we are all of us christians , all our bodies thou hast indeed under thy power , but our souls are subject only to christ our redeemer . then enuperius being the standard-bearer to that legion thus bespeak them , hukerto , fellow-sol●i●●s , i have carried the standard before you in this secular war , but it is not unto these arms that i am now to invite you , it is not unto these wars that i now excite your valour , for now we are to practise another kind of waarfare ; for with these weapons ye can never enforce your way into the kingdom of heaven . and by & by he sends this message to the emperor , against thee , o caesar , desperation it self ( which usually makes even cowards valiant ) cannot prevail with us to take arms . behold , we have our weapons sixt , yet will we not resist ; because we chuse rather to be killed by thee than to overcome thee , and to dye innocents , than to live rebels to either god or thee . and a little after he adds , tela projicimus , &c. we abandon our arms , o emperour , & will meet thy messengers of death with naked breasts , yet with hearts strongly munited with christian faith. and presently after followed that general massacre of the thebean band , whereof eutherius gives this narrative , it was neither their innocence nor their numbers , that could exempt them from death , whereas in other more dangerous tumults , a multitude though offending , are rarely punished . the same story in the old martyrology we find thus recorded , they were every where wounded with swords , yet they cryed not out , but disdaining the use of their arms , they exposed their breasts naked to their persecutors : it was neither their numbers nor their experience in war , that could perswade them to assert the equity of their cause by their swords , but placing his example alwaies before them , who was led to the slaughter dumb , and like a lamb to be sacrificed , opened not his mouth ; they also in imitation of him ; like the innocent slock of christ , suffered themselves to be worried and torn in peices by an herd of persecuting wolves . thus also do the jews of alexandria , testifie their innocency before flaccus , we are , as thou seest , unarmed , and yet we are accused unto thee as publick enemies to the state : these hands which nature hath given us for our defence , we have caused to be pinnacled behind us , where they are of little use , & our breasts we expose naked to every man that hath a mind to kill us . and when the emperor valens cruelly persecuted those christians , which according to the holy scriptures , & the traditions of the ancient fathers , profest christ to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , co-essential with the father ; though there were every where great multitudes of them , yet did they never attempt by arms to secure themselves . surely , wheresoever patience in times of persecution is commended unto us , there we find christ's own example held out unto us ( as we read it was to the thebean legion ) for our imitation . as therefore his patience , so ours , should have no bounds nor limits but death it self . and he that thus loseth his life , is truly said by christ himself to find it . secondly . these measures could never better our condition , nor redress our grievances , unless we should be so vain to imagine our selves capable of waging war with the crown of england , and all its allies . is the king so petty and inconsiderable a prince that he should be forced ? or can we think that the noise of our thousands and ten thousands will frighten him into a compliance ? without doubt if we do , we shall too too late find our mistake , and a woful experience will quickly teach us , that the sole want of their majesties protection , will in a very short time reduce us to the most miserable & deplorable condition in the world . but perhaps we may fancy that this action of ours hath exremely obliged them , and that all things now are become justly due to the merits of our services : 't will do very well if it be so understood , but i cannot see the least probability of such a construction ; for we have sufficiently manifested in our declaration , that self-interest was the first and principal motive to our undertaking , and our progress doth plainly demonstrate , that we have only made use of their names , the better to effect our own designs ; whilest every thing that hath any relation to them , lies neglected & unregarded , without any recognition of their authority over these dominions , or the least acknowledgment of our submission to such orders as should come from them ; saving what particularly related to some few ill men ( as we call them ) whom we have imprisoned & detained without any law or reason ; so that we have rashly & imprudently adventur'd our all upon a chance , ( not an equal one ) whether it will be well , or ill taken : if well , we can expect nothing more than what we should have had by sitting still & quiet , unless it be a vast charge , trouble & expence , which we have inevitably brought upon our selves : if ill , what will be the event ? in the first place our countrey , which hath been so remarkable for the true profession and pure exercise of the protestant religion , will be termed a land full of hypocrisie , rebellion , irreligion , and what not ; and we our selves a degenerate , wicked people , that have fallen from the practises of our fore-fathers , and the purity of our first principles . . in all our pamphlets and discourses , we have so magnified our action , and boasted of the vast numbers we can bring into the field , that it must be of great import to the crown of england to curb us & in time to reduce us to our former obedience ; & no body will imagine it consistent with the interest of that crown , any more to trust government in the hands of a people , so ready & so able upon all occasions to set up for themselves , and the stronger we are , the more need there will be to keep us under . . and lastly , we shall realy endure and undergo all those miseries & calamities which we sancied to our selves under the late government ; and become the scorn and by-word of all our neighbours . what then remains , but that whilst it is yet called today , w● should endeavour to settle our selves in such a posture , as may at least mitigate , if not wholly prevent the before-mentioned inconveniences . if our charter be restored such a condition cannot burt us ; but the 〈◊〉 of it may ; for we are accountable for every action & every false step we make after the date of it , & render our selves lyable to be questioned & quo-warrant●'d for our male ▪ feazance whensoever the supream authority shall think it meet ; if not , it must be of great service to us to be found in a submissive and humb●e posture , sit & ready to receive their majesties commands ; lest while we 〈◊〉 our selves too much , upon our own merits , we become unwor● 〈…〉 favour in a most gracious pardon ▪ without which 〈…〉 we will ) we never can be safe & secure from the severity of 〈…〉 which we have indisputably violated , in matters of the highest 〈…〉 consequence imaginable . 〈…〉 good man will seriously & impartially consider the foregoing 〈◊〉 and suffer himself to be guided by the dictates of reason , and not of humour or prejudice , and then i am well assured , it will be evident enough , that we have mistaken our measures , and that a timely recess , willsno●e . ad●antage us than an obstinate and wilful perseverance , & that nothing but such a remedy can restore our almost ▪ perishing & und●ne c●un●rey , to a lasting peace and happy settlement : which that god of his mercy would grant us , shall ever be the hearty prayers of f. l. postcript . i was principally induced to direct the precedent discourse to you , gentlemen , because i would rightly be understood , which i 'm sure i can never fail of by persons of your learning and worth , and i hope you will be so kind to me & so just to your countrey , to let me know in the most publick manner you can , wherein i have mistaken the matter either in point of fact or judgment ; but if i have been so fortunate to convince you , that wrong measures have been taken , and that the people had no reason for what they have done , nor no bott●● for what they are yet doing ; let me tell 〈…〉 your 〈◊〉 not only to admonish them 〈…〉 to such a temper as becomes 〈◊〉 men & good christians , for which you will have the praise and god the glory . finis . errata . page . line . dele may . p. . l. ▪ 〈◊〉 por●●gals . p. . the first line of the fifth article is wholly omitted , which read thus [ thly wh●t is meant by i●ferments , and who are called strangers ▪ ] p. . l. ult . dele the. p. . l . r. summum . p. ibid. l. . r. ariseth . p. . l. . r. protection . p. line for menttor , r. mentior . p . l. . r. regnum . p. . l. . r. endangered . l. . r. even in this age . l. . r. too . l. r. genus . p. . l. . r. treasure . p. . l. . dele a. l. . r. as notable . the humble request of his majesties loyall subjects, the governour and the company late gone for nevv-england to the rest of their brethren, in and of the church of england. for the obtaining of their prayers, and the removall of suspitions, and misconstructions of their intentions. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the humble request of his majesties loyall subjects, the governour and the company late gone for nevv-england to the rest of their brethren, in and of the church of england. for the obtaining of their prayers, and the removall of suspitions, and misconstructions of their intentions. winthrop, john, - , attributed name. phillips, george, - , attributed name. [ ], p. printed [by miles flesher] for iohn bellamie, london : . signed and dated: from yarmouth aboord the arbella april . . io: winthrope gov. charles fines. george philipps. rich: saltonstall. isaac iohnson. tho: dudley. william coddington &c. sometimes attributed to george phillips and to john winthrop. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the hvmble reqvest of his maiesties loyall subjects , the governour and the company late gone for nevv-england ; to the rest of their brethren , in and of the church of england . for the obtaining of their prayers , and the removall of suspitions , and misconstructions of their intentions . london , printed for iohn bellamie . . the hvmble reqvest of his majesties loyall subjects , the governour and the company late gone for new england ; to the rest of their brethren in and of the church of england . reverend fathers and brethren : the generall rumour of this solemne enterprise , wherin our selves with others , through the providence of the almightie , are ingaged , as it may spare us the labour of imparting our occasion unto you , so it gives us the more incouragement to strengthen our selves by the procurement of the prayers & blessings of the lords faithfull servants : for which end wee are bold to have recourse unto you , as those whom god hath placed nearest his throne of mercy ; which as it affords you the more opportunitie , so it imposeth the greater bond upon you to intercede for his people in all their straights , we beseech you therefore by the mercies of the lord iesvs to consider us as your brethren , standing in very great need of your helpe , and earnestly imploring it . and howsoever your charitie may have met with some occasion of discouragement through the misreport of our intentions , or through the disaffection , or indiscretion , of some of us , or rather , amongst us : for wee are not of those that dreame of perfection in this world ; yet we desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principals , and body of our company , as those who esteeme it our honour , to call the church of england , from whence wee rise , our deare mother , and cannot part from our native country , where she specially resideth , without much sadnes of heart , and many teares in our eyes , ever acknowledging that such hope and part as wee have obtained in the common salvation , we have received in her bosome , and suckt it from her breasts : wee leave it not therfore , as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there , but blessing god for the parentage and education , as members of the same body shall alwayes rejoyce in her good , and unfainedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her , and while we have breath , syncerely desire and indeavour the continuance & abundance of her welfare , with the inlargement of her bounds in the kingdome of christ iesvs . be pleased therefore reverend fathers & brethren to helpe forward this worke now in hand ; which if it prosper , you shall bee the more glorious , howsoever your judgment is with the lord , and your reward with your god. it is an usuall and laudable exercise of your charity to commend to the prayers of your congregations the necessities and straights of your private neighbours ; doe the like for a church springing cut of your owne bowels . vve conceive much hope that this remembrance of us , if it be frequent and fervent , will bee a most prosperous gale in our sailes , and prouide such a passage and welcome for us , from the god of the whole earth , as both we which shall finde it , and your selves , with the rest of our friends , who shal heare of it , shall be much inlarged to bring in such daily returnes of thanks-givings , as the specialties of his providence and goodnes may justly challenge at all our hands . you are not ignorant , that the spirit of god stirred up the apostle paul to make continuall mention of the church of philippi ( which was a colonie from rome ) let the same spirit , we beseech you , put you in mind , that are the lords remembrancers , to pray for us without ceasing ( who are a weake colony from your selves ) making continuall request for us to god in all your prayers . what we intreat of you that are the ministers of god , that we also crave at the hands of all the rest of our brethren , that they would at no time forget us in their private solicitations at the throne of grace . if any there be , who through want of cleare intelligence of our course , or tendernesse of affection towards us , cannot conceive so well of our way as we could desire , we would intreat such not to despise us , nor to desert us in their prayers & affections , but to consider rather , that they are so much the more bound to expresse the bowels of their compassion towards us , remembring alwaies that both nature and grace , doth ever binde us to relieve and rescue with our utmost & speediest power , such as are deare unto us , when wee conceive them to be running uncomfortable hazards . vvhat goodnes you shall extend to us in this or any other christian kindnesse , wee your brethren in christ iesvs shall labour to repay in what dutie wee are or shall be able to performe , promising so farre as god shall enable us to give him no rest on your behalfes , wishing our heads and hearts may be as fountaines of teares for your everlasting welfare , when wee shall be in our poore cottages in the wildernesse , over-shadowed with the spirit of supplication , through the manifold necessities and tribulations which may not altogether unexpectedly , nor , we hope , unprofitably befall us . and so commending you to the grace of god in christ , wee shall ever rest from yarmouth aboord the arbella april . . your assured friends and brethren , io : winthrope gov. charles fines . rich : saltonstall . isaac iohnson . tho : dudley . george philipps . &c. william coddington &c. the danger of tolerating levellers in a civil state, or, an historicall narration of the dangerous pernicious practices and opinions wherewith samuel gorton and his levelling accomplices so much disturbed and molested the severall plantations in new-england parallel to the positions and proceedings of the present levellers in old-england : wherein their severall errors dangerous and very destructive to the peace both of church and state ... together with the course that was there taken for suppressing them are fully set forth, with a satisfactory answer to their complaints made to the parliament / by edw. winslow of plymouth in new-england. winslow, edward, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the danger of tolerating levellers in a civil state, or, an historicall narration of the dangerous pernicious practices and opinions wherewith samuel gorton and his levelling accomplices so much disturbed and molested the severall plantations in new-england parallel to the positions and proceedings of the present levellers in old-england : wherein their severall errors dangerous and very destructive to the peace both of church and state ... together with the course that was there taken for suppressing them are fully set forth, with a satisfactory answer to their complaints made to the parliament / by edw. winslow of plymouth in new-england. winslow, edward, - . [ ], p. printed by rich. cotes for john bellamy ..., london : . errata p. . imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng levellers. great britain -- history -- civil war, - . rhode island -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the danger of tolerating levellers in a civill state : or , an historicall narration of the dangerous pernicious practices and opinions , wherewith samvel gorton and his levelling accomplices so much disturbed and molested the severall plantations in new-england ; ( parallel to the positions and proceedings of the present levellers in old-england . ) . wherein their severall errors dangerous and very destructive to the peace both of church and state , their cariage and reviling language against magistracy and all civill power , and their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god : together , with the course that was there taken for suppressing them , are fully set forth : with a satisfactory answer to their complaints made to the parliament : by edw. winslow of plymouth in new-england . london , printed by rich. cotes for iohn bellamy at the three golden lions in corn-hill , neare the royall exchange , . the contents . the magistrates proceedings at boston in new-england , against samuel gorton and his accomplices pag. . the first letter of samuel gorton and his accomplices to the magistrates of boston in new-england p. . the second letter of samuel gorton and his accomplices to the magistrates of boston in new-england . p. . certain observations collected out of both their letters , containing their reproachfull speeches of the government and magistrates of the massachusets . p. . their reviling language against magistracy it self , and all civill power . p. . their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god. p. . the sum of the presentment of samuel gorton , at portsmouth in roade island , by the grand iury. p. . mr. roger williams his letter unto mr. winthrop concerning samuel gorton . p. . a letter from the inhabitants of providence against gorton and his accomplices . p. . the true cause of gortons sufferings in new-england . p. . the ground of a war like to ensue . p. . gortons abuse of mr. cotton , and mr. ward answered . p. . a false glosse of state service discovered . p. . gorton preached against magistracie , and yet accepts it in his own person . p. . the ground or cause of our first planting in new-england p. . the church at leyden , and the churches in new-england , hold communion with the reformed churches . p. . new-englands practice toward them that differ from them in religion . p. . a trve relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets in new : england , against samuel gorton and his accomplices ; with the grounds and reasons thereof , examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in november , . samvel gorton lived sometime at plymouth , where his behaviour was so turbulent and offensive both to the magistrates and others , as they were necessitated to drive him out of their jurisdiction . from thence hee went to roade-island , where hee began to raise sedition , and to make a party against the authority there ; for which hee was apprehended and whipped , and so sent away . from thence ( with some others whom hee had gathered to his part ) ●ee removed to providence , where mr. roger williams then lived . hee ( with some others ) opposed his sitting down there as an inhabitant , onely in regard of his present distresse , they gave way for his abode for a time . but being once housed , hee soon drew so great a party to him , as it was beyond the power of mr. williams and his party to drive them out , or to rule them there ; so as both parties came armed into the field each against other , and had fought it out , had not mr. williams used meanes for pacification . hereupon many of the chiefe of providence sent messengers with a letter to the governour and councell of the massachusets , desiring aide against gorton and his company ; but they were answered , that not being within our jurisdiction nor consederation we had no ground to interpose in their quarrells . soone after some of those men tendred themselves and their lands to come under our government , and were received . there live neere to providence two small indian sachims called pumham and socononoco , who though they are as free as the great sachim o● the nanohigganset : yet myantonimo the then sachim of of nanoligganset ( being a very proud and sterne man ) kept them in great awe . this poore sachim pumham had a large parcell of land neer providence , very convenient for plantation , which gorton and his company ( being now about , or . ) taking notice of , and fearing they should not be able to keep their power long where they were , dealt with myantonimo for this parcell of land , promising him a good parcell of wampam for it . and because they knew that pamham was the true owner of it , they dealt with him also ; but he refusing to sell it ( for hee dwelt upon it , or very neare to it ) they caused myantonimo to send for him , and having drawn a writing purporting the sale thereof for a certaine consideration to bee given to both of them , myantonimo signed it , and hee for feare of myantonimo set his mark to it also , not knowing what it was . but when gorton tendred him the consideration for it , hee utterly refused it , it being the indians manner not to account any thing sold , till the party have received the thing it is sold for . but upon this colourable title gorton and his company enter upon the land , and build some houses , and withall much wrong the indians with their cattle , and having myantonimo their friend , behave themselves very insolently toward the poor indians , who ( having no friends or meanes to relieve themselves ) came and tendred themselves and their lands to the government of the massachusets , who ( by order of the court ) gave notice thereof to myantonimo , and appointed him to come or send to the next court at boston , to shew his title or interest ( if hee had any ) to the said pumham and socono●oco or their lands . at the time appointed hee came , and pretended that they were his vassalls , but it appeared clearly both by a w●lting from mr. williams , and the testimony of some other english in those parts , and of divers other indians no way related to them , that they were free sachims ; so as myantonimo having nothing to reply , the court received the two indian sachims with their subjects and lands under the government and protection of the massachusetts ; and upon that writ to our neighbours of providence , intimating the same to them , and advising gorton and his company , that if they had any just title to the lands they possessed , they should come , or send some for them to shew the same to the court , and offered them safe conduct . this letter from the court they tooke in great disdaine , and returned scornfull and menacing answers by word of mouth , and a good time after they wrote a letter to the court full of reproach and blasphemies , not onely against the magistrates , but against the churches and ordinances , as by the copy thereof hereafter following will appeare . notwithstanding these provocations and daily wrongs offered to those few english their neighbours ( who had formerly submitted themselves to our government ) wee sate still neare halfe a yeare , and before we attempted any thing against them , wee advised with the commissioners of the united colonies , who ( upon testimony of their insolent and injurious courses , and perusall of the letter they sent to us ) left them to us to proceed according to justice . whereupon the court sent againe to them by two of their members , who carryed letters ( to require and perswade them to come and give satisfaction , ) and a safe conduct withall ; but they entertained those messengers as they had done the former , threatening to whip one , whom they tooke along with them ; and sent us word , that if wee had any thing to say to them , wee should come to them , and wee should have justice there , and that if wee came with force , they would meet us half the way . our messengers returning with these scornfull answers , the court resolved to send some force to fetch them in ; and in the mean time there came a second letter from them ; ( the copy whereof is hereafter also set downe ) but before wee sent forth our souldiers , wee wrote to them to this effect : viz. that although the injuries and provocations wee had indured from them were very grievous , yet that our justice and moderation might appeare to all men , wee had condescended so farre to their owne proposition , as wee would send some commissioners to them , to heare their answers and allegations , and if thereupon they would give us such satisfaction as should bee just , wee would leave them in peace ; if otherwise , wee would right our selves by force of armes : and signified withall , that wee would send a sufficient guard with our commissioners ; for seeing they would not trust thems●lves with us upon our safe conduct , wee had no reason to trust any of ours with them upon their bare curtesie . accordingly about a week after wee sent three commissioners , and musqueteers with them , with instructions , first to speak and treate with them , and to require satisfaction according to justice , and if it were denyed , then to take them by force , and bring them prisoners to boston ; and to take with all so much of their substance as should satisfie our charges . by the way as they went they met with another letter from them , letting them know , that they feared them not , but were prepared for them : and accordingly they had fortified themselves in one house ( some of them ) and had lined the walls with earth ( ●usket proofe ) and had made flanckers , and provided victualls , &c. to indure a siege . so that when our commissi●ners came to the place , they would admit no parly . but after a while , by the mediation of some of their neighbours , they were content to parley , and offered to referre the cause to arbitrators , so as some of ●hem might bee of providence , or of roade island . our commissioners were content to send to us to know our minds about it , and in the meane time sate still . such of the court as could meet , returned answer that their proposition was neither seasonable nor reasonable , nor could it bee safe or honourable for us to accept thereof : because they would never offer nor hearken to any terms of agreement before our souldiers had them in their power . because the ground of their proposition was false , for wee were not parties ( as they pretended ) but equall judges between the indians and others who were complainants , and themselves , ( and yet in a case of warre , parties may bee judges . ) they were no state , or body politique , but a few fugitives living without law or government , and so not honourable for us to joyne with them in such a way of reference . the parties whom they would referre it unto , were such as had been rejected by us , and all the governments in the country , and so not likely to bee equall to us , nor able to judge of the cause : and their blasphemous and reproachfull writings , &c. were not matters fit to bee composed by arbi●ement , ( being deeply criminall ) but either to bee purged away by repentance and publique satisfaction , or else by publique punishment . for these and other reasons , the commissioners were required to proceed according to their instructions . and thereupon they intrenched themselves about the house , and in few dayes forced them to yeeld , and so brought them to boston , where they were kept in prison till the court sate , and had their dyet from the cookes ( as good meat and drinke as the towne afforded . ) the next lords day they refused to goe to the church assembly , except they might have liberty to speake there , as occasion should be . they were answered by some of the magistrates that it appertained to the elders to order the affairs of the church , but they might presuppose they should not bee denyed such liberty , speaking words of truth and sobernesse . so in the afternoon they came , and were placed in a convenient seate before the elders . mr. cotton the teacher taught then ( in his ordinary course ) out of acts . of demetrius speech for diana her silver shrine . after sermon gorton desired leave to speake , which being granted , hee tooke occasion from the sermon to speake to this effect , that in the church now there was nothing but christ , so that all our ordinances , ministers , and sacraments , &c. were but mens inventions , for shew and po●p , and no other then those silver shrines of diana . he said also , that if christ lives eternally , then he died eternally , and other speeches of like kinde . and indeed it appeareth both by his speeches and letters , that it was his opinion , that christ was incarnate in adam , and was that image of god , wherein adam was created ; and that the chiefe worke and merit lay in his inanition , when he became such a thing , so meane , &c. and that his being borne after of the virgin mary , and suffering , &c. was but a manifestation of his suffering , &c. in adam . another of them said that the sabbath was christ , and so was borne of the virgin mary . they called magistracy among christians an idol ; yet they did acknowledge a magistracy in the world to bee subjected to as an ordinance of god , but onely as naturall ; as the father over his wife and children , and an hereditary prince over his subjects . their first appearance before the court was upon the lecture day at boston , before a very great assembly , where first the governour declared the cause and manner of all the proceedings against them , and their letters were openly read , and they had liberty to object , and anwers were given , as followeth : first , to their plea , that they were not within our jurisdiction ; it was answered : if they were not within ours , yet they were within the jurisdiction of one of our confederates , who had referred them to us . if they were within no jurisdiction , then was there none to complaine to for redresse of our injuries in way of ordinary justice , and then we had no way of relief but by force of armes . secondly , to their plea of persecution for their conscience , &c. it was answered , that wee did not meddle with them for their opinions , otherwise then they had given us occasion , by their owne letters and free speeches amongstus , for wee wrote to them about civill controversies onely , and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphemies and revilings against the ordinances of religion set up with us . thirdly , for their title to the indians lands : wee had divers times desired them to make it appeare ; but they alwayes refused , even to our commissioners , whom ( according to their owne motion ) wee sent last to them : and since they were in prison , wee offered them to send for any witnesses they would name to us for that end , but this also they refused . so that our title ( by the indians surrender ) appeareth good , and having regained possession , we need not question them any further about that . their letters being read and their subscriptions acknowledged , they were demanded severally if they would maintaine those things which were contained therein . their answer was , that they would , in that sense they wrote them , and so were returned to prison . the next day they were brought before the court severally to be examined upon particulars , ( many of the elders being desired to bee present ) because they had said they could give a good interpretation of every part of their letters . but the interpretation they gave being contrary to the words , they were demanded if they would then retract those words , so plainely different from their pretended meanings . but this they refused to doe , saying , that then they should deny the truth ; for instance in one or two . their letters were directed , one of them , to their neighbours of the massachusets : and the other , to the great honoured idoll generall of the massachusets , and by a messenger of their owne delivered to our governour , and many passages in both letters particularly applyed to our courts , our magistrates , our elders , &c. and yet upon their examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull passages , they answered that they meant them , of the corrupt estate of mankinde in generall , and not of us . so , whereas in their letter they charged it upon us , as an errour that we teach , that christ dyed actually onely , when he suffered under pontius pilate ; and before , onely in types , &c. upon their examination they said , that their meaning was , that his death was actuall to the faith of the fathers under the law , ( which is in effect the same which we hold : ) yet they would not retract their words they had written . the elders conferred many houres with them before the court , and by occasion there of they discovered divers blasphemous opinions , which they maintained , we will instance one which was mentioned before , delivered by gort●n , viz. that the image of god wherein adam was created , was christ ; and adams loosing that image was the death of christ , and the restoring of that image in the regeneration , was the resurrection of christ : and so the death of him that was borne of the virgin mary was but a manifestation of the former . master william tompson one of the elders had spent some time with them before in the prison about the opinions which they held forth , and they had professed their agreement with him ( for substance ) in every point , so as he came to the court with a purpose to speak in their behalf , but when he heard themselves discover thus upon their publique examinations , he shewed how he had beene deluded by them , for they excell the iesuites in the art of equivocation , and regard not how false they speake , to all other mens apprehensions , so they keepe to the rules of their owne secret intentions . being asked why they spake against the ordinances of the ministery , sacraments , &c. seeing the scripture allowes them ? they answered that they were ordained onely for the time of nonage , but after the revelation was written , they were to cease , because we finde no mention ▪ of them in that booke . they were unlearned men , the ablest of them could not write true english , no not in common words , yet they would take upon them to interpret the most difficult places of scripture , and wrest them any way to serve their owne turne . as for instance , mr. cotton pressing gorton with that in act. . who can forbid water , why these should not be baptised . &c. he interpreted thus , who can deny but these h●ve beene baptised , s●eing they have received the holy ghost , &c. so he allowed them to have beene baptised . this shift he was put to , that he might maintaine his opinion , viz : that such as have beene baptized with the holy ghost , need not the baptisme of water . divers dayes were spent both by the court and the elders in labouring to bring them to repentance , but all in vaine . they continued obstinate . whereupon they agreed to sentence them , but first they brought them in publique before a great assembly , and there ( out of their letters and speeches ) they laid upon them this charge , viz. they were found to be blasphemous enemies of the true religion of our lord jesus christ , and of all his holy ordinances , and likewise of all civill government among his people , and particularly within this jurisdiction . then they were demanded , if they did acknowledge this charge to be just , and would submit to it , or what exception they had against it ? they answered , they did not acknowledge it to be just , but they fell into some cavilling speeches , so they were returned unto prison againe . being in prison they behaved themselves insolently towards their keeper , and spake evill of the magistrates , so as the keeper was forced to threaten them with irons , to keepe them quiet . after all meanes used to reclaime them , and not prevailing , they were brought before the court to receive their sentence , which was this . gorton and six more of them , were to be sent to severall townes , there to bee kept to worke for their livings , and to weare an iron chaine upon one leg , and not to depart the limits of the towne , nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blasphemous or wicked errours upon paine of death , except in conference with any of the elders , or any other allowed by some magistrate to conferre with them ; and this to continue during the pleasure of the court. three of the company ( because they had not their hands to the letters ) were set at libertie , two of them upon a small ransome as prisoners taken in warre , and the other , freely , for that he was amongst them in his masters house , where they were taken ; a fourth being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was discharged also , onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our townes , but hee went away and returned no more , contrary to his promise . there were two other who were brought in after ; ( but not by force ) the one of them disclaiming to have any hand in the letters , was discharged presently ; the other was kept a while in prison , and after upon his submission &c. was released . gor●on and the other fix remained in the severall townes all that winter ; and then in regard of their wives and children ( who were like to be much distressed by their husbands absence ) they were set at liberty , and banished upon paine of death if they were found in any part of our jurisdiction . after the court had passed sentence upon them for their confinement , we sent to fetch so many of their cattle , as might defray the charges they had put us to , which amounted to about one hundred and sixty pounds , but the cattle came not to so much , for we left every of them a part for the support of their families , and some of them had no cattle at all . the letters follow ▪ mooshawset novemb : , . to our neighbours of the massachusets . vvhereas we lately received an irregular note , professing its forme from the massachusets , with four mens names subscribed thereunto , as principall authors of it , of the chiefe amongst you ; we could not easily give credit to the truth thereof , not onely because the conveyers of it unto us , are knowne to bee men , whose constant and professed acts are worse , then the counterfeiting of mens hands ; but also , because we thought that men of your parts and profession , would never have prostrated their wisdome to such an act . but considering that causlesse enmity you have against us ; the proofe wherof , every occasion brings forth ; wee cannot but conclude , that no act so ill which that ancient mother will not bring forth her seed unto . for wee know very well , that it is the name of christ called upon us , which you strive against ; thence it is that you stand on tip-toe , to stretch your selves beyond your bounds , to seeke occasion against us ; ( so ) as you might hide your sinne with adam , bearing the world in hand ; it is not your desire to contend with us ; but some civill breach in our courses , which you onely seeke to redresse . whereas neither you , nor any ( in way of truth ) can finde wherewith , to bring us under the censure of a disorderly course of walking amongst men : and as for the way of that ancient spirit of accusation of the brethren , we weigh it not , knowing him to be a lyer , ( or in the abstract , a lye ) from the beginning , yea and the father of it also , which thing you cannot know , though it were told unto you . whereas you say , robert cole , william arnauld with others , have put themselves under the government and protection of your jurisdiction , which is the occasion you have now got to contend ; we wish your words were verified , that they were not elsewhere to be found , being nothing but the shame of religion , disquiet , and disturbance of the place where they are . for , we know neither the one nor the other , with all their associates and confederates , have power to enlarge the bounds , by kinge charles limited unto you . behold therfore in this your act , a map of your spirituall estate , ( to use your owne phrase ) for we know that the spirituality of your churches , is the civility of your commonweale , and the civility of your comonwealth , is the spirituality of your churches , the wisdome of man , being the whole accomplishment of them both ; of which tree , you delight dayly to eate ( finding it faire and beautifull ) to gaine conformity with your maker . in these your dissembling subjects ; grossly profane amongst us , but full of the spirit of your purity , when they are with you , you may remember the brand your selves have set upon some of them , the cause wherof was never yet removed , though it abide not upon their backe ; nor yet the cause of your commitment of them unto sathan according unto your law , for if that were removed , you should doe them wrong , in not resuming your vomit into its former concoction againe ; nor are we ignorant of those disgracefull tearmes they use , and give out against you , behind your backes , their submission therfore can bee to no other end , but to satisfie their owne lusts , not onely conceived , but in violent motion , against their neighbours , who never offered the least wrong unto them , only the proposition of amity , is object sufficient , for these mens enmitie . even so the passions of sin , which are by the law , having force in your members ; you going about with great labour and industry to satisfie them by your submission unto the word of god , in your fasting , and feasting , in contributing , and treasuring , in retirednesse for study , and bowing of the backes of the poore , going forth in labour to maintaine it , and in the spirit of that hireling , raising up , your whole structure and edifice , in all which you bring forth nothing but fruit unto death , some labouring for a price to give for the keeping of their soules , in peace and safe estate and condition , and some to have their bodies furnished with riches , honour and ease , and further then the lord jesus agrees with these , you mind him not , nay you renounce and reject him , and with these ( according to your acceptation and practice ) he holdes no correspondency at all , being the consultation and operation of that his onely adversarie , man being that which you depend uppon , and not the lord , crying o●t in way of elevation , and aplauding his ministers , when in the meane time , you know not what , nor who they are , professing them under a mediate call of christ , though formerly , they have beene called immediately by him , herby showing your selves to be those , that destroy the sacred ordinance of god : for if you make christ to be that to day , in stateing his ministers ; which he was not yesterday , and that in the tyme of the gospell also , ( to speake acording to your law ) to be found in them both , you therin affirm , that he hath beene that to his ministers , which now he is not , and to make the son of god to have beene that which now he is not , is to make a nullitie of him , not to be at all , for he is the lord that changeth not , no not a shadow therof is found in him , so that you plainely crucifie unto your selves , the lord of glory , and put him to an open shame ▪ so that as you know not , how christ , conversing with his father in heven , is found on the earth , amongst the true worshippers , no more do you know , how in his conversing with nicodemus on the earth , he concludes himselfe to be in heaven , with his father . on this foundation hangeth the whole building of your doctrine , concerning the sufferings of christ , you annihilate the cros● , then the which , the saints have no other consolation : and prepare no better a place then purgatory , for the honourable fathers of our lord : for you conclude , that christ dyed in the decree , and purpose god , in the time of the law , but actually onely when he hanged on the crosse in the dayes of herod and pontius pilate , that hee was crucified in the ●●pes and shadowes of the law , but in the truth , and substance , when hee appeared borne of the virgin mary : so must you also conclude that the fathers under the law , were only saved , in purpose and decree , in type and shadow , but actually and substantially onely at the comming of christ in the flesh : therefore deale plainely with those that depend upon you for instruction ( as your ancestours in the papacie have don ) and proclaime a place of purgatorie , provided for them in the meane , without which , your doctrine hath no foundation . for if you raise up a shaddow , without a substance , and the substance of him that dwelleth in light , without a shaddow , you play the part of wisards , or necromancers , not the part of true naturalists , in the things of the kingdome of god . so that as farre as these men are from beinge honourable and loyall subjects , so farre are you from being voluntaries in the day of gods power , and from yeelding subjection unto the beauties of holiness . such also is your professed rule , and government , in the things that concern the kingdom of our god , they are infinitly beyond , and out of the reach of that spirit which is gone out amongst you , the capacity wherof can no wayes comprehend , the breadth of the land of emanuel , nor en●reth it within the vale , therefore it cannot know those cherubims of glory , neither can it h●re the voice of that lively oracle , speaking onely from off the covering mercy-seate , and not elsewhere to be heard ; we speake not but what wee know , these things are out of its jurisdiction ; therfore dumb in telling justice , nor speakes it any of that righteousnesse and glory , comprysed in another circuit , then ever you were yet made lords of : long therfore may you boast , of your jurisdiction before ever you attaine unto a iurisprudentia , in these things . in that you tell us wee offer you wrong , by a pretended purchase : you are as much mistaken in the purchase , as in the wrong , for it is right that we are about to do , neither is our purchase a pretence , but precedentiall , not onely in this civill respect , but may also admonish all men , to take heed , how they depend upon false and self-seeking interpreters , when both themselves , and they that have the vision , are ignorant of the contract , and covenant of god. thence it is , that you teach , that the spouse of christ , upon contract with her lord , may conceive the seed of immortalitie , and bring forth fruit unto god , when as yet the day of mariage , that great feastivitie , and solemnization , of the consolations of god , is not yet comne , witnesse your prorogation thereof , if not to the descension of christ from heaven unto the earth , to raigne certaine years , yet to the calling of the jewes , whom yee your selves are , according to the flesh , and to the destruction of that man of sinn whom yee so stoutly maintain , what is this , but to proclaime unto all the world , that audacious spirit of whoredoms , professing conception and bringing forth before the nuptiall day ? in that you conclude your clyents right to arise out of foure years possession , wee have no such order , if you meane the right of conquest , ( onely held in that tenure ) the true owners were never yet subdued , for that is the right they expect to injoy by you , for some of them committed part of their supposed right unto us , professing it was , that they might have help , to injoy the rest ; but when they saw , wee would not be abetters unto them without , much lesse contrary unto covenant , then they flye unto you for help , their possession , beeing a meere intrusion , as all the natives know and ever exclaymed against them for the same , and so may our countrymen also , whose eyes are not dazled with envie , and eares open to lyes , as we know yours are , else you had heard both sydes speake , before you had judged . but wee profess right held , according to no such interest , but upon the ground of covenant onely , knowne in its nature ; in the parties 'twixt whom it is plight , in the possesser , and the possessed , with the nature of all fruit arising from their accord and concurrencie , together with their distinct , harmonicall , reciprocall , and joint properties , and operations of them both : such is the tenure wee hould , and maintain , before men and angels , and oppose it against man and divell , not in taking up unto our selves , certaine offices and officers which wee can teach children to bee , and to perform , and from thence presently to conclude , the possession of the kingdome , crying out our peace offerings are upon us , this day we have payd our vowes . but when that dark cloud descended upon the tabernacle , becomes the light , and glory of all israell ( there being nothing acknowledged amongst them , but what ariseth out thence ) then , and then only , are the orders , as also the men of israell , deriv●d from the true fountaine , which no tongue can confess , but it is salvation , and then , not else , is the heritage of our lord in possession , yea , even the wayless wilderness knowes , how to afford them an habitation , which had its being before the hills and mountaines were borne : which men begin to flye unto for refuge , to hide them from the presence of the lamb : this is a possession , which no man can intrude himselfe into : it is onely covenanted withim , thorow an inlightned eye , and boared eare , which man performeth not , nor can it be received from him . for wee know that cloud of thick darknesse , that hides and covers the whole frame and fabrick of the work of god , to be the cle●ring and evidencing of every point and particular therof : yea to us , it is even that cloud of witness , which testifies unto us , they like workes to appeare , when ever the world hath occasion to make use of us . never doth it shine but in the night , never is it dark to israel but in the day , but in the one , and the other , the only glory and sastie of all the tribes : but how , you know not , nor can you with all your libraries , give the interpretation thereof , but have lost it in the wilderness , and accordingly , have made the whole way , and will of our lord , the ouldnesse of the letter , both to your selves , and to all that have an eare to lissen unto you ; thence it is that the day of lord , is a day of darkness and gloominess unto you , but of joy and gladness unto us ; yea , it lifts up our head onely , and then is our salvation neere ; for wee know the worthies of david doubled about the bed of solomon , which expell all feare in the night , handling the sword with sucess , making the adversaries nothing but meat to feede upon , so that the tyme of your feares is the time of our courage and conquest , for when you feare errour , schisme , rents and confusions in church and ●late , then do wee know the messenger of the covenant , the lord whom wee seek is speeding his passage into his holy temple : for who ( under the terrors of your spirit ) may abide his coming , hee being like a refiners fire , and fullers sope . ? in that you invite us unto your courts to fetch your equall ballanced justice , upon this ground , that you are becomne one with our adversaries , and that , both in what they have , and what they are , and wee know them to bee such , as profess the day of the lord an unhallowed thing . now , if wee have our opponant , to prefer his action against us , and not only so , but to bee our counsell , our jurie , and our judg , for so it must bee , if you bee one with them ( as you affirm ) wee know before hand , how our cause will bee ended , and see the scale of your equall justice turned alreadie , before wee have layd our cause therein , and cannot but admire , to see you caried so contrarie to your owne received principles : for you know not how to finde christ as a ruling and teaching elder both in one person , therfore he is not complete amongst you by your owne law , except in severall persons , and you may thank tradition , else you know no more how to finde both a king and a priest in him , and yet in your way of making tender of your justice unto us you know how to become one with our adversaries ( so ) as if wee deale with them , wee deale with you , and if wee have to doe with you , wee have to doe with them also , yea further , wee know , that the chiefe amongst you , have professed wee are not worthy to live ; and that if some of us were amongst you , wee should hardly see the place of our abode any more ; now that they have brooded upon their law , to take away life , they must much more bring it up , in taking away all means of life , witnes our prohibition , that no powder should besould unto us for our money , and that in a time when you could not thinke your selves safe , in all your owne , self provision and worldly furniture , except you disarmed a company of poor indians , whom aaron your leviticall sacrificer hath made naked , as hee doth all those which triumph in a calf , though the most costly and beautifull , that the jewells and eare-rings of learning , either in language , or art , can possibly bring forth : your owne amazements upon meer rumors , may testifie the truth hereof ; so then ; wee are judged by your law before our cause bee hard , or our selves brought forth under the liberties of it , which thing is well pleasing unto us , to have our condition conformed unto moses the man of god , who was dead in pharaohs account , before he was brought forth , and so it was with christ our lord , in the dayes of herod also , who is our life ( at which you strike ) and makes all things , yea , death it self , lively , and advantagious unto us . wee cannot but wonder , that you should read the scripture , and not finde them fulfilled , in , and amongst your selves , when as they appeare so apparantly , that he that runs may read them ▪ what think you of herod , when the lord had delivered peter out of prison , and released him of those bonds , and brought him from that thraldom , which he had so cruelly imposed upon him , to gaine the favour of the jewes , and that by a power supereminent , transcending the bounds of his authoritie , and by a wisdom surpassing the depth of his counsell , and policie , to fynd out , together with his souldiers and champions , he presently goes downe to ces●rea , and hero● i● angry with them of tyrus & sidon , ( thumomachon ) a heavie friend , or hath a secret grudg or perturbation of mind , manifested in an outreaching , and circumventing policie , to subdue them unto himself , that he might rule over them : finding himself fall short of power and policie , to subject the word of god in the messinger of it , to satisfy his owne lusts , in his lordship over it , he pursues with all egarnesse to make himself a god , by raigning over the bodies and estates of men ; yea , though they be but such , as tyru● and sidon , can afford unto him , to make subjects of , and when they come unto him with one accord to make offer of themselves , in yeelding to his affectionate and politicall project , he sitting uppon the judgment seate , in his royall apparell , making his oration , of what power he hath to protect them , what wisdom and counsell , to minister justice and righteousuess unto them ( which office belongs only unto the lord ) the people with a shout crying out , the voice of god and not of man , the truth and substance of which cry is , this is the ordinance of god and not of man , immediately the angel of the lord smites him , and hee that ever acknowledged himself , to bee a worme , and no man upon the earth , consumes and eates up all his pomp and glory , even as those , whom you account the shame and contempt of the people , shall ( thorow that angell of the covenant ) waste and bring to nought all those rhetoricall , ( though earthly ) orations that are made amongst you , by your so learned , studious , and experienced clarkes : take for illustration of your estate as above , the speech of your alderman oliver , in case of committing francis hutchinson to prison ; one of your church-members wondering that brother winthrop would do it before the church had dealt with him , brother , faith hee , why ; hee is thy god man. lend your eye yet farther , to parallel your practise personated in pylate and the people , when pylat offereth jesus unto the people to be judged , they profess , they have such a law , as puts no man to death : they are all for mercy and forgiveness , when they are out of the judgment hall , but let pylat enter in thither ; and then , nothing but crucifie him , crucifie him ; be their accusations , and witnesses , never so false : even so , in your dealings with men , in way of your jewish brother hood , your law is all for mercie , to redress , reform , and for preservation , both of soule and bodie ; do but enter into the common hall , and then , as pylat asked ( am i a jew ? ) so do you , doe i sit , or speake here , as a brother ? i tro not , i am now in a higher sphere , then that ( though they be acknowledged coheirs with christ ) can ataine unto , therfore if witness be brought in , and oath taken , though never so untrue , your consciences are purged by law , and your power must have tribute payd unto it , so far as mens names , to bee branded with infamie , estates , depryving women and children of things necessarie , and precious lives of men can extend themselves , to contribute any thing thereunto ; so that the professed mercie , and clemencie of your law , to exercise censures only for amendment of life , and recoverie , comes unto this issue , as much as in you lies , to send both soule and body downe unto hell for ever without redresse , and all hope of recovery . but your houre , and the power of darknesse , is known what it is , either to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage ; or else , to seek all occasions against them , to brand them with all manner of reproch , and ignominie , but for the truth , taught daily in the temple , you know not how to streatch out your hand , or exercise your ministry againstil , left it become leprous , and you take it back again with losse , when it appeares dried and withered . and wherefore reason yee amongst your selves , saying , wee exercise the power of your ministrations against none but such as are delinquents , whereby we cleer the innocent , and establish peace in all our borders ? wee demand , what think you of those two witnesses , prophecying in sackcloth , a thousand two hundreth and threescore dayes : those two olive trees , and two candlestickes , standing before the god of the earth ? are thesegu ltie and vile persons , out of whose hands ( by the power of your ministries ) you are delivering and releasing the world ? then indeed are your wayes justifiable : but if these bee the just , chosen , and peculiar friends of god , yea such , as without which , his truth and righteousnesse are not justified , his wisdom , and holinesse maintained and upheld in the world , in point of salvation by christ , then are your wayes wicked , and to bee abhorred ; for in your professed course , you are they , by whom these are ●laine , and put to death , and all your glory is to keepe their corpes unburied in your streetes , and yet you know not what you are doing , no more then you know what these witnesses are , whom you are altogether ignorant of , for your libraries never saw them , and you see not but by their eyes , for these are two , and never more , nor yet lesse , yea ever the same , they are olive trees , else no witnesses , and also candlesticks , else both the former faile , yea , are not at all . wee must tell you what these are , else wee cannot declare how you kill them , for it is not our intent to open unto you the house of the treasures , the silver and the gold , and the spices , and the precious oyntment , nor the house of our armour , because you take all as execrable , and put all to a profane use that commeth from us ; but these two witnesses are the life and death of our lord jesus ; or , in the true language of heaven also , the strength and the weaknesse of christ , for hee was crucified through weaknesse , but hee liveth by the power of god : this is the word of the lord in zerubbabel , not by an army , nor by power , and so deprives him of all strength , but by aspirit , that the greatest mountaine , or loftiest hill in the world cannot stand before , but becomes a plaine , which with facility and ease hee passeth upon ; thence it is that hee doth not onely lay the top or the head stone of all , but also the lowest in the foundation , and then onely is the voice of shouting heard , grace , grace in the house for ever ; and then doth the day of small things become the day of joy and triumph , yea , of parting the rich spoiles and prey of all the world , for then hee that doth but turn and lift up his eyes he cannot looke besides that great flying book of the curse that is gone forth over the whole earth . without these two witnesses jointly uttering themselves in every particular scripture undertaken to bee divulged by any , no evidence nor testimony of god is given , or brought in at all , but a meere refuge of lies for the soules of men to betake themselves unto ; without these two pipes of the olive trees emptying themselves into the bowle of the candlesticks , no unction nor oyle at all is found in them , and that being wanting the light of the sanctuary is gone out ; so that the light appearing amongst you is onely the light of bala●m , whose eye was open , which you may read either s●et●um or sethum , for that opening is nothing else but the shutting up of the holy things of god , so that in seeing you see not , but communicate onely in the light of that beast , who puts the witnesses to death , as balaam did in the sight of that dumbe beast of his whose eyes were opened to see the angel before him ; so that while you thinke it is our wisdome to stoope unto you for light , wee never come amongst you but see our selves in a regiment of grosse and palpable darknesse , and discern you very plainly , how you scrabble upon the wall to finde the doore of lots house , and cannot . as also how you toil your selves to climbe up into the sheep-fold , another , yea , so many other wayes , and have no fight nor discerning of us the door , at all , by the which whosoever entereth , becomes a true feeder of the flock of god ; yea , none entereth in thereat , but the true shepheard himself . most impious it is to put to death two such noble witnesses , that have power to shut heaven that it raine not in the dayes of their prophecying ; to turne the waters into bloud , and to smite the earth with all manner of plagues as oft as they will , whom that spirit that is amongst you kills on this wise , the life or power of the sonne of god , as above , which is infinite , not admitting of circumscription or containment , for the heaven of heavens cannot containe him , yet have you not dared to graspe and inviron that power in the heavens , and therefore have resolved and concluded that hee onely rules upon the earth in these dayes by his deputies , lievtenants , and vicegerents , whereby you limit , and so destroy the holy one of israel ; for give him that in one time , or place , which afterwards , or elsewhere you deny him , and you make a nullity of him unto your selves , and in so doing , you kill that other witnesse , namely , the death or weaknesse of the lord jesus : for you must have man to bee honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , else they may not rule among you ; yea and these things are of man , and by man , as appeares , in that they onely officiate so , as man may disanull and take it away againe ; witnesse your change of officers , constantly speaking for us herein ; thus have you slaine also the death or theweaknesse of christ , who professeth himselfe to bee a worm and no man , the shame and contempt of the people ; and these faith full and true witnesses thus slaine , you must of necessity deny buriall , and keep them both in open view in your streets , or other wise all your pompe and glory falls to the dust whence it came , and on which it feeds . nor can you send your presents one to another of your acts of justice , power to protect , wealth , honour , and friends where with you gratifie each other ; and where these are thus slaine , and their corps lie in open view , none of the gentiles , peoples , tongues , and kindreds suffering their carkasses to bee put in graves , there is that great city which spiritually is sodom and egypt , where our lord is crucified ; but after there dayes and an half , the spirit of life from god shall enter into them , and they shal stand up upon their feet to the terrour of you all : nor doe you thinke that wee onely inveigh against the great ones of this world for thus doing , for wee know that the basest peasant hath the same spirit with the greatest princes of this world , and the greatest of the princes of this world , hath the very same spirit wherewith the basest peasant hath laid himselfe open in the view of all men : these wee say , are the two witnesses if you can receive it , and what a dishonour is it to trade so much by meanes of witnesses , and yet not know what a true witnesse is ? which if you did , you durst not attempt the things you doe , whereby you cast reproach upon all the world , in that you professe your selves a choice people pickt out of it , and yet goe on , in such practices as you doe , maintaining them as your onely glory . our lord gives you in charge not to sweare at all , but it is your dignity to bring men to your seates of justice with nothing but oathes in their mouthes , why doe you not ballance the scriptures in this point ? viz. it hath beene said of old , thou shalt not committ adultery , but i say unto you , hee that looketh on a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery with her in his heart already : so also it hath beene sayd of old , thou shalt not forsweare thy self , but i say unto you , sweare not at all : so that if it be adulterie , to looke to lust , it is also forswearing a mans self , to sweare at all ; if the one be adultery , the other is perjury , if one be admitted in some cases , the other also , so that in preaching the toleration , nay the duty of an oath , you preach the toleration , yea the duty of adulterie it self ; so that our lord plainly evinceth unto all mens consciences , not onely the guilt but the folly and madnesse of the oath of man , shewing how farre it is , either from investing into place , or demonstrating causes , so that hee that concludeth upon honour , and power , received from the oath of man , or upon knowledge and bouldness , to judge in a cause , from that testimony without the which he could not have it , is as vaine in his thoughts , as if hee should herupon conclude , i have now altered the frame of heaven , which is no less stable then the throne of the great god , or demolished the earth , which is as firme as his foot-stoole for ever , or made a fraction in the orders of ierusalem , that choice and peculiar city of the great king , whose institutions no mortall breath can intrench upon , or to professe his authority and skill to be such , whereby he can make a haire of his head blacke or white , cause his age to wax old as doth a garment , or renew it with the eagle at his pleasure , hereby doth man ( in this point of swearing ) professe his folly to bee such , that hee is become not onely-vaine in his imaginations , but unto that pride and usurpation therein , as to intrude himselfe into the prerogative royall of his maker . so that however you boast of the ordinances of god , yet he tels you there is no more then yea , yea , and nay , nay , in them , for what is once nay , is ever nay in the ordination of christ , and what is once yea , is ever yea with him , and according to his account however man reckoneth , whose account shall be called over againe , what is once curse , is ever the curse , and what is once the principality and power of christ , is ever the principality and power of christ , as that which is once the principality and power of darkenesse , is ever the same , what hands soever it cometh into for manifestation : measure your kingdome whether it bee eternall , and your jurisdiction whether it bee illimited , for he hath given ( him ) the heathen for his inheritance , the utmost parts of the earth for his possession , and a kingdome of lesse extent hee professeth not , nor can hee approve or acknowledge any that doe , no more then light can approve of darkenesse , or the lord iehovah of the lord ba●l . bee wise therefore , and bethinke your selves while it is called to day , harden not your hearts , as though you would make your selves meriba nothing but strife and contention against the lord , rather kisse the sonne ( if it bee possible ) lest his wrath bee kindled and you perish from the way for ever , o blessed onely they , that hope in him . so that hee which professeth on this wife , it is yea , i am a pastour , but it was nay , at such a time i was none , hee renounceth that spirit of the true pastour , yet onely feeder of israel , professing onely that spirit that pusheth the weake with the horne , and pudleth with his feet the waters where the flocke of god should drinke . hee with whom it is yea , i am a ruler , but it was nay when i was none at all , renounceth that spirit of him that rules in righteousnesse , professing the spirit of him that rules according to the god of this world , that prince of the power of the aire , who is now working so effectually in the children of disobedience . so also hee with whom it is yea , i am a captaine , or chiefe slaughter-man , but it was nay , time was i was none at all , renounceth that victorie and slaughter made by the captaine and high-priest of our profession , ( who as hee is a lambe slaine from the beginning , his victory and slaughter must bee of the same antiquity , ) professing himselfe to bee a chiefe slaughter-man , or super●●uous giant , made in that hoast of the philistims , standing in readinesse to come out , to defie the hoast of the living god : yea , it is evident , that whatsoever is more then yea , yea , and nay , nay , not settlingeach upon its base , whereon it standeth for ever without controule , but can remove , create , or make void offices and officers at their pleasure , is of that evill , or not of jesus , the salvation of his people , but of shedim that waster and destroyer of mankinde for ever : know therefore that it is the oath of god which confirmes and makes good his covenant and promise unto a thousand generations : and it is the oath of man , which is the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with death and hell for ever ; bee yee assured it is not the tabernacle of witnes which you have amongst you , brought in by jesus into the possession of the gentiles , but it is siccuth your king , or the tabernacle of mol●ck , the starre of your god remphan , figures which you have made unto your selves , which you have taken up , and are bearing so stoutly upon your shoulders . now to tell you what an oath according to god is , that the scriptures are delivered upon no other ground or termes of certainty , where ever they are divolged , is a thing out of your jurisdiction , you cannot discerne or judge of it , therefore according to our word above , wee leave it as a parable unto you , as all the holy word of our god is , as your conversation in all points , as in this , daily declareth . in a word , when wee have to doe in your jurisdiction , we know what it is to submit to the wise dispensations of our god , when you have to doe amongst us , in the liberties hee hath given unto us , wee doubt not , but you shall finde him judge amongst us , beyond and above any cause or thing you can propose unto us ; and let that suffice you , and know , that you cannot maintaine a jurisdiction , but you must reject all inroades upon other mens priviledges , and so doe wee . in the meane time , wee shall ( as wee thinke good ) bee calling over againe some matters that you have taken up and had the handling of them amongst you , to see what justice or equity wee finde hath beene exercised in them , and redresse them accordingly : for wee professe right unto all men , and not to doe any violence at all , as you in your prescript threaten to doe to us , for wee have learned how to discipline our children , or servants , without offering violence unto them , even so doe wee know how to deale with our deboist , rude , nay inhumane neighbours , ( or if you will , nabals ) without doing violence , but rather rendring unto them that which is their due . nor shall wee deprive a witnesse of his modest testimony for the out-cries , and clamours of such a one as ill bred apostatized arnauld that fellonious hog-killer , being the partie to bee testified against , or for the oath of any interested in the cause , nor shall wee bee forward to come so farre , to finde your worke upon your request , till wee know you to beare another minde , then others of your neighbours doe , with whom wee have had to doe in this country , whose pretended and devised lawes wee have stooped under , to the robbing and spoiling of our goods , the livelyhood of our wives and children , thinking they had laboured , ( though groping in great darkenesse ) to bring forth the truth , in the rights and equity of things , but finding them to bee a company of grosse dissembling hypocrites , that under the pretence of law and religion , have done nothing else , but gone about to establish themselves in wayes to maintaine their owne vicious lusts , wee renounce their diabolicall practice , being such as have denyed in their publique courts , that the lawes of our native country should bee named amongst them , yea those ancient statute lawes , casting us into most base nastie and insufferable places of imprisonment for speaking according to the language of them , in the meane while , breaking open our house in a violent way of hostilitie ( abusing our wives and our little ones ) to take from us the volumes wherein they are preserved , thinking thereby to keepe us ignorant of the courses they are resolved to run , that so the viciosity of their owne wills might bee a law unto them , yea they have endeavoured , and that in publique expressions , that a man being accused by them , should not have liberty to answer for himselfe in open court. dealings of like nature wee finde in the place whereof you stile us your neighbours , ( on whose unbridled malice , wee finde a higher then you putting a curbe ) and yet in your account and reckoning wee are the parties that still are doing the wrong , and must beare the guilt in your most mature sentence , in whomsoever the spot ariseth and abideth . but the god of vengeance ( unto whom our cause is referred , never having our protector and judge to seeke ) will shew himselfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all , yea all the house of that ish●osheth and mephibusheth , nor will he faile us to utter and make knowne his strength ( wherein wee stand ) to serve in our age , and to minister in our course , to day and to morrow , and on the third day , can none deprive us of perfection , for hee hath taught us to know what it is to walke to day , and tomorrow , and the day following also , when a perishing estate cannot arise out of ierusalem , though she be the onely one , ( yea , none but she ) that kills the prophets , and stones them that are sent unto her . behold yee that are looking after , and foretelling so much of the comming of christ , driving the day before you still for certaine yeares , which some ( you say ) shall attaine unto , and unto the day of death for therest , you blinde guides , as your fathers have ever done , so doe yee . behold wee say , when ever hee appeareth , your house ( which yee so glory in ) shall bee left unto you desolate , it shall be turned into nothing but desolation and confusion , for babel is its name ; nor shall you see him to your comfort in the glory of his kingdome , until you can say , blessed is hee that commeth in the name of the lord , when the authority and power of man appeares to bee the building of babel unto you , and the name and authority of god onely , to bee that , wherein the blessing con●ists , and that in such wise also , as is nothing but a way of reproach , in the eyes of all the world , that a king should ride into his chiefe city , so strangely furnished , upon an asse borrowed , her furniture old , overworn garments , and accompanied with none but poore , meane , excommunicated persons , such as your elders , scribes , pharisees , lawyers , and all your credible persons among you , make full account they are not onely accursed by , but also destitute and void of all law , when you can finde hosanna in the highest , arising out of such contempt and shame , then , and then onely shall you sing unto him with comfort . in the meane time acknowledge your portion , which is to trust and stay your selves on the name of man , and in his beautie to delight and glory , which shall fade as a leafe , and like the grasse shall wither when it is fitting it self for the oven , such is man whose breath is in his nostrills , and the sonne of sorrie man , in whom you delight to trust , his power and his policy brings forth nothing else , but as you shall see and heare in the countrey from whence wee are brought . we are not ignorant of those shamefull lies and falsities gone out against us , and the daily wresting of our words , to cast contempt upon us , thinking to bow downe our backs under ignominie and reproach ; neither of those straits & difficulties they have cast us upon , in the things which concerne this present life , to the taking away of the lives of many , if our god had not been seen beyond and above what their thoughts could reach unto ( as their owne confession hath witnessed , ) doing it in such a way of painted hypocrisie and false glosse unto the eye of the world , that wee might seeme unto it self-executioners . we resolve therefore to follow our imployments , and to carry and behave our selves as formerly wee have done ( and no otherwise ) for wee have wronged no man , unlesse with hard labour , to provide for our families , and suffering of grosse , idle , and idol droanes to take our labour out of the mouths , and from off the backs of our little ones , to lordaneit over us . so that if any any shall goe about to disturbe or annoy us henceforth in our imployments and liberties , which god hath , or shall put into our hands , that can claime no interest in us but by these courses ; what their businesse is , wee know by proofe sufficient , to bee nothing else but that ancient errand of nimrod , that rebellious hunter after the precious life ; which errand of his shall bee no more delivered unto us in that covert cruelty , and dissembling way of hypocrisie , but in direct and open termes of tyrannie , wee will not bee dealt with as before , wee speake in the name of our god , wee will not ; for if any shall disturb us , as above , secret hypocrites shall become open tyrants , and their lawes appeare to bee nothing else but meer lusts in the eyes of all the world . and wherefore doe you murmure among your selves at this saying , thinking it is not a christian expression ? it is because you are ignorant of the crosse of our lord jesus , not knowing what it is : therefore it is , that whi●e you inveigh against such as set up a statue of wood and stone , to bow downe unto it , and are so vaine , 〈◊〉 crosse the aire , ( to use your owne expression ) upon the face of infants , when they sprinkle them with water to as great purpose : and in the meane time you preach and set up seghnirim for your crosse , whom you fall downe unto so willingly , and lest you let the word passe without exposition of it unto all , it signifies , horrour and feare , which is the crosse you hold and teach , and by and thorow which you thinke to bee saved , which is a name given by our lord unto the devill himself , as our english translate it , and the lord never gives name , as an empty title , but according to the nature of the thing named ; so that if hee speake , i have said yee are gods , of any besides himselfe , it is to declare , that there is not onely the name , but the very nature of the god of this world , and therefore hee saith , they shall ●ie , even as adam , which aspired and usurped the place of god , and fall also as one of the princes , even as one of those princes of midian , whose carkasses became dung for the earth ; and hee that gives that title unto any but the true god ( that made heaven and earth ) in any other sense but as it declares a flat opposition against god , is re-acting that ancient spirit of the serpent , if yee eate , you shall bee as gods , to judge of good and evill , for which all men are set up in that kinde ; even so , while you tell the people , that by sorrow , compunction , and anxiety , and trouble of minde , they communicate in the sufferings of christ , out of which condition their comfort is to flow , is nothing else but to conclude the sonne of god to be belial , yea , to affirme him to bee seghnirim himself ; this doth hee receive at your hands in your ministries , for all your fawning upon him with a kisse ; so that if you will know how farre you are from communicating in the death of christ , take it in this parable , verily , as farre as the weakness of god is stronger then man. country-men , for wee cannot but call you so , though wee finde your carriage towards us to bee so farre worse then these indians , wee advise you to take things together , and what god hath joyned , let none dare to put asunder : so that if you bee ashamed of the crosse in baptisme , bee ashamed of the baptisme also , for such as the crosse is , such is the baptisme , therefore your ancestors goe beyond you in that , to joyne crossing of the aire , and sprinkling with the element of water together , but where ever baptisme according to the word of christ is , there is the crosse of christ also , they can no more bee separated , then his scepter and kingdom can , for where the one is , there is the other also , and as they are coincident , so are they co-apparant ; so that if ever you see the baptisme of christ truly in use , and exercised upon any , you do as truly see that party partaking and communicating with the crosse and sufferings of the lord●jesus christ , and to see persons in such estate , and to conclude that afterwards they may bee worthy of censure , yea possibly unto an anathema maranatha , is nothing else but to conclude a totall and finall falling away from the grace of god , as your fathers have done before you ; for no grace greater then the crosse of our lord jesus . behold therefore you despisers , the vanity and abomination of all your baptismes , how prejudiciall they are to the crosse of christ : bee ashamed and return in time , or hee shall bee a swift witnesse against you for ever , when your repentance shall come too late ; but you thinke the crosse of christ is not , but onely in bowing the back under every burden , and cringing and crouching unto the lust of every man , otherwise his shebett is not fit , nor suiteth it at all with your regiment , unlesse so servile , that every man may serve his owne lusts of him , to get wealth and honour , friends and allies , by setting bounds and limits unto the holy word of god ; some in the way of one device , and some according to another , and be that will not either walk as a dumbe beast , ( worse then bala●ms asse ) and say nothing , or else give a sense of the holy writings to maintaine the devised platforme , if mercy must bee used , not to hang and burn , yet banishment is ready waiting upon them ; therefore shall you know by the rod of his power that comes out of sion , that hee will bee ruler , even in the midst of his enemies . per us whom you stile your neighbours of providence , you have said it , providence is our hold , the neighbourhood of the samaritan wee professe . and for the lookings on , and turnings aside of your priests and levites , without either unction , or bowells of compassion , all those slaine and wounded in soule amongst you , finding no remedy , doe plainly testifie unto all men the nature of your travailes and neighbourhood what it is , that neither the oyle of those two olive trees , nor the fatnesse of that vine , which maketh glad god and man , is conversant amongst you ; your speech to us in generall , not using our names , whereas wee know , it is particulars you aime at , gives us plainely to see , the word aelem revived and living in you , as it stands with its coherence in psalme . iohn wickes randall howldon rohert potter samuel gorton iohn greene francis weston richard carder richard waterman nicholas power iohn warner william waddell from our neck : curo ▪ september . . to the great and honoured idol generall , now set up in the massachusets , whose pretended equity in distribution of justice unto the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a meer device of man , according to the ancient customes & sleights of satan , transforming himself into an angel of light , to subject and make slaves of that species or kinde that god hath honoured with his owne image , read dan ▪ . chap ▪ wherein ( if it be not like lots love unto the sodomites ) you may see , the visage or countenance of the state , for wee know the sound of all the musick , from the highest note of wind-instruments , sounding , or set up by the breath or voices of men , ( to have dominion and rule as though there were no god in heaven or in earth but they , to doe right unto the sonnes of men ) unto the lowest tones of the stringed instruments , subjecting themselves to hand or skill of the devised ministrations of men , as though god had made man to bee a vassall to his owne species or kinde , for hee may as well bee a slave to his belly , and make it his god , as to any thing that man can bring forth , yea , even in his best perfection , who can lay claime to no title or terme of honour but what the dust , rottennesse , and putrefaction can affoord , for that of right belongeth solely to our lord christ. woe therefore unto the world , because of the idols thereof ; for idols must needs beset up , but woe unto them by whom they are erected . out of the abovesaid principles , which is the kindome of darknesse and of the devill ; you have writ another note unto us , to adde to your fomer pride and folly , telling us againe , you have taken pumham , with others into your jurisdiction and government , and that upon good grounds ( as you say : ) you might have done well to have proved your selfe christians , before you had mingled your selves with the heathen , that so your children might have knowne how to put a distinction betwixt yours and them in after times , but wee perceive that to bee too hard a worke for your selves to performe , even in time present . but if you will communicate justice and government with that indian , wee advise you to keep him amongst your selves , where hee , and you may performe that worthy worke : yet upon a better ground , wee can informe you , that hee may not expect former curtesies from us , for now by your note , wee are resolved of his breach of covenant with us , in this his seeking and subjection unto you , which formerly hee hath alwayes denyed ; let him and you know therefore , that hee is to make other provision for his planting of corne he●eafter , than upon mshawom●t , for wee will not harbour amongst us any such fawning , lying , and cadaverous person as hee is , after knowledge of him , as now in part you have given unto us , onely hee shall have liberty sufficient to take away his corne , habitation , or any of his implements , so be it hee passe away in peace and quiet , which might in no case bee admitted , if it were so that wee lived by blood , as you doe , either through incision of the nose , division of the eare from the head , stigmatize upon the back , suffocation of the veines , through extremity of cold , by your banishments in the winter , or strangled in the flesh with a halter . but we know our course , professing the kingdome of god and his righteousnesse , renouncing that of darknesse and the devill , wherein you delight to trust , for without the practise of these things , you cannot kisse your hand , blesse the idol , nor professe your vowes and offerings to bee paid and performed . o yee generation of vipers , who hath fore● warned you , or fore● stalled your mindes with this , but satan himselfe , that the practice of these things is to fly from the wrath to come ; whereas the very exercise and performance of them , is nothing else but the vengeance and wrath of god upon you already , in that mankind , so harmonically made in the image of god , is in the exercises of the kingdome , become the torturer and tormentor , yea the executioner of it selfe , whilst those of you that are of the same stock and stem , worke out , yea , and that curiously , through the law of your mindes , the death and destruction of one another ; when as , in the meane time , the same nature or subsistance , in the way of our lord jesus , saves both it selfe and others . you tell us of complaint● made by the indians , of unjust dealings and injuries done unto them , why doe they not make them knowne to us , they never complained to us of any thing done unto this day , but they had satisfaction to the full , according to their owne minde , for oft wee know , in what they expresse unto us , although our wrongs insufferable done by them lie still in the deck , for wee know very well , wee have plenty of causelesse adversaries , wanting no malice that satan can inject , therefore wee suffer much , that in the perfection and heighth of their plots , they may receive the greater rebuke and shame for their basenesse , in the eies of all the world . to which end wee have not onely committed our condition unto writings , but them also into the hands and custody of such friends , from whom they shall not bee taken by any , or by all the governments of this country , as formerly they have beene , that so our wrongs might not appeare ; therefore never picke a quarrell against us in these things , for wee know all your stiles and devices , that being you now want such as old malicious arnauld , one of your low stringed instruments , to exercise his fidle amongst us , and wee are void of your benediction also , sprung out of the same stock to make rents and divisions for you to enter to gaine honour unto your selves in having patients to heale , though they lie never so long under your hands , your chirurgerie must bee thought never the worse . wanting these or such like of the english , to betray the liberties , god hath given us into your hands , now you worke by your coadjutors , these accursed indians ; but you are deceived in us , we are not a cope fitted for your so eager appetite , no otherwise , then if you take it downe it shall prove unto you a cope of trembling , either making you vomit out your owne eternall shame , or else to burst in sunder with your fellow confessor for aire , iudas iscariot . for mr. winthrop and his copartner parker , may not thinke to lay our purchased plantation to their iland so neere adjoyning , for they come too late in that point , though be●●dick hath reported that my●ntohimo , one of the sachims , of whom wee bought it , should lose his head for selling his right thereof to us . as also a minister affirmed that mr. winthrop should say to him , that wee should either bee subjected unto you , or else removed hence , though it should cost bloud . know therefore , that our lives are set apart already for the case wee have in hand , so wee will lose nothing but what is put apart aforehand , bethinke your selves therefore what you should gaine by fetching of them , in case it were in your power , for our losse should bee nothing at all . for wee are resolved , that according as you put forth your selves towards us , so shall you finde us transformed to answer you . if you put forth your hand to us as country-men , ours are in readinesse for you : if you exercise the pen , accordingly doe wee become a ready writer ; if your sword bee drawne , ours is girt upon our thigh ; if you present a gun , make haste to give the first fire : for we are come to put fire upon the earth , and it is our desire to have it speedily kindled . for your pursuite of us , still , to come your courts , to receive your parcells of justice , undoubtedly either god hath blinded your eyes that you see not our answer formerly given in that point , or else you are most audacious to urge it upon us againe ; also you may take notice that wee take it in more disdaine then you could doe , in case we should importune you ( yea ) the chiefe amongst you , to come up to us , and bee employed according to our pleasure , in such workes as wee thought good to set you about ; and for your grant of freedome unto us to come downe to you , and returne in safety , wee cannot sufficiently vilife this your verball and perfunctory offer , knowing very well , according to the verdict of your owne conscience , that what wrongs soever are passed amongst us since our comming into this country , you have beene the violent agents , and we the patients . to feare therefore to come amongst you as such as have done wrong , the cause vanisheth in us , so must the effect also . and to feare to come unto you as tyrants , which your grant must necessarily implies , wee cannot , knowing that hee which is with us , is stronger then hee which is with you . also the earth is the lords and the fullnesse thereof , and when , and where hee shall call wee will goe , but not at the will and lust of sorry men to play their parts with us at their pleasure , as formerly they have done , and as it is apparant you desire to doe , for if your lusts prevailed not over you in that kinde , you might wall thinke that wee have better employments then to trot to the massachusets upon the report of a lying indian , or english either , as your factors and ordinary hackni●s doe . but know this oyee — that so long as wee behave our selves as men , walking in the name of our god , where ever wee have occasion to come , if any mortall man whose breath is in his nostrils , dares to call us into question , wee dare to give an answer to him , or them , nor shall wee faile through god , to give testimony even in his conscience of the hope that is in us , whether his question may concerne the rice or succession either of priest or peere , in the meanetime we sit in safety under the cloudy pillar , while the nations roare and make a noise about us , and though you may looke upon us with the unopened eye of e●iahs servant , thinking us as nothing to those that are against us , yet wherever the cloud rests , wee know the lords returne to the many thousands of israel . in that you say our freedome granted to come to you , takes away all excuse from us , wee freely retort it upon your selves to ● make excuses , whose lawes and proceedings with the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a continued art ( like the horse in the mill ) of accusing and excusing , which you doe by circumstances and conjectures , as all the fathers have done before you , the diviners and necromancers of the world , who are gone to their owne place and have their reward ; but for the true nature , rise , and distribution of things as they are indeed and shall remaine and abide as a law firme and stable forever , wee say and can make it good , you know nothing at all , therefore such as can delight themselves in preaching , professing , and executing of such things , as must end as the brute beasts doe , nay take them away for present and they have lost their honour , religion , as also their god , let such wee say , know themselves to bee that beast and false prophet , no man of god at all . in the meane time wee looke not on the things that are seene , but on the things that are not seene , knowing the one are temporary , the other eternall . nor doe wee thinke the better of any man for being invested into places or things that will in time waxe old as doth a garment , neither judge we the worse of any man for the want of them : for if we should we must condemne the lord christ , as so many doe at this day . wee demand when wee may expect some of you to come to us , to answer and give satisfaction for some of these foule and inhumane wrongs you have done , not to the indians , but to us your country men : not to bring in a catalogue , as we might , take this one particular abuse you are now acting ; in that you abet , and backe these base indians to abusesus . indeed pumham is an aspiring person , as becomes a prince of his profession , for having crept into one of our neighbours houses , in the absence of the people , and fell oniously rifled the same , hee was taken comming out againe at the chimney-top : soccononoco also hath entred in like manner into one of our houses ●ith divers of his companions , and breaking open a chest , did steale out divers parcels of goods , some part whereof , as some of his companions have affirmed , are in his custody at this time . yet we stand still to see to what good issue you will bring your proceedings with these persons , by whom you are so honorably attended in the court generall , as you call it , and would honour us also , to come three or fourescore miles to stand by you and them ; wee could tell you also that it is nothing with these fellowes to send our cattle out of the woods with arrowes in their sides , as at this present it appeares in one even now so come home , and it is well they come home at all , for sometimes their wigwams can receive them , and wee have nothing of them at all ; yea they can domineere over our wives and children in our houses , when wee are abroad about our necessary occasions , sometimes throwing stones , to the endangering of their lives , and sometimes violently taking our goods , making us to runne for it if wee will have it , and if wee speake to them to amend their manners , they can presently vaunt it out , that the massachusets is all one with them , let the villanie they doe bee what it will , they thinke themselves secure , for they looke to bee upheld by you in whatever they doe , if you bee stronger then them which they have to deale withall , and they looke with the same eye your selves doe , thinking the multitude will beare downe all , and perswade themselves ( as well as they may ) that you tolerate and maintaine them in other of their daily practices , as lying , sabbath-breaking , taking of many wives , grosse whoredomes , and fornications , so you will doe also , in their stealing , abusing of our children , and the like , for you have your diligent ledgers amongst them that inculcate daily upon this , how hatefull wee are unto you , calling us by other names of their owne devising , bearing them in hand , wee are not english men , and therefore the object of envy of all that are about us , and that if wee have any thing to doe with you , the very naming our persons shall cast our case bee it what it will , as it is too evident by the case depending betweene willi●m arnauld and iohn warner , that no sooner was the name of mr. gorton mentioned amongst you , but mr. dudley disdainefully asking , is this one , joyned to gorton , and mr. winthrop unjustly upon the same speech , refused the oath of the witnesse calling him knight of the post : are these the wayes and persons you trade by towards us ? are these the people you honour your selves withall ? the lord shall lay such honour in the dust , and bow downe your backes with shame and sorrow to the grave , and declare such to bee apostatisers from the truth , and falsifiers of the word of god onely to please men , and serve their owne lusts , that can give thankes in their publique congregations for their unity with such grosse abominations as these . wee must needes aske you another question from a sermon now preached amongst you , namely how that bloud relisheth you have sucked formerly from us , by casting us upon straights above our strength , that , have not beene exercised in such kinde of labours , no more then the best of you in former times in removing us from our former conveniences , to the taking away of the lives of some of us , when you are about your dis●ed up dainties , having turned the juice of a poore silly grape that perisheth in the use of it , into the bloud of our lord jesus by the cunning skill of your magicians , which doth make mad and drunke so many in the world , and yet a little sleepe makes them their owne men againe , so can it heale and pacifie the consciences at present , but the least hand of god returnes the feares and terrour againe , let our bloud wee say present it selfe together herewith , you hypocrites when will you answer such cases as these , and wee doe hereby promise unto you , that wee will never looke man in the face if you have not a fairer hearing then ever wee had amongst you , or can ever expect ; and bee it knowne to you all , that wee are your owne country-men , whatever you report of us , though the lord hath taught us a language you never spoake , neither can you heare it , and that is the cause of your alienation from us ; for as you have mouthes and speake not , so have you eares & heare not ; so we leave you to the judgement and arraignment of god almighty . the joynt act , not of the court generall , but of the peculiar fellowship , now abiding upon mshawomet . randall holden , this they owned in court though onely holdens hand were to it . postscriptum . vvee need not put a seale unto this our warrant , no more then you did to yours . the lord hath added one to our hands , in the very conclusion of it , in that effusion of bloud , and horrible massacre , now made at the dutch plantation , of our loving country-men , women , and children , which is nothing else , but the compleate figure in a short epitomie of what wee have writ , summed up in one entire act , and lest you should make it part of your justification , as you do all such like acts , provided they bee not upon your owne backes , concluding them to be greater sinners then your selves , wee tell you ( nay ) but except you repent , you shall likewise perish . for wee aske you who was the cause of mistresse hutchinson her departure from amongst you , was it voluntarie ? no , shee changed her phrases according to the dictates of your tutors , and confessed her mistakes , that so shee might give you content to abide amongst you , yet did you expell her and cast her away ; no lesse are you the originall of her removall from aquethneck , for when shee saw her children could not come downe amongst you , no not to conferre with you in your own way of brotherhood ; but be clapt up , and detained by so long imprisonment , rumors also being noised , that the island should bee brought under your government , which if it should , shee was fearefull of their lives , or else to act against the plaine verdict of their owne conscience , having had so great and apparant proofe of your dealings before , as also the island being at such divisions within it selfe , some earnestly de●iring it should bee delivered into your hands , professing their unity with you , others denyed it , professing their dissent and division from you , though for what themselves know not , but onely their abominable pride to exercise the like tyranny . from these and such like workings having their originall in you , shee gathered unto her selfe and tooke up this fiction , ( with the rest of her friends ) that the dutch plantation was the citie of refuge , as shee had gathered like things from your doctrines before , when she seemed to hold out some certaine glimpses or glances of light , more then appeared elsewhere whilst there was such to approve it , in whom there might bee some hope to exalt the instruments thereof , higher then could bee expected from others , but you know very well you could never rest nor bee at quiet , till you had put it under a bushell , idest , bounded and measured the infinite and immense word of god , according to your owne shallow , humane , and carnall capacities , which , howsoever may get the highest seates in your synagogues , synods , and jewish synedrions , yet shall it never enter into the kingdome of god to be a doore-keeper there . do not therefore beguile your selves in crying out against the errours of those so miserably falne , for they are no other things which they held but branches of the same root your selves so stoutly stand upon , but know this that now the axe is laid to the root of the tree , whereof you are a part , and every tree that brings not forth fruit according to the law of that good things , which the father knowes , how to give to those that aske it , shall bee cut downe , and cast it into the fire : neither doe you fill up your speeches or tales , ( wee meane your sermons ) but that wee affect not the idolizing of words , no more then of persons or places . for your selves know the word is no more but a bruit or talke , as you know also your great and terrible word magistrate , is no more in its originall , then masterly , or masterlesse , which hath no great lustre in our ordinary acceptation . therefore wee looke to finde and injoy the substance , and let the ceremony of these things , like vapours vanish away , though they gather themselves into clouds , without any water at all in them , the lord is in the mean time a dew unto israel , and makes him to grow like a lillie , casting out his roots and branches as lebanon . we say , fill not up your talk as your manner is , crying , that shee went out without ordinances , for god can raise up out of that stone , which you have already rejected , as children , so also ministers and ordinances unto abraham : you may remember also , that every people and poore plantation , formerly fleeced by you , cannot reach unto the hire of one of your levites , nor fetch in , one such dove as you send abroad into our native country , to carry and bring you news . nor can you charge them in that point , for it was for protection or government shee went ; and however , hire , in other respects , yet the price of a wife , and safetie of his owne life adjoyned , carryed a minister along with them of the same rise and breeding together with your owne , to adde unto the blood so savagely and causelesly spilt , with a company of such as you take pleasure to protect , for they are all of one spirit , if they have not hands in the same act ; we say their death is causelesse , for wee have heard them affirm that shee would never heave up a hand , no nor move a tongue against any that persecuted or troubled them , but onely indeavour to save themselves by flight , not perceiving the nature and end of persecution , neither of that antichristian opposition and tyrannie , the issue whereof declares it self in this so● and lamentable . note , good reader , that i had order to publish these two letters of his , as well literatim as verbatim , but because their orthography was so bad , as it would scarce have been understood , i left it to bee corrected by the printer , but no word to be changed : and the reason of the word here left out , is , because it was worne out , and so soyled in the originall as wee could not read it , and thought good rather to leave it a blanck , then to put in a word of our own that was not theirs . in the next place , i present thee here with certaine observations collected out of both their letters , by a godly and reverend divine , whereby the reader may the better understand them , and indeed try the spirits of these men , whether they be of god or no. now these his observations are ranked into three heads : viz. first , their reproachfull and reviling speeches of the government and magistrates of the massachusets , which in gortons booke hee pretends so much to honour , because their government is derived from the state of england ; and therefore i desire thee to take the better notice of it . the second head of his observations directs thee to their reviling language , not onely against that particular government , and the magistrates of it , but against magistracy it selfe , and all civill power . and in his third head , thou art directed to take notice of their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god. all which because they are of great concernment , i beseech the reader to take a little paines to compare them with mr. gortons and his companies letters . certaine observations collected out of both their letters . i. their reproachfull and reviling speeches of the government and magistrates of the massachusets . . they say our magistrates did lay their wisdome prostrate , in sending letters to them , which they scornfully call an irregular note . . that they bare them causlesse enmity , the proofe whereof every occasion brings forth . . they flily call them the seed of the ancient mother ; i. of the enmity of the devill . . that they know it is the name of christ call'd upon them , against which our magistrates doe strive . that they goe about to hide their sin , as adam , bearing the world in hand , that they desire not to contend , but to redresse something in point of civill peace . that they stand on tip-toe to stretch themselves beyond their bounds , to seek occasion against them . that those who accuse them , are accusers of the brethren , satan being a lyer , and the father of it ; which thing our magistrates cannot know though they be told of it . that this act of theirs to treat about their land , is a mappe of their spirituall estate . that they delight daily to eate of the forbidden fruit ( which they call mans wisdome ) out of which our churches and common-wealth is formed ) to gaine conformity with their maker . they scorn at their purity and godlinesse , telling them that cole and arnold their dissembling subjects , are full of the spirit of their purity . they doe not say plainly that our magistrates are dogs , but compare them to dogs in resuming their vomit into its former concoction , by receiving cole and arnold under our jurisdiction . that the whole structure and edifice among us ( i. the churches and common-wealth ) is raised up in the spirit of an hireling , and that by submission to the word of god in fasting , feast-sting , retirednesse for study , contributing , treasuring ( i. for church uses in severall churches ) they doe nothing else but bring forth fruit unto death . that farther then the lord jesus agrees with riches , honour and ease , our magistrates minde him not , nay , renounce , and reject him . that they plainely crucifie christ , and put him to an open shame , which the apostle , hebr. . applies to the worst of men , who commit the unpardonable sin , and for whom men are not to pray . that our magistrates are as farre from yeelding subjection to christ , as cole and arnold from being honourable and loyall-subjects , whom they call the shame of religion , the disturbance and disquiet of the place , dissembling subjects , pag. . as also deboist , rude , inhumane nabals , il-bred , apostatised persons , and fellonious , page . with many such like speeches . that the things of gods kingdome are infinitely beyond the reach of their spirit , nor can they heare the lively oracle , and therefore are dumb in telling justice . that the magistrates are jewes according to the flesh , and stout maintainers of the man of sin. that they know our magistrates eyes are dazled with envy , and their ears open to lyes . that they judge them before their cause be heard . that in inviting them to their courts for their equal-ballanced justice ( as they scornfully call it ) they thereby strike at christ their life . that our magistrates are like herod , whom god smote with wormes , for seeking by an out-reaching and circumventing policy to subdue tyrus and sidon , and like pontius pilate , and the people who out of the judgement hall are all for mercy , but in it nothing but crucifie him , bee their accusations , and witnesses never so false , so ( say they ) in your dealings with men in way of the jewish brotherhood , your law is all for mercy , to redresse , reforme , for preservation of soule and body , doe but enter into the common-hall , then if witnesses bee but brought in , and oath taken though never so untrue , your consciences are purged by law , and your power must have tribute paid it , so far as to brand mens names with infamy , and deprive women and children of things necessary . that the professed clemency and mercy of their law , is as much as in them lyes , to send both soule and body downe to sheol ( i. the grave and hell ) for ever , without redresse and all hope of recovery . that their houre and power of darknesse is knowne , what it is either to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage , or else to seek all occasions against them , with all manner of reproach and ignominie . that their wayes are wicked , and to bee abhorred , because in their professed course the two witnesses are slaine by them , and put to death ; and that all their glory is to keep their corpse unburied ; and these two witnesses are the life and death of the lord jesus . that the light appearing among them , is nothing but the light of balaam , so that in seeing , they see not , but communicate onely in the light of that beast who put the witnesses to death . they tell our magistrates , that they never come amongst them , but they see themselves in a regiment of grosse and palpable darknesse , and discern you to scrabble on the wall for the door of lots house . . that they know not what a true witnesse is . that the whole word of god is a parable to them , as their conversation in all points daily declare it . that they will not come neare our magistrates , until they know they beare another minde from their neighbours , whom they call robbers , grosse dissembling hypocrites , who doe nothing but goe about to establish such wayes as may maintaine their owne vicious lusts , whose laws are pretended and devised , and whose practises ( they say ) they renounce as diabolicall . yee blind guides ( say they to our magistrates ) as your fathers have ever done , so do you . you set up segnirim ( i. as themselves interpret ) feare and horrour , or the devill , by , and for the which you hope to bee saved . that their carriage towards them , is farre worse then that of the indians , whom themselves cry out of to bee thieves and robbers ; pag. . that they are despisers ; behold ( say they ) yee despisers , the vanity and abominations of all your baptismes . yee think ( say they ) that the crosse of christ is nothing but bowing down the back to every burden , and cringing and crouching to the lust of every man. they call the generall court , the great idol generall , whose pretended equity in distributing justice is a meer device of man according to the sleights of satan . they tell the court , that out of the kingdome of darknesse and the devill , they had writ another note to adde to their former pride and folly . for taking pumham and sachanonoco ( indian sachims ) under their protection ; they tell the court they might have done well to have proved themselves christians before they had mixt themselves with the heathen ; but this was too hard for them to doe . they advise the court ( in scorn ) to keep the indian with them , where he and they might perform that worthy work of distributing justice . they tell the court that they live by bloud . they tell the court , they renounce the kingdom of darkness , and the devill , wherein the court delights to trust . they call the court , oye generation of vipers . they tell the court , they are not a cup fit for their appetite , but a cup of trembling either to make them vomit up their owne eternall shame , or else to make them burst asunder with their fellow confessor iudas iscariot . that the court is either blind or audacious in desiring them to come for their parc●lls of justice , and that they disdain to come to them . . they professe they cannot sufficiently vilifie the promise of the court , that they shall come down to them and return in safety ; which they call a verball and perfunctory offer . they tell the court , that if their lusts had not prevailed over them , they might thinke they had better employment then to trot to massachusets as their factors , and ordinary hackney● doe . they tell the court that their lawes and proceedings with the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a continued act of accusing and excusing ( like the horse in the mill ) which ( say they ) you doe by circumstances and conjectures , as also your fathers have done before you , the diviners and necromancers of this world , who are gone to their owne place , and have their reward . they accuse our magistrates for maintaining indians in their lying , sabbath-breaking , grosse whoredomes , stealing , &c. that they are hypocrites , having eyes and see not , eares and hear not , mouths and speak not . now had these men returned a rationall answer , it might have been meet perhaps by a few marginall notes to have returned some short reply ; but both their letters being fraught with little else then meer raylings , and reproachfull language , it may be sufficient thus to present them in one view together , that so the wise and prudent may take a taste of their spirits , and learne from what fire it is that their tongues are thus highly inflamed . if our courts and magistrates had been in any thing to blame , what a faire and easie way had it been to have first convinced them , before they had thus bitterly reviled them ; but thus to cut and shave , and cast all this filth in their faces without proof or reason , argues a bold and insolent spirit fitted to make combustions and confusions in the place where they live . if indeed the magistrates had given them any sore provocations of returning ill language , there might have been some excuse , but alasse , all the cause that can bee given of most of this ill language , is nothing but writing friendly unto them , to send some from themselves to clear up the differences between them and the indians , and to shew their just title to the land they possessed ; if they had kept this flood within their owne bankes , or been but moderate in revilings , it might have been winkt at ; but to fly out into such extremity on so small provocation against their betters , so as to call them idolls , blind-guides , despisers , generation of vipers , such as crucifie christ , men that serve their owne lusts , hypocrites , the seed of the devill , necromancers , judasses , men that live by bloud , robbers and thieves , men without mercy , among whom justice is dumbe , delighting in the kingdome of darknesse and the devill , like herod and pilate in administring justice , whose eyes are dazled with envie , and eares open to lies , s●out maintainers of the man of sin , whose wayes are wicked , and to bee abhorred ; worse then indians , like dogs , &c. this language speakes loud to what countrey they belong , and of what race they come . ii. their reviling language not onely against the magistrates and government here in particular , but also against magistracy it self , and all civill power . if any shall say for them ( as themselves now for their owne advantage doe ) that this ill language is directed onely against our particular government and magistrates , but not against all civill power it self , the contrary may appear ( notwithstanding their dark language , under which sometimes they seek to conceale it ) in these particulars . i they expresly affirm that the office to minister justice , belongs onely to the lord : and that therefore ( from their instance of herod ) men make themselves gods , ( which themselves interpret to be onely from the god of this world , and to be in flat opposition against god , pag. . ) by ruling over the bodies and estates of men ; and that the people receiving herod to government , & crying out that this was the ordinance of god , and not of man , that he was immediately smit●en of god for it : as also they tell us , p. . that to set up men to judge of good and evil , for which all men are set up in that kinde ; that this is re-acting that ancient spirit of the serpent , if yee eate , yee shall bee as gods. now this strikes at all magistracy , for if the office of ministring justice and righteousnesse belongs to god onely , then not unto any man , for that is to make gods of men ; and if to judge betweene good and evill bee to act over againe the ancient spirit of the serpent , then 't is not onely unlawfull , but diabolicall , to make judges of what is right and wrong , good or evill by any man. if it bee objected , is it possible that any men should bee so grosly blind and wicked , as to abolish all ministration of justice and righteousnesse ? answ. . these men seeme to acknowledge some way of ministring justice , but the mysterie lies in that word office , they would have no man set up in the office of magistracy , distinguished from other men , but would have such a power common to the brethren , so that a man may judge as a brother , but not as an officer , and therefore they slily justifie him , who called one of our chiefe magistrates in the open face of the court , brother , and condemne all our magistrates , because every man doth not sit there to judge as a brother , pag. . and their reason seems to bee drawne from this , because that to bee a brother , and consequently a co●eire with christ , is a higher sphere then to bee a civil officer , as their owne words intimate , pag. . now the rule is evident à quatenus ad omne , that if ministration of justice and judgement belongs to no officer , but to a man as a brother , then to every brother , and if ●o every brother , whether rich of poore , ignorant or learned , then every christian in a common-wealth must bee king , and judge , and sheriffe , and captaine , and parliament man , and ruler , and that not onely in new-england , but in old , and not onely in old , but in all the christian world ; downe with all officers from their rule , and set up every brother for to rule , which the godly●wise may easily discerne to bee the establishment of all confusion , and the setting up of anarchy worse then the greatest tyranny . . although these may beare the world in hand that they allow ministration of justice and righteousnesse by men as brethren , yet some cakes of these mens dough have been so farre leavened and sowred against all civill power , as that in our publike courts , being demanded how murderers , theeves , and adulterers should bee punished if there should bee no civill power coercive , they openly and roundly answered before many witnesses , that such persons must be left to the judgment of god , both which not long after god himself sate judge upon , being suddenly and barbarously slaine by the bloody indians in the dutch plantation . first , they exclaime against us for choosing men that are honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , or else they may not rule among us , and this , they say , is of man , and by man , and putting the second witnesse to death , viz. the death or weaknesse of christ , or in plaine english , 't is a killing of christ. now however the application is made unto our civill state , yet it manifestly strikes at all civill states in the world , who shall choose any officers for rule and government , and administring of justice , although they bee never so honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , and consequently most fit for government ; and that in so chusing them they doe put christ himself to death . so that these men still harp on that string to have every man judge as a brother , whether honourable or not honourable , whether wise or foolish , whether of good report or evill report , otherwise christ weaknesse is slaine . . they affirme that they who can create , make void , and remove offices and officers at their pleasure , are of that evill one , ( i. the devill ) and not of jesus christ , but of shedim that waster and destroyer of mankind for ever . their proofe is from that monstrous interpretation of yea , yea , and nay , nay , and they instance not onely in church-officers , but in common-wealth-officers , whether rulers or captaines . their words are these , viz. hee with whom it is yea , i am a ruler , but it was nay when i was none at all , renounceth the spirit of him that rules in righteousnesse , professing the spirit of him that is prince of the power of the aire , who is working now so effectually in the children of disobedience ; so also hee with whom it is yea , i am captaine , or chief-slaughter-man , but it was nay , time was that i was none at all , renounceth the victory and slaughter made by the captaine and high-priest of our profession , professing himselfe to bee a superfluous giant made in the host of the philistims , to defie the host of the living god. by which speeches 't is evident that they doe not onely oppose , civill officers chosen amongst us here , but all such as are chosen rulers , captaines , and officers at any time , in any place , and were not so before ; and such they say are of the devill the destroyer of man. they say men limit , and so destroy the holy one of israel , whose life is infinite , and without circumscription and containment ( as they call it ) if men acknowledge that christ rules on earth onely by his deputies , litvtenants , and vicegerents , ( i. by persons invested with civill authority and office , for so they are called by orthodox divines ) and therefore they say that his putting christ to death , when onely wise , and honourable , and learned , and experienced , and men of good report , are chosen to rule , because they would have the power to rule common to all christians , but as for the office of rule to bee peculiar to none , and therefore pag. . they tell us that none shall see christ come into his kingdome with comfort , untill the authority and power of man appeares to be as the building of babel , and the name and authority of god onely to bee that wherein the blessing consists ; meaning that 't is babylonish building which god misliked , and confounded , for any man in office to rule and governe , because this is to limit the power and life of christ ( which is in every brother as well as in any officer ) and so to kill the life of christ ; so that if any of them say that ▪ although they distaste officers , as kings and others by election , yet not such as are so by hereditary succession , they are but words to sute their owne ends for a time , and to delude others , for if it bee limiting the holy one of israel , a circumscribing and so destroying the life of christ which is infinite , for to make him rule by his deputies and vicegerents on earth , then not onely kings and princes , whether by election or no , but all other civill officers must bee abandoned , because the life and power of christ is limited in successive as well as in elective princes , in inferiour as well as in superiour governours , who are christs deputies , and vicegerents , and therefore called rom. . . the ministers of god either for good or terrour . . they call our generall court the idoll generall , which is nothing else but a device of man by the sleight of sathan to subject and make slaves of that species or kinde which god hath honored with his owne image , and they do not onely speake thus of our courts as idols , but they cry out woe unto the world because of the idols thereof , for idols must needes bee set up , but woe be unto them by whom they are erected , and their reason reacheth to all civill power , ( for say they ) a man may be as well a slave to his belly , and make that his god , as be a vassall to his owne species , or kinde , or to any thing that man can bring forth even in his best perfection . there are other evidences of their corrupt minde herein from other passages in their letters which they speake under more obscure cloudes and allegories , but these may bee a sufficient witnesse against them before men and angels , that they abandon all civill authority , although for to serve their owne turnes of others or their owne lusts , they say they do not : the apostle iude long since , tels us of such persons expresly who despise dominion and speake evill of dignities , . they doe not only despise these or those particular persons or states that are invested with dominion ; but they despise dominion it selfe and dignities themselves , and would have all that power abandoned , whom he calleth v. . filthy dreamers , defiling the flesh , murmurers and complainers walking after their owne lusts , their mouthes speaking great swelling words , v. . and that it may yet more fully appeare that these men doe abandon all civill authority , ( although this secret they will not impart unto all , but rather professe the contrary ) there is extant to bee shewen if need were , the writings betweene a prudent man in this country , and one of the chiefe , and most understanding of this peculiar fellowship ( as they stile themselves ) wherein hee doth stoutly maintaine these three assertions , . that there are no ordinances , . that there are no relations neither in the common-wealth betweene rulers and subjects , nor in the church between officers and brethren , nor in the families betweene husband and wife , master and servant , father and sonne . . that there are no inherent graces in christians . by which principles the world may see what these men goe about , viz. as much as in them lies to bring in a disorder and confusion in all states and families , and to open the sluce to all violence , injustice , and wickednesse , by not only abandoning , but reproaching and revilingall civill rule and authority upon earth , which they therefore scornefully call a meere device of man , idols , to be of the devill , the destroyer of mankinde , and to bee a crucifying of christ in his life and death , and all this when honourable , wise , learned , experienced , well reported persons are chosen and invested with civill power , whom therefore they would not have maintained , and to whom it is as unlawfull to administer any oath for the ending of civill differences , as to lust after a woman to commit adultery , pag. . iii. their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god. . against the churches , they call them devised platformes pag. . and that the wisedome of men is the whole accomplishment ( or that which gives the whole being ) of churches and common-wealth . pag. . . against the calling of ministers , they say , that to make their calling mediate and not immediate , is to make a nullity of christ , and to crucifie christ , and to put him to an open shame , and that such ministers are magicians , pag. . now this reflects upon all the o●dinances and ordinary officers and ministers of christ , that either are or have beene in the church at any time , for although the offices bee immediately from christ , yet their call to exercise this office hath beene ever accounted mediate . . against the word of god , they call the sermons of god● ministers tales , or lies and falshoods , now had they thus spoken upon proofe against any particular sermons , or persons , the accused might have spoken for themselves , but indifferently to revile all sermons as tales or forgeries , the doctrine generally taught here amongst us , being no other then that which paul preached at ephesus for three yeares space and upwards , viz , repentance towards god , and faith towards the lord jesus , act. . being also no other then what agrees generally with the harmony of confessions of all reformed churches : to call these tales is a word which the lord jesus will certainely remember , unlesse they repent ; the sermons of the apostles of christ , as well as the doctrine of all reformed churches , being reproached hereby . . against the sacraments : as for baptisme they doe not onely make the baptizing of infants as abominable as the crosse , but all our baptismes , behold ( say they ) the vanity and abomination of all your baptismes , and they doe not meane all those baptismes which are in use amongst us , but in any churches of the world at this day ; for they acknowledge no other baptisme then that which is spirituall , and hence they say , that when ever you see the baptisme of christ truly in use according to the word of god , you doe as truly see that party partaking and communicating with the crosse and sufferings of christ , for these are coaparant , now communicating in christs sufferings in their meaning is onely spirituall , and so is therefore all baptismes . . as for the lords supper scarce a greater heape of blasphemies in fewer words can come from the mouth of man against that blessed ordinance , wherein christ is so manifestly and sweetly present , for they call it your disht up dainties , turning the juice of a sillie grape that perisheth in the use ofit , into the bloud of the lord jesus , by the cunning skill of your magicians , which doth make mad and drunke so many in the world . . against repentance and humiliation for sinne , they speake somewhat obscurely , but they that know them may soone understand their meaning , which if it be this , that in a way of compunction and sorrow for sinne , a christian is not to seeke for consolation and comfort from christ , and to affirme that this is to make the sonne of god belial and segniri● , the devill himselfe , ( as they interpret it ) then t is most grosse blasphemy against not onely the preaching , but practise of repentance and godly sorrow , for which the apostle rejoiced to see in the corinthians , ch . v. . . and which iames and peter command and commend , iames v. . . peter . v ▪ . and which way not so much moses in the law but christ in the gospell hath sanctified to finde pardon of sinne iohn . . . against christ jesus himselfe : they condemne our doctrine for affirming that jesus christ actually dyed and suffered onely in the dayes of herod , and puntius pilate , when hee hanged on the crosse , and that hee was crucified in truth and substance onely when hee appeared borne of the virgin mary : and for this doctrine wee are condemned as wisards and necromancers . now what is this but to overthrow not onely the being of christ in the flesh , making him no other then such an one as actually suffered from the begining of the world , and shall doe to the end of it , but also overthrowing all faith and hope of salvation in the messiah who was incarnate in the dayes of herod and pilate , and in his death and sufferings , and that one perfect offering , then once for all heb. . . the reader may therefore be pleased to take notice that being asked in open court what was that christ who was borne of the virgin and suffered under pilate ? one of them answered that hee was a semblance , picture , or a shadow of what was and is done actually and substantially in christians ; and hence the meaning of the words may bee gathered pag. . which otherwise the wise reader may thinke to bee non-sence . viz. that they are wisards and necromancers who raise a shadow without a substance ( viz. to make christ to bee slaine in types since the world began ) or who raise the substance of him who dwels in light without a shadow , ( making no more of christ but a semblance and shadow , as themselves call it ) for further explication of which they affirmed in open court that as the image of god in adam was christ , ( for god they said had but one image ) so the losse of this image by man was the death of christ , and therefore 't is no wonder if they deny christ to dye actually onely when crucified under pontius pilate because man sinned actually ( which they make to be christs death ) long before ; meane while the reader may take notice with a holy astonishment and horrour of the heavy curse of god in blinding these bold men with such a palpable and grosse spirit of delusion and mad phrenfies , who will make mans sinne and fall , which is the cause of perdition of men , to be the cause of the salvation of man , for so christs death is which they blasphemously make mans sinne to bee . for further proofe that they make little use of christ and his death , then as hath been said , their owne interpretation of the slaying of the two witnesses , pag. . . seemeth to confirme , for they make these two witnesses the life and the death of christ in men , the life of christ they call his strength , and the death of christ they call his weaknesse , viz. as it is , and appeares in weake , foolish , ignorant , unexperienced , and ill-reported of men , and therefore they blame us for killing of christs death ( for it seemes it is such a death as may bee killed ) in that wee chuse honourable , wise , learned men , and of good report to place of rule , excluding others . now some of these blasphemies might have been the better borne if they had let christ and his death alone , and his word alone , but to call the holy word and sermons of salvation tales , the sacrament an abomination , madding and making drunke the world , to call the ministers of christ who dispense word and sacraments , necromancers and magicians , and they who hold and beleive him to bee the messiah and christ who suffered under pilate , wisards , and all this in coole bloud , in the open face of the court , obstinately refusing to alter a title of what they had writ , let the world judge if ever antichrist that beast spoken of rev. . , . did ever speake greater blasphemies against god , his name , and tabernacle , and whether such men deserve to live , that live thus to blaspheme ; may not such civill states that tolerate such , feare that sentence of god against them as was pronounced against ahab for letting blasphemous benhada● escap with his life , thy life for his life ? however mens charity may enlarge it felse this way , yet let wisedome preserve us and make the wisehearted wary of such impostors , who want not their wiles to say and unsay , as may best sute their advantage , for they can hold forth at some time and to some persons , wholesome and orthodox truths and beare them in hand that this is all that they hold , but they have depths of abomination to give to drinke when they see their seasons , in such golden cups ; they have hidden secrets , which their young proselytes shall not presently see , much lesse others ; for so they tell us pag. . that t is not their purpose to open to every one the house of their treasures , the silver and gold , and spices , and precious ointment , nor the house of their armour , because they may take them all as execrable and put them to a prophane use , nor can every spirit comprehend the breadth of the land of emanuel , ( as they call it pag. . ) nor know the cherubims of glory , nor the voice of the oracle from the mercy-seate : and indeed their uncouth , tumorous and swelling words ( as iude cals them iude . ) like swellings , and tumours of the flesh , are the undoubted signes of a secret and seducing humour , whereby they are fit to deceive the simple and infect the strong , if men bee not watchfull . the publisher to the reader . the reason wherefore nothing is answered to the great charge in his voluminous postscript , is because it hath been answered already by a former treatise printed : but more especially because many of the friends , children and kindred of the dead are in good esteeme with us , whom i am loath to grieve . but since by course thou art next to cast thine eye gentle reader upon the summe of a presentment which the court at road iland received from their grand jewry being present when samu●l gorton had so much abused their government in the face of the country , yea in open court , their owne eyes and eares bearing witnesse thereunto , they i say presented these abuses to the court , as such which they conceived ought not to bee borne without ruine to their government , and therefore besought the bench to thinke of some one punishment for examples sake as well as otherwise to bee inflicted o● the delinquent . and therefore that thou maist see the occasion thereof , take notice that an ancient woman having a cow going in the field where samuel gorton had some land . this woman fetching out her cow , gortons servant maid fell violently upon the woman beating and notoriously abusing her by tearing her haire about her , whereupon the old woman complaining to the deputy governour of the place , hee sendeth for the maid , and upon hearing the cause , bound her over to the court. the time being come and the court set , gorton appeares himselfe in the defence of his maid , and would not suffer his maid to appeare or make answer , but said expresly she should not appeare , and that if they had any thing against her they should proceed with him . and though hee was lovingly disswaded by some of the bench not to engage himselfe but let his maid appeare ▪ yet hee refused : but when hee could not bee prevailed with , the action was called and witnesses produced , sworne , and examined : which being done , hee moved for another witnesse to bee called , which hee perswaded himselfe and the bench was an honest woman and would speake the truth . now shee being sworne , said , mr. gorton , i can speake nothing will helpe your maid . and indeed her whole testimony was against her and for the old womans cause , whereupon hee openly said , take heed thou wicked woman , the earth doth not open and swallow thee up . and then hee demanded of the court if hee should have equity and justice in his cause or no ? to which was answered , if he had either plea or evidence to produce in his maids cause it should be heard . then hee nominated one weekes who could say something to it . weekes was called and required to take his oath before hee spake ; at which gorton and weekes both of them jeered and laughed and told the court they were skilled in idols , and that was one , and stood stoutly a long time to makeit good . hereupon some of the court put him in mind how they had forewarned him of such carriages fearing he would fall into some extreames . at length the governour gathering up the summe of what was witnessed , commends it to the jewry . at which time gorton said , the court had perverted justice and wrested the witnesses , with very many high and reproachfull termes ; and in the midst of his violence throwing his hands about , hee touched the deputy gove●nour with his handkerchiefe buttons about his eares ( who it seemes sate at a table with his backe towards him ) whereupon the deputy said , what will you fall about my eares ? to which gorton ▪ answered i know not whether you have any eares or no ? and if you have , i know not where they stand ; but i will not touch them with a paire of tongues . the governour often calling upon the jewry to attend the cause , was as often interrupted by him . where upon many of their freemen being present , desired the court they would not suffer such insolencies , professing they were troubled the court had borne with them so long . for which in briefe , hee was committed , but when the governour bade the marshall take him away ; hee bade take away coddington , which was their governours name : a thing i thought meet to explaine , lest thou shouldst not understand it by the heads of the presentment here following , abusing all and every particular of the magistrates with opprobrious terms . but note when hee was committed upon his mutinous and seditious speeches , weekes , holden , &c. his abettors , stopped the way with such insolency , as the governour was forced to rise from the bench , to helpe forward the command with his person , in clearing the way , put weekes in the stocks , and was forced to command a guard of armed men to preserve themselves and the peace of the place : and this they did because of some fore-going jealousies ; and now taking occasion to search the houses of that party that adhered to him , they found many of their peeces laden with bullet : and by meanes hereof they were forced to continue their guard , whilst upon their banishment they were forced from the island . and however it were enough for a book alone to relate all the particulars of his insolent carriage , yet take notice onely of two or three particulars : ● when hee was censured to bee whipt and banished , he appealed to england ; they asked to whom ? hee said with a loud voice , to king charles . they told him , hee should first have his punishment , and then afterwards hee might complain . to which hee replyed , take notice i appeale to king charles , c●●lv , or selah ; the party who was present told mee hee could not tell which , but that word was spoken with an extraordinary high and loud voice . a second thing to be observed , was , that after hee had been so deservedly whipt , some of his faction said , now christ jesus had suffered . and thirdly , although the weather was very cold , the governour going away after execution of justice upon him , yet he ran a ●●od way after the governour , drawing a chaine after one of his ●gs , the upper part of his body being still naked , and told him , he had but lent him this , and hee should surely have it again . all this i had from a man of very good repute , who then lived with them , and was an eye and ea●e witnesse to all these proceedings . in the next place take notice good reader , that when hee went from hence well whipt , as before , and entred upon his banishment , the place hee went to ( in a sharpe season ) was a town called providence , where mr. roger williams , & divers others lived , who in regard of the season , entertained them with much humane curtesie , but the gortonians , answered all like aesops snake , as thou maist read by the severall letters of the chief inhabitants of that place , by a notorious faction there also by them raised , to the great distraction and amazement of the inhabitants , as appeareth by their dolefull complaints in their own letters , a true copy whereof i present unto thee . the sum of the presentment of samuel gorton at portsmouth in roade-island , by the grand iury. first , that samuel gorton certaine dayes before his appearance at this court , said , the government was such as was not to bee subjected unto , forasmch as it had not a true derivation , because it was altered from what it first was . that samuel gorton contumeliously reproached the magistrates calling them just asses . that the said gorton reproachfully called the judges , or some of the justices on the bench ( corrupt judges ) in open court. that the said gorton questioned the court for making him to waite on them two dayes formerly , and that now hee would know whether hee should bee tryed in an hostile way , or by law , or in sobriety . the said gorton alledged in open court , that hee looked at the magistrates as lawyers , and called mr. easton , lawyer easton . the said gorton charged the deputy governour to bee an abeeter of a riot , assault , or battery , and professed that he would not touch him , no not with a paire of tongues : moreover he said , i know not whether thou hast any eares , or no : as also , i think thou knowest not where thy ears stand , and charged him to be a man unfit to make a warrant . the said gorton charged the bench for wresting witnesse , in this expression , i professe you wrest witnesse . the said gorton called a freeman in open cou●t ( saucy boy , and jack-an-apes ; ) and said , the woman that was upon her oath , would not speake against her mother , although she were damned where she stood . the said gorton affirmed that mr. easton behaved himselfe not like a judge , and that himself was charged either basely or falsly . the said gorton said to the bench , ye intrude oaths , and goe about to catch me . the said gorton being reproved for his miscarriage , help up his hand , and with extremity of speech shooke his hand at them , insomuch that the freemen present said , hee threatens the court. the said gorton charged the court with acting the second part of plymouth magistrates , who , as hee said , condemned him in the chimney corner , ere they heard him speak . the said gorton in open court did professe to maintaine the quarrell of another being his maid-servant . the said gorton being commanded to prison , imperiously resisted the authority , and made open proclamation , saying , take away coddington , and carry him to prison ; the governour said again , all you that owne the king , take away gorton and carry him to prison ; gorton replyed , all you that own the king , take away coddington , and carry him to prison . william dyre secretary . mr. roger vvilliams his letter unto mr. vvinthrop , concerning samuel gorton . providence . st . . master gorton having foully abused high and low at aqutdnick , is now bewitching and bemadding poore providence , both with his uncleane and foule censures of all the ministers of this country , ( for which my self have in christs name withstood him ) and also denying all visible and externall ordinance in depth of familisme , against which i have a little disputed and written , and shall ( the most high assisting ) to death : as paul said of asia , i of providence ( almost ) all suck in his poyson , as at first they did at aquednick . some few and my selfe withstand his inhabitation , and towne-priviledges , without confession and reformation of his uncivill and inhumane practises at portsmouth : yet the tyde is too strong against us , and i feare ( if the framer of hearts helpe not ) it will force mee to little patience , a little isle next to your prudence . jehovah himselfe bee pleased to bee a sanctuary to all whose hearts are perfect with him ; in him i desire unfainedly to be your worships true and affectionate roger williams . providence this . of november , anno . to the honoured governour of massachusett , together with the worshipfull assistants , and our loving neighbours there . vvee the inhabitants of the town abovesaid , having faire occasions , counted it meet and necessary to give you true intelligence of the insolent and riotous carriages of samuel gorton and his company , which came from the island of aquednick ; which continue still as sojourners amongst us ; together with iohn greene , and francis weston , two which have this long time stood in opposition against us , and against the fairest and most just and honest ways of proceedings in order and government , that wee could rightly and truly use , for the peaceable preservation and quiet subsistence of our selves and families , or any that should have faire occasion to goe out or come in amongst us . also six or seven of our townsmen which were in peaceable covenants with us , which now by their declamations doe cut themselves off from us , and jointly under their hands have openly proclaimed , to take party with the afore-named companies , and so intend for ought wee can gather , to have no manner of honest order , or government either over them or amongst them , as their writings , words , and actions doe most plainly shew . it would bee tedious to relate the numberlesse number of their upbraiding taunts , assaults , and threats , and violent kinde of carriage daily practised against all that either with care or counsell seek to prevent or withstand their lewd licentious courses . yet in briefe to commit some few of them to your moderate judgements , lest wee our selves should bee deemed some way blinded in the occurrences of things , here is a true copy of their writing inclosed , which francis weston gave us the . of this present moneth , they having also set up a copy of the same on a tree in the street , in stead of satisfaction for fifteene pounds , which by way of arbitration of eight men orderly chosen , and all causes and reasons that could bee found , daily and truly examined , and considered jointly together , when hee the said francis weston was found liableto pay , or make satisfacton in cattle or commodities , but on the . of this present moneth , when wee went orderly , openly , and in a warrantable way to attach some of the said francis westons cattle , to drive them to the pound , to make him , if it were possible , to make satisfaction : which samuel gorton and his company getting notice of , came and quarrelled with us in the street , and made a tumultuons hubbub ; and although for our parts wee had before-hand most principally armed our selves with patience , peaceably to suffer as much injury , as could possibly be● born , to avoid all shedding of blood , yet some few drops of blood were shed on either side : and after the tumult was partly appeased , and that we went on orderly into the corne-field , to drive the said cattle , the said fran●is weston came furiously running with a flayle in his hand , and cryed out , helpe sirs , helpe sirs , they are going to steale my cattle , and so continued crying ●ll randall holden , iohn greene , and some others came running and made a great o●tcry , and hollowing and crying , theeves , theeves , stealing cattle , stealing cattle , and so the whole number of their desperate company came riotously running , and so with much striving in driving , hurried away the cattle , and then presumptuously answered , they had made a rescue , and that such should bee their practise if any men at any time , in any case attach any thing that is theirs . and fully to relate the least part of their such like words and actions , the time and paper would scarce bee profitably spent , neither need wee to advise your discretions what is likely to bee the sad events of these disorders , if their bloody currents bee not either stopped , or turned some other way . for it is plaine to us , that if men should continue to resist all manner of order , and orderly answering one of another in different cases , they will suddenly practise , not onely cunningly to detaine things one from another , but , openly in publike , justly or unjustly , according to their own wills disorderly take what they can come by ; first pleading necessity , or to maintaine wife and family ; but afterwards boldly to maintain licentious lust , like savage brute beasts , they will put no manner of difference between houses , goods , lands , wives , lives , blood , nor any thing will bee precious in their eyes : if it may therefore please you of gentle curtesie , and for the preservation of humanity and mankinde , to consider our condition , and lend us a neighbour-like helping hand , and send us such assistance ( our necessity urging us to bee trouble some unto you ) to helpe us to bring them to satisfaction , and ease us of our burden of them , at your discretions ; wee shall evermore owne it as a deed of great charity , and take it very thankfully , and diligently labour in the best measure wee can , and constantly practise to requite your loving kindnesse , if you should have occasion to command us , or any of us in any lawfull designe : and if it shall please you to send us any speedy answer , we shall take it very kindly , and bee ready and willing to satisfie the messengers , and ever remaine your loving neighbours , and respective friends ioshuah winsor benedict arnold william mean william hawkings robert west william field william harris william wickenden william reinolds thomas harris tho. hopkins mark hugh bennit william carpenter , providence the . of the . month , . to the rest of the five men appointed to manage the affaires of our towne aforesaid , these are further to give you to understand ; viz. that i doe not onely approve of what my neighbours before me have written and directed their reasons● to a serious consideration with us , concerning samuel gorton and his company : but this much i say also , that it is evident and may easily bee proved , that the said samuel gorton nor his company are not fit persons to bee received in , and made members of such a body , in so weake a state as our town is in at present . my reasons are , viz. first , samuel gorton having shewed himselfe a railing and turbulent person , not onely in and against those states of government from whence hee came , as is to bee proved ; but also here in this towne since hee have sojourned here ; witnesse his proud challenge , and his upbraiding accusations in his vilifying and opprobrious terms of , and against one of our combination most wrathfully and shamelesly reviling him , and disturbing of him , and medling with him , who was imployed and busied in other private occasions , having no just cause so to revile and abuse him , saying also to him ( and that of another state ) in a base manner , they were like swine that held out their nose to suck his blood , and that now hee and the rest of his company would goe and wallow in it also ; which are indeed words unsufferable ; and also despitefully calling him boy , as though hee would have challenged the field of him , in such an inhumane behaviour as becomes not a man that should bee thought to be fit by any reasonable men to be received into such a poor weak state as we are in at present . secondly , another of his company , one who is much in esteem with him , who openly in a scornfull and deriding manner , seeing one of the five men that was chosen by the towne , and betrusted in the towne affaires , comming towards him in the street , hee asked of one that stood by him , who that was , the other answered him , it was one of the five men appointed for managing of our towne affaires , or the like : yea , said hee , hee lookes like one of the five , which words import not onely a scorning and deriding of his person of whom then hee spake , but also a despising and scorning of our civill state , as it were trampling it under foot , as they had done by other states before they came hither , who were of greater strength then wee are ; for which cause i cannot see such persons to bee fit to bee received into such a state as our towne is . thirdly , i cannot finde these men to bee reasonable men in their suite unto the towne , to be received in as townsmen , seeing they have already had a plaine denyall of their request , and that by the consent of the major part of the towne , or very neare , &c. and are yet unanswerable ; and also that they seeing that their comming to our towne , hath brought the towne into a hurry , almost the one halfe against the other , in which estate no towne or city can well stand or subsist ; which declareth plainly unto us , that their intent is not good , but that their abode so long here amongst us , is in hope to get the victory over one part of the town , but specially of those that laid the first foundation of the place , and bought it even almost with the losse of their lives , and their whole estates , and afterwards to trample them under their feet , as some of their words hold forth , or else to drive them out into the same condition , to seek out a new providence , and to buy it with the like hardnesse as they first bought this place ; these , and many other like reasons that may be shewed , declare that they are not fit persons to be received into our meane and weake state. fourthly , and seeing hee who is so well knowne to bee the ring leader unto the breach of peace , that have been so notoriously evill to bee a trouble of civill states where hee hath lived , that are of farre greater force then wee are of , specially that state who have their commission and authority from the higher powers ; what may wee then expect if he could get himself in with , and amongst so many as wee see are daily ready to tread us under their feet , and his , whom he cals friends , &c. surely , first a breach of our civill peace , and next a ruine of all such as are not of his side , as their daily practise doth declare ; ergo , they are not fit persons to be received into our towne , &c. object . if it bee objected , as some have blasphemously said , that wee are per●ecutors , and doe persecute the saints , in not receiving of them into our towne-fellowship , &c. answ. to this i answer , there cannot bee proved the least shew of any persecution of those persons , either by us , or by any other amongst us to our knowledge . for they have quiet abode amongst us , none molesting or troubling of them , nor any thing they have . it cannot bee proved but by their owne relation , the which hath been disproved ; that they were sent out from those places from whence they came for religion , neither are they medled with here for any such matter , but rather that they themselves in their bravery are more ready to meddle with others . they themselves and others of their followers , have rather been troublers and persecutors of the saints of god that lived here before they came , and doe but waite their opportunity to make themselves manifest in that they intend ; ergo , it cannot bee truly said of any , that any persecution is offered by us unto them , if it could possibly be said of them that they are saints . obj. but if it be further objected , that we doe not give them the liberty of men , neither doe wee afford them the bowells of mercy , to give them the meanes of livelihood amongst us , as some have said . answ. to this i say ; there is no state but in the first place will seeke to preserve its owne safety and peace . wee cannot give land to any person by vertue of our combination , except wee first receive them into our state of combination , the which wee cannot doe with them for our owne and others peace-sake , &c. whereas their necessity have been so much pleaded , it is not knowne that ever they sought to finde out a place where they might accommodate themselves , and live by themselves , with their friends , and such as will follow after them , where they may use their liberty to live without order or controule , and not to trouble us , that have taken the same course as wee have done for our safety and peace , which they doe not approve nor like of , but rather like beasts in the shape of men to doe what they shall thinke fit in their owne eyes , and will not bee governed by any state. and seeing they doe but here linger out the time in hope to get the day to make up their penny-worths in advantage upon us , we have just cause to heare the complaints of so many of our neighbors that live in the town orderly amongst us , and have brought in their complaints , with many reasons against them , and not to admit them , but answer them as unfit persons to bee received into our meane state , &c. now if these reasons and much more which have been truly said of them , doe not satisfie you , and the rest of our neighbours , but that they must be received into our towne-state , even unto our utter overthrow , &c. then according to the order agreed upon by the towne , i doe first offer my house and land within the liberty of the towne unto the towne to buy it of mee , or else i may , and shall take liberty to sell it to whom i may for mine advantage , &c. william arnold ▪ a particvlar answer to the manifold slanders and abominable falsehoods contained in a book , called simplicities defence against seven-headed policy : wherein samuel gorton is proved a disturber of civill societies , desperately dangerous to his country-men the english in new-engl . and notoriously slanderous in what he hath printed of them . when first i entertained the desires of the countrey to come over to answer the complaints of samuel gorton , &c. and to render a reason of the just and righteous proceedings of the countrey of new-engl . in the severall parts of it , against him being a common disturber of the peace of all societies where hee came , witnes new-plymouth , roade-island , providence , and lastly the massachusets , being the most eminent ; i little thought then to have appeared in print : but comming into england , and finding a booke written by mr. gorton called simpli●ities defence against seven-headed policy : or , a true complaint of a peaceable people , being part of the english in new-engl . made unto the state of old-england , against cruell persecutors united in church-government in those parts . i then conceived my selfe bound in duty to take off the many grosse and publike scandalls held forth therein , to the great amazement of many tender consciences in the kingdom , who are not acquainted with his proud and turbulent carriage , nor see the lion under his lambe-skinne coate of simplicity and peace . the lord knowes how unwilling i was personally to engage : and i trust hee will also guide mee in answering his booke , as i shall bee farre from bitternesse : t is true , time was when his person was precious in mine eies , and therefore i hope and desire onely to make a righteous and just defence to the many unworthy things by him boldly , ignorantly , proudly , and falsly published to the great dishonour of god in wronging and scandalizing his churches , which the lord jesus christ will not leave unpunished . i know the world is full of controversies and t is my great griefe to see my dear native country so engaged in them , especially one godly person against another . 't is my present comfort i come not to accuse any ; but to defend new-england against the injurious complaints of samuel gorton , &c. but as it comes to passe oftentimes that men wound others unavoidably in defending their persons from the violent assaults of such as draw upon them , which otherwise they would never have done : so if mr. gorton receive any such hurt ( which is unavoidable ) hee becomes an accessary thereunto : by forcing mee to defend the country , without which i should bee unfaithfull . i know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde , and therefore however i am unfitted of many things i have and could procure at home would well become a relation of the late and present state of new england , yet i shall now onely with as great brevity as may bee give answer to such injurious complaints as hee maketh of us . and however his title , preface , and every leafe of his booke may bee justly found fault with , i shall clearely answer to matters of fact , such as hee chargeth the severall governments withall , so as any indifferent reader may easily discerne how grosly wee are abused , and how just and righteous censures were against him for disturbing the civill peace of all societies where hee came , in such a manner as no government could possibly beare : and for the blasphemies for which hee was proceeded against at massachusets , they fell in occasionally by his owne meanes without any circumstance leading thereunto . and first whereas hee accuseth us in the first page of his booke to goe over to suppresse hereticks . 't is well knowne we went thither for no such end laid downe by us , but to enjoy those liberties the lord jesus christ had left unto his church to avoid the episcopall tyranny , and the heavy burthens they imposed , to which sufferings the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured parliament have and doe beare witnesse to , as religious and just . and that wee might also hold forth that truth and ancient way of god wherein wee walke , which mr. gorton cals heresie . next in the same pag. hee chargeth us with affection of titles , &c. to which i answer , either we must live without government , or if wee have governours wee must give them wee call such titles as are sutable to their offices and places they beare in church and common-wealth , as governours and assistants , pastors , teachers , rulers , deacons , &c. these are our highest titles we give . in his second pag. hee chargeth the massachusets to unite with other colenies to the end they might bathe themselves in bloud and feed themselves fat with the lives of their brethren , &c. this is a notorious slander . 't is true that the massachusets new plimouth , cone●●●●ut , and new-haven , i meane the severall colonies there entred into a civill combination , and are called by the name of the vnited colonies , and this was occasioned by a generall conspiracy of the indians against the body of the english there seated , together with the distracted condition of england , from whom we could expect no helpe at that time . but mr. gortan and his company fell at that time into more then ordinary familiarity with the nanohigganset indians , who were the principal contrivers of the villany ; who where they could not draw others to them by for●e or flattery , they did it by large gifts , &c. as i could prove by many testimonies of the indians , many hundred miles asunder from each other , in which designe had not the finger of god in much mercy prevented , i had beene the first ●●d fallen ; which i forbeare to relate here , being what i now doe , is but an answer to his invective ▪ next in the same pag. hee tels us at his landing how ●ee found his 〈◊〉 men at great variance at boston in point of religion ; but had not hee holpen to blow the bellowes the flame might never have beene so great . and whereas hee said that mr. williams was banished thence for differing from us being a man of good report , &c. in answer , . take notice , i know that mr. williams ( though a man lovely in his carriage , and whom i trust the lord will yet recall ) held forth in those times the unlawfulnesse of our letters patents from the king , &c. would not allow the colours of our nation , denyed the lawfulnesse of a publique oath a being needlesse to the saint● , and a prophanation of gods name to tender it to the wicked , &c. and truly i never heard but he was dealt with for these and such like points : however i am sorry for the love i beare to him and his , i am forced to mention it , but god cals mee at this ●ime to take off these aspersions . in pag. . hee mentions the proc●edings of the massachusets against mr. iohn wheel wright &c. had it beene the will of god i would those differences had never been but the maine difference was about a petition by way of remonstrance , which the government tooke very offensive : but mr. 〈◊〉 and they are reconciled , hee having given satisfaction , &c. in the same pag. hee wrongs the doctrine of our churches , which is well knowne to bee sound . but whereas hee tels us in the same pag. of denying cohabitation , and of ●hippings , confinement , imprisonment , chaines , fines , banishment . i confesse all these things befell him , and most justly : for hee was bound to the good behaviour at plimouth and brooke his bonds in the face of the court , whipt and banished at roade island for mutinie and sedition in the open court there : also at providence as factious there though his party grew greater then mr. william● his better party , as appeares by his and their sad letters to the government of the massachuset for helpe and advice ; and afterwards banished the massachusets : all which appeares in another place of this booke , and the just causes of their proceedings annexed there unto . lastly in this pag. hee tels us of his hardship divers nights together , that himselfe and the rest of his mutinous companions , as weekes , holden , &c. endured , which was just with god and man , for extream evils must have extreame r●medies , and yet t is well knowne t is not a full dayes journey from roade island to pr●vidence . and whereas a stranger would thinke hee was then forced to goe to nauhiga●setbay amongst the indians , hee went not from providence till they were as weary of these muti●eeres as either plimouth or roade island had beene before them . and because hee often mentioneth the hard measure hee received at plimouth , still carrying it on as if difference in religion had beene the ground of it : i thought g●●d here to give the reader to understand what was the ground of his ●roubles there , that so all men may know what religion this 〈◊〉 is of : for the tree is best knowne by its fruite . the first complaint ●hat came against him for which hee was brought before authority , was by mr. ralph smith a minister , who being of g●rtons acquaintance received him with his family into his house , with much humanity and christian respect , promising him as free use of it as himselfe , &c. but mr. gorton becomming troublesome , ( after meanes used to remove the offences taken by mr. smith , but to no purpose , growing still more insolent ) mr. smith desired him to provide elsewhere for himselfe : but gorton refused , saying , hee had as good interest in the house as mr. smith had . and when hee was brought before authority , stood s●outly to maintaine it to our amasement . but was ordered to depart and provide other wayes by a time appointed . and not long after there comming a woman of his acquaintance to plimouth , divers came to the governour with complaints against her , being a stranger , for unworthy and offensive speeches and carriages used by her . whereupon the governour sent to her to know her businesse , &c. and commanded her departure , and ordered the sea-man that brought her , to returne her to the place from whence shee came , at his next passage thither . but g●rton said shee should not goe , for hee had occasion to employ her , &c. hereupon the governour ( it being in the time of a court ) sent for him , and because hee had hidde her , stood in justification of his practiseand refused to obey the command of the court ( who seconded the governours order . ) he was committed till hee could procure sureties for his good behaviour till the next court which was a generall court , and there to answer to this contempt . the time being come and the court set , ●orten was called ; but the governour being wearied with speech to other causes , r●quested one of his assistants who was present at his commitment and privy to the whole cause to declare the same . this assistant no sooner stood up to shew the country the cause of his bonds in the great affront hee had given the government , but g●rt●● stretching out his hand towards his face said with a loud voice , if satan will accuse the brethren , let ●im come downe from iehoshuabs right hand and stand here , and that done , in a seditious manner turned himselfe to the people and said , with his armes spread abroad ▪ yee see good people how yee are abused ! stand for your liberty ; and let them not bee parties and judges , with many other opprobrious speeches of that kinde . hereupon divers elders of churches being present , desiring leave of the governour to speake , complaining of his seditious carriage , and requested the court not to suffer these abuses , but to inflict condigne punishment . and yet notwithstanding all wee did to him was but to take the forfeiture of his foresaid bonds for his good behaviour . nay being but low and poore in his estate , wee tooke not above eight or ten pounds of it , lest it might lie too heavy upon his wife and children . but he must either get new sureties for the behaviour till the next generall court , or such time as he departed the government , or lie in orison till hee could : now hee knowing his outragious passions which hee could not restraine , procured suretles , but immediately left plimoutb and went to roade island , where upon complaint of our persecutions hee found present reliefe there : yet soone afterward he abused them in a greater measure and had heavier yet too light a punishment inflicted on 〈◊〉 and all for breach of the civill peace and notorious contempt of authority without the least mention of any points of religion on the governments part , but as before . and whereas in pag. . mr. gorten further accuseth us that they were deprived and taken away from their quiet possessions , &c. such was his carriage at plimouth and providence at his first settling as neither of the governments durst admit or receive him into cohabitation , but refused him as a pest to all societies . againe in the same pag. he accuseth massachusets and plimouth to have denyed them to be in our government , but when wee perceived the place to bee a refuge for such as were oppressed then , &c. 't is true that plimouth gave way to mr. williams and his company to fit downe at providence and have never molested them to this day , but refused gorton and weekes , &c. upon weekes his sollicitation when i was at providence for the reasons before mentioned , &c. and for those particular relations he makes of robert cole , william arnold , and benedict his sonne , i wave , as not being so well acquainted with their cases , but see hee writes with a venomous pen ; onely take notice he would make it a great crime in them to trade on the sabbath ( as it is ) when himselfe at that time denyed the sanctification of it . in pag. . hee complaines that powder was traded to the indians and denyed to them , answ. if it were traded to the indians , for my part i approve it not , it being against the expresse law of the country , and a large penalty annexed : but there was good reason to refuse it to them which held such familiarity with malignant indians especially during the time of their confederacy against u● . in pag. . he speakes as if hee had beene under some censure of the massachusets at the time of the warrant there by him specified , how truly copied i know not : but am sure at this time he was personally under no censure of theirs . in pag. . hee accuseth magistrates and ministers for bringing in all the accusations that came in against them . who but publique persons should take notice of publique insolencies ? and as for mr. collens his story i am a stranger to , but beleeve it is misreported as well as others . in pag. , hee manifests hee durst not live under a forraigne prince , meaning the dutch , having never been false to his king and country , &c. with many ignorant swelling words ; as if it were treason to ones prince to live under a forraigne state though an ally . and in the same pag. hee would lay the death of mistris hutchenson who was mother in law to mr. collens , on us : although they went from road island which is not under the massachusets where shee had lived some years after her remove from the bay , and not from the massachusets to the dutch of her owne accord where they were cut off by the indians . in pag. . he shewes how they bought lands of myantonimo prince of those parts . answ. . hee was not the prince of that part as was proved publiquely at massachusets himselfe being present . . he had no proper right in it , as is shewed at large elsewhere . in the same pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blasphemies which continueth to pag. . and however it bee not exactly set downe as it was sent , yet i admire at gods providence , for hee is falne into the snare he laid , this being brought against him to accuse him of blasphemy , before a committee of parliament , who called in his book , and referred him to the house , &c. but i forbeare to shew his folly here , which is referred to another place and his wickednesse discovered therein . in pag. . hee saith the government of the massachusets had no shew of any thing against them but religion , and yet the whole carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print , shewes it was in the right of two indian sachims , namely p●mham and socononoco , who placing themselves under the protection of the massachusets complained of violence offered them by mr. gorton and his company ; it being our manner both in capitals and criminals to dot them the like justice wee doe one to another , wherein walking by the same rules of righteousnesse towards them , they have the lesse cause to take offence at us . from pag. . forward , are many letters which i cannot beleeve al is in them , and therfore remain jealous of his sincerity in printing them . in pag. . hee holds forth conversion to be the ground of the massachusets sending to them , now to that end , saith hee , they sent a minister . 't is true , there was a gracious young man one mr. ioh. bulkley then a student , but in no ministery , went to teach to the company they sent to guard their owne commissioners , and to bring in gorton if need required : but i dare not beleeve what hee affirmes . and for the copy of a letter hee fathers upon the commissioners sent by the government of the massachuset ; i conclude 't is rather set downe upon memory then right , because of some attestations i have by me to make use on elsewhere , which seeme to hold forth the contrarry , and so i doe not credit it . in pag. , & . hee relates how their wives were frighted at mens presenting their muskets at them , &c. and suffering such hardships as occasioned death , &c. which must also bee false , for honest men have deposed there was no such presentment , and that their wives came freely and familiarly to them , both before and after they were taken . so also hee affirmes our men would allow of no parley but private , or else they would dispatch them in a quarter of an houre , which i will never beleeve , because i know the men to bee men fearing god , and durst not proceed as hee relateth it . in pag ▪ , & . he also taxeth the commissioners and souldiers with breach of covenants in time of treaty , as , breaking open their houses , desks , killing their cattle , &c. all which is false , for oath is made to the contrary , which i shall make use of before my lord of warwick governour in chiefe , and the rest of the honourable committee for foraign plantations in due time and place , that whereas they were by agreement to have two houses for their company being about men , they made use of but one , nor did any of these things laid to their charge . in pag. . he would make pumham and socononoco , the naturall subjects of myantonimo their prince ; but this was disproved . and in the same page , he saith , the magistrates suggested to the people as though there were feare of some combination between the indians and them , answ. i dare not say you had a hand in the depth of their conspiracy : but this i thinke you dare not deny , that weekes one of your stoutest champions , lent myantonimo an armour , in which he was taken in battell against vncus , who was under the protection of the english united colonies : for which vncus put him to death ; and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then becomes you . but here it will bee necessary for mee to shew you the ground of this warre . there was a people called by the name of the pecoats , being a stout warlike people , who had been at warre with the nanohiggansets many yeares , and were too strong for them ; so also were they at some distance of affection with this vncus , who was sachim of a people called the mohegans , neare the head of a river falleth into the sea at pecoat , the chiefe sachim of this people of pecoat , was called tatobam , a stout man. the nanohiggansets and these strove who should be greatest . this tatobam envied the english , and was the first stirrer and contriver of this generall plot , that they might all joyne together to destroy the english ; but the nanohiggansets refused to joyne with them , knowing if that were once done , the next ruine must be their owne . afterward having subdued many small peoples , and one as great as themselves , and and some english planting more neare then the body of our plantations , though without wrong to him , or any of them , hee cut off captaine stone his barke and company , and after this killed divers stragling english. this st●rred up the english to take revenge : the nano●ggans●ts and vncus , sachim of the moheges seeing this , because it was against their comon enemy , offered their service to joyn with the english : the nanohiggansets did no considerable service in comparison of the moheges , who did as much as could bee expected , but the nanohiggansets rather gathered up the spoile , to the great offence of the english and moheges , seldome ingaging in any fight . the english killed and destroyed this people utterly , so that those that were left remaining utterly deserted the countrey , and the english wonne it , and are now possessed of it . after this victory , myantonim● sachim or lord of the nanobiggansets , and vncus lord of the moheges , manifested no good blood towards each other ; the english at hartford where the government for coneetacut is held , hearing of it , got them together , and made a peace and threefold covenant between the government of coneetacut , nanchigganset , and mohege , which was signed by the governour of coneetacut , myantonim● sachim of nanohigganset , and vncus sachim of m●hegan . the covenants rant to this purpose , to confirme their league between the english and them , and either to other , and to hold forth a league of perpetuall peace between them . and in case any difference should arise between them . and in case any difference should arise between these two indian sachims , or their people , the party offended should complaine to the governour of coneetacut , who was to mediate and to determine the controversie between his two friends and their people : and in case the injury were great , and the party wronging would not stand to the foresaid award and determination , then it should not onely bee lawfull for the wronged to right himselfe by force of armes , but for the english party also to assist the innocent in that kind . and to this they all firmed as before . the nanohigganset sachim never regarded this covenant , the mohege sachim ever faithfully observed it . but myantonimo of nanohigganset had thoughts now to prosecute the p●coats designe , and to destroy the english , ( the pecoets nation being rooted out by gods just judgement as before ) and travels farre and neare to draw all the indians in the countrey into this horrid confederacy with him ; but this vncus would not bee wonne , though he would have taken his daughter in marriage , but ever acquainted the english with his working . at length an inferiour sachim , subordinate to nanobigganset affronts him and his men , hee complaines to the english , they send to this inferiour sachim , hee sleights their admonition , goes on his course ; whereupon the other demands leave to make warre upon him , not requiring any aide . still the english forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to bring upon themselves ; till at length they professe they have had peace enough , & now it is time to war , whereupon the english give way to vncus to revenge himselfe , he doth it ▪ the other are beaten . now myantonimo he prepares an army of above men , and comes upon a sudden upon vncus without any respect to covenants , and took vncus at advantage , not with above men ; by which meanes they beset him every way in his fort , which stands upon a point of land between two rivers . myantonimo so dispersed his men to prevent their flight , as vncus making a desperate salley with almost his full force , routed the other , slew neare upon an hundred , and forced them to fly : but mr. weckes one of samuel gortons company ( as i am credibly informed ) lending the great sachim a complete armor ; and having it on in the fight , was not able to fly so fast as his men , and was taken by this meanes . yet such was vncus respect still to the english , as hee kept him till hee sent to the english , viz. to the right wo●shipfull george fenwicke esquire , to know what he should doe with him , who lived next to him , hee wished him to follow their owne custome , and to deale with him , as if hee had not advised with him , or there were no english in the land to advise withall . hereupon hee resolved to have killed him forthwith , according to their custome . but no sooner were the nanohiggansets got home , who had lost divers sachims , captaines , and chiefe men in this fight , but they send to mr. gorton , &c who sent a note to vncus , with a command by the bearer , that they put him not to death , but use him kindly and returne him . this the messenger either said or they supposed came from the massachusets governour , and did much daunt vn●us and his men : but to cleare up all , they advised with the gent. of co●eetacut , who wished him to keep him prisoner , and to advise with the commissioners of the united colonies whereof they were part , whose meeting would bee ere long by course at the massachusets : which counsell hee followed , and entreated the governour of coneetacut ( myantonimo also desiring it ) to keep him safe for him till then , whereupon hee was brought to hartford : and many gifts were sent to the prisoner ; which hee bestowed like himselfe , some on him that took him , some on vncus , some on his wife , some on vncus brother being a great captaine , and some on others where he had received kindnesses , and this was all the ransome was paid , there being not so much as a ransome proposed by the nanobiggansets , nor set down by vncus . but hee advising with the commissioners , they considering how many ways besides open hostility he had sought the life of vncus , by poyson , secret murther , witchcraft , &c. advised him to put him to death , there being no safety for him whilst hee lived , being so restlesse in his practice against his life ; and therefore wished vncus to proceed with him according to their owne custome towards prisoners of warre , which is to put them to death ; according to which advice he proceeded , knowing now that none of the engl. would intercede for him . and hereupon vncus went to hartsord and demanded his prisoner , and led him to an house of his owne , out of the limits of the english , and there killed him , where was an english man or two by to prevent their accustomed cruelties , in cutting off not onely the head and hands of their prisoners when they are dead , and make bracelets of the ●ore-joints of their fingers , &c. but to torture them whilst living with most inhumane cruelties . after this , the nanohiggansets would warre upon him in revenge of his death ; wee forbade them , and at our next meeting of commissioners to consult about the weale publike of the united colonies , in regard the nanohiggansets pleaded they had taken a ransome for his life , and his life also , which the other denyed ; wee sent for vncus , and sent to the great sachims of nanohigganset to come also , or appeare by commissioners ; but they sent foure commissioners with full authority to treate , where we found neither ransome , nor colour of ransome in the least measure . and so a truce was agreed on , & if vncus brake it , we were then freed from our engagement to defend him any further , for they desired no more : and if the nanohiggansets broke it , then it should be lawfull for us the united colonies to take part with him , &c. but the truth is , though before they had so neare neighbours of the english , as gorton , &c. and till myantonimo's government , as they were the most in number , and most peaceable of all the indians , yet now they were changed , as if they had not been the people , and had their tutors , secretaries , and promptors to suggest their greatnesse and our weaknesse to them , as his book witnesseth , in such manner as i am confident if the gortonians ( for i take the phrase from his owne book here , never hearing it before ) bee suffered to live so neare them , it will bee our ruine , or these indians ( which we desire not ) in short time . i thought good to insert this narration thus briefly , that the reader might understand the ground of his many charges , calling god to witnesse i know not the least falshood related in it , but many things for brevities sake omitted worthy a history ; but i am now about an answer , not an history , and therefore thus briefe . but to return . in pag. . see how he scoffes at the sabbath as if there were no other ground for our religious observation of it , then mr. cottons judgement . and in pag. . hee is full of many scoffs , as if hee and his gortonians would not , nor did shoot at all , when as i have oath to prove they shot also at the other , but the truth is , i heard some say that their powder was so dampe and moist as they could not without great difficulty discharge a peece , which i well beleeve might bee the reason they shot no more then they did . in pag. . hee chargeth captaine cooke with breach of articles : and yet i have it attested upon oath , that there were none agreed on ; onely they desired they might not goe bound ; which was easily assented to , they behaving themselves quietly . and for their cattle , i never heard the number to be so great by farre ; but asking the governour of the massachusets about them , hee professed they did not amount to halfe their charges . and if any aske by what authority they went out of their own government to do such an act ? know that his former seditious and turbulent carriage in all parts where he came , as plymouth , roade-island , a place of greatest liberty , providence that place which relieved him in that his so great extremity , and his so desperate close with so dangerous and potent enemies , and at such a time of conspiracy by the same indians , together with the wrongs done to the indians , and english under the protection of that government of the massachusets , who complained and desired reliefe ; together with his notoriou● contempt of all civill government , as well as that particular , and his blasphemies against god needlesly manifested in his proud letters to them , one whereof hee hath printed , and the other i have herewith published for him . all these considered , you shall see hereby cause enough , why they proceeded against him as a common enemy of the countrey . and as such an one , the said commissioners being then met together at massachusets by course , for the weale of the whole , upon just complaint ordered and thought meet that the government of the massachusets should call them to accompt , and proceed with them so farre as stood with righteousnesse and justice : and by their declaration thou maist easily see they went no further , for they refusing safe conduct to come to answer to the matters against them , forced them upon this charge needlesly , which they made them beare part of as before . so that here 's cause enough besides blasphemy for their proceeding with them i suppose . in pag. . he chargeth new-engl . ministers to pray in the streets : but take notice i have been there these yeares , and better , but never heard of such a practise , till i now reade it in his book . in pag. . he saith , the governour to satisfie the people , said , we were apprehended for divers grosse opinions , &c. answ. you may see in the last section but one there was cause enough . and yet for opinions , let mee tell you that you held , that that image of god after which man was created was christ ; and that when adam fell christ was slaine , &c. and as for your opinion concerning churches , mr. williams by way of sad complaint told me , you denyed any true churches of christ to be in the world : also baptisme it selfe , and the lords supper , sabbath , magistracy as it was an ordinance used amongst christians . and for the lords supper , that it is but a spell , the ministers necromancers , and the communicants drunke with the juice of the grape , &c. and for this last passage here mentioned , the reader shall have it at large in a second letter sent by him and his companions to the government of the massachusets , concealed by himself in his book , though he pretendeth to have printed all , &c. in pag. . as he abuseth others , so mr. cotton and mr. ward , in affirming that mr. ward put himselfe into a passion , and stirred up carder to recant , &c. as being no discredit to him , because mr. cotton ordinarily preached that publiquely once a yeare , which the next yeare he recants , &c. but mr. ward being in towne , a man well knowne and reputed , i shewed him the booke , and hee gave mee thanks , and returned this answer to it verbatim : samuel gorton having made mee a margent note in the page of his booke , i hold my self called to make this answer to it ; i cannot call to minde that ever i knew or spake with such a man as richard carder , nor that ever i had any speech with any prisoner at a window , nor should i need it in new-england , where there is liberty enough given for conference with prisoners in more free and convenient places . this i remember , that one robert potter who went in the same ship with mee into new-england , and expressing by the way so much honesty and godlinesse as gained my good opinion and aff●ction towards him : i hearing that hee was affected with samuel gortons blasphemous conceits and carriages , and therefore now imprisoned with him , i went to visit him , and having free speech with him in the open prison yard , who shedding many teares might happily move me to expresse my aff●ction to him , which samuel gorton calls passion : after some debate about his new opinions , i remember i used a speech to him to this effect : that hee should doe well and wisely to make such acknowledgement of his errours as his conscience would permit ; telling him that mr. cotton whom hee had so much reverenced in old england and new , had given him a godly example in that kinde , by a publique acknowledgement upon a solemne fast day with many teares ; that in the time when errours were so stirring , god leaving him for a time , he fell into a spirituall slumber ; and had it not been for the watchfulnesse of his brethren the elders , &c. hee might have slept on ; and blessed god very cordially for awakening him , and was very thankefull to his brethren , for their watchfulnesse over him , and faithfulnesse towards him : wherein hee bonoured god not a little , and greatly rejoyced the bearts of his bearers ; and therefore it would bee no shame for him to doe the like . concerning mr. cotton , were i worthy , i would presume to speake that now of him , which i have said more then many times of him elswhere , that i hold him such an eminent worthy of christ , as very few others have attained unto him ; and that i hold my selfe not worthy to wipe his slippers for matters of grace , learning , and industry in the worke of god. for the author samuel gorton , my self and others farre more judicious , take him to bee a man whose spirit is starke drunke with blasphemies and insolencies , a corrupter of the truth , and a disturber of the peace where ever hee comes ; iiutreat him to read titus . . with an humble bea●● and that is the greatest harm i wish him . n. w. thus much of the answer and testimony of that reverend and grave divine , wherein the reader may see how mr. gorton abuseth all men , by casting mire and dirt in the faces of our best deserving instruments . in page . he accuseth mr. wilson and mr. cotton for stirring up the people against them , &c. answ. what they pressed in their sermons , i was not present to heare ; but this i can affirme , that from the time of their liberty to my departure from new england , which is not much above two moneths , i have heard many precious godly men affirme , that sam. gorton and his company needlesly in their writings and conference belched out such blasphemy as they thought god was offended with the country for giving them the liberty they had . and that you may the better see his carriage , ( it being the manner of the countrey to let their prisoners come to heare the word preached ) mr. gorton , &c. being there after mr. cotton had ended his sermon on a sabbath day , asked leave to speake , which mr. cotton assenting to , the governour being present gave him leave , where with a loud voice before the whole congregation being very great , hee declared , that the ministery of the word , sacraments , censures , and other ordinances of religion in the hands of ministers , are like the silver shrines of diana in the hands of the cra●tsmen of ephesus &c. and if the truth of this be questioned , i have testimony upon oath to make it good . in pag. , , . many things might bee excepted against , as in p. . his great respect manifested to that government , because derived from the state of england , which what it was thou maist largely see in certaine observations of a godly divine annexed hereunto , upon his owne two contemptuous and blasphemous letters , or rather bookes , wherein are severall aspersions cast on them , secondly , his appealing , pag. . from their justice when their charter enjoynes none . in pag. , & , the questions as hee hath set them downe , and the relation about the time allowed him to give his answer ; i question whether he have dealt fairely therein , because hee is so often found faulty . to passe by his answer , and his large explanation of himselfe , pag. . and come to . &c and so the rest of his answers to the questions to . i answer , though i know not whether hee doe right as hee states things ; yet this i know , being attested by reverend persons , that hee then maintained , that god made man after ●is owne image ; and that god 〈◊〉 but one image , and that is christ ; and this was the incarnation of christ , his exinanition by which we are saved . and when it was objected , wee are not saved by the incarnation of christ , but by the death of christ. true , saith hee , therefore adam fell , and so destroyed gods image , and that was the death of christ. when it was objected againe , adams fall was not our salvation , but condemnation , but the death of christ was our salvation : and therefore adams fall could not be the death of christ. hee would by no meanes either revoke or explaine his speech ( though much urged thereunto ) to agree with the principles of christian religion . being further demanded what he then thought of that christ in whom we beleeve , borne of the virgin mary , and who suffered under pontius pilate ? he answered , that that christ was a shadow , and but a resemblance of what is done in ●●e and every true christian. and now judge good reader , whether this be like what hee mentioneth , or whether it were a trifle not worthy the mentioning : but if he will be so unfaithfull as to omit it , i dare not . as for his censure , pag. ● , i know not whether it bee right set downe ; and so the charge , pag. . wherein i dare say he wrongeth the ministers , in saying , they stirred up the people to famish them . as for his long and tedious letter to mr. green , from page to . i passe it by , as he saith mr. green did . but in . hee would make it an aspersion upon mr. endec●t for saying that god had stirred them up to goe out of their owne jurisdiction to fete● them from their 〈◊〉 places . take notice as it is litterally within the line of plimouth government in their grant , yet the indians before mentioned having subjected themselves to the massachusets , the commissioners for plimouth as well as those for con●etacu● , and new-haven , upon the manifold complaints and reasons before mentioned , being met together at their ordinary time and place appointed and ordered it should bee so , as appeares by the copy of their act . at a meeting of the commissioners for the united colonies of new-england holden at b●●ston the seventh of september . where as complaints have beene made against samuel gorton and his company , and some of them weighty and of great consequence ; and where as the said gorton and the rest have beene formerly sent for , and now lately by the generall court of the massachusets with a safe conduct both for their comming and re●●rne , that they might give answer and satisfaction where in they have done wrong . if yet they shall stubbornely refuse , the commissioners for the united colonies think fit that the magistrates in the massachusets proceed against them according to what they shall finde just ; and the rest of the iurisdictions will approve and concurre in what shall bee so warrantably done , as if their commissioners had beene present at the conclusions , provided that this conclusion doe not prejudice the government of plimouth in any right they can justly claime unto any tract or tracts , &c. by which order it appeares they were stirred up and allowed by plimouth it selfe as well as the rest , as afore , to send for and deale with as indeed the common disturbers of the peace of the country . and whereas in pag. . he complaineth of the governours last order for breaking the order of court , yet take it as he relates it and any understanding man will easily see on the other side the same lease that they still were bound to the rest of the articles at their confinement , which they were now in a high way to break ▪ and for that little island called roade island they were forced to shelter in , take notice 't is miles about , very fruitfull , and plentifully abounding with all manner of food the country affordeth , and hath two townes besides many great farmes well stocked in the same . in pag. . hee complaines of us for calling them gortoniant , and so the indians calling them gortonoges and not englishmen , with many affected ●oppish vanities , phrases and termes i never heard on before , and yet have lived in new-england from the beginning , being now above yeares . i wish hee study not , nor affect these things , but i much feare it . in pag. . hee tels a tale of a tub , of myantonimo's being slain as hee marched , which is false , for hee was put to death , and in an house , but not upon a march . and is it to bee wondered at , that two english were present to see the manner of their proceeding in so weighty a cause as one prince putting another his perfidious enemy and captive to death , especially when they were required by the commissioners to forbeare their accustomed torments and to give him honourable buriall , which they did and had thanks returned by the nanhiggansets for those particulars . now if any would know how it was done ? it was onely at one blow with an hatchet on the side of the heade as hee walked easily in the roome ( expecting no lesse ) which fully dispatched him at once . and thus mnch for answer to this charge . to let passe pag. . what hee saith about myantonimo's death as being answered before , and come to pag . &c. where he mentioneth a consultation held amongst the indians to put themselves under the subjection of the state of england , &c. answ. wee heard indeed of this desperate plot by this unfaithfull people , who had beene in covenant with the severall governments long before , but never observed any one article farther then it might further their owne designe which was to bee absolute lords of the country though with the ruine of us all . and t●●ly had he not published this and the following discourse wee could never have proved it though wee heard of it both from english and indians . and however myantonimo dyed , yet the plot liveth and continueth to this day . now though i dare not say , nor doe i thinke they joyne with them in aiming at the ruine of all the english , yet they joyne with them in many of their councels , contri●e their sturdy answers by writings , and become their secretaries . who knowes not that they cannot write ? and who knowes not their owne answers from those that come under your hands ? and if the state of england ( which god defend ) should establish your and their joynt propositions : then were their plot accomplished : for they might and would worke freely our ruine when as wee might not take up armes against them , but by vertue of warrant or writ from hence procured upon our complaints here , which also would bee six months , in ordinary course in procuring and returning , when as in one of these all our throates might bee cut , and those hopefull beginnings so much favoured by our gracious god hitherto in a high way to bee overthrowne . indeed wee heard further , and for my part i beleeve it , that for the better accomplishment hereof , samuel gorton and some of his company had perswaded the nanohiggansets to send the king a very large present of beaver and otter skins which they should bring in , and accordingly did : but withall the english reporter saith , that if he could finde favour with the parliament , then hee would rest there : but if they frowned on him , hee doubted not to but obtaine what was meet from the king. but the times would not suffer him to publish this also , else i see wee should have had all : and this take notice of , that ( as the same report testified ) at his departure hee ▪ wished them by no meanes to warre with us the vnited colonies , but compound though it cost them never so deare , but assured them at his returne hee would come strengthened with such authority and so many of his friends as that the nanobiggansets and themselves should not need to feare any thing the rest of the english could doe . and that we heard these things from credible restimony and are not faigned by mee , i take the searcher of the heart to witnesse , yea say further that i beleeve them to bee true . his glorious seeming well-de●erving acts follow in pag. . &c. to . but note that weekes , holden , and warner , ( though i least know the last , but am sure for the other two ) were his strong assistants in his former seditious and mutinous carriages both at roade island and providence , and therefore fit commissioners as he terms them , for the accomplishing such a designe . and in pag. . note first , their complyance with the nanohiggansets , and his false relation in saying myantonimo's ransome was taken and his life also , which is most false , as i made appeare in my former relation . and for the kings being our and their judge , as in pag. . know the indians care no more for the king then they doe for us , whom they would destroy if they could . and in pag. . take notice of the gortonists complying and joyning with them , first , by calling them their fellow-subjects , and secondly , speaking of the ma●kquagges ( whom wee ordinarily call mo - 〈◊〉 ) as being the most fierce and warlike people in the country , where ( saith bee ) wee are furnished with guns , men expert in the use of them , &c. now these indeed at the switzers serve for hire . and the nanohiggansets being rich have hired them to assist them in their warre . but though the gartomists it seemes are interested with the nanohiggansets in their strength against us , yet are they neither so many men not have so many arms , but have too many and are very expert in them : being continually supplyed by the french and dutch , whose aime is chiefly at the trade of furs , and hereby not onely robbe us of that should helpe to maintaine our plantations which are growing up into a nation , but furnish the indians with all manner of armes , which i would to god , and humbly beseech this high court of parliament to take into serious consideration , and treate with their severall ambassadors about it , as a thing unreasonable in it selfe , and such as hath beene pernicious to french and dutch , and may bee destructive to them and us , if some due course bee not taken , but to returne from my humble request to the state , to my answer to samuel gorton ; although this be a most unworthy vaunt of his , yet i trust the state will make such use of it as never to suffer this desperate crew to live so neere our malicious enemies the nanohigans ▪ and that they will not only countenance the sentence of the massachus . government against them , but hinder the said gortons returne thither , by sorbidding him to set foot on that land of new-england he hath filled with so many troubles in all the parts where he hath beene . in pag. . hee taxeth ●lim●uth to joyne with the massachusets to frustrate their government by vertue of their new charter , 't is true , wee would have had the massachusets to have the seat , and rendred a reason to the state of their proceedings , knowing as before that mr. gortons journey was for evill and not for good : but they being then taken up with more weighty concernments neglected it : but plimouth did then petition the right honourable robert earle of warwicke the governour in chiefe of the english plantations in america and the rest of that ●●nourable committee joyned in commission with him , that wee might enjoy our ancient limits of government granted in our letters patent , and withall shewed that their charter for the limits of it now granted , was contained within our line of government : and trust i shall now receive answer . t is true also that we sent mr. iohn brown furnished with these following instruction to signifie to all that were interessed in that new erected government as followeth by commission given at new-plimouth , nov. . . . that a great part of their supposed government is within the line of the government of new-plimouth . . that wee assuredh knew that this ever to hee honoured house of parliament would not , nor will when they shall know of it , take from us the most ancient plantation , any part of the line of our government formerly granted ; it being contrary to their principles . . to forbid them and all and every of them to exercise any authority or power of government within the limits of our letters patents . . to certifie them that coweeset is not onely within said limits , but that the sachim thereof and his sonnes have taken protection of his our government . and therefore to forbid them to cuter upon any part of his or their lands without due order and leave from our government . now these instructions were signed by the governour . and mr. browne going to roade island for this end came very seasonable when a publique meeting was appointed for your new magistrates and people , ( but as he reported , for a most vile end ; viz. to take into consideration a new disposall of the lands formerly given out , as if some had too much and some too little , and for no respect of persons , and their estates was to bee laid aside . ) and here note that mr. coddington , mr. briuton , &c that we at plimouth had speciall eye to , when wee commended them thither , abhorred their course , abstained from their meetings , looked upon themselves as persons in great danger , and bemoaned their condition to divers their friends , being now overwhelmed with cares and feares what would bee the issue of things . and note that now also mr. samuel gorton that before had suffered so much by authority for his evill doing , and was come to deny it and preach against it , being now by these inhabitants called to place , accepts it , and became a magistrate amongst them , &c. but whereas hee intimates , as if mr. browne had onely done his message ( according to his instructions ) in a private way from house to house , therein hee wrongs him : for hee did it publiquely in the place of their assembly , who were so daunted at it as they brake up , and did no act intended for that day , as hee related it : but some would have had him imprisoned , others punished , others sent to the dutch and so for england . yea mr. gorton himselfe told mr. brownes sonne that his father had done that which he deserved to die for , and were hee in any other place it would cost him his life . so fit for government were these men , as to judge a peaceable claime of right without any further disturbance or stirre made should thus deserve , neither indeed have wee further stirred then as before , ever resolving to rest in the determination of the right honourable the governour in chie●e and the rest of his honourable assistants of that committee bee trusted with the affaires of the forraigne english plantations , assuring our selves what ever might proceed either from misinformation or want of due knowledge what was formerly done , would bee rectified upon the first information and complaint made : such were our thoughts of them , and the justice wee expected , and still hope to receive from them . and thus much for answer to that complaint . in pag. . he layeth another grosse aspersion upon us , in saying , there was distance and alienation of affection betweene plimouth and the massachusets at their fi●st comming , each thinking i am holier then th●u : and as if wee were new united on purpose to scatter them . the world knowes this to bee most false . never people agreed better , maintaining both religious and civill communion with each other , and helping and being helpfull one to another● upon all occasions : which is so well knowne , as if hee had not more then ordinary boldnesse hee durst not affirme●it . nor came the men of plimouth ▪ from amsierdam as hee reporteth but leyden , a people that many of that church of amsterdam would hardly allow communion withall : but his pen is no slaunder , at least will not bee where this answer shall follow it . and for his relation of the manner of the indians mourning for their prince his death ; truely had hee dyed a naturall death , 't is their manner not onely so to mourne for their great sachims which are princes , but for ordinary men , women and children as hee well knoweth or might know . ia pag. . he further complaines of plimouth and massachusets for offering to goe out against the nanohiggansets to cut them off by the sword . and so complaines also of captaine standish &c. answ. i told you before how the commissioners for the united colonies meeting at hartford by course , whose meeting alwayes begins the first thursday in septemb. sent for both the nanohiggansets and vncus , who appeared , and a league agreed on : but the nanohiggansets broke againe , and warred upon vncus needlesly . the united colonies admonished them againe and againe : and after no admonition nor perswasions would serve , wee were then forced to call the commissioners together at an extraordinary season on purpose , who finding it meet to take up armes in the behalfe of vncus our confederate , whom by the agreement of the nanohiggansets sundry times , at divers meetings wee were bound , and it was made lawfull to doe . hereupon the commissioners agreeing as before , sent out their warrants to their severall and speciall governments , and accordingly forces were raised at a dayes warning . but before this , in stead of hearkening to righteous counsell , they threatened also the english , saying , they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle , as high as their houses , burne our habitations , make spoile of our goods , and used our messengers very discurteously , &c. and for captaine standish , this i heard him relate , that being at the place of rendezvouze , before the massachusets forces came , observing that some of the inhabitants of providence received the indians into their houses familiarly , who had put themselves also into a posture of armes , and the place within a mile of secunck or rhehoboth where captaine standish lay ; hee sent to providence , and required them to lay aside their neutrality , and either declare themselves on the one side or other : for the warre being once begun , hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining , furnishing , and relieving the common enemy , but would disarm them , &c. and whether necessity put him not upon this course , or no , let the reader judge . and for the five hundred pound , 't is true their hearts fayled to see plymouth forces appeare , and massachus . both horse and foot upon their march on the one side their countrey , under mr. edw. gibbons who was chosen generall of the united colonies , with the help of wo●samequis● , whose constancy to plymouth is wel known , and pumham and secononoco with reference to massachusets with all their men , attending the english word of command . and on the other side their countrey the forces of cone●tacut ne●haven , with all the strength of vncus , waiting but for the word from the commissioners to fall on . now i say they were daun●ed especially because it came so suddenly upon them , wanting mr. gorton and his friends who were not yet come ; hereupon they resolved to go to the commissioners to massachus and compound , and did signe new articles to observe the peace not onely with the united colonies but with vncus , woosamequin , pumham , and socononoco , and other our confederates , including all the english in the land , to make satisfaction for wrongs to vncus , and to pay five hundred pounds to the united colonies , for the charge they put us to , which indeed would not neare make it good , if they had paid it ; but as at other times , so now , not with standing their hostages , they abused us grosly , first sending ●al●e persons● secondly , breaking all other their covenants , and came at last to a resolution , they would rather give the money ( which is a beade , as current as coin in all that part of america , of their owne making ) to the mowhakes at once , to cut us off , then to pay it according to covenant . and thus contrary to my resolution , i see a necessity of more large answers then i intended ; and indeed other wife i should speak riddles , and not satisfie the reader . although were it an history , i have many remarkable passages which here for brevity sake i must omit . and if any think wee doe needlesly ingage in the troubles betweene the indians ? ● , let them know if wee should not here and there keepe correspondency with some of them , they would soone joyne all together against us . . the quarrall betweene vncus and nanohigganset , arose upon his cleaving to us : for the great sachim myantonimo would have marryed vncus daughter , and since pessachus that succeeded him would have marryed woosamequins daughter , and all in policy to take them off from us ; so that indeed wee are necessitated to it . and . we are not out of hope in time to bring them to the knowledge of jesus christ , as will appeare by a small treat●se of that kinde . but this one thing i desire the reader to take notice of , that when that great prince myantonimo hee so much admires , had offered violence to woosamequin ( who was under the protection of plymouth ) and missing his person , returned onely with the plunder of his goods : upon woosamequins complaint to plymouth , that government alone , it being before the union , sent captain standish with a few men , not above . who sent a message over the bay of salt water which parts woosamequin from them , either to make restitution of his goods so injuriously taken , or else to expect him to fetch them with a vengeance to their co●t . hereupon they sent over every particular that could bee demanded , even to a woodden dish , and salved up all againe ; but this was before any malignant english sate down so neare them , and held counsell with them , before they had violated our persons to them , reported us to bee base and low , out of favour with the king and state , &c. things very unworthy , abominable to be named , but that in defending the abused governments of the country , i am forced to dang such strokes at these proud and turbulent enemies of the countrey . next in pag. . that hee relateth of mr. williams ; viz , the messengers taking him with them that were sent to the nanohiggansets , in that troublesome time , viz. being one cast out of the church ( mr. cotton should preach ) it was all one to take counsell of a witch , and that those that did it were worthy to die . upon which mr. wilbour one of the messengers was ready to die , saith hee , for feare hee should have been hanged . this i cannot beleeve for these two reasons : . because all men that know mr. cotton , know his moderation , wisdome and piety to bee such , as such an expression was not like to drop from him . . the strictest government in new-engl . that i know , takes no advantage in the law at a mans person for being excommunicated ; insomuch as if he have an office , he holds it neverthelesse , and this , i know practised , and therefore his relation unlike . but that the messengers were directed to another for their interpreter i know , and that some took offence at their● practise i know also , but upon different grounds , which i forbeare to mention , being now to answer mr. gorton , and not mr. williams . in pag. . which is the last page in his booke that i shall need to make answer to , and the thing hee there brings against us is an answer to a doctrine one of their wives should heare delivered at massachusets when shee came to visit them , from matth. . . and alluding to hebr. . , . briefly this doctrine there delivered , should make the doctrine of the apostles and the churches in their times to bee 〈◊〉 darkness● that the ministery of the apostles was and should be removel , &c. which i desire the reader to turne to ; but bee assured through gods mercy , by meanes of the late bishop of canterburies persecutions of the godly here , wee are so excellently furnished with shining lights of the gospel , as no such blasphemous trash as this could bee there delivered , and so many able hearers , as if it should have been delivered by any , the lord with-drawing his presence from him , it would have been forthwith excepted against and published to the world . but i am confident if such a thing were there heard , it was either from one of their owne company , or disciples made by them . and therefore i will passe by the answer also , as not concerning any difference between him and us , and so the rest of his writings to that end , and could wish that n●rcissus-like hee were not so much in love with his owne shadow , lest it prove his ruine ; there needing no other matter against him then his owne words and writings to render him odious to the state here , as well as to new-england from whence he came . and now that i have finished what i conceive necessary concerning mr. gortons scandalous and slanderous bookes , let me briefly answer some objections that i often meet withall against the country of new-england . the first that i meet with is , concerning the rise and foundation of our new-england plantations ; it being alledged ( though upon a great mistake by a late writer ) that division or disagreement in the church of leyden , was the occasion , nay cause of the first plantation in new-england ; for saith the author , or to this effect , when they could no longer agree together , the one part went to new-england , and began the plantation at plymouth , which he makes the mother , as it were , of the rest of the churches , as if the foundation of our new-england plantations had been laid upon division or separation , then which nothing is more untrue : for i perswade my selfe , never people upon earth lived more lovingly together , and parted more sweetly then wee the church at leyden did , not rashly in a distracted humour , but upon joynt and serious deliberation , often seeking the minde of god by fasti●g and prayer , whose gracious presence we not onely found with us , but his blessing upon us from that time to this instant , to the indignation of our adversaries , the admiration of strangers , and the exceeding consolation of our selves , to see such effects of our prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee ended . and therefore briefly take notice of the true cause of it . 't is true , that that poor persecuted flock of christ , by the malice and power of the late hiera●chy were 〈◊〉 l●yden in holland , there to beare witnesse in their 〈◊〉 to the kingly office of christ jesus in his church : and there lived together ten yeares under the united states , with much peace and liberty : but our reverend pastor mr. iohn robinson of late memory , and our grave elder mr. william brewster , ( now both at rest with the lord ) considering sidering amongst many other inconveniences , how hard the country was where we lived , how many spent their estate in it , and were forced to return for england ; how grievous to live from under the protection of the state of england ; how like wee were to lose our language , and our name of english ; how little good wee did , or were like to do to the dutch in reforming the sabbath ; how unable there to give such education to our children , as wee our selves had received , &c. they , i say , our of their christian care of the flock of christ committed to them conceived , if godwould bee pleased to discover some place unto us ( though in america ) and give us so much favour with the king and state of england , as to have their protection there , where wee might enjoy the like liberty , and where the lord favouring our endeavours by his blessing , wee might exemplarily shew our tender country-men by our example ( no lesse burthened then our selves ) where they might live , and comfortably sub●●iet and enjoy the like liberties with us , being freed from antichristian bondage , keep their names and nation , and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the dominions of our state , but the church of christ also , if the lord have a people amongst the natives whither hee should bring us , &c. hereby in their grave wisdomes they thought wee might more glorifie god , doe more good to our countrey , better provide for our posterity , and live to be more refreshed by our labours , the● ever wee could doe in holland where we were . now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to the brethren of the congregation , which after much private discussion came to publike agitation , till at the length the lord was solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us , who moving our hearts more and more to the worke , wee sent some of good abilities over into england to see what favour or acceptance such a thing might finde with the king. these also found god going along with them , and got sir edwin sands a religious gentleman then living , to stirre in it , who procured sir robert nawnton then principall secretary of state to king iames of famous memory , to move his majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people ( who could not so comfortably live under the government of another state ) to enjoy their liberty of conscience under his gracious protection in america , where they would endeavour the advancement of his majesties dominions , and the enlargement of the gospel by all due meanes . this his majesty said was a good and honest motion , and asking what prosits might arise in the part wee intended ( for our eye was upon the most northern parts of virginia ) 't was answered , fishing . to which hee replyed with his ordinary asseveration , so god have my soule 't is an honest trade , 't was the aposties owne calling , &c. but afterwards he told sir robert na●●ton , ( who took all occasions to further it ) that we should confer with the bishops of canterbury and london , &c. whereupon wee were advised to persist upon his first approbation , and not to entangle our selves with them ▪ which caused our agents to repair to the virginia company , w●o in their court demanded our ends of going ; which being related , they said the thing was of god , and granted a large patent , and one of them lent us l. gratis for three yeares , which was repaid . our agents returning , wee further sought the lord by a publique and solemn fast , for his gracious guidance . and hereupon wee came to this resolution , that it was best for one part of the church to goe at first , and the other to slay , viz. the youngest and strongest part to goe . secondly , they that went should freely offer themselves . thirdly , if the major part went , the pastor to goe with them ; if not , the elder onely . fourthly , if the lord should srowne upon our proceedings , then those that went to returne , and the brethren that remained still there , to assist and bee helpfull to them , but if god should bee pleased to favour them that went , then they also should endeavour to helpe over such as were poore and ancient , and willing to come ; these things being agreed , the major part stayed , and the pastor with them for the present , but all intended ( except a very few , who had rather wee would have stayed ) to follow after . the minor part , with mr. brews●er their elder , resolved to enter upon this great work ( but take notice the difference of number was not great ; ) and when the ship was ready to carry us away , the brethren that stayed having againe solemnly sought the lord with us , and for us , and we further engaging our selves mutually as before ; they , i say , that stayed at leyden feasted us that were to goe at our pastors house being large , where wee refreshed our selves after our teares , with singing of psalmes , making joyfull melody in our hearts , as well as with the voice , there being many of the congregation very expert in musick ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard . after this they accompanyed us to delphs haven , where wee were to imbarque , and there feasted us againe ; and after prayer performed by our pastor , where a ●●ood of teares was poured out , they accompanyed us to the ship , but were not able to speake one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part : but wee onely going aboard ( the ship lying to the key ) and ready to set sayle , the winde being faire ) wee gave them a v●lley of small shot , and three peeces of ordinance , and so lifting up our hands to each other , and our hearts for each other to the lord our god , we departed , and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee carryed us thorow . and if any doubt this relation , the dutch , as i heare , at delphs haven preserve the memory of it to this day , and will inform them . but falling with cape cod which is in new-england , and standing to the southward for the place wee intended , wee met with many dangers , and the mariners put back into the harbou● of the cape , which was the . of november , , where considering winter was come , the seas dangerous , the season cold , the winds high , and being well furnished for a plantation , we entered upon discovery , and setled at plymouth , where god being pleased to preserve and enable us , wee that went , were at a thousand pounds charge in sending for our brethren that were behinde , and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their owne labours . and so good reader , i have given thee a true and faithfull account , though very briefe , of our proceedings , wherein thou seest how a late writer , and those that informed him● , have wronged our enterprise ▪ and truly what i have written , is far short of what it was , omitting for brevity sake many circumstances , as the large offer● the dutch offered us , either to have removed into zealand , and there lived with them : or if we would go on such adventures , to goe under them to hudsons river ( where they have since a great plantation , &c. ) and how they would freely have transported us , and furnished every family with cattle , &c. also the english merchants that joyned with us in this expedition , whom wee since bought out , which is fitter for an history , then an answer to such an objection , ( & i trust will be accomplished in good time . ) by all which the reader may see there was no breach between us that went , and the brethren that stayed , but such love as indeed is seldome found on earth . and for the many plantations that come ●ver to us upon notice of gods blessing upon us , whereas 't is falsly said , they tooke plimouth for their president as fast as they came . 't is true i con●esse that some of the chiefe of them advised with us ( comming over to be freed from the burthen some ceremonies then imposed in england ) how they should doe to fall upon a right platforme of worship , and desired to that end since god had honoured us to lay the foundation of a common-weale , and to settle a church in it , 〈◊〉 shew them whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they found upon due search it was built upon the word , they should be willing to take up what was of god. we accordingly shewed them the primitive practice for our warrant , taken out of the acts of the apostles , and the epistles written to the severall churches by the said apostles together with the commandements of christ the lord in the gospell , and other our warrants for every particular wee did from the booke of god. which being by them well weighed and considered , they also entred into covenant with god and one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed , or as they should bee made knowne unto them , and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word onely , &c. so that here also thou maist see they set not the church at plimouth before them for example , but the primitive churches were and are their and our mutuall patternes and examples , which are onely worthy to be ●ollowed , having the blessed apostles amongst them which were sent immediately by christ himselfe and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of god. and truly this is a patternesit to b●e followed of all that feare god , and no man or men to bee followed further then they follow christ and them . having thus briefly shewed that the foundation of our new-england plantations was not laid upon schisme , division , or separation , but upon love , peace , and holinesse ; yea , such love and mutuall care of the church of leyden for the spreading of the gospel , the welfare of each other , and their posterities to succeeding generations , as is seldome found on earth : and having shewed also that the primitive churches are the onely pattern which the churches of christ in new-england have in their eye , not following luther , calvin , knoxe , ai●worth , robinson , amies , or any other , further then they follow christ and his apostles ; i am earnestly requested to cleare up another grosse mistake which caused many , and still doth , to judge the harder of new-england , and the churches there , because ( say they ) the church of plymouth which went first from leyden , were schismaticks , bromnists , rigid separatists , &c. having mr. robinson for their pastor , who-made , and to the last prosessed separation from other the churches of christ , &c. and the rest of the churches in new-england holding communion with that church , are to bee reputed such as they are . for an●were to this aspersion , first , he that knew mr. robinson , either by his doct●ine daily taught , or hath read his apology published not long before his death , or knew the practise of that church of christ under his government , or was acquainted with the wholsome counsell he gave that part of the church which went for new-england at their departure and afterward , might easily resolve the doubt , and take off the aspersion . for his doctrine , ● living three yeares under his ministery , before we began the worke of plantation in new-england ; it was alwayes against separation from any the churches of christ , professing and holding communion both with the french and dutch churches , yea , tendering it to the scots also , as i shall make appeare more particularly anon . ever holding forth how wary persons ought to bee in separating from a church , and that till christ the lord departed wholly from it , man ought not to leave it , onely to beare witnesse against the corruption that was in it . but if any object , he separated from the church of england , and wrote largely against it ; i acknowledge hee wrote largely against it , but yet let me tell you , hee allowed hearing the godly ministers preach and pray in the publick assamblies ; yea , hee allowed private communion not onely with them , but all that were faithfull in christ jesus in the kingdome and else where upon all occasions ; yea , honored them for the power of godlinesse above all other the professors of religion in the world , nay , i may truly say , his spirit cleaved unto them , being so well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts , and care to walke blamelesse in their lives , which was no small motive to him to perswade us to remove from holland , where wee might probably not onely continue english , but have and maintain such sweet communion with the godly of that nation , as through gods great mercy we enjoy this day . 't is true , i confesse he was more rigid in his course and way at first , then towards his latter end ; for his study was peace and union so far as might agree with faith and a good conscience ; and for schi●●● and division , there was nothing in the world more hatefull to him : but for the government of the church of england , as it was in the episcopall way , the liturgy and stinted prayers of the church then ; yea , the constitution of it as nationall , and so consequently the corrupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the lords supper , these things were never approved of him , but witnessed against to his death , and are by the c●urch over which he was to this day . and if the lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of those , in whom ( under him ) the power of reformation lies , to reform that abuse , that a distinction might once be put between the precious and the vile , particular churches might be gathered by the powerfull preaching of the word , those onely admitted into communion , whose hearts the lord perswades to submit unto the iron rod of the gospel ; o how sweet then would the communion of the churches be ! how thorow the reformation ! how easie would the differences be reconciled between the presbyterian and independent way ! how would the god of peace which commandeth love and good agreement smile upon this nation ! how would the subtle underminers of it be disappointed , and the faithfull provoked to sing songs of praise and thanksgiving ! nay , how would the god of order be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints ! and as they have fought together for the liberties of the kingdome , eccle●iasticall and civill ; so may they joyn together in the preservation of them ( which otherwise , 't is to be ●eared will not long continue ) and in the praises of our god who hath been so good to his poore distressed ones , whom he hath delivered , and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles . but i have made too great a digression , and must return . in the next place i should speak of mr. robinsons apology , wherein he maketh a briefe defence against many adversaries , &c. but because it is both in latine and english , of small price , and easie to bee had , i shall for beare to write of it , and onely refer the reader to it , for the differences between his congregation , and other the reformed churches . the next thing i would have the reader take notice of , is , that however the church of leyden differed in some particulars , yet made no schisme or separation from the reformed churches , but held communion with them occasionally : for we ever placed a large ▪ difference . between those that grounded their practise upon the word of god ( tho differing from us in the exposition or understanding of it ) and those that hated such reformers and reformation , and went on in antichristian opposition to it , and persecution of it , as the late lord bishops did , who would not in deed and truth ( whatever their pretences were ) that christ should rule over them . but as they often stretched out their hands against the saints ; so god hath withered the arm of their power , thrown them down from their high & lofty sea●s , and slain the chiefe of their persons , as well as the hierarchy , that he might become an example to all those that rise against god in his sabbath , in the preaching of his word , in his saints , in the purity of his ordinances , and i heartily desire that others may heare and feare withall . as for the dutch , it was usuall for our members that understood the language , and lived in , or occasionally came over to london , to communicate with them , as one iohn ienny a brewer long did , his wife and family , &c. and without any offence to the church : so also for any that had occasion to travel into any other part of the netherlands they daily did the like : and our pastor mr. robinson in the time when arminianisme prevailed so much , at the request of the most orthodox divines , as poliander , festus , homlius , &c. disputed daily against episcopius ( in the academy at leyden ) and others the grand champions of that error ▪ and had as good respect amongst them , as any of their own divines ; insomuch as when god took him away from them and us by death , the university , and ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities ; bewayling the great losse that not onely that particular church had , whereof he was pastor ; but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed , that all the churches of christ sustained a losse by the death of that worthy instrument of the gospel i could instance also divers of their members that understood the english tongue , and betook themselves to the communion of our church , went with us to new-england , as godbert godbertson , &c. yea , at this very instant , another called moses symonson , because a child of one that was in communion with the du●ch church at leyden , is admitted into church-fellowship at plymouth in new-england , and his children also to baptism , as wel as our own , and other d●etch also in communion at salem , &c. and for the french churches th●● we held , and do hold communion with them , take notice of our practise at leyden , viz. that one samuel terry was received from the french church there , into communion with us ; also the wife of francis cooke being a walloone , holds communion with the church at plymouth , as she came from the french , to this day , be vertue of communion of churches ; there is also one philip delanoy born of french parents , came to us from l●yden to new-plymouth , who comming to age of discerning , demanded also communion with us , & proving himself to be come of such parents as were in ful communion with the french churches , was here upon admitted by the church of plymouth ; and after upon his removal of habitation to d●xburrow where m. ralph partridge is pastor of the church ; and upon letters of recommendation from the church at plymouth , hee was also admitted into fellowship with the church at duxburrow , being six miles distant from plymouth ; and so i dare say , if his occasions lead him , may from church to church throughout new-england . for the truth is , the dutch and french churches either of them being a people distinct from the world , and gathered into an holy communion , and not nationall churches , nay , so far from it , as i verily beleeve the sixth person is not of the church , the difference is so small ( if moderately pondered , between them and us ) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them . and for the church of scotland , however wee have had least occasion offered to hold communion with them ; yet thus much i can and doe affirme , that a godly divine comming over to leyden in holland , where a booke was printed , 〈◊〉 ▪ as i take it , shewing the nullity of perth , assembled , whom we judged to bee the author of it , and hidden in holland for a season to avoid the rage of those evill times ( whose name i have forgotten ; ) this man being very conversant with our pastor mr. robinson , and using to come to hear him on the sabbath , after sermon-ended , the church being to partake in the lords supper , this minister stood up and desired hee might , without offence , stay and see the manner of his administration , ●and our participation in that ordinance ; to which our pastor answered in these very words , or to this effect , reverend sir , you may not onely stay to behold us , but par●k with us , if you please , for wee acknowledge the churches of scotland to be the churches of christ , &c. the minister also replyed to this purpose , if not also in the same words ▪ that for his part hee could comfortable partake with the church , and willingly would , but that it is possible some of his brethren of scotland might take offence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in regard of the opinion the english churches which they held communion withall had of us : however he rendered thanks to mr. robinson , and desired in that respect to be onely a spectator of us . these things i was earnestly requested to publish to the world by some of thè godly presbyterian party , who apprehend the world to bee ignorant of our proceedings , conceiving in charity that if they had been knowne , some late writers and preacher would never have written and spoke of us as they did , and still doe as they have occasion : but what they ignorantly judge , write , or speak of us , i trust the lord in mercy wil passe by . in the next place , for the wholsome counsell mr. robinson gav● that part of the church whereof he was pastor , at their departure from him to begin the great worke of plantation in new-england , amongst other wholsome instructions and exhortations , hee used these expressions , or to the same purpose ; we are now ere long to part asunder , and the lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces again : but whether the lord had appointed it or not , he charged us before god and his blessed angels , to follow him no further then he followed christ , and if god should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his , to be as ready to receive it , as ever we were to receive any truth by his ministery : for he was very confident the lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out of his holy word . he took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and condition of the reformed churches , who were come to a period in religion , and would goe no further then the instruments of their reformation : as for example , the lutherans they could not be drawne to goe beyond what luther saw , for whatever part of gods will he had further imparted and revealed to calvin , they will rather die them embrace it . and so also , saith he , you see the calvinists , they stick where he left them : a misery much to bee lamented ; for though they were precious shining lights in their times , yet god had not revealed his whole will to them : and were they now living , saith hee , they would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light , as that they had received . here also he put us in mind of our church-covenant ( at least that part of it ) whereby wee promise and covenant with god and one with another , to receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written word : but withall exhorted us to take heed what we received for truth , and well to examine and compare , and weigh it with other scriptures of truth , before we received it ; for , saith he , it is not possible the christian world should come so l●tely cut of su●h thick antichristian darknesse , and that full perfection of knowledge should breake forth at once . another thing hee commended to us , was , that wee should use all meanes to avoid and shake off the name of brownist , being a meer nick-name and brand to make religion odious , and the professors of it to the christian world ; and to that end , said hee , i should be glad if some godly minister would goe over with you , or come to you , before my comming ; for , said hee , there will bee no difference between the unconformable ministers and you , when they come to the practise of the ordinances out of the kingdome : and so advised us by all meanes to endeavour to close with the godly party of the kingdome of england , and rather to study union then division ; viz. how neare we might possibly , without sin close with them , then in the least measure to affect division or separation from them . and be not loath to take another pastor or teacher , saith hee , for that flock that hath two shepheards is not indangered , but secured by it . many other things there were of great and weighty consequence which he commended to us , but these things i thought good to relate , at the request of some well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly , ( so distracted at present about the settling of church-government in the kingdom of england ) that so both sides may truly see what this poor despised church of christ now at new-plymouth in new-england , but formerly at leyden in holland , was and is ; how far they were and still are from separation from the churches of christ , especially those that are reformed . 't is true , we professe and desire to practise a separation from the world , & the works of the world , which are works of the flesh , such as the apostle speaketh of , ephes. . , , . cor. . , , . and ephes. . , . and as the churches of christ are all saints by calling , so wedesire to see the grace of god shining forth , ( at least seemingly , leaving secret things to god ) in all we admit into church fellowship with us , & to keep off such as openly wallow in the mire of their sins , that neither the holy things of god , nor the communion of the saints may be leavened or polluted thereby . and if any joyning to us formerly , either when we lived at leyden in holland , or since we came to new-england , have with the manifestation of their faith and profession of holiness held forth therewith separation from the church of england , i have divers times , both in the one place , and the other , heard either mr. robinson our pastor , or mr. brewster our elder stop them forthwith , shewing them that wee required no such things at their hands , but only to hold ●orth faith in christ jesus , holinesse in the feare of god , and submission to every ordinance and appointment of god , leaving the church of england to themselves , and to the lord before whom they should stand or fall , and to whom wee ought to pray to reforme what was amisse amongst them . now this reformation we have lived to see performed and brought about by the mighty power of god , this day in a good measure , and i hope the lord jesus will perfect his work of reformation , till all be according to the good pleasure of his will. by all which i desire the reader to take notice of our former and present practise notwithstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting reports are passed on us . and if these things will not satisfie , but wee must still suffer reproach , and others for our sakes , because they and wee thus walke , our practise being for ought wee know , wholly grounded on the written word , without any addition or humane invention knowne to us , taking our patterne from the primitive churches , as they were regulated by the blessed apostles in their owne dayes , who were taught and instructed by the lord jesus christ , and had the unerring and all-knowing spirit of god to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard : i say , if wee must still suffer such reproach , notwithstanding our charity towards them who will notbe in charity with us ; gods will be done . the next aspersion cast upon us , is , that we will not suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or cohabite with us ; no nor the presbyterian government which differeth so little from us . to which i answer , our practise witnesseth the contrary . for 't is well knowne that mr. parker and mr. noyce who are ministers of the church at n●wberry are in that way and so knowne so farre as a single congregation can bee exercised in it ; yet never had the least molestation or disturbance , and have and finde as good respect from magistrates and people as other elders in the congregationall or primitive way . 't is knowne also that mr. hubbard the minister at hengam hath declared himselfe for that way : nay which is more then ever i heard of the other two , hee refuseth to baptize no children that are tendred to him ( although this liberty stands not upon a presbyterian bottome ) and yet the civill state never molested him for it : onely comming to a synod held in the country the last yeare , which the magistrates called , requesting the churches to send their elders and such other as might bee able to hold forth the light of-god from his written word in case of some doubts which did arise in the country : i say hee comming the last sitting of the assembly which was adjourned to the eighth of iune next , was in all meeknesse and love requested to bee present and hold forth his light hee went by in baptizing all that were brought to him , hereby waving the practise of the churches ; which he promising to take into consideration they rested in his answer . so also 't is wel known , that before these unhappy troubles arose in england and scotland , there were divers gentlemen of scotland that groaned under the heavy pressaries of those times , wrote to new-england to know whether they might freely be suffered to exercise their presbyteriall government amongst us . and it was answered affimatively they might : and they sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit place ; a river called meromeck neare ipswich and newberry aforesaid , was shewed their agent , which he well liked , and where wee have since four townes settled , and more may bee for ought i know , so that there they might have had a compleate presbytery and whither they intended to have come : but meeting with manifold crosses being halfe seas thorow they gave over their intendments , and as i have heard these were many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late covenant in scotland : by all which will easily appeare how wee are here wronged by many ; and the harder measure as wee heare imposed upon our brethren for our sakes , nay pretending our example of their president . and last of all , not long before i came away certaine discontented persons in open court of the massachusets , demanding that liberty , it was freely and as openly tendred to them ; shewing their former practices by mee mentioned : but willed not to expect that wee should provide them ministers &c. for the same , but getting such themselves they might exercise the presbyterian government at their libertie , walking peaceably towards us as wee trusted we should doe towards them . so that if our brethren here shall bee restrained they walking peaceably , the example must not be taken from us , but arise 〈◊〉 some other principle . but it will not bee objected though you deale thus with the presbyterian way , yet you have a severe law against ana●aptists , yea one was whipt at massachusets for his religion ? and your law banisheth them ? answ. 't is true , the massachusets governement have such a law as to banish , but not to whip in that kinde . and certaine men desiring some mitigation of it ; it was answered in my hearing . 't is true , we have a severe law , but wee never did or will execute the rigour of it upon any , and have men living amongst us , nay some in our churches of that judgement , and as long as they carry themselves peaceably as hitherto they doe , wee will leave them to god , our selves having performed the duty of brethren to them . and whereas there was one whipt amongst us ; 't is true wee knew his judgement what it was : but had hee not carried himselfe so contemptuously towards the authority god hath betrusted us with in an high exemplary measure , wee had never so censured him : and therefore he may thank himself who suffered as an evill doer in that respect . but the reason wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter the law , is , because wee would have it remaine in force to beare witnesse against their judgement and practice which we conceive them to bee erroneous . and yet neverthelesse said the governour to those preferred the request , you may tel our friends in england , whither yee are some of you going , since the motion proceedeth from such as wee know move it in love to us , wee will seriously take it into consideration at our next generall court. so that thou maist perceive good reader that the worst is spoken of things in that kinde . furthermore in the government of plimouth , to our great griefe , not onely the pastor of a congregation waveth the administration of baptisme to infants , but divers of his congregation are fallen with him , and yet all the meanes the civill power hath taken against him and them , is to stirre up our elders to give meeting and see if by godly conference they may bee able to convince and reclaime him , as in mercy once before they had done by gods blessing upon their labours . onely at the foresaid synod , two were ordered to write to him in the name of the assembly , and to request his presence at their next meeting aforesaid to hold forth his light hee goeth by in waving the practise of the churches ; with promise if it be light , to walke by it : but if it appeare otherwise , then they trust hee will returne againe to the unity of practice with them . and for the other two governments of coneetacut and newhaven , if either have any law in force against them , or so much as need of a law in that kinde , 't is more then i have heard on . for our parts ( i mean the churches of new-engl . ) we are confident through gods mercy , the way of god in which we walke , and according to which wee perform our worship and service to him , concurreth with those rules our blessed saviour hath left upon record by the evangelists and apostles , and is agreeable with the practise of those primitive churches mentioned in the acts , and regulated by the same apostles , as appeareth not onely in that evangelicall histiory , but in their epistles to the severall churches there mentioned ; yet neverthelesse if any thorow tendernesse of conscience be otherwise minded , to such wee never turn a dease eate , nor become rigorous , though we have the streame of authority on our sides . nay , if in the use of all means we cannot reclaim them , knowing the wisdome that is from above is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality , and without hypocrisie , and the fruit of righteousness is sonne in peace , of them that make peace , according to iames . , . and if any differing from us bee answerable to this rule in their lives and conversations , we do not exercise the civill sword against them . but for such as gorton and his company , whose wisdome seems not to be from above , as appeareth in that it is full of envyings , strife , confusion , am . . , . being therein such as the apostle iude speaks on , v. . viz. earthly , sensuall , devillish , who v. . despise dominion , and speak evill of dignities . these v. , . are murmurers , complayners , walkers alter their own lusts , and their mouth speaketh great swelling words , being clouds without water , carried about of winds , trees whose fruit withereth , without fruit , twice dead , plucked up by the roots , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their owne shame , wandring starres , to whom ( without repentance , which i much desire to see , or hear of in him , if it may stand with the will of god ) is reserved the blacknesse of darknesse for ever . these i say are to be proceeded with by another rule , and not to bee borne : who suffer as evil dores , and area shame to religion which they professe in word , but deny in their lives and conversations . these every tender conscience abhors , and will justifie and assist the higher powers god hath ordained , against such carnall gospellers , who heare not the sword in vaine , rom. . but execute gods vengeance on such : for the civill magistrate is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil . and therefore a broad difference is to be put between such evill doers , and those tender consciences who follow the ●ight of gods word in their owne perswassions , ( though judged erroneous by the places where they live ) so long as their waliking is answerable to the rules of the gospel , by preserving peace , and holding forth holinesse in their conversations amongst men . thus much i thought good to signifie , because we of new-england are said to be so often propounded for an example . and if any will take us for a president , i desire they may really know what wee doe , rather then what others ignorantly or malitiously report of us , assuring my self that none will ever be losers by following us so far as we follow christ : which that we may doe , and our posterities after us the father of our lord jesus christ , & our father , accept in christ what is according to him , discover , pardon , and reform what is amisie amongst us ; and guide us and them by the assistance of the holy ghost for time to time , till time shal be no more ; that the lord our god may still delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches there by his gracious presence , and may goe on blessing to blesse them with heavenly blessings in these earthly places , that so by his blessing they may not onely grow up to a nation , but become exemplary for good unto others . and let all that wish wel to sion say amen . finis . errata . in the title of p. , &c. ▪ in stead , of the magistrates of boston in new-engl . r. of massachusets in new-england ; p. . l ▪ . for purpose god , r. purpose of god ; p. for day of , r. day of the ; p. l. . for cope , r , cup ; also l. for cope , r. cup ; also l. for judas , r. as iudas ; p. . l , . leave out to ; p. . l. , for by , r ▪ in ; p. . l. . for complaining , r. complained ; p. . l. . for with as indeed , r ▪ with them as ; p. . l. . for and , put ( p. . . for whom , r. which . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ex. . pag. they say out of the forbidden ●●uire i. e. mans wisdom our churches and common-wealth is formed ▪ . that the whole edifice amongst us is raised up in the spirit of an hireling ▪ . that by submission to the word of god in fasting , feasting , retirednesse for study , contributing , treasuring , i. e. for church uses so much in severall churches , they doe nothing but bring forth fruite unto death . pag. . notes for div a -e sam. gorton common dist●●●●er of the civ●●● peace in all th●● societies hee 〈◊〉 there lived i●●● pag. . pag. . a relation or iournall of the beginning and proceedings of the english plantation setled at plimoth in new england, by certaine english aduenturers both merchants and others with their difficult passage, their safe ariuall, their ioyfull building of, and comfortable planting themselues in the now well defended towne of new plimoth. as also a relation of foure seuerall discoueries since made by some of the same english planters there resident. i. in a iourney to puckanokick ... ii. in a voyage made by ten of them to the kingdome of nawset ... iii. in their iourney to the kingdome of namaschet ... iiii. their voyage to the massachusets, and their entertainment there. with an answer to all such obiections as are in any way made against the lawfulnesse of english plantations in those parts. bradford, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a relation or iournall of the beginning and proceedings of the english plantation setled at plimoth in new england, by certaine english aduenturers both merchants and others with their difficult passage, their safe ariuall, their ioyfull building of, and comfortable planting themselues in the now well defended towne of new plimoth. as also a relation of foure seuerall discoueries since made by some of the same english planters there resident. i. in a iourney to puckanokick ... ii. in a voyage made by ten of them to the kingdome of nawset ... iii. in their iourney to the kingdome of namaschet ... iiii. their voyage to the massachusets, and their entertainment there. with an answer to all such obiections as are in any way made against the lawfulnesse of english plantations in those parts. bradford, william, - . morton, george, d. . winslow, edward, - . aut cushman, robert, ?- . aut [ ], p. printed [by j. dawson] for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the two greyhounds in cornhill neere the royall exchange, london : . by william bradford (section ), edward winslow (sections - ), and robert cushman (section ). editor's preface signed "g. mourt." (i.e. george morton) by whose name the relation is commonly known. running title reads: new-england in america. c is a cancel; caption title begins "a relation or iournall ..". variant: c is cancellandum; caption title begins "new-england ..". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of 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proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion relation or iournall of the beginning and proceedings of the english plantation setled at plimoth in new england , by certaine english aduenturers both merchants and others . with their difficult passage , their safe ariuall , their ioyfull building of , and comfortable planting themselues in the now well defended towne of new plimoth . as also a relation of fovre seuerall ▪ discoueries since made by some of the same english planters there resident . i. in a iourney to pvckanokick the habitation of the indians greatest king massasoyt : as also their message , the answer and entertainment they had of him . ii. in a voyage made by ten of them to the kingdome of nawset , to seeke a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods : with such accidents as befell them in that voyage . iii. in their iourney to the kingdome of namaschet , in defence of their greatest king massasoyt , against the narrohiggonsets , and to reuenge the supposed death of their interpreter tisquantum . iiii. their voyage to the massachusets , and their entertainment there . with an answer to all such obiections as are any way made against the lawfulnesse of english plantations in those parts . london , printed for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the two greyhounds in cornhill neere the royall exchange . . to his mvch respected friend , mr. i. p. good friend : as wee cannot but account it an extraordinary blessing of god in directing our course for these parts , after we came out of our natiue countrey , for that we had the happinesse to be possessed of the comforts we receiue by the benefit of one of the most pleasant , most healthfull , and most fruitfull parts of the world : so must wee acknowledge the same blessing to bee multiplied vpon our whole company , for that we obtained the honour to receiue allowance and approbation of our free possession , and enioying thereof vnder the authority of those thrice honoured persons , the president and counsell for the affaires of new-england , by whose bounty and grace , in that behalfe , all of vs are tied to dedicate our best seruice vnto them , as those vnder his majestie , that wee owe it vnto : whose noble endeuours in these their actions the god of heauen and earth multiply to his glory and their owne eternall comforts . as for this poore relation , i pray you to accept it , as being writ by the seuerall actors themselues , after their plaine and rude manner ; therefore doubt nothing of the truth thereof : if it be defectiue in any thing , it is their ignorance , that are better acquainted with planting then writing . if it satisfie those that are well affected to the businesse , it is all i care for . sure i am the place we are in , and the hopes that are apparent , cannot but suffice any that will not desire more then enough , neither is there want of ought among vs but company to enioy the blessings so plentifully bestowed vpon the inhabitants that are here . while i was a writing this , i had almost forgot , that i had but the recommendation of the relation it selfe , to your further consideration , and therefore i will end without saying more , saue that i shall alwaies rest from plimoth in new-england . yours in the way of friendship , r. g. to the reader . courteous reader , be intreated to make a fauorable construction of my forwardnes , in publishing these inseuing discourses , the desire of carrying the gospell of christ , into those forraigne parts , amongst those people that as yet haue had no knowledge , nor tast of god , as also to procure vnto themselues and others a quiet and comfortable habytation : weare amongst other things the inducements ( vnto these vndertakers of the then hopefull , and now experimentally knowne good enterprice for plantation , in new england , to set afoote and prosecute the same & though it fared with them , as it is common to the most actions of this nature , that the first attemps proue diffecult , as the sequell more at large expresseth , yet it hath pleased god , euē beyond our expectation in so short a time , to giue hope of letting some of them see ( though some he hath taken out of this vale of teares ) some grounds of hope , of the accomplishment of both those endes by them , at first propounded . and as my selfe then much desired , and shortly hope to effect , if the lord will , the putting to of my shoulder in this hopefull business , and in the meane time , these relations comming to my hand from my both known & faithful friends , on whose writings i do much rely , i thought it not a misse to make them more generall , hoping of a cheerefull proceeding , both of aduenturers and planters , intreating that the example of the hon : virginia and bermudas companies , incountering with so many distasters , and that for diuers yeares together , with an vnwearied resolution , the good effects whereof are now eminent , may preuaile as a spurre of preparation also touching this no lesse hopefull country though yet an infant , the extent & cōmodities whereof are as yet not fully known , after time wil vnfould more : such as desire to take knowledge of things , may in forme themselues by this insuing treatise , and if they please also by such as haue bin there a first and second time , my harry prayer to god is that the euent of this and all other honorable and honest vndertakings , may be for the furtherance of the kingdome of christ , the inlarging of the bounds of our soueraigne lord king iames , & the good and profit of those , who either by purse , or person , or both , are agents in the same , so i take leaue and rest thy friend , g. movrt . certaine vsefvl advertisements sent in a letter written by a discreete friend vnto the planters in new england , at their first setting saile from southhampton , who earnestly desireth the prosperitie of that their new plantation . louing and christian friends , i doe heartily and in the lord salute you all , as being they with whom i am present in my best affection , and most earnest longings after you , though i be constrained for a while to be bodily absent from you , i say constrained , god knowing how willingly and much rather then otherwise i would haue haue borne my part with you in this first brunt , were i not by strong necessitie held backe for the present . make account of me in the meane while , as of a man deuided in my selfe with great paine , and as ( naturall bonds set aside ) hauing my better part with you . and though i doubt not but in your godly wisedomes you both foresee and resolue vpon that which concerneth your present state and condition both seuerally and ioyntly , yet ha●e i thought but my dutie to adde some further spurre of prouocation vnto them who run already , if not because you need it , yet because i owe it in loue and dutie . and first , as we are daily to renew our repentance with our god , speciall for our sinnes knowne , and generall for our vnknowne trespasses ; so doth the lord call vs in a singular maner vpon occasions of such difficultie and danger as lieth vpon you , to a both more narrow search and carefull reformation of our wayes in his sight , lest he calling to remembrance our sinnes forgotten by vs or vnrepented of , take aduantage against vs , and in iudgement leaue vs for the same to be swallowed vp in one danger or other ; whereas on the contrary , sin being taken away by earnest repentance and the pardon thereof from the lord , sealed vp vnto a mans conscience by his spirit , great shall be his securitie and peace in all dangers , sweete his comforts in all distresses , with happie deliuerance from all euill , whether in life or in death . now next after this heauenly peace with god and our owne consciences , we are carefully to prouide for peace with all men what in vs lieth , especially with our associates , and for that end watchfulnes must be had , that we neither at all in our selues do giue , no nor easily take offence being giuen by others . woe be vnto the world for offences , for though it be necessary ( considering the malice of satan and mans corruption ) that offences come , yet woe vnto the man or woman either by whom the offence cometh , saith christ , math. . . and if offences in the vnseasonable vse of things in them selues indifferent , be more to be feared then death it selfe , as the apostle teacheth , . cor. . . how much more in things simply euill , in which neither honour of god nor loue of man is thought worthy to be regarded . neither yet is it sufficient that we keep our selues by the grace of god from giuing offence , except withall we be armed against the taking of them when they are giuen by others . for how vnperfect and lame is the worke of grace in that person , who wants charitie to couer a multitude of offences , as the scriptures speake . neither are you to be exhorted to this grace onely vpon the common grounds of christianitie , which are , that persons ready to take offence , either want charitie to couer offences , or wisedome duly to weigh humane frailtie ; or lastly are grosse , though close hypocrites , as christ our lord teacheth , math. . , , . as indeed in mine owne experience , few or none haue beene found which sooner giue offence , then such as easily take it ; neither haue they euer proued sound and profitable members in societies , which haue nourished in themselues that touchey humour . but besides these , there are diuers spe●iall motiues prouoking you aboue others to great care and conscience this way : as first , you are many of you strangers , as to the persons , so to the infirmities one of another , and so stand in neede of more watchfulnesse this way , lest when such things fall out in men and women as you suspected not , you be inordinately affected with them ; which doth require at your hands much wisedome and charitie for the couering and preuenting of incident offences that way . and last●y your intended course of ciuill communitie wil minister continuall occasion of offence , and will be as fuell for that fire , except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance . and if taking of offence causlesly or easily at mens doings be so carefully to be auoided , how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at god himselfe , which yet we certainly do so oft as we do murmure at his prouidence in our crosses , or beare impatiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to visit vs. store we vp therefore patience against the euill day , without which we take offence at the lord himselfe in his holy and iust works . a fourth thing there is carefully to be prouided for , to wit , that with your common emploiments you ioyne common affections truly bent vpon the generall good , auoiding as a deadly plague of your both common and speciall comfort all retirednesse of minde for proper aduantage , and all singularly affected any maner of way ; let euery man represse in himselfe and the whole bodie in each person , as so many rebels against the common good , all priuate respects of mens selues , not sorting with the generall conueniencie . and as men are carefull not to haue a new house shaken with any violence before it be well settled and the parts firmly knit : so be you , i beseech you brethren , much more carefull , that the house of god which you are and are to be , be not shaken with vnnecessary nouelties or other oppositions at the first settling thereof . lastly , whereas you are to become a body politik , vsing amongst your selues ciuill gouernment , and are not furnished with any persons of speciall eminencie aboue the rest , to be chosen by you into office of gouernment : let your wisedome and godlinesse appeare , not onely in chusing such persons as do entirely loue , and will diligently promote the common good , but also in yeelding vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull administrations ; not beholding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons , but gods ordinance for your good ; nor being like vnto the foolish multitude , who more honour the gay coate , then either the vertuous mind of the man , or glorious ordinance of the lord. but you know better things , and that the image of the lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth , is honorable , in how meane persons soeuer . and this dutie you both may the more willingly , and ought the more conscionably to performe , because you are at least for the present to haue onely them for your ordinary gouernours , which your selues shall make choise of for that worke . sundrie other things of importance i could put you in mind of , and of those before mentioned in more words , but i will not so far wrong your godly minds , as to thinke you heedlesse of these things , there being also diuers among you so well able to admonish both themselues and others of what concerneth them . these few things therefore , and the same in few words i do earnestly commend vnto your care and conscience , ioyning therewith my daily incessant prayers vnto the lord , that he who hath made the heauens and the earth , the sea and all riuers of waters , and whose prouidence is ouer all his workes , especially ouer all his deare childre● for good , would so guide and guard you in your wayes , as inwardly by his spirit , so outwardly by the hand of his power , as that both you and we also , for and with you , may haue after matter of praising his name all the days of your and our liues . fare you well in him in whom you trust , and in whom i rest an vnfained well-willer of your happie successe in this hopefull voyage , i. r. a relation or iovrnall of the proceedings of the plantation setled at plimoth in new england . wednesday the sixt of september , the wind comming east north east , a sine small gale , we loosed from plimoth , hauing beene kindly intertained and curteously vsed by diuer● friends there dwelling , and after many difficulties in boysterous stormes , at length by gods prouidence vpon the ninth of nouember following , by breake of the day we espied land which we deemed to be cape cod , and so afterward it proued . and the appearance of it much comforted vs , especially , seeing so goodly a land , and woodded to the brinke of the sea , it caused vs to reioyce together , and praise god that had giuen vs once againe to see land . and thus wee made our course south south west , purposing to goe to a riuer ten leagues to the south of the cape , but at night the winde being con●rary , we put round againe for the bay of cape cod : and vpon the . of nouember , we came to an anchor in the bay , which is a good harbour and pleasant bay , circled round , except in the entrance , which is about foure miles ouer from land to land , compassed about to the very sea with okes , pines , iuniper , sassafras , and other sweet wood ; it is a harbour wherein . saile of ships may safely ride , there we relieued our selues with wood and water , and refreshed our people , while our shallop was fitted to coast the bay , to search for an habitation : there was the greatest store of fowle that euer we saw . an●●uery day we saw whales playing hard by vs , of which in that place , if we had instruments & meanes to take them , we might haue made a very rich returne , which to our great griefe we wanted . our master and his mate , and other● experienced in fishing , professed , we might haue made three or foure thousand pounds worth of oyle ; they preferred it before greenland whale-●ishing , & purpose the next winter to fish for whale here ; for ●od we a●●ayed , but found none , there is good store no doubt in their season . neither got we any ●i●h all the time we lay there , but some few little ones on the shore . we found great mussles , and very fat and full of sea pearle , but we could not eat them , for they made vs all sicke that did eat , as well saylers as passengers ; they caused to cast and se●ure , b●t they were soone well againe . the bay is so round & circling , that before we could come to anchor , we went round all the points of the compasse . we could not come neere the shore by three quarters of an english mile , because of shallow water , which was a great preiudice to vs , for our people going on shore were forced to wade a bow shoot or two in going aland , which caused many to get colds and coughs , for it was many times freezing cold weather . this day before we came to harbour , obseruing some not well affected to vnitie and concord , but gaue some appearance of faction , it was thought good there should be an association and agreement , that we should combine together in one body , and to submit to such government and governours , as we should by common consent agree to make and chose , and set our hands to this that followes word fo● word . in the name of god , amen . we whose names are vnde●written , the loyall subiects of our dread soveraigne lord king iames , by the grace of god of great britaine , france , and ireland king , defender of the faith , &c. having vnder-taken for the glory of god , and advancement of the christian faith , and honour of our king and countrey , a voyage to plant the first colony in the northerne parts of virginia , doe by these presents solemnly & mutually in the presence of god and one of another , covenant , and combine our selues together into a civill body politike , for our better ordering and preservation , and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by vertue hereof to enact , constitute , and frame such iust and equall lawes , ordinances , acts , constitutions , offices from time to time , as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the generall good of the colony : vnto which we promise all due submission and obedience . in witnesse whereof we haue here vnder subscribed our names . cape cod . of november , in the yeare of the raigne of our soveraigne lord king iames , of england , france , and ireland . and of scotland . anno domino . the same day so soone as we could we set a-shore . or . men , well armed , with some to fetch wood , for we had none left ; as also to see what the land was , and what inhabitants they could meet with , they found it to be a small neck of land ; on this side where we lay is the bay and the f●rther side the sea ; the ground or earth , sand hils , much like the downes in holland , but much better ; the crust of the earth a spits depth , excellent blacke earth ; all wooded with okes , pines , sassafras , iuniper , birch , holly , vines , some ash , walnut ; the wood for the most part open and without vnderwood , sit either to goe or ride in : at night our people returned , but found not any person , nor habitation , and laded their boat with iuniper , which smelled very sweet & strong , and of which we burnt the most part of the time we lay there . munday the . of november , we vnshipped our shallop and drew her on land , to mend and repaire her , having bin forced to cut her downe in bestowing her betwixt the decks , and she was much opened with the peoples lying in her , which kept vs long there , for it was . or . dayes before the carpenter had finished her ; our people went on shore to refresh themselues , and our women to wash ▪ as they had great need ; but whilest we lay thus still , hoping our shallop would be ready in fiue or sixe dayes at the furthest , but our carpenter made slow worke of it , so that some of our people impatient of delay , desired for our better furtherance to travaile by land into the countrey , which was not without appearance of danger , not having the shallop with them nor meanes to carry provision , but on their backes , to see whether it might be fit for vs to seate in or no , and the rather because as we sayled into the harbour , there seemed to be a river opening it selfe into the maine land ; the willingnes of the persons was liked , but the thing it selfe , in regard of the danger was rather permitted then approved , and so with cautions , directions , and instructions , sixteene men were set out with every man his musket , sword , and corslet , vnder the conduct of captaine miles standish , vnto whom was adioyned for counsell and advise , william bradford , stephen hopkins , and edward tilley . wednesday the . of november , they were set a shore , and when they had ordered themselues in the order of a single file , and marched about the space of a myle , by the sea they espyed fiue or sixe people , with a dogge comming towards them , who were savages , who when they saw them ran into the wood and whilled the dogge after them , &c. first , they supposed them to be master iones , the master and some of his men , for they were a shore , and knew of their comming , but after they knew them to be indians they marched after them into the woods , least other of the indians should lie in ambush ; but when the indians saw our men following them , they ran away with might and may ●e and our men turned out of the wood after them , for it was the way they intended to goe , but they could not come neare them . they followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of their ●ootings , and saw how they had come the same way they went , and at a turning perceived how they r●n vp an hill , to see whether they followed them . at length night came vpon them , and they were constrained to take vp their lodging , so they set forth three sentinells , and the rest , some kindled a fire , and others fetched wood , and there held our randevous that night . in the morning so soone as we could see the trace , we proceeded on our iourney , & had the tracke vntill we had compassed the head of a long creake , and there they tooke into another wood , and we after them , supposing to finde some of their dwellings , but we marched thorow boughes and bushes , and vnder hills and vallies , which tore our very armour in peeces , and yet could meete with none of them , nor their houses , nor finde any fresh water , which we greatly desired , and stood in need off , for we brought neither beere nor water with vs , and our victuals was onely bisket and holland cheese , and a little bottle of aquavite , so as we were sore a thirst . about ten a clocke we came into a deepe valley , full of brush , wood-gaile , and long grasse , through which we found little paths or tracts , and there we saw a deere , and found springs of fresh water , of which we were heartily glad , and sat vs downe and drunke our first new-england water with as much delight as euer we drunke drinke in all our liues . when we had refreshed our selues , we directed our course full south , that we might come to the shore , which within a short while after we did , and there made a fire , that they in the ship might see where wee were ( as we had direction ) and so marched on towards this supposed river ; and as we went in another valley we found a fine cleere pond of fresh water , being about a musket sho● broad , and twise as long ; there grew also many small vines , and foule and deere haunted there ; there grew much sasafras : from thence we went on & found much plaine ground , about fiftie acres , fit for the plow , and some signes where the indians had formerly planted their corne ; after this , some thought it best for nearenesse of the river to goe downe and travaile on the sea sands , by which meanes some of our men were tyred , and lagged behind , so we stayed and gathered them vp , and struck into the land againe ; where we found a little path to certaine heapes of sand , one whereof was covered with old matts , and had a woodden thing like a morter whelmed on the top of it , and an earthen pot layd in a little hole at the end thereof ; we musing what it might be , digged & found a bow , and , as we thought , arrowes , but they were rotten ; we supposed , there were many other things , but because we deemed them graues , we put in the bow againe and made it vp as it was , and left the rest vntouched , because we thought it would be odious vnto them to ransacke their sepulchers . we went on further and found new stubble , of which they had gotten corne this yeare , and many wallnut trees full of nuts , and great store of strawberries , and some vines ; passing thus a field or two , which were not great , we came to another , which had also bin new gotten , and there we found where an house had beene , and foure or fiue old plankes layed together ; also we found a great ketle , which had beene some ships ketle and brought out of europe ; there was also an heape of sand , made like the former , but it was newly done , we might see how they had padled it with their hands which we digged vp , and in it we found a little old basket full of faire indian corne , and digged further & found a fine great new basket full of very faire corne of this yeare , with some . goodly eares of corne , some yellow , and some red , and others mixt with blew , which was a very goodly sight : the basket was round , and narrow at the top , it held about three or foure bushels , which was as much as two of vs could lift vp from the ground , and was very handsomely and cunningly made ; but whilst wee were busie about these things , we set our men sentinell in a round ring , all but two or three which digged vp the corne . we were in suspence , what to doe with it , and the ketle , and at length after much consultation , we concluded to take the ketle , and as much of the corne as we could carry away with vs ; and when our shallop came , if we could find any of the people , and come to parley with them , we would giue them the ketle againe , and satisfie them for their corne , so wee tooke all the eares and put a good deale of the loose corne in the ketle for two men to bring away on a staffe ; besides , they that could put any into their pockets filled the same ; the rest wee buried againe , for we were so laden with armour that we could carry no more . not farre from this place we found the remainder of an old fort , or palizado , which as we conceiued had beene made by some christians , this was also hard by that place which we thought had beene ● river , vnto which wee went and found it so to be , deviding it selfe into two armes by an high banke , standing right by the cut or mouth which came from the sea , that which was next vnto vs was the lesse , the other arme was more then twise as big , and not vnlike to be an harbour for ships ; but whether it be a fresh river , or onely an indraught of the sea , we had no time to discover ; for wee had commandement to be out but two dayes . here also we saw two canoas , the one on the one side , the other on the other side , wee could not beleeue it was a canoa , till we came neare it , so we returned leauing the further discovery hereof to our shallop , and came that night backe againe to the fresh water pond , and there we made our rande●ous that night , making a great fire , and a baricado to windward of vs , and kept good watch with three sentinells all night , euery one standing when his turne came , while fiue or sixe inches of match was burning . it proved a very rainie night . in the morning we tooke our ketle and sunke it in the pond , and trimmed our muskets , for few of them would goe off because of the wett , and so coasted the wood againe to come home , in which we were shrewdly pus-led , and lost our way , as we wandred we came to a tree , where a yong spritt was bowed downe over a bow , and some acornes strewed vnder neath ; stephen hopkins sayd , it had beene to catch some deere , so , as we were looking at it , william bradford being in the reare , when he came looked also vpon it , and as he went about , it gaue a sodaine jerk vp , and he was immediately caught by the leg ; it was a very pretie devise , made with a rope of their owne making , and having a noose as artificially made , as any roper in england can make , and as like ours as can be , which we brought away with vs. in the end wee got out of the wood , and were fallen about a myle too high aboue the creake , where we saw three bucks , but we had rather haue had one of them . wee also did spring three couple of partridges ; and as we came along by the creake , wee saw great flockes of wild geese and d●ckes , but they were very fearefull of vs. so we marched some while in the woods , some while on the sands , and other while in the water vp to the knees , till at length we came neare the ship , and then we shot off our peeces , and the long boat came to fetch vs ; master iones , and master caruer being on the shore , with many of our people , came to meete vs. and thus wee came both weary and well-come home , and deliuered in our corne into the store , to be kept for seed , for wee knew not how to come by any , and therefore were very glad , purposing so soone as we could meete with any of the inhabitants of that place , to make them large satisfaction . this was our first discovery , whilst our shallop was in repairing ; our people did make things as fitting as they could , and time would , in seeking out wood , and heluing of ●ooles , and sawing of tymber to build a new shallop , but the discommodiousnes of the harbour did much hinder vs for we could neither goe to , nor come from the shore , but at high water , which was much to our hinderance and hurt , for oftentimes they waded to the midle of the thigh , and oft to the knees , to goe and come from land ; some did it necessarily , and some for their owne pleasure , but it brought to the most , if not to all , coughes and colds , the weather prouing sodainly cold and stormie which afterward turned to the scurvey , whereof many dyed . when our shallop was fit indeed , before she was fully fitted , for there was two dayes worke after bestowed on her , there was appointed some men of our owne , and armed , then to goe and make a more full discovery of the rivers before mentioned . master iones was desirous to goe with vs , and tooke such of his saylers as he thought vsefull for vs , so as we were in all about . men ; wee made master iones our leader , for we thought it best herein to gratifie his kindnes and forwardnes . when we were set forth , it proued rough weather and crosse windes , so as we were constrained , some in the shallop , and others in the long boate , to row to the neerest shore the wind would suffer them to goe vnto , and then to wade out aboue the knees ; the wind was so strong as the shallop could not keepe the water , but was forced to harbour there that night , but we marched sixe or seaven miles further , and appointed the shallop to come to vs as soone as they could . it blowed and did snow all that day & night , and frose withall ; some of our people that are dead tooke the originall of their death here . the next day about . a clocke our shallop came to vs , and wee shipped our selues , and the wind being good , we sayled to the river we formerly discovered , which we named , cold harbour , to which when wee came we found it not navigable for ships , yet we thought it might be a good harbour for boats , for it flowes there ● . foote at high water . we landed our men betweene the two creekes , and marched some foure or fiue myles by the greater of them , and the shallop followed vs ; at length night grew on , and our men were tired with marching vp and downe the steepe hills , and deepe vallies , which lay halfe a foot thicke with snow : master iones vvearied with marching , was desirous we should take vp our lodging , though some of vs would haue marched further , so we made there our randevous for that night , vnder a few pine trees , and as it fell out , wee got three fat geese , and six ducks to our supper , which we eate with souldiers stomacks , for we had eaten little all that day ; our resolution was next morning to goe vp to the head of this river , for we supposed it would proue fresh water , but in the morning our resolution held not , because many liked not the hillinesse of the soyle , and badnesse of the harbour , so we turned towards the other creeke , that wee might goe over and looke for the rest of the corne that we left behind when we were here before ; when we came to the creeke , we saw the canow lie on the dry ground , and a flocke of geese in the river , at which one made a shot , and killed a couple of them , and we lanched the canow & fetcht them and when we had done , she carryed vs over by seaven or eight at once . this done , we marched to the place where we had the corne formerly , which place we called corne-hill ; and digged and found the rest , of which we were very glad : we also digged in a place little further off , and found a botle of oyle ; wee went to another place , which we had seene before , and digged , and found more corne , viz. two or three baskets full of indian wheat , and a bag of beanes , with a good man , of faire wheat-eares ; whilst some of vs were digging vp this , some others found another heape of corne , which they digged vp also , so as we had in all about ten bushels , which will serve vs sufficiently for seed . and sure it was gods good providence that we found this corne , for els wee know not how we should haue done , for we knew not how we should find , or meete with any of the indians , except it be to doe vs a mischiefe . also we had neuer in all likelihood seene a graine of it , if we had not made our first iourney ; for the ground was now covered with snow , and so hard frosen , that we were faine with our curtlaxes and short swords , to hew and carue the ground a foot deepe , and then wrest it vp with leavers , for we had forgot to bring other tooles ; whilst we were in this imployment , foule weather being towards , master iones was earnest to goe abourd , but sundry of vs desired to make further discovery , and to find out the indians habitations , so we sent home with him our weakest people , and some that were sicke , and all the corne , and . of vs stayed still , and lodged there that night , and desired that the shallop might returne to vs next day , and bring vs some mattocks and spades with them . the next morning we followed certaine beaten pathes and tracts of the indians into the woods , supposing they would haue led vs into some towne , or houses ; after wee had gone a while , we light vpon a very broad beaten path , well nigh two foote broad then we lighted all our matches , and prepared our selues , concluding wee were neare their dwellings , but in the end we found it to be onely a path made to driue deere in , when the indians hunt , as wee supposed ; when we had ma●ched fiue or six myles into the woods , and could find no signes of any people , we returned againe another way , and as we came into the plaine ground , wee found a place like a graue , but it was much bigger and longer then any we had yet seene . it was also covered with boords , so as we mused what it should be , and resolved to digge it vp , where we found , first a matt , and vnder that a fayre bow , and there another matt , and vnder that a boord about three quarters long , finely carued and paynted , with three tynes , or broches on the top , like a crowne ; also betweene the matts we found boules , trayes , dishes , and such like trinkets ; at length we came to a faire new matt , and vnder that two bundles , the one bigger , the other lesse , we opened the greater and found in it a great quantitie of fine and perfect red powder , and in it the bones and skull of a man. the skull had fine yellow haire still on it , and some of the flesh vnconsumed ; there was bound vp with it a knife , a pack-needle , and two or three old iron things . it was bound vp in a saylers canvas casacke , and a payre of cloth breeches ; the red powder was a kind of embaulment , and yeelded a strong , but no offensiue smell ; it was as fine as any flower . we opened the lesse bundle likewise , and found of the same powder in it , and the bones and head of a little childe , about the leggs , and other parts of it was bound strings , and bracelets of fine white beads ; there was also by it a little bow , about three quarters long , and some other odd knackes ; we brought sundry of the pretiest things away with vs , and covered the corps vp againe . after this , we digged in sundry like places , but found no more corne , nor any things els but graues : there was varietie of opinions amongst vs about the embalmed person ; some thought it was an indian lord and king : others sayd , the indians haue all blacke hayre , and never any was seene with browne or yellow hayre ; some thought , it was a christian of some speciall note , which had dyed amongst them , and they thus buried him to honour him ; others thought , they had killed him , and did it in triumph over him . whilest we were thus ranging and searching , two of the saylers , which were newly come on the shore , by chance espied two houses , which had beene lately dwelt in , but the people were gone . they having their peeces , and hearing no body entred the houses , and tooke out some things , and du●st not stay but came againe and told vs ; so some seaven or eight of vs went with them , and found how we had gone within a slight shot of them before . the houses were made with long yong sapling trees , bended and both ends stucke into the ground ; they were made round , like vnto an arbour , and covered downe to the ground with thicke and well wrought matts , and the doore was not over a yard high , made of a matt to open ; the chimney was a wide open hole in the top , for which they had a matt to cover it close when they pleased ; one might stand and goe vpright in them , in the midst of them were foure little trunches knockt into the ground , and small stickes laid over , on which they hung their pots , and what they had to seeth ; round about the fire they lay on matts , which are their beds . the houses were double matted , for as they were matted without , so were they within , with newer & fairer matts . in the houses we found wooden boules , trayes & dishes , earthen pots , hand baskets made of crab shells , wrought together ; also an english paile or bucket , it wanted a bayle , but it had two iron eares : there was also baskets of sundry sorts , bi●ger and some lesser , finer and some courser : some were curiously wrought with blacke and white in pretie workes , and sundry other of their houshold stuffe : we found also two or three deeres heads , one whereof had bin newly killed , for it was still fresh ; there was also a company of deeres feete , stuck vp in the houses , harts hornes , and eagles clawes , and sundry such like things there was : also two or three baskets full of pa●ched acornes , peeces of fish , and a peece of a broyled hering . we found also a little silke grasse , and a little tobacco seed , with some other seeds which wee knew not ; without was sundry bundles of flags , and sedge , b●ll rushes , and other stuffe to make matts ; there was thrust into an hollow tree , two or three peeces of venison , but we thought it fitter for the dogs then for vs : some of the best things we tooke away with vs , and left the houses standing still as they were , so it growing towards night , and the tyde almost spent , we hasted with our things downe to the shallop , and got abourd that night , intending to haue brought some beades , and other things to haue left in the houses , in signe of peace , and that we meant to truk with them , but it was not done , by meanes of our hastie comming away from cape cod , but so soone as we can meete conveniently with them , we will giue them full satisfaction . thus much of our second discovery . having thus discovered this place , it was controversall amongst vs , what to doe touching our aboad and setling there ; some thought it best for many reasons to abide there . as first , that there was a convenient harbour for boates , though not for ships . secondly , good corne ground readie to our hands , as we saw by experience in the goodly corne it yeelded , which would againe agree with the ground , and be naturall seed for the same . thirdly , cape cod was like to be a place of good fishing , for we saw daily great whales of the best kind for oyle and bone , come close aboord our ship , and in fayre weather swim and play about vs ; there was once one when the sun shone warme , c●me and lay aboue water , as if she had beene dead , for a good while together , within halfe a mu●ket shot of the ship , at which two were prepared to shoote , to see whether she would s●ir or no , he that gaue fire first , his mu●ket flew in peeces , both stocke and barrell , yet thankes be to god , neither he nor any man els was hurt with it , though many were there about , but when the whale saw her time she gaue a snuffe and away . fourthly , the place was likely to be healthfull , secure , and de●ensible . but the last and especiall reason was , that now the heart of wint●r and vnseasonable weather was come vpon vs , so that we could not goe vpon coasting and discovery , without danger of loosing men and boat , vpon which would follow the overthrow of all , especially considering what variable windes and sodaine stormes doe there arise . also cold and wett lodging had so taynted our people , for scarce any of vs were free from vehement coughs , as if they should continue long in that estate , it would indanger the liues of many , and breed diseases and infection amongst vs. againe , we had yet some beere , butter , flesh , and other such victuals left , which would quickly be all gone , and then we should haue nothing to comfort vs in the great labour and toyle we were like to vnder-goe at the first ; it was also conceived , whilst we had competent victuals , that the ship would stay with vs , but when that grew low , they would be gone , and let vs shift as we could . others againe , vrged greatly the going to anguum or angoum , a place twentie leagues off to the north-wards , which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for ships ; better ground and better fishing . secondly for any thing we knew , there might be hard by vs a farre better seate , and it should be a great hindrance to seate where wee should remoue againe . thirdly , the water was but in ponds , and it was thought there would be none in summer , or very little . fourthly , the water there must be fetched vp a steepe hill : but to omit many reasons and replies vsed heere abouts ; it was in the ende concluded , to make some discovery within the bay , but in no case so farre as angoum : besides , robert coppin our pilot , made relation of a great navigable river and good harbour in the other head land of this bay , almost right over against cape cod , being a right line , not much aboue eight leagues distant , in which hee had beene once : and because that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking , stole a harping iron from them , they called it theeuish harbour . and beyond that place they were enioyned not to goe , whereupon , a company was chosen to goe out vppon a third discovery : whilest some were imployed in this discovery , it pleased god that mistris white was brought a bed of a sonne , which was called peregrine . the fift day , we through gods mercy escaped a great danger by the foolishnes of a boy , one of francis billingtons sonnes , who in his fathers absence , had got gun-powder , and had shot of a peice or two , and made squibs , and there being a fowling peice charged in his fathers cabbin , shot her off in the cabbin , there being a little barrell of powder halfe full , scattered in and about the cabbin , the fire being within foure foote of the bed betweene the deckes , and many s●ints and iron things about the cabbin , and many people about the fire , and yet by gods mercy no harme done . wednesday the sixt of december , it was resolved our discoverers should set forth , for the day before was too fowle weather , and so they did , though it was well ore the day ere all things could be readie : so ten of our men were appointed who were of themselues willing to vndertake it , to wit , captaine standish , maister carver , william bradford , edward winsloe , iohn tilley , edward tilley , iohn houland , and three of london , richard warren , steeuen hopkins and edward dotte , and two of our sea-men , iohn alderton and thomas english , of the ships company there went two of the masters mates , master clarke and master copin , the master gunner , and three saylers . the narration of which discovery , followes , penned by one of the company . wednesday the sixt of december wee set out , being very cold and hard weather , wee were a long while after we lunched from the ship , before we could get cleare of a sandie poynt , which lay within lesse then a fu●long of the same . in which time , two were very sicke , and edward tilley had like to haue founded with cold ; the gunner was also sicke vnto death , ( but hope of truking made him to goe ) and so remained all that day , and the next night ; at length we got cleare of the sandy poynt , and got vp our sayles , and within an houre or two we got vnder the weather shore , and then had smoother water and better sayling , but it was very cold , for the water frose on our clothes , and made them many times like coats of iron : wee sayled sixe or seaven leagues by the shore , but saw neither river nor creeke , at length wee me●t with a tongue of land , being flat off from the shore , with a sandy poynt , we bore vp to gaine the poynt , & found there a fayre income or rode , of a bay , being a league over at the narrowest , and some two or three in length , but wee made right over to the land before vs and left the discovery of this income till the next day : as we drew neare to the shore , wee espied some ten or twelue indians , very busie about a blacke thing , what it was we could not tell , till afterwards they saw vs , and ran to and fro , as if they had beene carrying some thing away , wee landed a league or two from them , and had much adoe to put a shore any where , it lay so full of flat sands , when we came to shore , we made vs a baricado , and got fire wood , and set out our sentinells , and betooke vs to our lodging , such as it was ; we saw the smoke of the fire which the savages made that night , about foure or fiue myles from vs , in the morning we devided our company , some eight in the shallop , and the rest on the shore went to discouer this place , but we found it onely to be a bay , without either river or creeke comming into it , yet we deemed it to be as good an harbour as cape cod , for they that ●ounded it , found a ship might ride in fiue fathom water , wee on the land found it to be a levill soyle , but none of the fruitfullest wee saw two beckes of fresh water , which were the first running streames that we saw in the country , but one might stride over them : we found also a great fish , called a grampus dead on the sands , they in the shallop found two of them also in the bottome of the bay , dead in like sort , they were cast vp at high water , and could not get off for the frost and ice ; they were some fiue or sixe paces long , and about two inches thicke of fat , and fleshed like a swine , they would haue yeelded a great deale of oyle , if there had beene time and meanes to haue taken it , so we finding nothing for our turne , both we and our shallop returned . we then directed our course along the sea-sands , to the place where we first saw the indians , when we were there , we saw it was also a grampus which they were cutting vp , they cut it into long rands or peeces , about an ell long , and two handfull broad , wee found here and there a peece scattered by the way , as it seemed , for hast : this place the most were minded we should call , the grampus bay , because we found so many of them there : wee followed the tract of the indians bare feete a good way on the sands , as length we saw where they strucke into the woods by the side of a pond , as wee went to view the place , one sayd , hee thought hee saw an indian-house among the trees , so went vp to see : and here we and the shallop lost sight one of another till night , it being now about nine or ten a clocke , so we light on a path , but saw no house , and followed a great way into the woods , at length wee found where corne had beene set , but not that yeare , anone we found a great burying place , one part whereof was incompassed with a large palazado , like a church-yard , with yong spires foure or fiue yards long , set as close one by another as they could two o● three foot in the ground , within it was full of graues , some bigger , and some lesse , some were also paled about & others had like an indian-house made over them , but not matted those graues were more sumptuous then those at corne-hill , yet we digged none of them vp , but onely viewed them , and went our way ; without the palazado were graues also , but not so costly : from this place we went and found more corne ground , but not of this yeare . as we ranged we light on foure or fiue indian-houses , which had beene lately dwelt in , but they were vncovered , and had no matts about them , els they were like those we found at corne-hill , but had not beene so lately dwelt in , there was nothing left but two or three peeces of old matts , a little sedge , also a little further we found two baskets full of parched acorns hid in the ground , which we supposed had beene corne when we beganne to dig the same , we cast earth thereon againe & went our way . all this while we saw no people , wee went ranging vp and downe till the sunne began to draw low , and then we hasted out of the woods , that we might come to our shallop , which when we were out of the woods , we espied a great way off , and call'd them to come vnto vs , the which they did as soone as they could , for it was not yet high water , they were exceeding glad to see vs , ( for they feared because they had not seene vs in so long a time ) thinking we would haue kept by the shore side , so being both weary and faint , for we had eaten nothing all that day , we sell to make our randevous and get ●ire wood , which alwayes cost vs a great deale of labour , by that time we had done & our shallop come to vs , it was within night , and we fed vpon such victualls as we had , and betooke vs to our rest , after we had set out our watch . about midnight we heard a great and hideous cry , and our sentinell called , arme , arme. so we bestirred our selues and shot off a couple of muskets , and noyse ceased ; we concluded , that it was a company of wolues or foxes , for one told vs , hee had heard such a noyse in new-found land . about fiue a clocke in the morning wee began to be stirring , and two or three which doubted whether their peeces would goe off or no made tryall of them , and shot them off , but thought nothing at all , after prayer we prepared our selues for brek-fast , and for a journey , and it being now the twilight in the morning , it was thought meet to carry the things downe to the shallop : some sayd , it was not best to carry the armour downe , others sayd , they would be readier , two or three sayd , they would not carry theirs , till they went themselues , but mistrusting nothing at all : as it fel● out , the water not being high enough , they layd the things downe vpon the shore & came vp to brek fast . anone , all vpon a sudden , we heard a great & strange cry , which we knew to be the same voyces , though they varied their notes , one of our company being abroad came running in , and cryed , they are men , indians , indians ; and withall , their arrowes came flying amongst vs , our men ran out with all speed to recover their armes , as by the good providence of god they did . in the meane time , captaine miles standish , having a snaphance ready , made a shot , and after him another , after they two had shot , other two of vs were ready , but he wisht vs not to shoot , till we could take ayme , for we knew not what need we should haue , & there were foure onely of vs , which had their armes there readie , and stood before the open side of our baricado , which was first assaulted , they thought it best to defend it , least the enemie should take it and our stuffe , and so haue the more vantage against vs , our care was no lesse for the shallop , but we hoped all the rest would defend it ; we called vnto them to know how it was with them , and they answered , well , well every one , and be of good courage : wee heard three of their peeces goe off , and the rest called for a fire-brand to light their matches , one tooke a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it vnto them , which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies . the cry of our enemies was dreadfull , especially , when our men ran out to recover their armes , their note was after this manner , woath woach ha ha hach woach : our men were no sooner come to their armes , but the enemy was ready to assault them . there was a lustie man and no whit lesse valiant , who was thought to bee their captaine , stood behind a tree within halfe a musket shot of vs , and there let his arrowes fly at vs ; hee was seene to shoote three arrowes , which were all avoyded , for he at whom the first arrow was aymed , saw it , and stooped downe and it flew over him , the rest were avoyded also : he stood three shots of a musket , at length one tooke as he sayd full ayme at him , after which he gaue an extraordinary cry and away they went all , wee followed them about a quarter of a mile , but wee left sixe to keepe our shallop , for we were carefull of our businesse : then wee shouted all together two severall times , and shot off a couple of muskets and so returned : this wee did that they might see wee were not afrayd of them nor discouraged . thus it pleased god to vanquish our enemies and giue vs deliverance , by their noyse we could not guesse that they were lesse then thirty or forty , though some thought that they were many more yet in the darke of the morning , wee could not so well discerne them among the trees , as they could see vs by our fire side , we tooke vp . of their arrowes which we haue sent to england by master io●es , some whereof were headed with brasse , others with harts horne , & others with eagles clawes many more no doubt were shot , for these we found , were almost covered with leaues : yet by the especiall providence of god , none of them either hit or hurt vs , though many came close by vs , and on every side of vs , and some coates which hung vp in our baricado , were shot through and through . so after wee had given god thankes for our deliverance , wee tooke our shallop and went on our iourney , and called this place , the first encounter , from hence we intended to haue sayled to the aforesayd theeuish harbour , if wee found no convenient harbour by the way , having the wind good , we sayled all that day along the coast about . leagues , but saw neither river nor creeke to put into , after we had sayled an houre or two , it began to snow and raine , and to be bad weather ; about the midst of the afternoone , the winde increased and the seas began to be very rough , and the hinges of the rudder broke , so that we could steere no longer with it , but two men with much adoe were same to serue with a couple of oares , the seas were growne so great , that we were much troubled and in great daunger , and night grew on : anon master coppin bad vs be of good cheere he saw the harbour , as we drew neare , the gale being stiffe , and we bearing great sayle to get in , split our mast in . peices , and were like to haue cast away our shallop , yet by gods mercy recovering our selues , wee had the floud with vs , and struck into the harbour . now he that thought that had beene the place was deceived , it being a place where not any of vs had beene before , and comming into the harbour , he that was our pilot did beare vp north-ward , which if we had continued wee had beene cast away , yet still the lord kept vs , and we bare vp for an iland before vs , and recovering of that iland , being compassed about with many rocks , and darke night growing vpon vs , it pleased the divine providence that we fell vpon a place of sandy ground , where our shallop did ride safe and secure all that night , and comming vpon a strange iland kept our watch all night in the raine vpon that iland : and in the morning we marched about it , & found no inhabitants at all , and here wee made our randevous all that day being saturday , . of december , on the sabboth day wee rested , and on munday we sounded the harbour , and found it a uery good harbour for our shipping , we marched also into the land , and found divers corne fields , and little running brookes ▪ a place very good for scituation , so we returned to our ship againe with good newes to the rest of our people , which did much comfort their hearts . on the fifteenth day , we waighed anchor , to goe to the place we had discovered , and comming within two leagues of the land , we could not fetch the harbour , but were faine to put roome againe towards cape cod , our course lying west ; and the wind was at north west , but it pleased god that the next day being saturday the . day , the winde came faire , and wee put to sea againe , and came safely into a safe harbour ; and within halfe an houre the winde changed , so as if we had beene letted but a little , we had gone backe to cape cod. this harbour is a bay greater then cape cod , compassed with a goodly land , and in the bay , . fine ilands vninhabited , wherein are nothing but wood , okes , pines , wal-nut , beech , sasifras , vines , and other trees which wee know not ; this bay is a most hopefull place , innumerable store of fowle , and excellent good , and cannot but bee of fish in their seasons : skote , cod , turbot , and herring , wee haue tasted of , abundance of musles the greatest & best that ever we saw ; crabs , and lobsters , in their time infinite , it is in fashion like a cikle or fish-hooke . munday the . day , we went a land , manned with the maister of the ship , and . or . of the saylers , we marched along the coast in the woods , some . or . mile , but saw not an indian nor an indian house , only we found where formerly , had beene some inhabitants , and where they had planted their corne : we found not any navigable river , but . or . small ●unning brookes of very sweet fresh water , that all run into the sea : the land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth , excellent blacke mold and fat in some places , . or . great oakes but not very thicke , pines , wal-nuts beech ash , birch , hasell , holley , asp , sasifras , in abundance , & vines euery where , cherry trees , plum trees , and many other which we know not ; many kinds of hearbes , we found heere in winter , as strawbery leaues innumerable , sorrell , yarow , caruell , brook-lime , liver-wort , water-cresses , great store of leekes , and onyons , and an excellent strong kind of flaxe , and hempe ; here is sand , gravell , and excellent clay no better in the worlde , excellent for pots , and will wash like sope , and great store of stone , though somewhat soft , and the best water that ever we drunke , and the brookes now begin to be full of fish ; that night many being weary with marching , wee went abourd againe . the next morning being tuesday the . of december , wee went againe to discover further ; some went on land , and some in the shallop , the land we found as the former day we did , and we found a creeke , and went vp three english myles , a very pleasant river at full sea , a barke of thirty tunne may goe vp , but at low water scarce our shallop could passe : this place we had a great liking to plant in , but that it was so farre from our fishing our principall profit , and so incompassed with woods , that we should bee in much danger of the salvages , and our number being so little , and so much ground to cleare , so as wee thought good to quit and cleare that place , till we were of more strength ; some of vs hauing a good minde for safety to plant in the greater ile , wee crossed the bay which there is fiue or sixe myles ouer , and found the i le about a myle and a halfe , or two myles about , all wooded , and no fresh water but . or . pits , that we doubted of fresh water in summer , and so full of wood , as we could hardly cleare so much as to serue vs for corne , besides wee iudged it colde for our corne , and some part very rockie , yet diuers thought of it as a place defensible , and of great securitie . that night we returned againe a ship boord , with resolution the next morning to setle on some of those places , so in the morning , after we had called on god for direction , we came to this resolution , to goe presently ashore againe , and to take a better view of two places , which wee thought most fitting for vs , for we could not now take time for further search or consideration , our victuals being much spent , especially , our beere , and it being now the . of december . after our landing and viewing of the places , so well as we could we came to a conclusion , by most voyces , to set on the maine land , on the first place , on an high ground , where there is a great deale of land cleared , and hath beene planted with corne three or foure yeares agoe , and there is a very sweet brooke runnes vnder the hill side , and many delicate springs of as good water as can be drunke , and where we may harbour our shallops and boates exceeding well , and in this brooke much good fish in their seasons : on the further side of the river also much corne ground cleared , in one field is a great hill , on which wee poynt to make a plat-forme , and plant our ordinance , which will command all round about , from thence we may see into the bay , and farre into the sea , and we may see thence cape cod : our greatest labour will be fetching of our wood , which is halfe a quarter of an english myle , but there is enough so farre off ; what people inhabite here we yet know not , for as yet we haue seene none , so there we made our randevous , and a place for some of our people about twentie , resolving in the morning to come all ashore , and to build houses , but the next morning being thursday the . of december , it was stormie and wett , that we could not goe ashore , and those that remained there all night could doe nothing , but were wet , not having dai-light enough to make them a sufficient court of gard , to keepe them dry . all that night it blew and rayned extreamely ▪ it was so tempestuous , that the shallop could not goe on land so soone as was meet , for they had no victuals on land . about ●● . a clocke the shallop went off with much adoe with provision , but could not returne it blew so strong , and was such foule weather , that we were forced to let fall our anchor , and ride with three anchors an head . friday the . the storme still continued , that we could not get a-land , nor they come to vs aboord : this morning good wife alderton was delivered of a sonne , but dead borne . saturday the . so many of vs as could , went on shore , felled and carried tymber , to provide themselues stuffe for building . sunday the . our people on shore heard a cry of some savages ( as they thought ) which caused an alarm , and to stand on their gard , expecting an assault , but all was quiet . munday the . day , we went on shore , some to fell tymber , some to saw , some to ri●e , and some to carry , so no man rested all that day , but towards night some as they were at worke , heard a noyse of some indians , which caused vs all to goe to our muskets , but we heard no further , so we came aboord againe , and left some twentie to keepe the court of gard ; that night we had a sore storme of winde and rayne . munday the . being christmas day , we began to drinke water aboord , but at night the master caused vs to haue some beere , and so on boord we had diverse times now and then some beere , but on shore none at all . tuesday the . it was foule weather , that we could not goe ashore . wednesday the . we went to worke againe . thursday the . of december , so many as could went to worke on the hill , where we purposed to build our platforme for our ordinance , and which doth command all the plaine , and the b●y , and from whence we may see farre into the sea , and might he easier impayled , having two rowes of houses and a faire streete . so in the afternoone we went to measure out the grounds , and first , we tooke notice how many families they were , willing all single men that had no wiues to ioyne with some familie , as they thought fit , that so we might build fewer houses , which was done , and we reduced them to . families ; to greater families we allotted larger plots , to every person halfe a pole in breadth , and three in length , and so lots were cast where euery man should lie , which was done , and staked out ; we thought this proportion was large enough at the first , for houses and gardens , to impale them round , considering the weaknes of our people , many of them growing ill with coldes , for our former discoveries in frost and stormes , and the wading at cape cod had brought much weakenes amongst vs , which increased so every day more and more , and after was the cause of many of their deaths . fryday and saturday , we fitted our selues for our labour , but our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with rayne and wett that day , being very stormie and cold ; we saw great smokes of fire made by the indians about six or seaven myles from vs as we coniectured . munday the first of ianuary , we went betimes to worke , we were much hundred in lying so farre off from the land , and faine to goe as the tyde served , that we lost much time , for our ship drew so much water , that she lay a myle and almost a halfe off , though a ship of seaventie or eightie tun as high water may come to the shore . wednesday the third of ianuary , some of our people being abroad , to get and gather thatch , they saw great fires of the indians , and were at then corne fields , yet saw none of the savages , nor had seene any of them since wee came to th●s bay. thursday the fourth of ianuary , captaine miles standish with foure or fiue more , went to see if they could meet with any of the savages in that place where the fires were made , they went to some of their houses , but not lately inhabited , yet could they not meete with any ; as they came home , they shot at an eagle and killed her , which was excellent meat ; it was hardly to be discerned from mutton . fryday the fifth of ianuary , one of the saylers found aliue vpon the shore an hering , which the master had to his supper , which put vs in hope of fish , but as yet we had got but 〈◊〉 cod ; we wanted small hookes . saturday the sixt of ianuary , master marten was very sicke , and to our iudgement , no hope of life , so master carver was sent for to come abourd to speake with him about his accompts , who came the next morning . munday the eight day of ianuary , was a very fayre day , and we went betimes to worke , master iones sent the shallop as he had formerly done , to see where fish could be got , they had a great storme at sea , and were in some danger , at night they returned with three great seales , and an excellent good cod , which did assure vs that we should haue plentie of fish shortly . this day , francis billington , having the weeke before seene from the top of a tree on an hie hill , a great sea as he thought , went with one of the masters mates to see it , they went three myles , and then came to a great water , devided into two great lakes , the bigger of them fiue or sixe myles in circuit , and in it an i le of a cable length square , the other three miles in compasse ; in their estimation they are fine fresh water , full of fish , and foule ; a brooke issues from it , it will be an excellent helpe for vs in time . they found seaven or eight indian houses , but not lately inhabited , when they saw the houses they were in some feare , for they were but two persons and one peece . tuesday the . ianuary , was a reasonable faire day , and wee went to labour that day in the building of our towne , in two rowes of houses for more safety : we devided by lott the plot of ground whereon to build our towne : after the proportion formerly allotted , wee agreed that every man should build his owne house , thinking by that course , men would make more hast then working in common : the common house , in which for the first , we made our rendevous , being neere finished wanted onely couering , it being about . foote square , some should make morter , and some gather thatch , so that in foure dayes halfe of it was thatched , frost and foule weather hindred vs much , this time of the yeare seldome could wee worke halfe the weeke . thursday the eleuenth , william bradford being at worke , ( for it was a faire day ) was vehemently taken with a griefe and paine , and so shot to his huckle-bone ; it was doubted that he would haue instantly dyed , hee got colde in the former discoveries , especially the last , and felt some paine in his anckles by times , but he grew a little better towards night and in time through gods mercie in the vse of meanes recovered . friday the . we went to worke , but about noone , it began to raine , that it forced vs to giue over worke . this day , two of our people put vs in great sorrow and care , there was . sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning , and two of them , iohn goodman and peter browne , having cut thatch all the fore noone , went to a further place , and willed the other two , to binde vp that which was cut and to follow them ; so they did , being about a myle and an halfe from our plantation : but when the two came after , they could not finde them , nor heare any thing of them at all , though they hallowed and shouted as loud as they could , so they returned to the company and told them of it : whereupon master leaver & three or foure more went to seeke them , but could heare nothing of them , so they returning , sent more , but that night they could heare nothing at all of them : the next day they armed . or . men out , verily thinking the indians had surprised them , they went seeking . or myles , but could neither see nor heare any thing at all , so they returned with much discomfort to vs all . these two that were missed , at dinner time tooke their mea●e in their hands , and would goe walke and refresh themselues , so going a litle off they finde a lake of water ▪ and having a great mastiffe bitch with them and a spannell ; by the water side they found a great deere the dogs chased him , and they followed so farre as they lost themselues , and could not finde the● way backe , they wandred all that after noone being wett , and at night it did freeze and snow , they were slenderly apparelled and had no weapons but each one his cicle , nor any victuals , they ranged vp and downe and could finde none of the salvages habitation● ; when it drew to night they were much perplexed , for they could finde neither harbour nor meate , but in frost and snow , were forced to make the earth their bed , and the element their covering , and another thing did very much terrifie them , they heard as they thought two lyons roaring exceedingly for a long time together , and a third , that they thought was very nere them , so not knowing what to do they resolved to climbe vp into a tree as their safest refuge , though that would prone an intollerable colde lodging ; so they stoode at the trees roote , that when the lyons came they might take their opportunitie of climbing vp , the bitch they were faine to hold by the necke , for shee would haue beene gone to the lyon ; but it pleased god so to dispose , that the wilde beastes came not : so they walked vp and downe vnder the tree all night , it was an extreame colde night , so soone as it was light they trauailed againe , passing by many lakes and brookes and woods , and in one place where the salvages had burnt the space of . myles in length , which is a fine champion countrey , and even . in the after-noone , it pleased god from an high hill they discovered the two iles in the bay , and so that night got to the plantation , being ready to faint with travaile and want of victuals , and almost famis●●ed with colde , iohn goodman was faine to haue his shooes cut off his feete they were so swelled with colde , and it was a long while after ere he was able to goe ▪ those on the shore were much comforted at their returne , but they on ship-boord were grieved as deeming them lost ; but the next day being the . of ianuary , in the morning about sixe of the clocke the winde being very great , they on ship-boord spied their great new r●ndevous on fire , which was to them a new discomfort , fearing because of the supposed losse of the men , that the salvages had fiered them , neither could they presently goe to them for want of water , but after . quarters of an houre they went , as they had purposed the day before to keepe the sabboth on shore , because now there was the greater number of people . at their landing they heard good tidings of the returne of the . men , and that the house was fiered occasionally by a sparke that flew into the thatch , which instantly burnt it all vp , but the roofe stood and little hurt ; the most losse was maister carvers and william bradfords , who then lay sicke in bed , and if they had not risen with good speede , had beene blowne vp with powder : but through gods mercy they had no harme , the house was as full of beds as they could lie one by another , and their muskets charged , but blessed be god there was no harme done . munday the . day , it rayned much all day , that they on ship-boord could not goe on shore , nor they on shore doe any labour but were all wet . tuesday , wednesday , thursday , were very faire sun-shinie dayes , as if it had beene in aprill , and our people so many as were in health ought chearefully . the . day , we resolved to make a shed , to put our common provision in , of which some were alreadie set on shore , but at noone it rayned , that we could not worke . this day in the evening , iohn goodman went abroad to vse his lame feete , that were pittifully ill with the cold he had got , having a little spannell with him , a little way from the plantation , two great wolues ran after the dog , the dog ran to him and betwixt his leggs for succour , he had nothing in his hand but tooke vp a sticke , and threw at one of them and hit him , and they presently ran both away , but came againe , he got a pai●e bord in his hand , and they sat both on their tayles , grinning at him , a good while , and went their way , and left him . saturday . we made vp our shed for our common goods . sunday the . we kept our meeting on land. munday the . was a faire day , we wrought on our houses , and in the after-noone carried vp our hogsheads of meale to our common store house . the rest of the weeke we followed our businesse likewise . munday the . in the morning cold frost and sleete , but after reasonable fayre ▪ both the long boate and the shallop brought our common goods on shore . tuesday and wednesday . and . of ianuary , cold frosty weather and sleete , that we could not worke : in the morning the master and others saw two savages , that had beene on the iland nere our ship , what they came for wee could not tell , they were going so farre backe againe before they were des●ried , that we could not speake with them . sunday the . of february , was very wett and rainie , with the greatest gusts of winde that ever we had since wee came forth , that though we rid in a very good harbour , yet we were in danger , because our ship was light , the goods taken out , and she vnballased ; and it caused much daubing of our houses to fall downe . fryday the . still the cold weather continued , that wee could doe little worke . that after-noone our little house for our sicke people was set on fire by a sparke that kindled in the roofe , but no great harme was done . that evening the master going ashore , killed fiue geese , which he friendly distributed among the sicke people ; he found also a good deere killed , the savages had cut off the hornes , and a wolfe was eating of him , how he came there we could not conceiue . friday the . day , was a faire day , but the northerly wind continued , which continued the frost , this day after-noone one of our people being a fouling , and having taken a stand by a creeke side in the reeds , about a myle and an halfe from our plantation , there came by him twelue indians , marching towards our plantation , & in the woods he heard the noyse of many more ▪ he lay close till they were passed , and then with what speed he could he went home & gaue the alarm , so the people abroad in the woods returned & armed themselues , but say none of them , onely toward the euening they made a great fire , about the place where they were first discovered : captaine miles standish , and francis cooke , being at worke in the woods , comming home , left their tooles behind them , but before they returned , their tooles were taken away by the savages . this comming of the savages gaue vs occasion to keepe more strict watch , and to make our peeces and furniture readie , which by the moysture and rayne were out of temper . saturday the day , in the morning we called a meeting for the establishing of military orders amongst our selues , and we chose miles standish our captaine , and gaue him authoritie of command in affayres : and as we were in consultation here abouts , two savages presented themselues vpon the top of an hill , over against our plantation , about a quarter of a myle and lesse , and made signes vnto vs to come vnto them ; we likewise made signes vnto them to come to vs , whereupon we armed our selues , and stood readie , and sent two over the brooke towards them , to wit , captaine standish and steven hopkins , who went towards them , onely one of them had a musket , which they layd downe on the ground in their sight , in signe of peace , and to parley with them , but the savages would not tarry their comming : a noyse of a great many more was heard behind the hill , but no more came in sight . this caused vs to plant our great ordinances in places most convenient . wednesday the . of february , the master came on shore with many of his saylers , and brought with him one of the great peeces , called a minion , and helped vs to draw it vp the hill , with another peece that lay on shore , and mounted them , and a saller and two bases ; he brought with him a very fat goose to eate with vs , and we had a fat crane , and a mallerd , and a dry'd neats-tongue , and so wee were kindly and friendly together . saturday the third of march , the winde was south , the morning mistie , but towards noone warme and fayre weather ; the birds sang in the woods most pleasantly ; at one of the clocke it thundred , which was the first wee heard in that countrey , it was strong and great claps , but short , but after an houre it rayned very sadly till midnight . wednesday the seaventh of march , the wind was full east , cold , but faire , that day master carver with fiue other went to the great ponds , which seeme to be excellent fishing places ; all the way they went they found it exceedingly beaten and haunted with deere , but they saw none ; amongst other foule , they saw one a milke white foule , with a very blacke ●●ad : this day some garden seeds were sowen . fryday the . a fayre warme day towards ; this morning we determined to conclude of the military orders , which we had began to consider of before , but were interrupted by the savages , as we mentioned formerly ; and whilst we were bu●●ed here about , we were interrupted againe , for there presented himselfe a savage , which caused an alarm , he very boldly came all alone and along the houses straight to the randevous , where we intercepted him ▪ not suffering him to goe in , as vndoubtedly he would , out of his boldnesse , hee saluted vs in english , and bad vs well-come , for he had learned some broken english amongst the english men that came to fish at monchiggon , and knew by name the most of the captaines , commanders , & masters , that vsually come , he was a man free in speech , so farre as he could expresse his minde ▪ and of a seemely carriage , we questioned him of many things , he was the first savage we could meete withall ; he sayd he was not of these parts , but of morattiggon , and one of the sagamores or lords thereof , and had beene . moneths in these parts , it lying hence a dayes sayle with a great wind , and fiue dayes by land ; he discoursed of the whole country , and of every province , and of their sagamores , and their number of men , and strength ▪ the wind beginning to rise a little , we cast a horsemans coat about him , for he was starke naked , onely a leather about his wast , with a fringe about a span long , or little more ; he had a bow & arrowes , the one ●eaded , and the other vnheaded ; he was a tall straight man , the haire of his head blacke , long behind , onely short before , none on his face at all ; he asked some beere , but we gaue him strong water , and bisket , and butter , and cheese , & pudding , and a peece of a mallerd , all which he liked well , and had bin acquainted with such amongst the english ; he told vs the place where we now liue , is called , patuxe● , and that abou● foure yeares agoe , all the inhabitants dyed of an extraordinary plague , and there is neither man , woman , nor childe remaining as indeed we haue found none , so as there is none to hinder our possession , or to lay claime vnto it ; all the afternoone we spent in communication with him , we would gladly haue beene rid of him at night , but he was not willing to goe this night , then we thought to carry him on ship-boord , wherewith he was well content , and went into the shallop , but the winde was high and water scant , that it could not returne backe : we lodged him that night at steven hopkins house , and watched him ; the next day he went away backe to the masasoits , from whence he sayd he came , who are our next bordering neighbours : they are sixtie strong , as he sayth ▪ the nausites are as neere south-east of them , and are a hundred strong , and those were they of whom our people were encountred , as we before related . they are much incensed and provoked against the english , and about eyght moneths agoe slew three english men and two more hardly escaped by flight to monhiggon ; they were sir ferdinando gorge his men , as this savage told vs , as he did likewise of the huggerie , that is , fight , that our discoverers had with the nausites , & of our tooles that were taken out of the woods , which we willed him should be brought againe , otherwise , we would right our selues . these people are ill affected towards the english , by reason of one hunt , a master of a ship , who deceived the people , and got them vnder colour of ●ruking with them , twentie out of this very place where we inhabite , and seaven men from the nausites , and carried them away , and sold them for slaues like a wretched man ( for . pound a man ) that cares not what mischiefe he doth for hi● profit . saturday in the morning we dismissed the salvage , and gaue him a knife , a bracelet , and a ring ; he promised within a night or two to come againe ▪ and to bring with him some of the massasoyts our neighbours , with such beuers skins as they had to trucke with vs. saturday and sunday reasonable fayre dayes . on this day came againe the savage , and brought with him fiue other tall proper men , they had every man a deeres skin on him , and the principall of them had a wild cats skin , or such like on the one arme ; they had most of them long hosen vp to their groynes , close made ; and aboue their groynes to their wast another leather , they were altogether like the irish-trouses ; they are of complexion like our english gipseys , no haire or very little on their faces , on their heads long haire to their shoulders , onely cut before some trussed vp before with a feather , broad wise , like a fanne , another a fox tayle hanging out : these left ( according to our charge giuen him before ) their bowes and arrowes a quarter of a myle from our towne , we gaue them entertaynement as we thought was sitting them , they did eate liberally of our english victuals , they made semblance vnto vs of friendship and amitie ; they song & danced after their maner like anticks ; they brought with them in a thing like a bow-case ( which the principall of them had about his wast ) a little of their corne pownded to powder , which put to a little water they eate ; he had a little tobacco in a bag , but none of them drunke but when he listed , some of them had their faces paynted blacke , from the forehead to the chin , foure or fiue fingers broad ; others after other fashions , as they liked ; they brought three or foure skins , but we would not trucke with them at all that day , but wished them to bring more , and we would trucke for all , which they promised within a night or two , and would leaue these behind them , though we were not willing they should , and they brought vs all our tooles againe which were taken in the woods , in our mens absence , so because of the day we dismissed them so soone as we could . but samoset our first acquaintance , eyther was sicke , or fayned himselfe so , and would not goe with them and stayed with vs till wednesday morning : then we sent him to them , to know the reason they came not according to their words , and we gaue him an hat , a payre of stockings and shooes , a shirt , and a peece of cloth to tie about his wast . the sabboth day , when we sent them from vs , wee gaue every one of them some trifles , especially , the principall of them , we carried them along with our armes to the place where they left their bowes and arrowes , whereat they were amazed , and two of them began to slinke away , but that the other called them , when they tooke their arrowes , we bad them farewell , and they were glad , and so with many thankes giuen vs they departed , with promise they would come againe . munday and tuesday proved fayre dayes , we digged on● grounds , and sowed our garden seeds . wednesday a fine warme day , we sent away samose● . that day we had againe a meeting , to conclude of lawes and orders for our selues , and to confirme those military orders that were formerly propounded , and twise broken off by the savages comming , but so we were againe the third time , for after we had beene an houre together , on the top of the hill over against vs two or three savages presented themselues , that made semblance of daring vs , as we thought , so captaine standish with another , with their muskets went over to them , with two of the masters mates that follows them without armes , having two muskets with them , they wherted and rubbed their arrowes and strings , and made shew of defiance , but when our men drew nere them , they ranne away . thus we were againe interrupted by them ; this day with much adoe we got our carpenter that had beene long sicke of the scurvey , to fit our shallop , to fetch all from aboord . thursday the . of march , was a very fayre warme day . about noone we met againe about our publique businesse , but we had scarc● beene an houre together , but samoset came againe , and squanto . the onely natiue of patuxat , where we now inhabite , who was one of the twentie captiues that by hunt were carried away , and had beene in england & dwelt in cornehill with master iohn sla●ie a marchant , and could speake a little english , with three others , and they brought with them some few skinnes to trucke , and some red herrings newly taken and dryed , but not salted , and signified vnto vs , that their great sagamore masasoyt was hard by , with quadequina his brother , and all their men . they could not well expresse in english what they would , but after an houre the king came to the top of an hill over against vs , and had in his trayne sixtie men , that wee could well behold them ▪ and they vs : we were not willing to send our governour to them , and they vnwilling to come to vs , so squanto went againe vnto him , who brought word that wee should send one to parley with him , which we did , which was edward winsloe , to know his mind , and to signifie the mind and will of our governour , which was to haue trading and peace with him . we sent to the king a payre of kniues , and a copper chayne , with a iewell at it . to quadequina we sent likewise a knife and a iewell to hang in his eare , and withall a pot of strong water , a good quantitie of bisket , and some butter , which were all willingly accepted : our messenger made a speech vnto him , that king iames saluted him with words of loue and peace , and did accept of him as his friend and alie , and that our governour desired to see him and to trucke with him , and to confirme a peace with him , as his next neighbour : he liked well of the speech and heard it attentiuely ▪ though the interpreters did not well expresse it ; after he had eaten and drunke himselfe , and giuen the rest to his company , he looked vpon our messengers sword and armour which he had on , with intimation of his desire to buy it , but on the other side , our messenger shewed his vnwillingnes to part with it : in the end he left him in the custodie of quadequina his brother , and came over the brooke , and some twentie men following him , leaving all their bowes and arrowes behind them . we kept six or seaven as hostages for our messenger ; captaine standish and master williamson met the king at the brooke , with halfe a dosen musketiers , they saluted him and he them , so one going over , the one on the one side , and the other on the other , conducted him to a● house then in building , where we placed a greene rugge , and three or foure cushions , then instantly came our governour with drumme and trumpet after him , and some few musketiers . after salutations , our governour kissing his hand , the king kissed him , and so they sat downe . the governour called for some strong water , and drunke to him , and he drunke a great draught that made him sweate all the while after , he called for a little fresh meate , which the king did eate willingly , and did giue his followers . then they treated of peace , which was ; . that neyther he nor any of hi● should iniure or doe hurt to any of our people . . and if any of his did hurt to any of ours , he should send the offender , that we might punish him . . that if any of our tooles were taken away when our people were at worke , he should cause them to be restored , and if ours did any harme to any of his , wee would doe the like to them . . if any did vniustly warre against him , we would ayde him ; if any did warre against vs , he should aydeys . . he should send to his neighbour confederates , to certifie them of this , that they might not wrong vs , but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace . . that when their men came to vs , they should leaue their bowes and arrowes behind them , as wee should doe our peeces when we came to them . lastly , that doing thu● , king iames would esteeme of him as his friend and alie : all which the king seemed to like well , and it was applauded of his followers , all the while he sat by the governour he trembled for feare : in his person he is a very lustie man , in his best yeares , an able body , graue of countenance , and spare of speech : in his attyre little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers , only in a great chaine of white bone beades about his necke , and at it behinde his necke , hangs a little bagg of tobacco , which he dranke and gaue vs to drinke ; his face was paynted with a sad red like murry , and oyled both head and face , that hee looked greasily ; all his followers likewise , were in their faces , in part or in whole painted , some blacke , some red , some yellow , and some white , some with crosses , and other antick workes , some had skins on them , and some naked , all strong , tall , all men in appearance : so after all was done , the governour conducted him to the brooke , and there they embraced each other and he departed : we diligently keeping our hostages , wee expected our messengers comming , but anon word was brought vs , that quaddequina was comming , and our messenger was stayed till his returne , who presently came and a troupe with him , so likewise wee entertained him , and convayed him to the place prepared ; he was very fearefull of our peeces , and made signes of dislike , that they should be carried away , whereupon commandement was given , they should be layd away . he was a very proper tall young man , of a very modest and seemely countenance , and he did kindely like of our entertainement , so we convayed him likewise as wee did the king , but diuers of their people stayed still , when hee was returned , then they dismissed our messenger . two of his people would haue stayed all night , but we would not suffer it : one thing i forgot , the king had in his bosome hanging in a string , a great long knife , hee marveiled much at our trumpet , and some of ●●men would sound it as well as they could , samoset and squanto , they stayed al night with vs , and the king and al his men lay all night in the woods , not aboue halfe an english myle from vs , and all their wiues and women with them , they sayd that within . or . dayes , they would come and set corne on the other side of the brooke , and dwell there all summer , which is hard by vs : that night we kept good watch , but there was no appearance of danger ; the next morning divers of their people came over to vs , hoping to get some victuales as wee imagined , som of them told vs the king would haue some of vs come see him ; captaine standish and isaack alderton went venterously , who were welcommed of him after their manner : he gaue them three or foure ground nuts , and some tobacco . wee cannot yet conceiue , but that he is willing to haue peace with vs , for they haue seene our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at worke and fowling , when as they offered them no harme as they might easily haue done , and especially because hee hath a potent adversary the n●●●h●g●●seis , that are at warre with him , against whom hee thinkes wee may be some strength to him , for our peeces are terrible vnto them ; this morning , they stayed till ten or eleuen of the clocke , and our governour bid them send the kings kettle , and filled it full of pease , which pleased them well , and so they went their way . fryday was a very faire day , samoset and squanto still remained with vs , squanto went at noone to fish for eeles , at night he came home with as many as he could well lift in one hand , which our people were glad of , they were fat & sweet , he trod them out with his feete , and so caught them with his hands without any other instrument , this day we proceeded on with our common businesse , from which we had beene so often hindred by the salvage● comming , and concluded both of military orders , and of some lawes and orders as wee thought behoofefull for our present estate , and condition , and did likewise choose our governour for this yeare , which was master iohn carver a man well approoved amongst vs. a iovrney to packanokik , the habitation of the great king massasoyt . as also our message , the answere and intertainement wee had of him . it seemed good to the company for many considerations to send some amongst them to massasoyt , the greatest commander amongst the savages , bordering about vs ; partly to know where to find them , if occasion served , as also to see their strength , discover the country , prevent abuses in their disorderly comming vnto vs , make satisfaction for some conceived jniuries to be done on our parts , and to continue the league of peace and friendship betweene them and vs. for these , and the like ends , it pleased the governour to make choice of steven hopkins , & edward winslo● to goe vnto him , and having a fit opportunitie , by reason of a savage , called tisquantum ( that could speake english ) comming vnto vs ; with all expedition provided a horse-mans coat , of red cotton , and laced with a slight lace for a present , that both they and their message might be the more acceptable amongst them . the message was as followeth ; that forasmuch as his subiects came often and without feare , vpon all occasions amongst vs , so wee were now come vnto him , and in witnesse of the loue and good will the english beare vnto him , the governour hath sent him a coat , desiring that the peace and amitte that was betweene them and vs might be continued , not that we feared them , but because we intended not to iniure any , desiring to liue peaceably : and as with all men , so especially with them our neerest neighbours . but whereas his people came very often , and very many together vnto vs , bringing for the most part their wiues and children with them , they were well come ; yet we being but strangers as yet at patuxet , alias new plimmoth , and not knowing how our corne might prosper , we could no longer giue them such entertainment as we had done , and as we desired still to doe : yet if he would be pleased to come himselfe , or any speciall friend of his desired to see vs , comming from him they should be wellcome ; and to the end wee might know them from others , our governour had sent him a copper chayne , desiring if any messenger should come from him to vs , we might know him by bringing it with him , and hearken and giue credite to his message accordingly . also requesting him that such as haue ●kin● , should bring them to vs , and that he would hinder the multitude from oppressing vs with them . and whereas as our first arrivall at pao●i●t ( called by vs cape ●od ) we found there corne buried in the ground , and finding no inhabitants but some graues of dead now buryed , tooke the corne , resolving if ever we could heare of any that had right thereunto , to make satisfaction to the full for it , yet since we vnderstand the owners thereof were fled for feare of vs , our desire was either to pay them with the like quantitie of corne , english meale , or any other commodities we had to pleasure them withall ; requesting him that some one of his men might signifie so much vnto them , and wee would content him for his paines . and last of all , our gouernour requested one favour of him , which was , that he would exchange some of their corne for seede with us , that we might make tryall which best agreed with the foyle where we liue . with these presents and message we set forward the tenth iune , about . a clocke in the morning , our guide resolving that night to rest at namasches , a towne vnder massasoyt , and conceived by vs to bee very neere , because the inhabitants flocked so thicke vpon every slight occasion amongst vs : but wee found it to bee some fifteene english myles . on the way we found some ten or twelue men women and children , which had pestered vs , till wee were wearie of them , perceiving that ( as the manner of them all is ) where victuall is easiliest to be got , there they liue , especially in the summer : by reason whereof our ●ay affording many lobsters , they resort every spring tide thither : & now returned with vs to namaschet . thither we came about . a clock after noone ▪ the inhabitants entertaining vs with ioy , in the best manner they could , giving vs a kinde of bread called by them maixium , and the spawne of shade , which then they got in abundance , in so much as they gaue vs spoones to eate them , with these they boyled mustie acorns , but of the shads we eate heartily . after this they desired one of our men to shoote at a crow , complaining what damage they sustained in their corne by them , who shooting some fourescore off and killing , they much admired it , as other shots on other occasions . after this tisquantum told vs we should hardly in one day reach pakanokick , moving vs to goe some . myles further , where we should finde more store and better victuals then there : being willing to hasten our iourney we went , and came thither at sunne setting , where we found many of the namaschecks ( they so calling the men of namaschet ) fishing vppon a ware which they had made on a river which belonged to them , where they caught abundance of basse. these welcommed vs also , gaue vs of their fish , and we them of our victuals , not doubting but w● should haue enough where ere we came . there we lodged in the open fieldes : for houses they had none , though they spent the most of the summer there . the head of this river is reported to bee not farre from the place of our abode , vpon it are , and haue beene many townes , it being a good length . the ground 〈◊〉 good on both sides , it being for the most part cleered : thousands of men have lived there , which dyed in a great plague not long since : and pitty it was and is to ●ee , so many goodly , fieldes , & so well seated , without men to dresse and manure the same . vppon this river dwelleth massasoyt : it commeth into the sea at the narrohiganset bay , where the french men so much vse . a shipp may goe many myles vp it , as the salvages report , and a shallop to the head of it : but so farre as wee saw , wee are sure a shallop may . but to returne to our iourney : the next morning wee brake our fast , tooke our leaue and departed , being then accompanied with some sixe salvages , having gone about sixe myles by the riverside , at a knowne shole place , it beeing low water , they spake to vs to put off our breeches , for wee must wade thorow . heere let me not forget the vallour and courrage of some of the salvage● , on the opposite side of the river , for there were remaining aliue only . men , both aged , especially the one being aboue threescore ; these two espying a company of men entring the river , ran very swiftly & low in the grasse to meete vs at the banck , where with sh●ll voyces and great courage standing charged vppon vs with their bowes , they demaunded what we were , supposing vs to be enemies , and thinking to take advantage on vs in the water : but seeing we were friends , they welcommed vs with such foode as they had , and we bestowed a small bracelet of beades on them . thus farre wee are sure the ●ide ●bs and flowes . having here againe refreshed our selves we proceeded in our iourney , the weather being very hote for travell , yet the country so well watered that a man could scarce be drie , but he should haue a spring at hand to coole his thirst , beside smal rivers in abundance : but the salvages will not willingly drinke , but at a spring head . when wee came to any small brooke where no bridge was , two of them desired to carry vs through of their owne accords , also fearing wee were or would be weary , offered to carry our peeces , also if we would lay off any of our clothes , we should haue them carried : and as the one of them had found more speciall kindnesse from one of the messengers , and the other salvage from the other so they shewed their thankefulnesse accordingly in affording v● all helpe , and furtherance in the iourney . as we passed along , we observed that there were few places by the river , but had beene inhabited , by reason whereof , much ground was cleare , saue of weedes which grewe higher then our heads . there is much good timber both oake , wallnut-tree , firre , beech , and exceeding great chessnut-trees . the country in respect of the lying of it , is both champani● and hilly , like many places in england . in some places it s very rockie both aboue ground and in it : and though the countrey bee wilde and over-growne with woods , yet the trees stand not thicke , but a man may well ride a horse amongst them . passing on at length , one of the company an indian espied a man , and ●old the rest of it , we asked them if they fea●ed any , they told vs that if they were narrohigganset , men they would not trust them , whereat , we called for our peeces and bid them not to feare ; for though they were twenty , we two alone would not care for them : but they hayling him , hee prooved a friend , and had onely two women with him : their baskets were empty , but they fetched water in their bottels , so that we dranke with them and departed . after we met another man with other two women , which had beene at rand●vow by the salt water , and their baskets were full of rosted crab fishes , and other dryed shell fish , of which they gaue vs , and wee eate and dranke with them : and gaue each of the women a string of beades , and departed . after wee came to a towne of massasoyts , where we eat oysters and other fish . from thence we went to packanokick , but massasoyt was not at home , there we stayed he being sen● for : when newes was brought of his comming , our guide tisquantum requested that at our meeting , wee would discharge our peeces , but one of vs going about to charge his peece , the women and children through feare to see him take vpp his peece , ran away , and could not bee p●cified , till hee layd it downe againe , who afterward were better informed by our interpreter . massasoyt being come , wee discharged our peeces , and saluted him , who after their manner kindly well commed vs , and tooke vs into his house , and set vs downe by him , where having delivered our foresayd message , and presents , and having put the coat on his backe , and the chayne about his necke , he was not a little proud to behold himselfe , and his men also to see their king so brauely attyred . for answere to our message , he told vs we were well-come , and he would gladly continue that peace and friendship which was betweene him & vs : and for his men they should no more pester vs as they had done : also , that he would send to paomet , and would helpe vs with corne for seed , according to our request . this being done his men gathered neere to him , to whom he turned himselfe , and made a great speech ; they sometime interposing , and as it were , confirming and applauding him in that he sayd . the meaning whereof was ( as farre as we could learne ) thus ; was not he massasoyt commander of the countrey about them ? was not such a towne his and the people of it ? and should they not bring their skins vnto vs ? to which they answered , they were his & would be at peace with vs , and bring their skins to vs. after this manner , he named at least thirtie places , and their answere was as aforesayd to every one : so that as it was delightfull , it was tedious vnto vs. this being ended , he lighted tobacco for vs , and fell to discoursing of england , & of the kings maiestie , marvayling that he would liue without a wife . also he talked of the french-men , bidding vs not to suffer them to come to narrohiganset , for it was king iames his countrey , and he also was king iames his man. late it grew , but victualls he offered none ; for indeed he had not any , being he came so newly home . so we desired to goe to rest : he layd vs on the bed with himselfe and his wife , they at the one end and we at the other , it being onely plancks layd a foot from the ground , and a thin mat vpon them . two more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and vpon vs ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging then of our iourney . the next day being thursday , many of their sachims , or petty governours came to see vs , and many of their men also . there they went to their manner of games for skins and kniues . there we challenged them to shoote with them for skins : but they durst not : onely they desired to see one of vs shoote at a marke , who shooting with haile-shot , they wondred to see the marke so full of holes . about one a clocke , massasoyt brought two fishes that he had shot , they were like b●●ame but three times so bigge , and better meate . these being boyled there were at lest fortie looked for share in them , the most eate of them : this meale onely we had in two nights and a day , and had not one of vs bought a partridge , we had taken our iourney fasting : very importunate he was to haue vs stay with them longer : but wee desired to keepe the sabboth at home : and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleepe , for what with had lodging , the savages barbarous singing , ( for they vse to sing themselues asleepe ) lice and ●leas within doores , and muskeetoes without , wee could hardly sleepe all the time of our being there ; we much fearing , that if wee should stay any longer , we should not be able to recover home for want of strength . so that on the fryday morning before sun-rising , we tooke ou● leaue and departed , massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed , that he could no better entertaine vs : and retaining tisquantum to send from place to place to procure t●ucke for vs : and appointing another , called tokamahamon in his place , whom we had found faithfull before and after vpon all occasions . at this towne of massasoyts , where we before eate , wee were againe refreshed with a little fish ; and bought about a handfull of meale of their parched corne , which was very precious at that time of the yeere , and a small string of dryed shell-fish , as big as oysters . the latter we gaue to the sixe savages that accompanied vs , keeping the meale for our selues , when we dranke we eate each a spoonefull of it with a pipe of tobacco , in stead of other victuals ; and of this also we could not but giue them so long as it lasted . fiue myles they led vs to a house out of the way in hope of victualls : but we found no body there , and so were but worse able to returne home . that night we reached to the wire where we lay before , but the namascheusks were returned : so that we had no hope of any thing there . one of the savages had shot a shad in the water , and a small squirrill as big as a rat , called a neuxis , the one halfe of either he gaue vs , and after went to the wire to fish . from hence we wrote to plimouth , and sent tokamahamon before to namasket , willing him from thence to send another , that he might meet vs with food at namasket . two men now onely remained with vs , and it pleased god to giue them good store of fish , so that we were well refreshed . after supper we went to rest , and they to fishing againe : more they gat and fell to eating a fresh , and retayned sufficient readie rost for all our break-fasts . about two a clocke in the morning , arose a great storme of wind , raine , lightning , and thunder , in such violent manner , that we could not keepe in our fire ; and had the savages not rosted fish when we were asleepe , we had set forward fasting : for the raine still continued with great violence , even the whole day thorow , till wee came within two myles of home . being wett and weary , at length we came to namaschet , there we refreshed our selues , giuing gifts to all such as had shewed vs any kindnesse . amongst others one of the sixe that came with vs from packanokik having before this on the way vnkindly forsaken vs , marvayled we gaue him nothing , and told vs what he had done for vs ; we also told him of some discurtesies he offered vs , whereby he deserved nothing , yet we gaue him a small trifle : wherevpon he offered vs tobacco : but the house being full of people , we told them hee stole some by the way , and if it were of that we would not take it : for we would not receiue that which was stolne vpon any termes ; if we did , our god would be angry with vs , and destroy vs. this abashed him , and gaue the rest great content : but at our departure he would needs carry him on his backe thorow a river , whom he had formerly in some sort abused . faine they would haue had vs to lodge there all night : and wondered we would set forth againe in such weather : but god be praysed , wee came safe home that night , though wett , weary , and surbated . a voyage made by ten of our men to the kingdome of navset , to seeke a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods ; with such accidents as befell vs in that voyage . the th of iune we set forth , the weather being very faire : but ere we had bin long at sea , there arose a storme of wind and raine , with much lightning and thunder , in so much that a spout arose not far from vs : but god be praysed , it dured not long , and we put in that night for harbour at a place , called cummaquid , where wee had some hope to finde the boy . two savages were in the boat with vs , the one was tisquantum our interpreter , the other tokamahamon , a speciall friend . it being night before we came in , we anchored in the middest of the bay , where we were drie at a low water . in the morning we espied savages seeking lobsters , and sent our two interpreters to speake with them , the channell being betweene them ; where they told them what we were , and for what we were come , willing them not at all to feare vs , for we would not hurt them . their answere was , that the boy was well , but he was at nauset ; yet since wee were there they desired vs to come ashore & eate with them : which as soone as our boat floated we did : and went sixe ashore , having foure pledges for them in the boate. they brought vs to their sachim or gouernour , whom they call iyanough , a man not exceeding twentie-six yeeres of age , but very personable , gentle , courteous , and fayre conditioned , indeed not like a savage , saue for his attyre ; his entertainement was answerable to his parts , and his cheare plentifull and various . one thing was very grieuous vnto vs at this place ; there was an old woman , whom we iudged to be no lesse then an hundred yeeres old , which came to see vs because shee neuer saw english , yet could not behold vs without breaking forth into great passion , weeping and crying excessiuely . we demaunding the reason of it , they told vs , she had three sons , who when master hunt was in these parts went aboord his ship to trade with him , and he carried them captiues into spaine ( for tisquantum at that time was carried away also ) by which meanes shee was depriued of the comfort of her children in her old age . we told them we were sorry that any english man should giue them that offence , that hunt was a bad man , and that all the english that heard of it condemned him for the same : but for vs we would not offer them any such iniury , though it would gaine vs all the skins in the countrey . so we gaue her some small trifles , which somewhat appeased her . after dinner we tooke boat for nauset , iyanough and two of his men accompanying vs. ere we came to nauset , the day and tyde were almost spent , in so much as we could not goe in with our shallop : but the sachim or governour of comm●quid went a shore and his men with him , we also sent tisquantum to tell aspinet the sachim of nauset wherefore we came . the sauages here came very thicke amongst vs , and were earnest with vs to bring in our boate. but we neither well could , nor yet desired to doe it , because we had lest cause to trust them , being they onely had formerly made an assault vpon vs in the same place , in time of our winter discouery for habitation . and indeed it was no maruayle they did so , for howsoeuer through snow or otherwise wee saw no houses , yet wee were in the middest of them . when our boat was a ground they came very thicke , but wee stood therein vpon our guard , not suffering any to enter except two : the one being of maramoick and one of those , whose corne we had formerly found , we promised him restitution , & desired him either to come to patuxet for satisfaction , or else we would bring them so much corne againe , hee promised to come , wee vsed him very kindely for the present . some few skins we gate there but not many . after sun-set , aspinet came with a great traine , & brought the boy with him , one bearing him through the water : hee had not lesse then an hundred with him , the halfe whereof came to the shallop side vnarmed with him , the other stood aloofe with their bow and arrowes . there he delivered vs the boy , behung with beades , and made peace with vs , wee bestowing a knife on him , and likewise on another that first entertained the boy and brought him thither . so they departed from vs. here we vnderstood , that the narrohigansets had spoyled some of massasoyts men , and taken him . this strucke some feare in vs , because the colony was so weakely guarded , the strength thereof being abroad : but we set foorth with resolution to make the best hast home wee could ; yet the winde being contrary , having scarce any fresh water least , and at least . leagues home , we put in againe for the shore . there we met againe with iyanough the sachim of cūmaquid , and the most of his towne , both men women & children with him . hee being still willing to gratifie vs , tooke a runlet and led our men in the darke a great way for water , but could finde none good : yet brought such as there was on his necke with them . in the meane time the women ioyned hand in hand , singing and dancing before the shallop , the men also shewing all the kindnes they could , iyanough himselfe taking a bracelet from about his necke , and hanging it vpon one of vs. againe we set out but to small purpose : for wee gat but little homeward ; our water also was very brackish , and not to be drunke . the next morning , iyanough espied vs againe and ran after vs ; we being resolved to goe to cummaquid againe to water , tooke him into the shallop , whose entertainement was not inferiour vnto the former . the soyle at nauset and here is alike , even and sandy , not so good for corne as where wee are ; shipps may safely ride in eyther harbour . in the summer , they abound with fish . being now watered , we put forth againe , and by gods providence , came safely home that night . a iovrney to the kingdome of namaschet in defence of the great king massasoyt against the narrohiggansets , and to revenge the supposed death of our interpreter tisquantum . at our returne from nauset , we found it true , that massasoyt was put from his countrey by the narrohiggansets . word also was brought vnto vs , that one coubatant a petty sachim or governour vnder massasoyt ( whom they euer feared to be too conversant wi●h the narrohiggansets ) was at namaschet , who sought to draw the hearts of massasoyts subiects from him , speaking also disdainfully of vs , storming at the peace betweene nauset , cummaquid , and vs , and at tisqua●tum the worker of it ; also at tokamahamon , and one hobbamock ( two indians or lemes , one of which he would trecherously haue murdered a little before , being a speciall and trusty man of massasoyts ) tokamahamon went to him , but the other two would not ; yet put their liues in their hands , priuately went to see if they could heare of their king , and lodging at namaschet were discouered to coubatant , who set a guard to beset the house and tooke ti●quantum ( for he had sayd , if he were dead , the english had lost their tongue ) hobbamock seeing that tisquantum was taken , and coubatant held a knife at his breast , being a strong and stout man , brake from them and came to new-plimmouth , full of feare and sorrow for tisquantum , whom he thought to be slaine . vpon this newes the company assembled together , and resolued on the morrow to send ten men armed to namaschet and hobbamock , for their guide , to reuenge the supposed death of tisquantum on coubatant our bitter enemy , and to retaine n●pcof , another sachim or gouernour , who was of this confederacy , till we heard , what was become of our friend massasoyt . on the morrow we set out ten men armed , who tooke their iourney as aforesayd , but the day proved very wett . when wee supposed we were within three or foure myles of namaschet , we went out of the way and stayed there till night , because we would not be discouered . there we consulted what to doe , and thinking best to beset the house at mid-night , each was appointed his taske by the captaine , all men incouraging one another , to the vtmost of their power . by night our guide lost his way , which much discouraged our men , being we were wet , and weary of our armes : but one of our men hauing beene before at namasch●t brought vs into the way againe . before we came to the towne we sat downe and ate such as our knapsacke affoorded , that being done , wee threw them aside , and all such things as might hinder vs , and so went on and beset the house , according to our last resolution . those that entred , demaunded if coubatant were not there : but feare had bereft the savages of speech . we charged them not to stirre , for if coubatant were not there , we would not meddle with them , if he were , we came principally for him , to be auenged on him for the supposed death of tisquantum , and other matters : but howsoeuer wee would not at all hurt their women , or children . notwithstanding some of them pressed out at a priuate doore and escaped , but with some wounds : at length perceiuing our principall ends , they told vs coubatant was returned with all his traine , and that tisquantum was yet liuing , and in the towne offering some tobacco ▪ other such as they had to eate . in this hurley burley we discharged two peeces at randome , which much terrified all the inhabitants , except tisquantum and tokamahamon , who though they knew not our end in comming , yet assured them of our honesty , that we would not hurt them . those boyes that were in the house seeing our care of women , often cryed neensqua●s , that is to say , i am a woman : the women also hanging vpon hobbamock , calling him towam , that is , friend . but to be short , we kept them we had , and made them make a fire that we might see to search the house . in the meane time , hobbamock gat on the top of the house , and called tisquantum and tokamahamon , which came vnto vs accompanied with others , some armed and others naked . those that had bowes and arrowes we tooke them away , promising them againe when it was day . the house we tooke for our better safegar 〈◊〉 released those we had taken , manifesting whom we came for and wherefore . on the next morning we marched into the middest of the towne , and went to the house of tisquantum to breakfast . thither came all whose hearts were vpright towardes vs , but all coubatants faction were fled away . there in the middest of them we manifested againe our intendment , assuring them , that although coubatant had now escaped vs , yet there was no place should secure him and his from vs if he continued his threatning vs , and prouoking others against vs , who had kindly entertained him , and neuer intended euill towards him till he now so iustly deserued it . moreover , if massasoyt did not returne in safetie from narrohigganset , or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him , or offer violence to tisquantum , hobbamock , or any of massasoyts subiects , we would revenge it vpon him , to the ouer-throw of him and his . as for those were wounded , we were sorry for it , though themselues procured it in not staying in the house at our command : yet if they would returne home with vs , our surgeon should heale them . at this offer , one man and a woman that were wounded went home with vs , tisquantum and many other knowne friends accompanying vs , and offering all helpe that might be by carriage of any thing wee had to ease vs. so that by gods good providence wee safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth . a relation of ovr voyage to the massachvsets , and what happened there . it seemed good to the company in generall , that though the massachusets had often threatned vs ( as we were informed ) yet we should goe amongst them , partly to see the countrey , partly to make peace with them , and partly to procure their trucke . for these ends the governours chose ten men , fit for the purpose , and sent tisquantum , and two other salvages to bring vs to speech with the people , and interpret for vs. we set out about mid-night , the tyde then seruing for vs ; we supposing it to be neerer then it is , thought to be there the next morning betimes : but it proued well neere twentie leagues from new plimmouth . we came into the bottome of the bay , but being late wee anchored and lay in the shallop , not hauing seene any of the people . the next morning we put in for the shore . there we found many lobsters that had beene gathered together by the saluages , which we made ready vnder a cliffe . the captaine set two sentinels behind the cliffe to the landward to secure the shallop , and taking a guide with him , and foure of our company , went to seeke the inhabitants , where they met a woman comming for her lobsters , they told her of them , and contented her for them . she told them where the people were ; tisquantum went to them , the rest returned , hauing direction which way to bring the shallop to them . the sachim , or gouernour of this place , is called obbatinewat , and though he liue in the bottome of the massachuset bay , yet he is vnder massasoyt . he vsed vs very kindly , he told vs , he durst not then remaine in any setled place , for feare of the terentines . also the squa sachim , or massachusets queene was an enemy to him . we told him of diuers sachims that had acknowledged themselues to be king iames his men , and if he also would submit himselfe , we would be his safegard from his enemies ; which he did , and went along with vs to bring vs to the squa sachim . againe we crossed the bay which is very large , and hath at lest fiftie ilands in it : but the certaine number is not knowne to the inhabitants . night it was before wee came to that side of the bay where this people were . on shore the saluages went but found no body . that night also we ●id at anchor aboord the shallop . on the morrow we went ashore , all but two men and marched in armes vp in the countrey . hauing gone three myles , we came to a place where corne had beene newly gathered , a house pulled downe , and the people gone . a myle from hence , nanepashemet their king in his life time had liued . his house was not like others , but a scaffold was largely built , with pools and plancks some six foote from ground , and the house vpon that , being situated on the top of a hill . not farre from hence in a bottome , wee came to a fort built by their deceased king , the manner thus ; there were pools some thirtie or fortie foote long , stucke in the ground as thicke as they could be set one by another , and with these they inclosed a ring some forty or fifty foote ouer . a trench breast high was digged on each side ; one way there was to goe into it with a bridge ; in the midst of this palli●ado stood the frame of an house , wherein being dead he lay buryed . about a myle from hence , we came to such another , but seated on the top of an hill : here nanepashemet was killed , none dwelling in it since the time of his death . at this place we stayed , and sent two saluages to looke the inhabitants , and to informe them of our ends in comming , that they might not be fearefull of vs : within a myle of this place they found the women of the place together , with their corne on heapes , whither we supposed them to be sted for feare of vs , and the more , because in diuers places they had newly pulled downe their houses , and for hast in one place had left some of their corne couered with a mat , and no body with it . with much feare they entertained vs at first , but seeing our gentle carriage towards them , they tooke heart and entertained vs in the best manner they could , boyling cod and such other things as they had for vs. at length with much sending for came one of their men , shaking and trembling for feare . but when he saw we intended them no hurt , but came to trucke , he promised vs his skins also . of him we enquired for their queene , but it seemed shee was far from thence , at lest we could not see her . here tisquantum would haue had vs rifled the saluage women , and taken their skins , and all such things as might be seruiceable for vs , for ( sayd he ) they are a bad people , and haue oft threatned you : but our answere was ; were they neuer so bad , we would not wrong them , or giue them any just occasion against vs : for their words we little weighed them , but if they once attempted any thing against vs , then we would deale far worse then he desired . hauing well spent the day , we returned to the shallop , almost all the women accompanying vs , to trucke , who sold their coats from their backes , and tyed boughes about them , but with great shamefastnesse ( for indeed they are more modest then some of our english women are ) we promised them to come againe to them , and they vs , to keepe their skins . within this bay , the salvages say , there are two riuers ; the one whereof we saw , hauing a faire entrance , but we had no time to discouer it . better harbours for shipping cannot be then here are . at the entrance of the bay are many rockes ; and in all likelihood very good fishing ground . many , yea , most of the ilands haue beene inhabited , some being cleered from end to end , but the people are all dead , or remoued . our victuall growing scarce , the winde comming fayre , and hauing a light moone , we set out at euening , and through the goodnesse of god , came safely home before noone the day following . a letter sent from new england to a friend in these parts , setting forth a briefe and true declaration of the worth of that plantation ; as also certaine vsefull directions for such as intend a voyage into those parts . louing , and old friend , although i receiued no letter from you by this ship , yet forasmuch as i know you expect the performance of my promise , which was , to write vnto you truely and faithfully of all things . i haue therefore at this time sent vnto you accordingly . referring you for further satisfaction to our more large relations you shall vnderstand , that in this little time , that a few of vs haue beene here , we haue built seauen dwelling houses , and foure for the vse of the plantation , and haue made preparation for divers others . we set the last spring some twentie acres of indian corne , and sowed some six acres of barly & pease , and according to the manner of the indians , we manured our ground with herings or rather shadds , which we haue in great abundance , and take with great ease at our doores . our corne did proue well , & god be praysed , we had a good increase of indian corne , and our barly indifferent good , but our pease not worth the gathering , for we feared they were too late sowne , they came vp very well , and blossomed , but the sunne parched them in the blossome ▪ one harvest being gotten in , our governour sent foure men on fowlle● , that so we might after a more speciall manner reioyce together , after we had gathered the fruit of our labours● they 〈◊〉 in one day killed as much fowle , as with a 〈◊〉 beside , serued the company almost a weeke , at which time amongst 〈…〉 recreations , we exercised our armes , many of the indians coming amongst vs , and amongst the rest their greatest king massassoyt , with some nintie men , whom for three dayes we entertained and feasted and they went out and killed fiue deere , which they brought to the plantation and bestowed on our governour , and vpon the captaine , and others . and although it be not alwayes so plentifull , as it was at this time with vs , yet by the goodnesse of god , we are so farre from want , that we often wish you partakers of our plentie . wee haue found the indians very faithfull in their covenant of peace with vs ; very louing and readie to pleasure vs : we often goe to them , and they come to vs● some of vs haue bin fi●tie myles by land in the country with whom , the occasions and relations whereof you shall vndestand by our generall and morefull declaration of such things 〈◊〉 are worth the noting , yea , it hath pleased god so to possesse the indians with a feare of vs , and loue vnto vs , that not onely the greatest king amongst them called massasoyt , but also all the princes and people● round about 〈◊〉 , haue either made su●e vnto vs , or beene glad of any occasion to make peace with vs , so that seauen of them at once h●ue sent their messengers to vs to that end , yea , an fl●nt sea , which we neuer saw hath also together with the for●er yeelded willingly to be vnder the protection , and subiects to 〈◊〉 souereigne lord king iames , so that there is now greatly 〈◊〉 amongst the indians themselues , which was not formerly neither would haue bin but for vs ▪ and we for our parts walks as peaceably and safely in the wood , as in the hie wayes in england , we entertaine them familiarly in our houses , and they as friendly bestowing their venison on 〈◊〉 . they are a people without any religion , or knowledge of any god , yet very trustie , quicke of apprehe●sion , 〈◊〉 witted , iust the men and women goe naked , onely 〈◊〉 about their middles ; for the traiper of the ayre , 〈◊〉 it agreeth well with that in england , and if there be any different● at all , this is somewhat hotter in summer , home 〈◊〉 he deed bledolderin . winter , but i cannot out of experience so say , the ayre is very cleere and not foggie , as hath beene reported . i neuer in my life remember a more seasonable yeare , then we haue here enioyned : and if we haue once but kine , horses , and sheepe , i make no question , but men might liue as contended here : as in any part of the world . for fish and fowle , we haue great abundance , fresh codd in the summer is but course meat with vs , our bay is full of lobsters all the summer , and affordeth varietie of other fish ; in september we can take a hogshead of ●e●es in a night , with small labour , & can dig them out of their beds , all the winter we haue mussells and othus at our doores : oysters we haue ●● noneere , but we can haue them brought by the indians when we will ; all the spring time the earth sendeth forth naturally very good sallet herbs : here are grapes , white and red , and very sweete and strong also . strawberies , goofeberies , raspa● , &c. plums of three sorts , with blacke and red , being almost as good as a damsen : abundance of roses , white ; red , and damask : single , but very sweet indeed ; the countrey wanteth onely industrious men to imploy , for it would grieue your hearts ( if as i ) you had seene so many myles together by goodly riuers vnihabited , and withall to consider those parts of the world wherein you liue ▪ to be even greatly burthened with abundance of people . these things i thought good to let you vnderstand , being the truth of things as new as i could experimentally take knowledge of , and that you might on our behalfe giue god thankes who hath delt so fauourably with vs. our supply of men from you came the ninth of november . putting in at cape ●od , some eight or ten leagues from vs , the indians that dwell there about were they who were owners of the corne which we found in caues , for which we haue giuen them full content , and are in great league with them , they 〈◊〉 vs 〈…〉 was a ship nere vnto them , but though● it to be 〈…〉 indeede for our selues , we expected not a friend so soone . but when we perceived that she made for our bay , the gouernor commanded a great 〈◊〉 to beshoo●● , 〈◊〉 all 〈…〉 were abroad at worke ; whereupon 〈…〉 that could handle● gun were readie , with full resolution that if she were an enemy , we would stand 〈◊〉 iust defence , not fearing them , but god provided better for vs then we supposed ; these came all in health vnto vs , 〈◊〉 being sicke by the way ( otherwise then by sea sicknesse ) and so continue at this time , by the blessing of god , the good wife ●ord was deliuered of a sonne the first night shee landed and both of them are very well . when it pleaseth god , we are setled and sitted for the fishing busines , and other trading , i doubt not but by the blessing of god , the gayne will giue content to all ; in the meane time , that we haue gotten we haue sent by this ship , and though it be not much , yet it will witnesse for vs , that we haue not beene idle , considering the smallnesse of our 〈◊〉 all this summer . we hope the marchants will accept of it , and be incouraged to furnish vs with things needfull for further imployment , which will also incourage vs to put forth our selues to the vttermost . now because ●● expect your comming vnto vs with other of our friends , whose companie we much desire , i thought good to aduertise you of a few things needfull ; be carefull to haue a very good bread-roome to put your biskets in , let your cask for beere and water be iron-bound for the first tyre if not more ; let not your meat be drie salted , none can better doe it then the saylers ; let your meale be so hard trodd in your cask that you shall need an ads or hatchet to worke it out with : trust not too much on vs for corne at this time , for by reason of this last company that came , depending wholy vpon vs , we shall haue little enough till haruest ; be carefull to come by some of your meale to spend by the way , it will much refresh you , build your cabbins as open as you can , and bring good store of clothes , and beding with you , bring euery man a musker or fowling pe●ce , let your pe●ce be long in the barrell , and feare not the waight of it , for most of our shooting is from stands ; bring iuyce of lemons , and take it fasting , it is of good vse ; for hot waters , anni●seed water is the best , but vse it sparingly : if you bring a●y thing for comfort in the country , butter or sallet oyle or both is very good ; our indian corne even the coursest , maketh as pleasant meat as rice , therefore spare that vnlesse to spend by the way ; bring paper , and linced oyle for your windowes , with cotton yarne for your lamps ; let your shott be most for bigge fowles , and bring store of powder and shot : i forbeare further to write for the present , hoping to see you by the next returne , so i take my leane , comm●nding you to the lord for a safe conduct vnto vs. resting in him plimmouth in new england this . of december . . your louing friend e. w. reason & considerations touching the lawfulnesse of remouing out of england into the parts of america . forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made against the going into , and inhabiting of forraine desert places , to the hinderance of plantations abroad , and the increase of distractions at home : it is not amisse that some which haue beene care witnesses of the exceptions made , and are either agents or abettors of such remouals and plantations , doe seeke to giue content to the world , in all things that possibly they can . and although the most of the opposites are such as either dreame of raising their fortunes here , to that then which there is nothing more vnlike , or such as affecting their home-borne countrey so vehemently , as that they had rather with all their friends begge , yea starue in it , the vndergoe a little difficultie in seeking abroad , yet are there some who out of doubt in tendernesse of conscience , and feare to offend god by running before they be called , are straitned and doe straiten others , from going to forraine plantations . for whose cause especially , i haue been drawne out of my good affection to them , to publish some reasons that might giue them content and satisfaction , and also stay and stop the wilfull and wittie cauiller : and herein i trust i shall not be blamed of any godly wise , though thorow my slender iudgement i should misse the marke , and not strike the naile on the head , considering it i● the first attempt that hath beene made ( that i know of ) to defend those enterprises . reason would therefore , that if any man of deeper reach and better iudgement see further or otherwise , that he rather instruct me , then deride me . and being studious or breuitie , we must first consider , that whereas god of old did call and summon our fathers by predictions , dreames , visions , and certaine illuminations to goe from their countries , places and habitations , to reside and dwell here or there , and to wander vp and downe from citie to citie , and land to land , according to his will and pleasure . now there is no such calling to be expected for any matter whatsoeuer , neither must any so much as imagine that there will now be any such thing . god did once so traine vp his people , but now he doth not , but speakes in another manner , and so we must apply our selves to gods present dealing , and not to his wonted dealing : and as the miracle of giuing man●●s ceased , when the fruit● of the land became plentie , so god hauing such a plentifull storehouse of directions in his holy word , there must not now any extraordinarie reuelations be expected . but now the ordinarie examples and precepts of the scriptures reasonably and rightly vnderstood and applied , must be the voice and word , that must call vs , presse vs , and direct vs in euery action . neither is there any land or possession now , like vnto the possession which the iewes had in caanan , being legally holy and appropriated vnto a holy people the seed of abraham , in which they dwelt securely , and had their daies prolonged , it being by an immediate voice said , that he ( the lord ) gaue it them a● a land of rest after their wearie trauels , and a type of eternall rest in heauen , but now there is no land of that sanctimanie , no land so appropriated ; none typicall : much lesse any that can be said to be giuen of god to any nation a● was caanan , which they and their seed must dwell in , till god sendeth vpon them sword or captiuitie : but now we are all in all places strangers and pilgrims , trauellers and soiourners , most properly , hauing no dwelling but in this earthen tab●rnacle ; our dwelling is but a wandring , and our abiding but as a fleeting , and in a word our home is nowhere , but in the heauens : in that house not made with hand● , whose maker and builder is god , and to which all ascend that 〈◊〉 the comming of our lord iesus . though then , there may be reasons to perswade a man to liue in this or that land , yet there cannot be the same reasons which the iewes had , but now as naturall , ciuill and religious bands tie men , so they must be bound , and as good reason● for things terrene and heauenly appeare , so they must be led . and so here falleth in our question , how a man that is here borne and bred , and hath liued some yeares , may remoue himselfe into another countrie . i answer , a man must not respect only to liue , and doe good to himselfe , but he should see where he can liue to doe most good to others : for as one saith , he whose liuing is but for himselfe , it is time he were dead . some men there are who of necessitie must here liue , as being tied to duties either to church , common-wealth , houshold , kindred , &c. but others , and that many , who doe no good in none of those nor can doe none , as being not able , or not in fauour , or as wanting opportunitie , and liue as outcasts : no bodies , eie-sores , eating but for themselues , teaching but themselues , and doing good to none , either in soule or body , and so passe ouer daies , yeares , and moneths , yea so liue and so die . now such should life vp their eies and see whether there be not some other place and countrie to which they may goe to doe good and haue vse towards others of that knowledge , wisdome , humanitie , reason , strength , skill , facultie , &c. which god hath giuen them for the seruice of others and his owne glory . but not to passe the bounds of modestie so far as to name any , though i co●fesse i know many , who sit here still with their talent in a napkin , hauing notable endowments both of body and minde , and might doe great good if they were in some places , which here doe none , nor can doe none , and yet through fleshly feare , nicenesse , straitnesse of heart , &c. sit still and looke on , and will not hazard a dram of health , nor a day of pleasure , nor an houre of rest to further the knowledge and saluation of the sons of adam in that new world , where a drop of the knowledge of christ is most precious , which is here not set by . now what shall we say to such a profession of christ , to which is ioyned no more deniall of a mans selfe ? but some will say , what right haue i to goe liue in the heathens countrie ? letting passe the ancient discouerie● , contracts and agreements which our english men haue long since made in those parts , together with the acknowledgement of the histories and chronicles of other nations , who professe the land of america from the cape de florida vnto the bay of canad● ( which is south and north . leagues and vpwards ; and east and west , further then yet hath beene discouered ) is proper to the king of england , yet letting that passe , lest i he thought to meddle further then it concerns me , or further then i haue discerning : i will mention such things as are within my reach , knowledge , sight and practice , since i haue trauailed in these affaires . and first seeing we daily pray for the conuersion of the heathens , we must consider whether there be not some ordinary meanes , and course for vs to take to conuert them , or whether praier for them be only referred to gods extraordinarie worke from heauen . now it seemeth vnto me that we ought also to endeuour and vse the meanes to conuert them , and the meanes cannot be vsed vnlesse we goe to them or they come to vs : to vs they cannot come , our land is full : to them we may goe , their land is emptie . this then is a sufficient reason to proue our going thither to liue , lawfull their land is spatious and void & there are few and doe but run ouer the grasse , as doe also the foxes and wilde beasts : they are not industrious , neither haue are , science , skill or facultie to vse either the land or the commodities of it , but all spoiles , rots , and is marred for want of manuring , gathering , ordering , &c. as the ancient patriarkes therefore remoued from straiter places into more roomthy , where the land lay idle and waste , and none vsed it , though there dwelt inhabitants by them , as gen. . . . . and . . and . . so is it lawfull now to take a land which none vseth , and make vse of it . and as it is a common land or vnused , & vndressed countrey ; so we haue it by common consent , composition and agreement , which agreement is double : first the imperial gouernor 〈◊〉 , whose circuits in likelihood are larger then england and scotland , hath acknowledged the kings maiestie of england to be his master and commander , and that once in 〈…〉 and in writing , vnder his hand to captaine standish , both he and many other kings which are vnder him , as pamet , nauset , cammaquid , narrowhiggonset , namaschet , &c. with diuers others that dwell about the baies of patuxet , and massachuset : neither hath this beene accomplished by threats and blowes , or shaking of sword , and sound of trumpet , for as our facultie that way is small , and our strength lesse : so our warring with them is after another manner , namely by friendly vsage , loue , peace , honest and iust cariages , good counsell , &c. that so we and they may not only liue in peace in that land , and they yeeld subiection to an earthly prince , but that as voluntaries they may be perswaded at length to embrace the prince of peace christ iesus , and rest in peace with him for euer . secondly , this composition is also more particular and applicatorie , as touching our selues there inhabiting : the emperour by aioynt consent , hath promised and appointed vs to liue at peace , where we will in all his dominions , taking what place we will , and as much land as we will , and bringing as many people as we will , and that for these two causes . first , because we are the seruants of iames king of england , whose the land ( as he confesseth ) is , . because he hath found vs iust , honest , kinde and peaceable , and so loues our company , yea , and that in these things there is no dissimulation on his part , nor feare of breach ( except our securitie ingender in them some vnthought of trecherie , or our vnciuilitie prouoke them to anger ) is most plaine in other relations , which shew that the things they did were more out of loue then out of feare . it being then first a vast and emptie chaos : secondly acknowledged the right of our soueraigne king : thirdly , by a peaceable composition in part possessed of diuers of his louing subiects , i see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulnesse of inhabiting or dwelling there , but that it may be as lawfull for such as are not tied vpon some speciall occasion here , to line there as well as here , yea , and as the enterprise is weightie and difficult , so the honour is more worthy , to plant a rude wildernesse , to enlarge the honour and fame of our dread soueraigne , but chiefly to displaie the efficacie & power of the gospell both in zealous preaching , professing , and wise walking vnder it , before the faces of these poore blinde infidels . as for such as obiect the tediousnesse of the voyage thither , the danger of pirats robberie , of the sauages trecherie , &c. these are but lyons in the way , and it were well for such men if they were in heauen , for who can shew them a place in this world where iniquitie shall not compasse them at the heeles , and where they shall haue a day without griefe , or a lease of life for a moment ; and who can tell but god , what dangers may lie at our doores , euen in our natiue countrie , or what plots may be abroad , or when god will cause our sunne to goe downe at noone daie● , and in the midst of our peace and securitie , lay vpon vs some lasting s●ourge for our so long neglect and contempt of his most glorious gospell . but we haue here great peace , plentie of the gospell , and many sweet delights and varietie of comforts . true indeed , and farre be it from vs to denie and diminish the least of these mercies , but haue we rendered vnto god thankfull obedience for this long peace , whilst other peoples haue beene at wars ? haue we not rather murmured , repined , and fallen at iars amongst our selues , whilst our peace hath lasted with forraigne power ? was there euer more suits in law , more enuie , contempt and reproch then now adaies ? abraham and lot departed asunder when there fell a breach betwixt them , which was occasioned by the straightnesse of the land : and surely i am perswaded , that howsoeuer the frailties of men are principall in all contentions , yet the straitnes of the place is such , as each man is faine to plucke his meanes as it were out of his neighbours throat , there is such pressing and oppressing in towne and countrie , about farmes , trades , traffique , &c. so as a man can hardly any where set vp a trade but he shall pull downe two of his neighbours . the townes abound with young trades-men , and the hospitals are full of the auncient , the country is replenished with new farmers , and the almes-houses are filled with old labourers , many there are who get their liuing with bearing burdens , but moe are faine to burden the land with their whole bodies : multitudes get their meanes of life by prating , and so doe numbers more by begging . neither come these straits vpon men alwaies through intemperancy , ill husbandry , indiscretion , &c. as some thinke , but euen the most wise , sober , and discreet men , goe often to the wall , when they haue done their best , wherein as gods prouidence swaieth all , so it is easie to see , that the straitnesse of the place hauing in it so many strait hearts , cannot but produce such effects more and more , so as euery indifferent minded man should be ready to say with father abraham , take thou the right hand , and i will take the left : let vs not thus oppresse , straiten , and afflict one another , but seeing there is a spatious land , the way to which is thorow the sea , wee will end this difference in a day . that i speake nothing about the bitter contention that hath beene about religion , by writing , disputing , and inueighing earnestly one against another , the heat of which zeale if it were turned against the rude barbarisme of the heathens , it might doe more good in a day , then it hath done here in many yeares . neither of the little loue to the gospell and profit which is made by the preachers in most places , which might easily driue the zealous to the heathens who no doubt if they had but a drop of that knowledge which here flieth about the streetes , would be filled with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse , as that they would euen plucke the kingdome of heauen by violence , and take it as it were by force . the greatest let that is yet behinde is the sweet fellowship of friends , and the satietie of bodily delights . but can there be two neerer friends almost then abraham and lot , or then paul and barnabas , and yet vpon as little occasions as we haue heere , they departed asunder , two of them being patriarches of the church of old ; the other the apostles of the church which is new , and their couenants were such as it seemeth might binde as much as any couenant betweene men at this day , and yet to auoid greater inconueniences they departed asunder . neither must men take so much thought for the flesh , as not to be pleased except they can pamper 〈◊〉 bodies 〈◊〉 variety of dainties . nature is content with little , and health is much endangered , by mixtures vpon the stomach : the delights of the palate doe often inflame the vitall parts : as the tongue setteth a fire the whole body . secondly , varieties here are not common to all , but many good men are glad to snap as a crust . the rent taker liues on sweet morsels , but the rent payer eats a drie crust often with watery eies : and it is nothing to say what some one of a hundreth hath , but what the bulke , body and cominalty hath , which i warrant you is short enough . and they also which now liue so sweetly , hardly will their children attaine to that priuiledge , but some circumuentor or other will outstrip them , and make them sit in the dust , to which men are brought in one age , but cannot get out of it againe in . generations . to conclude , without all partialitie , the present consumption which groweth vpon vs here , whilst the land groaneth vnder so many close fisted and vnmercifull men , being compared with the easinesse , plainenesse and plentifulnesse in liuing in those remote places , may quickly perswade any man to a liking of this course , and to practise a remoual , which being done by honest , godly and industrious men , they shall there be right hartily welcome , but for other of dissolute and prophane life , their roomes are better then their companies ; for if here where the gospell hath beene so long and plentifully taught , they are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would shame to speake of , what will they be when there is lesse restraint in word and deed ? my onely sute to all men is , that whether they liue there or here , they would learne to vse this world as they vsed it not , keeping faith and a good conscience , both with god and men , that when the day of account shall come , they may come forth as good and fruitfull seruants , and freely be receiued , and enter into the ioy of their master . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e note . our first combat with the indians . the agreements of peace betweene vs and massasoy● ▪ the preamble . 〈◊〉 . gen. . ● , ● & . ● . mat. . . psal. . . eseb. . , . josh. ● . . 〈…〉 . cor. , . . so were the iewes , but yet their temper all blessings and inheritances were more 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 obiect . answ. what persons may hence remoue . why they should remoue . luk. . . reas. ● . obiect . answ. reas. . reas. . reas. . this is to be considered as respecting new england and the 〈…〉 the plantation . psal. . . & . ● . prou. . . psal. . . mat. . . amos . . ob. answ. . chro. . . gen. . . . the last 〈◊〉 . iames . . good nevves from new-england: or a true relation of things very remarkable at the plantation of plimoth in nevv-england shewing the wondrous providence and goodnes of god, in their preservation and continuance, being delivered from many apparant deaths and dangers. together with a relation of such religious and civill lawes and customes, as are in practise amongst the indians, adjoyning to them at this day. as also what commodities are there to be raysed for the maintenance of that and other plantations in the said country. written by e.w. who hath borne a part in the fore-named troubles, and there liued since their first arrivall. wherevnto is added by him a briefe relation of a credible intelligence of the present estate of virginia. winslow, edward, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) good nevves from new-england: or a true relation of things very remarkable at the plantation of plimoth in nevv-england shewing the wondrous providence and goodnes of god, in their preservation and continuance, being delivered from many apparant deaths and dangers. together with a relation of such religious and civill lawes and customes, as are in practise amongst the indians, adjoyning to them at this day. as also what commodities are there to be raysed for the maintenance of that and other plantations in the said country. written by e.w. who hath borne a part in the fore-named troubles, and there liued since their first arrivall. wherevnto is added by him a briefe relation of a credible intelligence of the present estate of virginia. winslow, edward, - . [ ], [i.e. ], [ ] p. printed by i. d[awson and eliot's court press] for william bladen and iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at their shops, at the bible in pauls-church-yard, and at the three golden lyons in corn-hill, neere the royall exchange, london : . e.w. = edward winslow. identification of printers from stc ; "eliot's court press pr[inted]. quires b-e". p. is misnumbered , and bears an advertisement for stc and . a reissue of stc , with title page cancelled by a bifolium with second leaf signed )( and containing "a briefe relation of a credible intelligence of the present estate of virginia". the title page has been reset and now contains the words "wherevnto is added .. virginia.". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng massachusetts -- history -- new plymouth, - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion good newes from new-england : or a true relation of things very remarkable at the plantation of plimoth in nevv-england . shewing the wondrous providence and goodnes of god , in their preservation and continuance , being delivered from many apparant deaths and dangers . together with a relation of such religious and civill lawes and customes , as are in practise amongst the indians , adjoyning to them at this day . as also what commo●ities are there to be ray●ed for the mainten●●ce of that and other plantations in the said country . written by e. w. who hath borne a part in the fore-named troubles , and there liued since their first arrivall . wherevnto is added by him a briefe relation of a credible intelligence of the present estate of virginia . london printed by i. d. for william bladen and iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at their shops , at the bible in pauls-churchyard , and at the three gold●n lyons in corn-hill , neere the royall exchange . . to all wel-willers and fvrtheres of plantations in new england : especially to such as euer haue or desire to assist , the people of plimoth in their iust proc●edings , grace , and peace , bee multiplyed . right honorable and worshipfull gentlemen , or whatsoeuer : since it hath pleased god to stir you vp to be instruments of his glory , in so honorable an enterprise as the inlarging of his maiesties dominions , by planting his loyall subiects in so healthfull and hopefull a countrey as new-england is ; where the church of god being seated in sincerity , there is no lesse hope of convincing the heathen of their euill wayes , and converting them to the true knowledge and worship of the living god , and so consequently the salvation of their soules by the merits of iesus christ , then else-where though it be much talked on , & lightly or lamely prosecuted . i therefore thinke it but my dutie to offer the view of our proceedings to your worthy considerations , hauing to that end composed them together thus briefly as you see ; wherein to your great encouragement , you may behold the good providence of god working with you in our preseruation from so many dangerous plots and treacheries , as haue beene intended against vs ; as also in giuing his blessing so powerfully vpon the weake meanes wee had , inabling vs with health and ability beyond expectation , in our greatest scarcities , and possessing the hearts of the saluages with astonishment and feare of vs , whereas if god had let them loose , they might easily haue swallowed vs vp , scarce being an handfull in comparison of those forces they might haue gathered together against vs , which now by gods blessing will be more hard and difficult , in regard our number of men is increased , our towne better fortified , and our store better victualed . blessed therefore be his name , that hath done so great things for vs , & hath wrought so great a change amongst vs. accept i pray you my weake endevours pardon my vnskilfulnesse , and beare with my plainenesse in the things i haue handled . bee not discouraged by our former necessities , but rather incouraged with vs , hoping that us god hath wrought with vs in our beginning of this worthy worke , vndertaken in his name and feare ; so he will by vs accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort , if wee neglect not the meanes . i confesse , it hath not bin much lesse chargeable to some of you , then hard and difficult to vs , that haue endured the brunt of the battell , and yet small profits returned ; onely by gods mercy wee are safely seated , housed , and fortified , by which meanes a great step is made vnto gaine , and a more direct course taken for the same , then if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen vpon it . indeed , three things are the overthrow and bane ( as i may terme it ) of plantations . . the vaine expectation of present profit , which too too commonly taketh a principall seate in the heart and affection ; though gods glory , &c. is preferred before it in the mouth with protestation . . ambition in their governours and commanders , seeking onely to make themselues great , and slaues of all that are vnder them , to maintaine a transitory base honour in themselues , which god oft punisheth with contempt . . the carelesnes of those that send over supplies of men vnto them , not caring how they bee qualified : so that oft times they are rather the image of men endued with bestiall , yea , diabolicall affections , then the image of god , endued with reason , vnderstanding , and holines . i prayse god i speake not these things experimentally , by way of complaint of our owne condition , but hauing great cause on the contrary part to be thankefull to god for his mercies towardes vs : but rather , if there bee any too desirous of gaine , to intreate them to moderate their affections , and consider that no man expecteth fruit before the tree be growne ; advising all men , that as they tender their owne well fare , so to make choise of such to mannage and governe their affayres , as are approued not to be seekers of themselues , but the common good of all for whom they are imployed ; and beseeching such as haue the care of transporting men for the supply and furnishing of plantations , to be truely carefull in sending such as may further and not hinder so good an action . there is no godly honest man , but will be helpfull in his kinde , and adorne his profession with an vpright life and conversation , which doctrine of manners ought first to bee preached by giuing good example to the poore savage heathens amongst whom they liue . on the contrary part , what great offence hath beene giuen by many profane men , who being but seeming christians , haue made christ and christianitie stinke in the nostrils of the poore infidels , and so laid a stumbling blocke before them : but woe be to them by whom such offences come . these things i offer to your christian considerations , beseeching you to make a good construction of my simple meaning , and take in good part this ensuing relation , dedicating my selfe and it euermore vnto your seruice ; beseeching god to crowne our christian and faithfull endeuours with his blessings temporall and eternall . yours in this seruice , euer to be commanded : e. w. to the reader . good reader , when i first penned this discourse , i intended it chiefly for the satisfaction of my priuate friends , but since that time haue beene perswaded to publish the same : and the rather , because of a disorderly colony that are dispersed , and most of them returned , to the great preiudice and dammage of him that set them forth ; who as they were a staine to old england that bred them , in respect of their liues and manners amongst the indians : so it is to be feared , will bee no lesse to new-england in their vile and clamorous reports , because shee would not foster them in their desired idle courses . i would not bee vnderstood to thinke there were no wel-deseruing persons amongst them : for of mine owne knowledge it was a griefe to some that they were so yoaked ; whose deserts as they were then sutable to their honest protestations , so i desire still may be , in respect of their iust and true relations . peraduenture thou wilt rather maruell that i deale so plainely , then any way doubt of the truth of this my relation , yea it may be tax me therewith , as seeming rather to discourage men , then any way to further so noble an action ? if any honest minde be discouraged , i am sorry , sure i am , i haue giuen no iust cause ; and am so farre from being discouraged my selfe , as i purpose to returne forthwith . and for other light and vaine persons , if they stumble hereat i haue my desire , accounting it better for them and vs that they keepe where they are , as being vnfit and vnable to performe so great a taske . some faults haue escaped because i could not attend on the presse , which i pray thee correct as thou findest , and i shall account it as a fauour vnto me . thine e. w. good newes from new-england . the good ship called the fortune , which in the moneth of nouemb. . ( blessed be god ) brought vs a new supply of . persons , was not long departed our coast , ere the great people of nanohigganset , which are reported to be many thousands strong , began to breath forth many threats against vs , notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace with vs in the fore-going summer . insomuch as the common talke of our neighbour indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come against vs. in reason a man would thinke they should haue now more cause to feare vs than before our supply came : but though none of them were present , yet vnderstanding by others that they neither brought armes nor other prouisions with them , but wholly relied on vs , is occasioned them to sleight and braue vs with so many threa●s as they did . at length came one of them to vs , who was sent by conanacus their chiefe sachim or king , accompanied with one tokamahamon a friendly indian . this messenger inquired for tisquantum our interpreter , who not being at home seemed rather to be glad than sorry , and leauing for him a bundle of new arrowes lapped in a rattle snakes skin , desired to depart with all expedition . but our gouernours not knowing what to make of this strange cariage , and comparing it with that we had formerly heard , committed him to the custodie of captaine standish , hoping now to know some certaintie of that we so often heard , either by his owne relation to vs , or to tisquantum at his returne , desiring my selfe , hauing speciall familiaritie with the other fore-named indian , to see if i could learne any thing from him , whose answer was sparingly to this effect ; that he could not certainly tell , but thought they were enemies to vs. that night captaine standish gaue me and another charge of him , and gaue vs order to vse him kindly , and that hee should not want any thing he desired , and to take all occasions to talke and inquire of the reasons of those reports we heard , and withall to signifie that vpon his true relation he should be sure of his owne freedome . at first feare so possest him , that he could scarce say any thing : but in the end became more familiar , and told vs that the messenger which his master sent in summer to treat of peace , at his returne perswaded him rather to warre ; and to the end he might prouoke him thereunto , ( as appeared to him by our reports ) de●ained many of the things were sent him by our gouernour , scorning the meannesse of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent , & also of the greatnesse of his owne person ; so that he much blamed the former messenger , saying , that vpon the knowledge of this his false cariage , it would cost him his life ; but assured vs that vpon his relation of our speech then with him to his master , he would be friends with vs. of this we informed the gouernour and his assistant , and captaine standish , who after consultation considered him howsoeuer but in the state of a messenger , and it being as well against the law of armes amongst them as vs in europe , to lay violent hands on any such , set him at liberty , the gouernour giuing him order to certifie his master that he had heard of his large and many threatnings , at which hee was much offended , daring him in those respects to the vtmost , if he would not be reconciled to liue peaceably as other his neighbours ; manifesting withall ( as euer ) his desire of peace ; but his fearelesse resolution , if he could not so liue amongst them . after which he caused meat to be offered him , but he refused to eat , making all speed to returne , and giuing many thanks for his liberty . but requesting the other indian againe to returne , the weather being violent , he vsed many words to perswade him to stay longer , but could not . whereupon he left him , and said he was with his friends , and would not take a iourney in such extremitie . after this when tisquantum returned , and the arrowes were deliuered , and the manner of the messengers cariage related , he signified to the gouernour , that to send the rattle snakes skin in that manner , imported enmitie , and that it was no better than a challenge . hereupon after some deliberation , the gouernour stuffed the skin with powder and shot , and sent it backe , returning no lesse defiance to conanacus , assuring him if hee had shipping now present thereby to send his men to nanohigganset ( the place of his abode ) they should not need to come so farre by land to vs : yet withall shewing that they should neuer come vnwelcome or vnlooked for . this message was sent by an indian , and deliuered in such sort , as it was no small terrour to this sauage king , insomuch as hee would not once touch the powder and shot , or suffer it to stay in his house or country . whereupon the messenger refusing it , another tooke it vp , and hauing beene posted from place to place a long time , at length came whole backe againe . in the meane time , knowing our owne weaknesse , notwithstanding our high words and loftie lookes towards them , and still lying open to all casualty , hauing as yet ( vnder god ) no other defence than our armes , wee thought it most needfull to impale our towne , which with all expedition wee accomplished in the moneth of february and some few dayes , taking in the top of the hill vnder which our towne is seated , making foure bulwarkes or ietties without the ordinarie circuit of the pale , from whence wee could defend the whole towne : in three whereof are gates , and the fourth in time to be . this being done , captaine standish diuided our strength into foure squadrons or companies , appointing whom hee thought most fit to haue command of each ; and at a generall muster or trayning , appointed each his place , gaue each his companie , giuing them charge vpon euery alarum to resort to their leaders to their appointed place , and in his absence , to be commanded and directed by them . that done according to his order , each drew his companie to his appointed place for defence , and there together discharged their muskets . after which they brought their new commanders to their houses , where againe they graced them with their shot , and so departed . fearing also lest the enemie at any time should take any aduantage by firing our houses , captaine standish appointed a certaine companie , that whensoeuer they saw or heard fire to be cryed in the towne , should onely betake themselues to their armes , and should inclose the house or place so indangered , and stand aloofe on their guard , with their backs towards the fire , to preuent trechery , if any were in that kinde intended . if the fire were in any of the houses of this guard , they were then freed from it , but not otherwise , without speciall command . long before this time wee promised the people of massachuset in the beginning of march to come vnto them , and trade for their furres , which being then come , we began to make preparation for that voyage . in the meane time , an indian called hobbamock , who still liued in the towne , told vs , that hee feared the massachusets or massachuseucks ( for they so called the people of that place ) were ioyned in confederacy with the nanohigganneucks , or people of nanohigganset , and that they therefore would take this opportunitie to cut off captaine standish and his company abroad : but howsoeuer in the meane time , it was to be feared that the nanohigganeuks would assault the towne at home , giuing many reasons for his iealousie , as also that tisquantum was in the confederacie , who we should finde would vse many perswasions to draw vs from our shallops to the indians houses for their better aduantage . to confirme this his iealousie he told vs of many secret passages that passed betweene him and others , hauing their meetings ordinarily abroad in the woods : bu● if at home howsoeuer he was excluded from their secrecie , saying it was the manner of the indians when they meant plainly to deale openly : but in this his practise there was no shew of honestie . hereupon the gouernour , together with his assistant and captaine standish ; called together such , as by them were thought most meet for aduice in so weightie a businesse , who after consideration hereof came to this resolution ; that as hitherto vpon all occasions betweene them and vs , we had euer manifested vndanted courage and resolution , so it would not now stand with our safetie to mew vp our selues in our new-enclosed towne , partly because our store was almost emptie , and therefore must seeke out for our daily food , without which we could not long subsist ; but especially for that thereby they would see vs dismaied , & be encouraged to prosecute their malicious purposes , with more eagernesse than euer they intended : whereas on the contrary , by the blessing of god , our fearelesse carriage might be a meanes to discourage and weaken their proceedings . and therefore thought best to proceed in our trading voyage , making this vse of that wee heard , to goe the better prouided , and vse the more carefulnesse both at home and abroad , leauing the euent to the disposing of the almightie , whose prouidence as it had hitherto beene ouer vs for good , so we had now no cause ( saue our sinnes ) to dispaire of his mercie in our preseruation and continuance , where wee desired rather to bee instruments of good to the heathens about vs , than to giue them the least measure of iust offence . all things being now in readinesse , the forenamed captaine with ten men , accompanied with tisquantum and hobbamock , set forwards for the massachusets : but wee had no sooner turned the point of the harbour called the gurnets nose ( where being becalmed wee let fall our grapnell , to set things to rights , and prepare to row ) but there came an indian of tisquantums family , running to certaine of our people that were from home with all eagernesse , hauing his face wounded , and the bloud still fresh on the same , calling to them to repaire home , oft looking behinde him , as if some others had him in chase , saying that at namaschet ( a towne some fifteene miles from vs ) there were many of the nanohiggansets , massassowat our supposed friend , and conbatant our feared enemie , with many others , with a resolution to take aduantage on the present opportunitie , to assault the towne in the captaines absence , affirming that he receiued the wound in his face for speaking in our behalfe , and by sleight escaped , looking oft backward , as if he suspected them to be at hand . this he affirmed againe to the gouernour , whereupon he gaue command that three peece of ordnance should bee made ready and discharged , to the end that if we were not out of hearing , we might returne thereat . which we no sooner heard , but wee repaired homeward with all conuenient speed , arming our selues , and making all in readinesse to fight . when wee entred the harbour , we saw the towne likewise on their guard , whither we hasted with all conuenient speed . the newes being made knowne vnto vs , hobbamock said flatly that it was false , alluring vs of massassowats faithfulnesse ; howsoeuer he presumed he would neuer haue vndertaken any such act without his priuitie , himselfe being a pinse , that is , one of his chiefest champions or men of valour , it being the manner amongst them not to vndertake such enterprises without the aduice and furtherance of men of that ranke . to this the gouernour answered , hee should be sorry that any iust and necessarie occasions of warre should arise betweene him and any the sauages , but especially massassowat , not that hee feared him more than the rest , but because his loue more exceeded towards him than any . whereunto hobbamock replyed ; there was no cause wherefore hee should distrust him , and therefore should doe well to continue his affections . but to the end things might be made more manifest , the gouernour caused hobbamock to send his wife with all priuacie to puckanokick the chiefe place of massassowats residence , ( pretending other occasions ) there to informe herselfe , and so vs , of the right state of things . when shee came thither , and saw all things quiet , and that no such matter was or had beene intended , told massassowat what had hapned at plimoth , ( by them called patuxet ) which when hee vnderstood , he was much offended at the cariage of tisquantum , returning many thanks to the gouernour for his good thoughts of him ; and assuring him that according to their first articles of peace , he would send word and giue warning when any such businesse was towards . thus by degrees wee began to discouer tisquantum , whose ends were onely to make himselfe great in the eyes of this country-men , by meanes of his neerenesse and fauour with vs , not caring who fell so hee stood . in the generall , his course was to perswade them hee could lead vs to peace or warre at his pleasure , and would oft threaten the indians , sending them word in a priuate manner , wee were intended shortly to kill them , that thereby hee might get gifts to himselfe to worke their peace , insomuch as they had him in greater esteeme than many of their sachims ; yea they themselues sought to him , who promised them peace in respect of vs ; yea and protection also , so as they would resort to him . so that whereas diuers were wont to relie on m●ssassowat for protection , and resort to his abode , now they began to leaue him , and seeke after tisquantum . now though hee could not make good these his large promises , especially because of the continued peace betweene massassowat and vs , he therefore raised this false alarum , hoping whilest things were hot in the heat of bloud , to prouoke vs to march into his country against him , whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched , and hoping if that blocke were once remoued , there were no other betweene him and honour ; which he loued as his life , and preferred before his peace . for these and the like abuses , the gouernour sharply reproued him , yet was hee so necessarie and profitable an instrument , as at that time wee could not misse him . but when wee vnderstood his dealings , we certified all the indians of our ignorance and innocencie therein , assuring them till they begun with vs , they should haue no cause to feare . and if any hereafter should raise any such reports , they should punish them as liers and seekers of their and our disturbance , which gaue the indians good satisfaction on all sides . after this wee proceeded in our voyage to the massachusets , where wee had good store of trade , and ( blessed be god ) returned in safety , though driuen from before our towne in great danger and extremitie of weather . at our returne , wee found massassowat at the plantation , who made his seeming iust apologie for all former matters of accusation , being much offended and inraged against tisquantum , whom the gouernour pacified as much as hee could for the present . but not long after his departure , hee sent a messenger to the gouernour , intreating him to giue way to the death of tisquantum , who had so much abused him . but the gouernour answered ; although hee had deserued to die both in respect of him and vs ; yet for our sakes hee desired hee would spare him , and the rather because without him hee knew not well how to vnderstand himselfe , or any other the indians . with this answer the messenger returned , but came againe not long after , accompanied with diuers others , demanding him from massassowat their master , as being one of his subiects , whom by our first articles of peace wee could not retaine : yet because hee would not willingly doe it without the gouernours approbation , offered him many beuers skins for his consent thereto , saying , that according to their manner , their sachim had sent his owne knife , and them therewith , to cut off his head and hands , and bring them to him . to which the gouernour answered ; it was not the manner of the english to sell mens liues at a price , but when they had deserued iustly to die , to giue them their reward , and therefore refused their beauers as a gift : but sent for tisquantum , who though hee knew their intent , yet offered not to flie , but came and accused hobbamock as the author and worker of his ouerthrow ; yeelding himselfe to the gouernour to bee sent or not according as hee thought meet . but at the instant , when our gouernour was ready to deliuer him into the hands of his executioners , a boat was seene at sea to crosse before our towne , and fall behinde a head-land not farre off : whereupon , hauing heard many rumors of the french , and not knowing whether there were any combination betweene the sauages and them , the gouernour told the indians , he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliuer him into their custodie . but being mad with rage , and impatient at delay , they departed in great heat . here let mee not omit one notable ( though wicked ) practise of this tisquantum , who to the end he might possesse his countrymen with the greater feare of vs , and so consequently of himselfe , told them wee had the plague buried in our store-house , which at our pleasure wee could send forth to what place or people wee would , and destroy them therewith , though wee stirred not from home . being vpon the fore-named brabbles sent for by the gouernour to this place , where hobbamock was and some other of vs , the ground being broke in the middest of the house , ( whereunder certaine barrels of powder were buried , though vnknowne to him ) hobbamock asked him what it meant ? to whom he readily answered ; that was the place wherein the plague was buried , whereof hee formerly told him and others . after this hobbamock asked one of our people , whether such a thing were , and whether wee had such command of it ? who answered no ; but the god of the english had it in store , and could send it at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies . this was , as i take it , about the end of may . at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent , hauing liued long before with a bare and short allowance : the reason was , that supply of men before mentioned , which came so vnprouided , not landing so much as a barrell of bread or meale for their whole company , but contrariwise receiued from vs for their ships store homeward . neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein , but rather certaine amongst our selues , who were too prodigall in their writing and reporting of that plenty we enioyed . but that i may returne . this boat proued to be a shallop that belonged to a fishing ship , called the sparrow , set forth by master thomas weston , late merchant and citizen of london , which brought six or seuen passengers at his charge , that should before haue beene landed at our plantation , who also brought no more prouision for the present than serued the boats gang for their returne to the ship , which made her voyage at a place called damarins coue neere munhiggen some forty leagues from vs north-east-ward ; about which place there fished aboue thirty saile of ships , and whither my selfe was imployed by our gouernour , with orders to take vp such victuals as the ships could spare , where i found kinde entertainment and good respect , with a willingnesse to supply our wants : but being not able to spare that quantitie i required , by reason of the necessitie of some amongst themselues , whom they supplied before my comming , would not take any bils for the same , but did what they could freely , wishing their store had beene such as they might in greater measure haue expressed their owne loue , and supplied our necessities , for which they sorrowed , prouoking one another to the vtmost of their abilities : which although it were not much amongst so many people as were at the plantation , yet through the prouident and discreet care of the gouernours , recouered and preserued strength till our owne crop on the ground was ready . hauing dispatched there , i returned home with all speed conuenient , where i found the state of the colonie much weaker than when i left it : for till now wee were neuer without some bread , the want whereof much abated the strength and flesh of some , and swelled others . but here it may be said , if the country abound with fish and fowle in such measure as is reported , how could men vndergoe such measure of hardnesse , except through their owne negligence ? i answer ; euery thing must be expected in its proper season . no man , as one saith , will goe into an orchard in the winter to gather cherries : so hee that lookes for fowle there in the summer , will be deceiued in his expectation . the time they continue in plenty with vs , is from the beginning of october to the end of march ▪ but these extremities befell vs in may and iune . i confesse that as the fowle decrease , so fish increase . and indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants . for though our bay and creekes were full of basse , and other fish , yet for want of fit and strong saynes , and other netting , they for the most part brake thorow and carried all away before them . and though the sea were full of cod , yet wee had neither tackling nor h●rseis for our shallops . and indeed had wee not beene in a place where diuers sorts of shell-fish are that may be taken with the hand , wee must haue perished , vnlesse god had raised some vnknowne or extraordinary meanes for our preseruation . in the time of these streits ( indeed before my going to munhiggen ) the indians began againe to cast forth many insulting speeches , glorying in our weaknesse , and giuing out how easie it would be ere long to cut vs off . now also massassowat seemed to frowne on vs , and neither came or sent to vs as formerly . these things occasioned further thoughts of fortification : and whereas wee haue a hill called the mount , inclosed within our pale , vnder which our towne is seated , wee resolued to erect a fort thereon , from whence a few might easily secure the towne from any assault the indians can make , whilest the rest might be imployed as occasion serued . this worke was begun with great eagernesse , and with the approbation of all men , hoping that this being once finished , and a continuall guard there kept , it would vtterly discourage the sauages from hauing any hopes or thoughts of rising against vs. and though it tooke the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corne , yet ( life being continued ) we hoped god would raise some meanes in stead thereof for our further preseruation . in the end of iune , or beginning of iuly , came into our harbour two ships of master westons aforesaid , the one called the charitie , the other the swan , hauing in them some fifty or sixty men sent ouer at his owne charge to plant for him . these we receiued into our towne , affording them whatsoeuer curtesie our meane condition could afford . there the charitie , being the bigger ship , left them , hauing many passengers which shee was to land in virginia . in the meane time , the body of them refreshed themselues at plimoth , whilest some most fit sought out a place for them . that little store of corne wee had , was exceedingly wasted by the vniust and dishonest walking of these strangers , who though they would sometimes seeme to helpe vs in our labour about our corne , yet spared not day and night to steale the same , it being then eatable , and pleasant to taste , though greene and vnprofitable . and though they receiued much kindnesse , set light both by it and vs ; not sparing to require the loue wee shewed them , with secret backbitings , reuilings , &c. the chiefe of them being forestaled and made against vs , before they came , as after appeared : neuerthelesse for their masters sake , who formerly had deserued well from vs , wee continued to doe them whatsoeuer good or furtherance wee could , attributing these things to the want of conscience and discretion , expecting each day , when god in his prouidence would disburden vs of them , sorrowing that their ouer-seers were not of more abilitie and fitnesse for their places , and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and vnconscionable beginnings . at length their coasters returned , hauing found in their iudgement a place fit for plantation , within the bay of the massachusets , at a place called by the indians wichaguscusset . to which place the bodie of them went with all conuenient speed , leauing still with vs such as were sicke and lame , by the gouernours permission , though on their parts vndeserued , whom our surgeon by the helpe of god recouered gratis for them , and they fetched home , as occasion serued . they had not beene long from vs , ere the indians filled our eares with clamours against them , for stealing their corne , and other abuses conceiued by them . at which wee grieued the more , because the same men , in mine owne hearing , had beene earnest in perswading captaine standish , before their comming to solicite our goruernour to send some of his men to plant by them , alledging many reasons how it might be commodious for vs. but we knew no meanes to redresse those abuses , saue reproofe , and aduising them to better walking , as occasion serued . in the end of august came other two ships into our harbour , the one ( as i take it ) was called the discouerie , captaine iones hauing the command thereof , the other was that ship of mr. westons called the sparrow , which had now made her voyage of fish , and was consorted with the other , being both bound for virginia . of captaine iones wee furnished our selues of such prouisions as we most needed , and he could best spare , who as hee vsed vs kindly , so made vs pay largely for the things wee had . and had not the almightie , in his all-ordering prouidence , directed him to vs , it would haue gone worse with vs , than euer it had beene , or after was : for , as wee had now but small store of corne for the yeere following : so for want of supply , wee were worne out of all manner of trucking-stuffe , nor hauing any meanes left to helpe our selues by trade ; but , through gods good mercie towards vs , he had wherewith , and did supply our wants on that kinde competently . in the end of september , or beginning of october , mr. westons biggest ship called the charitie , returned for england , and left their colony sufficiently victualled , as some of most credit amongst them reported . the lesser , called the swan , remained with his colony for their further helpe . at which time they desired to ioyne in partnership with vs to trade for corne ; to which our gouenour and his assistant agreed vpon such equall conditions , as were drawne and confirmed betweene them and vs. the chiefe places aimed at were to the southward of cape cod , and the more because tisquantum , whose peace before this time was wrought with massassowat , vndertooke to discouer vnto vs that supposed , and still hoped passage within the sholes . both colonies being thus agreed , and their companies fitted and ioyned together , wee resolued to set forward , but were oft crossed in our purposes ; as first master richard greene , brother in law to master weston , who from him had a charge in the ouersight and gouernment of his colony , died suddenly at our plantation , to whom wee gaue buriall befitting his place , in the best manner wee could . afterward , hauing further order to proceed by letter from their other gouernour at the massachusets , twice captaine standish set forth with them , but were driuen in againe by crosse and violent windes : himselfe the second time being sicke of a violent feuer . by reason whereof ( our owne wants being like to bee now greater than formerly ; partly , because wee were enforced to neglect our corne , and spend much time in fortification , but especially because such hauocke was made of that little wee had , through the vniust and dishonest carriage of those people before mentioned , at our first entertainment of them ) our gouernour in his owne person supplyed the captaines place , and in the month of nouember againe set forth , hauing tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot , who affirmed hee had twice passed within the sholes of cape cod , both with english and french. neuerthelesse , they went so farre with him , as the master of the ship saw no hope of passage : but being ( as hee thought ) in danger , bare vp , and according to tisquantums directions , made for an harbour not farre from them , at a place called manamoycke , which they found , and sounding it with their shallop found the channell , though but narrow and crooked , where at length they harboured the ship . here they perceiued that the tide set in and out with more violence at some other place more southerly , which they had not seene nor could discouer , by reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there . some iudged the entrance thereof might bee beyond the sholes , but there is no certaintie thereof as yet knowne . that night the gouernour accompanied with others , hauing tisquantum for his interpreter went ashore ; at first the inhabitants plaied least in sight , because none of our people had euer beene there before ; but vnderstanding the ends of their comming , at length came to them , welcomming our gouernour according to their sauage manner , refreshing them verie well with store of venison and other victuals , which they brought them in great abundance , promising to trade with them , with a seeming gladnesse of the occasion : yet their ioy was mixed with much iealousie , as appeared by their after practises : for at first they were loath their dwellings should bee knowne , but when they saw our gouernours resolution to stay on the shore all night , they brought him to their houses , hauing first conuayed all their stuffe to a remote place , not farre from the same , which one of our men walking forth occasionally espied ; whereupon , on the sudden , neither it nor them could bee found , and so many times after vpon conceiued occasions , they would bee all gone , bag and baggage : but being afterwards ( by tisquantums meanes ) better perswaded , they left their iealousie and traded with them ; where they got eight hogsheads of corne and beanes , though the people were but few . this gaue our gouernour and the company good encouragement . tisquantum being still confident in the passage , and the inhabitants affirming , they had seene ships of good burthen passe within the sholes aforesaid . but here , though they had determined to make a second assay , yet god had otherwayes disposed , who strucke tisquantum with sicknesse , in so much as hee there died , which crossed their southward trading , and the more because the masters sufficiencie was much doubted , and the season verie tempestuous , and not fit to goe vpon discouerie , hauing no guide to direct them . from thence they departed , and the wind being faire for the massachusets went thither , and the rather because the sauages vpon our motion had planted much corne for vs , which they promised not long before that time . when they came thither , they found a great sicknesse to be amongst the indians , not vnlike the plague , if not the same . they renued their complaints to our gouernour , against that other plantation seated by them , for their iniurious walking . but indeed the trade both for furres and corne was ouerthrowne in that place , they giuing as much for a quart of corne , as we vsed to doe for a beauers skin ; so that little good could be there done . from thence they returned into the bottome of the bay of cape cod , to a place called nauset , where the sachim vsed the gouernour very kindly , and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corne and beanes . also at a place called mattachiest , where they had like kind entertainment and corne also . during the time of their trade in these places , there were so great and violent stormes , as the ship was much endangered , and our shallop cast away , so that they had now no meanes to carry the corne aboard that they had bought , the ship riding by their report well neere two leagues from the same , her owne boat being small , and so leake , ( hauing no carpenter with them ) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her . hereupon the gouernour caused the corne to be made in a round stack , and bought mats , and cut sedge to couer it , and gaue charge to the indians not to meddle with it , promising him that dwelt next to it a reward , if he would keep vermine also from it , which he vndertooke , and the sachim promised to make good . in the meane time , according to the gouernours request , the sachim sent men to seeke the shallop , which they found buried almost in sand at a high-water marke , hauing many things remaining in her , but vnseruiceable for the present ; whereof the gouernour gaue the sachim speciall charge that it should not be further broken , promising ere long to fetch both it and the corne ; assuring them , if neither were diminished , he would take it as a signe of their honest and true friendship , which they so much made shew of , but if they were , they should certainly smart for their vniust and dishonest dealing , and further make good whatsoeuer they had so taken . so he did likewise at mattachiest , and tooke leaue of them , being resolued to leaue the ship , and take his iourney home by land with our owne company , sending word to the ship , that they should take their first opportunitie to goe for plimoth , where hee determined , by the permission of god , to meet them . and hauing procured a guide , it being no lesse than fifty miles to our plantation , set forward , receiuing all respect that could be from the indians in his iourney , and came safely home , though weary and surbated , whither some three daies after the ship also came . the corne being diuided which they had got , master westons company went to their owne plantation , it being further agreed , that they should returne with all conuenient speed , and bring their carpenter , that they might fetch the rest of the corne , and saue the shallop . at their returne , captaine standish being recouered and in health , tooke another shallop , and went with them to the corne , which they found in safety as they left it : also they mended the other shallop , and got all their corne aboard the ship . this was in ianuary , as i take it , it being very cold and stormy , insomuch as ( the harbour being none of the best ) they were constrained to cut both the shallops from the ships sterne , and so lost them both a second time . but the storme being ouer , and seeking out , they found them both , not hauing receiued any great hurt . whilest they were at nauset , hauing occasion to lie on the shore , laying their shallop in a creeke not far from them , an indian came into the same , and stole certaine beads , cissers , and other trifles out of the same , which when the captaine missed , he tooke certaine of his company with him , and went to the sachim , telling him what had hapned , and requiring the same againe , or the party that stole them , ( who was knowne to certaine of the indians ) or else he would reuenge it on them before his departure , and so tooke leaue for that night being late , refusing whatsoeuer kindnesse they offered . on the morrow , the sachim came to their randeuow , accompanied with many men , in a stately manner , who saluting the captaine in this wise ; he thrust out his tongue , that one might see the root thereof , and therewith licked his hand from the wrist to the fingers end , withall bowing the knee , striuing to imitate the english gesture , being instructed therein formerly by tisquantum : his men did the like , but in so rude and sauage a manner , as our men could scarce for beare to break out in open laughter . after salutation , he deliuered the beads , & other things , to the captaine , saying , he had much beaten the partie for doing it , causing the women to make bread , and bring them , according to their desire , seeming to be very sorry for the fact , but glad to be reconciled . so they departed , and came home in safety ; where the corne was equally diuided , as before . after this the gouernour went to two other inland townes , with another company , and bought corne likewise of them , the one is called namasket , the other manomet . that from namasket was brought home partly by indian women ; but a great sicknesse arising amongst them , our owne men were inforced to fetch home the rest . that at manomet the gouernour left in the sachime custody : this towne lieth from vs south well neere twenty miles , and stands vpon a fresh riuer , which runneth into the bay of nanohigganset , and cannot be lesse than sixty miles from thence . it will beare a boat of eight or ten tunne to this place . hither the dutch or french , or both vse to come . it is from hence to the bay of cape cod about eight miles ; out of which bay it floweth into a creeke some six miles almost direct towards the towne . the heads of the riuer , and this creeke are not far distant . this riuer yeeldeth thus high , oysters , muscles , clams , and other shell-fish , one in shape like a beane , another like a clam , both good meat , and great abundance at all times ; besides it aboundeth with diuers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons . the gouernour or sachim of this place , was called canacum , who had formerly , as well as many others , ( yea all with whom as yet we had to doe ) acknowledged themselues the subiects of our soueraigne lord the king. this sachim vsed the gouernour very kindly , and it seemed was of good respect and authoritie amongst the indians . for whilest the gouernour was there within night in bitter weather , came two men from manamoick before spoken of , and hauing set aside their bowes and quiuers , according to their manner , sate downe by the fire , and tooke a pipe of tobacco , not vsing any words in that time , nor any other to them , but all remained silent , expecting when they would speake : at length they looked toward canacum , and one of them made a short speech , and deliuered a present to him from his sachim , which was a basket of tobacco , and many beads , which the other receiued thankfully . after which hee made a long speech to him , the contents hereof was related to vs by hobbamock ( who then accompanied the gouernour for his guide ) to be as followeth ; it hapned that two of their men sell out as they were in game ( for they vse gaming as much as any where , and will play away all , euen their skin from their backs , yea and for their wiues skins also , though it may be they are many miles distant from them , as my selfe haue seene ) and growing to great heat , the one killed the other . the actor of this fact was a powah , one of special more amongst them , and such an one as they could not well misse , yet another people greater than themselues threatned them with warre , if they would not put him to death . the party offending was in hold , neither would their sachim doe one way or other till their returne , resting vpon him for aduice and furtherance in so weighty a matter . after this there was silence a short time ; at length men gaue their iudgement what they thought best . amongst others , he asked hobbamock what he thought ? who answered , he was but a stranger to them , but thought it was better that one should die than many , since he had deserued it , and the rest were innocent ; whereupon he passed the sentence of death vpon him . not long after ( hauing no great quantitie of corne left ) captaine standish went againe with a shallop to mattachiest , meeting also with the like extremitie of weather , both of wind , snow , and frost , insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same . here they pretended their wonted loue , and spared them a good quantity of corne to confirme the same : strangers also came to this place , pretending only to see him and his company , whom they neuer saw before that time , but intending to ioyne with the rest to kill them , as after appeared . but being forced through extremitie to lodge in their houses , which they much pressed , god possessed the heart of the captaine with iust iealousie , giuing strait command , that as one part of his company slept , the rest should wake , declaring some things to them which hee vnderstood , whereof hee could make no good construction . some of the indians spying a fit opportunitie , stole some beads also from him , which hee no sooner perceiued , hauing not aboue six men with him , drew them all from the boat , and set them on their guard about the sachims house , where the most of the people were , threatning to fall vpon them without further delay , if they would not forthwith restore them , signifying to the sachim especially , and so to them all , that as he would not offer the least iniury ; so hee would not receiue any at their hands , which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction . hereupon the sachim bestirred him to finde out the party , which when he had done , caused him to returne them againe to the shallop , and came to the captaine , desiring him to search whether they were not about the boat , who suspecting their knauery , sent one , who found them lying openly vpon the boats cuddy ; yet to appease his anger , they brought corne afresh to trade , insomuch as he laded his shallop , and so departed . this accident so daunted their courage , as they durst not attempt any thing against him . so that through the good mercy and prouidence of god they returned in safety . at this place the indians get abundance of basse both summer and winter : for it being now february they abounded with them . in the beginning of march , hauing refreshed himselfe , he tooke a shallop , and went to manomet , to fetch home that which the gouernour had formerly bought , hoping also to get more from them , but was deceiued in his expectation , not finding that entertainment hee found else-where , and the gouernour had there receiued . the reason whereof , and of the treachery intended in the place before spoken of , was not then knowne vnto vs , but afterwards : wherein may be obserued the abundant mercies of god working with his prouidence for our good . captaine standish being now far from the boat , and not aboue two or three of our men with him , and as many with the shallop , was not long at canacum the sachims house , but in came two of the massachuset men , the chiefe of them was called wituwamat , a notable insulting villaine , one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the bloud of english and french , and had oft boasted of his owne valour , and derided their weaknesse , especially because ( as hee said ) they died crying , making sowre faces , more like children than men . this villaine tooke a dagger from about his necke , ( which hee had gotten of master westons people ) and presented it to the sachim , and after made a long speech in an audacious manner , framing it in such sort , as the captaine ( though he be the best linguist amongst vs ) could not gather any thing from it . the end of it was afterward discouered to be as followeth : the massacheuseucks had formerly concluded to ruinate master westons colonie , and thought themselues , being about thirty or forty men strong , enough to execute the same : yet they durst not attempt it , till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselues to make their party good against vs at plimoth , concluding , that if we remained , ( though they had no other arguments to vse against vs ) yet we would neuer leaue the death of our countrymen vnreuenged , and therefore their safety could not be without the ouerthrow of both plantations . to this end they had formerly sollicited this sachim , as also the other called ianough at mattachiest , and many others to assist them , and now againe came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so faire an opportunitie offered by the captaines presence , they thought best to make sure him and his company . after this his message was deliuered , his entertainment much exceeded the captaines , insomuch as he scorned at their behauiour , and told them of it : after which they would haue perswaded him , because the weather was cold , to haue sent to the boat for the rest of his company , but he would not , desiring according to promise , that the corne might be caried downe , and hee would content the women for their labour , which they did . at the same time there was a lusty indian of paomet or cape cod then present , who had euer demeaned himselfe well towards vs , being in his generall cariage , very affable , courteous , and louing , especially towards the captaine . this sauage was now entred into confederacie with the rest , yet to auoid suspition , made many signes of his continued affections , and would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seuen gallons on him , and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof , saying , he was rich , and could afford to bestow such fauours on his friends whom he loued : also he would freely helpe to carry some of the corne , affirming he had neuer done the like in his life before , and the wind being bad would needs lodge with him at their randeuow , hauing indeed vndertaken to kill him before they parted , which done they intended to fall vpon the rest . the night proued exceeding cold , insomuch as the captaine could not take any rest , but either walked or turned himselfe to and fro at the fire : this the other obserued , and asked wherefore hee did not sleepe as at other times , who answered he knew not well , but had no desire at all to rest . so that hee then mist his opportunity . the wind seruing on the next day , they returned home , accompanied with the other indian , who vsed many arguments to perswade them to goe to paomet , where himselfe had much corne , and many other , the most whereof he would procure for vs , seeming to sorrow for our wants . once the captaine put forth with him , and was forced backe by contrary wind ; which wind seruing for the massachuset , was fitted to goe thither . but on a sudden it altered againe . during the time that the captaine was at manomet , newes came to plimoth , that massassowat was like to die , and that at the same time there was a dutch ship driuen so high on the shore by stresse of weather , right before his dwelling , that till the tides encreased , shee could not be got off . now it being a commendable manner of the indians , when any ( especially of note ) are dangerously sicke , for all that professe friendship to them , to visit them in their extremitie , either in their persons , or else to send some acceptable persons to them , therefore it was thought meet ( being a good and warrantable action ) that as wee had euer professed friendship , so wee should now maintaine the same , by obseruing this their laudable custome : and the rather , because wee desired to haue some conference with the dutch , not knowing when wee should haue so fit an opportunitie . to that end my selfe hauing formerly beene there , and vnderstanding in some measure the dutch tongue , the gouernour againe laid this seruice vpon my selfe , and fitted mee with some cordials to administer to him , hauing one master iohn hamden a gentleman of london ( who then wintered with vs , and desired much to see the countrey ) for my consort , and hobbamock for our guide . so wee set forward , and lodged the first night at namasket , where wee had friendly entertainment . the next day about one of the clocke , we came to a ferrie in conbatants countrey , where vpon discharge of my peece , diuers indians came to vs from a house not farre off . there they told vs , that massassowat was dead , and that day buried , and that the dutch would be gone before we could get thither , hauing houe off their ship already . this newes strucke vs blancke : but especially hobbamock , who desired we might returne with all speed . i told him i would first thinke of it , considering now that hee being dead , conbatant was the most like to succeed him , and that we were not aboue three miles from mattapuyst his dwelling place , although hee were but a hollow-hearted friend towards vs , i thought no time so fit as this , to enter into more friendly termes with him , and the rest of the sachims thereabout , hoping ( through the blessing of god ) it would be a meanes in that vnsetled state , to settle their affections towards vs , and though it were somewhat dangerous , in respect of our personall safetie , because my selfe and hobbamock had beene imployed vpon a seruice against him , which he might now fitly reuenge , yet esteeming it the best meanes , leauing the euent to god in his mercie , i resolued to put it in practise , if master hamden and hobbamock durst attempt it with mee , whom i found willing to that or any other course might tend to the generall good . so we went towards mattapuyst . in the way , hobbamock manifesting a troubled spirit , brake forth into these speeches , neen womasu sagimus , neen womasu sagimus , &c. my louing sachim , my louing sachim . many haue i knowne , but neuer any like thee : and turning him to me said ; whilest i liued , i should neuer see his like amongst the indians , saying , he was no lyer , he was not bloudy and cruell like other indians ; in anger and passion he was soone reclaimed , easie to be reconciled towards such as had offended him , ruled by reason in such measure , as he would not scorne the aduice of meane men , and that he gouerned his men better with few strokes than others did with many ; truly louing where he loued ; yea he feared we had not a faithfull friend left among the indians , shewing how he oft-times restrained their malice , &c. continuing a long speech with such signes of lamentation and vnfeigned sorrow , as it would haue made the hardest heart relent . at length we came to mattapuyst , and went to the sachimo comaco ( for so they call the sachims place , though they call an ordinarie house witeo ) but conbatant the sachim was not at home , but at puckanokick ▪ which was some fiue or six miles off ; the squa-sachim ( for so they call the sachims wife ) gaue vs friendly entertainment . here wee inquired againe concerning massassowat , they thought him dead , but knew no certainty ; whereupon i hired one to goe with all expedition to puckanokick , that we might know the certainty thereof , and withall to acquaint conbaetant with our there being . about halfe an houre before sunne-setting , the messenger returned , and told vs that he was not yet dead , though there was no hope we should finde him liuing . vpon this we were much reuiued , and set forward with all speed , though it was late within night ere we got thither . about two of the clocke that afternoone the dutchmen departed , so that in that respect our iourney was frustrate . when we came thither , we found the house so full of men , as we could scarce get in , though they vsed their best diligence to make way for vs. there were they in the middest of their charmes for him , making such a hellish noise , as it distempered vs that were well , and therefore vnlike to ease him that was sicke . about him were six or eight women , who chafed his armes , legs , and thighes , to keepe heat in him ; when they had made an end of their charming , one told him that his friends the english were come to see him ; ( hauing vnderstanding left , but his sight was wholly gone ) he asked who was come , they told him winsnow ( for they cannot pronounce the letter l , but ordinarily n in the place thereof ) hee desired to speake with me ; when i came to him , and they told him of it , he put forth his hand to me , which i tooke ; then he said twice , though very inwardly , keen winsnow , which is to say , art thou winslow ? i answered , a●he , that is , yes ; then hee doubled these words , matta neon wonckanet namen winsnow ; that is to say , o winslow i shall neuer see thee againe . then i called hobbamock and desired him to tell massassowat , that the gouernour hearing of his sicknesse was sorry for the same , and though by reason of many businesses he could not come himselfe , yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely to doe him good in this his extremitie , and whereof if he pleased to take , i would presently giue him ; which he desired , and hauing a confection of many comfortable conserues , &c. on the point of my knife , i gaue him some , which i could scarce get thorow his teeth ; when it was dissolued in his mouth , he swallowed the iuice of it , whereat those that were about him much reioyced , saying , he had not swallowed any thing in two daies before . then i desired to see his mouth , which was exceedingly furred , and his tongue swelled in such manner , as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had , his passage being stopt vp : then i washed his mouth , and scraped his tongue , and got abundance of corruption out of the same . after which , i gaue him more of the confection , which he swallowed with more readinesse ; then he desiring to drinke , i dissolued some of it in water , and gaue him thereof : within halfe an houre this wrought a great alteration in him in the eyes of all that beheld him ; presently after his sight began to come to him , which gaue him and vs good encouragement . in the meane time i inquired how hee slept , and when he went to the stoole ? they said he slept not in two daies before , and had not had a stoole in fiue ; then i gaue him more , and told him of a mishap we had by the way in breaking a bottle of drinke , which the gouernour also sent him , saying , if he would send any of his men to patuxet , i would send for more of the same , also for chickens to make him broth , and for other things which i knew were good for him , and would stay the returne of the messenger if he desired . this hee tooke maruellous kindly , and appointed some who were ready to goe by two of the clocke in the morning , against which time i made ready a letter , declaring therein our good successe , the state of his body , &c. desiring to send me such things as i sent for , and such physicke as the surgion durst administer to him . he requested me that the day following , i would take my peece , and kill him some fowle , and make him some english pottage , ●uch as he had eaten at plimoth , which i promised : after his stomacke comming to him , i must needs make him some without fowle , before i went abroad , which somewhat troubled me , being vnaccustomed and vnacquainted in such businesses , especially hauing nothing to make it comfortable , my consort being as ignorant as my selfe ; but being wee must doe somewhat , i caused a woman to bruise some corne , and take the flower from it , and set ouer the grut or broken corne in a pipkin ( for they haue earthen pots of all sizes . ) when the day broke , we went out ( it being now march ) to seeke herbes , but could not finde any but strawberry leaues , of which i gathered a handfull and put into the same , and because i had nothing to relish it , i went forth againe , and pulled vp a saxafras root , and sliced a peece thereof , and boyled it till it had a good relish , and then tooke it out againe . the broth being boyled , i strained it thorow my handkerchiffe , and gaue him at least a pinte , which he dranke , and liked it very well . after this his sight mended more and more , also he had three moderate stooles , and tooke some rest . insomuch as wee with admiration blessed god for giuing his blessing to such raw and ignorant meanes , making no doubt of his recouery , himselfe and all of them acknowledging vs the instruments of his preseruation . that morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another amongst those that were sicke in the towne , requesting me to wash their mouthes also , and giue to each of them some of the same i gaue him , saying , they were good folke . this paines i tooke with willingnesse , though it were much offensiue to me , not being accustomed with such poysonous sauours . after dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck , and make him some pottage therewith , with as much speed as i could : so i tooke a man with me , and made a shot at a couple of ducks , some six score paces off , and killed one , at which he wondered : so we returned forthwith , and dressed it , making more broth therewith , which he much desired ; neuer did i see a man so low brought , recouer in that measure in so short a time . the fowle being extraordinary fat , i told hobbamock i must take off the top thereof , saying it would make him very sicke againe if he did eat it ; this hee acquainted massassowat therewith , who would not be perswaded to it , though i pressed it very much , shewing the strength thereof , and the weaknesse of his stomacke , which could not possibly beare it . notwithstanding he made a grosse meale of it , and ate as much as would well haue satisfied a man in health . about an houre after he began to be very sicke , and straining very much , cast vp the broth againe , and in ouer-straining himselfe , began to bleed at the nose , and so continued the space of foure houres ; then they all wished he had beene ruled , concluding now he would die , which we much feared also . they asked me what i thought of him ; i answered , his case was desperate , yet it might be it would saue his life : for if it ceased in time , he would forthwith sleepe and take rest , which was the principall thing he wanted . not long after his bloud staied , and he slept at least six or eight houres ; when he awaked i washed his face , and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linnen cloth : but on a sudden he chopt his nose in the water , and drew vp some therein , and sent it forth againe with such violence , as he began to bleed afresh , then they thought there was no hope , but we perceiued it was but the tendernesse of his nostrill , and therefore told them i thought it would stay presently , as indeed it d●d . the messengers were now returned , but finding his stomacke come to him , he would not haue the chickens killed , but kept them for breed . neither durst wee giue him any physicke which was then sent , because his body was so much altered since our instructions , neither saw we any need , not doubting now of his recouery , if he were carefull . many whilest we were there came to see him , some by their report from a place not lesse than an hundred miles . to all that came one of his chiefe men related the manner of his sicknesse , how neere hee was spent , how amongst others his friends the english came to see him , and how suddenly they recouered him to this strength they saw , he being now able to sit vpright of himselfe . the day before our comming , another sachim being there , told him , that now he might see how hollow-hearted the english were , saying if we had beene such friends in deed , as we were in shew , we would haue visited him in this his sicknesse , vsing many arguments to withdraw his affections , and to perswade him to giue way to some things against vs , which were motioned to him not long before : but vpon this his recouery , he brake forth into these speeches ; now i see the english are my friends and loue me , and whilest i liue i will neuer forget this kindnesse they haue shewed mee . whilest we were there , our entertainment exceeded all other strangers . diuers other things were worthy the noting , but i feare i haue beene too tedious . at our cōming away , he called hobbamock to him , & priuately ( none hearing saue two or three other of his pneeses , who are of his councell ) reuealed the plot of the massacheuseucks before spoken of , against master westons colony , and so against vs , saying that the people of nauset , paomet , succonet mattachiest , manomet agowaywam , and the i le of capawack , were ioyned with them ; himselfe also in his sicknesse was earnestly sollicited , but he would neither ioyne therein , nor giue way to any of his . therefore as we respected the liues of our countrymen , and our owne after-safety , he aduised vs to kill the men of massachuset , who were the authors of this intended mischiefe . and whereas wee were wont to say , we would not strike a stroke till th●● first begun ; if said he vpon this intelligence , they make that answer , tell them , when their countrymen at wichaguscusset are killed , they being not able to defend themselues , that then it will be too late to recouer their liues , nay through the multitude of aduersaries they shall with great difficulty preserue their owne , and therefore he counselled without delay to take away the principals , and then the plot would cease . with this he charged him thorowly to acquaint me by the way , that i might informe the gouernour thereof at my first comming home . being fitted for our returne , we tooke our leaue of him , who returned many thanks to our gouernour , and also to our selues for our labour and loue : the like did all that were about him . so we departed . that night thorow the earnest request of cōbatant , who til now remained at sawaams or puckanukick , we lodged with him at mattapuyst . by the way i had much conference with him ; so likewise at his house , he being a notable politician , yet ful of merry iests & squibs , & neuer better pleased than when the like are returned againe vpon him . amongst other things he asked me , if in case he were thus dangerously sicke , as massassowat had beene , and should send word thereof to patuxit for maskiet , that is , physicke , whether then mr governor would send it ? & if he would , whether i would come therewith to him ? to both which i answered yea , whereat he gaue me many ioyfull thankes . after that , being at his house he demanded further , how wee durst being but two come so farre into the country ? i answered , where was true loue there was no feare , and my heart was so vpright towards them that for mine owne part i was feareles to come amongst them . but , said he , if your loue be such , and it bring forth such fruits , how commeth it to passe , that when wee come to patuxet , you stand vpon your guard , with the mouths of your peeces presented towards vs ? whereunto i answered , it was the most honourable and respectiue entertainement we could giue them ; it being an order amongst vs so to receiue our best respected friends : and as it was vsed on the land , so the ships obserued it also at sea , which hobbamock knew , and had seene obserued . but shaking the head he answered , that he liked not such salutations . further , obseruing vs to craue a blessing on our meate before we did eate , and after to giue thankes for the same , he asked vs what was the meaning of that ordinary custome ? hereupon i tooke occasion to tell them of gods workes of creation , and preseruation , of his lawes and ordinances , especially of the ten commandements , all which they hearkened vnto with great attention , and liked well of : onely the seventh commandement they excepted against , thinking there were many inconueniences in it , that a man should be tyed to one woman : about which we reasoned a good time . also i told them that whatsoeuer good things wee had , wee receiued from god , as the author and giuer thereof , and therefore craued his blessing vpon that we had , and were about to eate , that it might nourish and strengthen our bodies , and hauing eaten sufficient , being satisfied therewith , wee againe returned thankes to the same our god for that our refreshing , &c. this all of them concluded to be very well , and said , they beleeued almost all the same things , and that the same power that wee called god , they called kietitan . much profitable cōference was occasioned hereby , which would be too tedious to relate , yet was no lesse delightfull to them , then comfortable to vs. here wee remained onely that night , but neuer had better entertainement amongst any of them . the day following , in our iourney , hobbamock told me of the private conference he had with massassowat , and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me therewith ( as i shewed before ) which hauing done , he vsed many arguments himselfe to moue vs thereunto ; that night we lodged at namasket , and the day following about the mid-way betweene it and home , wee met two indians , who told vs that captaine standish was that day gone to the massachusets : but contrary windes againe driue him backe , so that we found him at home ; where the indian of pa●met still was , being very importunate that the captaine should take the first opportunitie of a faire wind to goe with him , but their secret and villanous purposes being through gods mercy now made knowne , the gouernour caused captaine standish to send him away without any distast or manifestation of anger , that wee might the better effect and bring to passe that which should be thought most necessary . before this iourney we heard many complaints both by the indians and some others of best desert amongst master westons colony , how exceedingly their company abased themselues by vndirect meanes , to get victualls from the indians , who dwelt not farre from them , fetching them wood and water , &c. and all for a meales meate , whereas in the meane time , they might with diligence haue gotten enough to haue serued them three or foure times . other by night brake the earth , and robbed the indians store , for which they had beene publiquely stocked and whipt , and yet was there small amendment . this was about the end of february , at which time they had spent all their bread and corne , not leauing any for seed , neither would the indians lend or sell them any more vpon any termes . hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence , and to that spiked vp euery entrance into their towne ( being well impaled ) saue one , with a full resolution to proceed . but some more honestly minded , advised iohn sanders their over-seer first to write to plimoth , and if the gouernour advised him thereunto , he might the better doe it . this course was well liked , and an indian was sent with all speede with a letter to our gouernour , the contents wherof were to this effect ; that being in great want , and their people daily falling downe , he intended to goe to munhiggen , where was a plantation of sir ferdi : gorges , to buy bread from the ships that came thither a fishing , with the first opportunitie of wind ; but knew not how the colony would be preserued till his returne : he had vsed all meanes both to buy and borrow of indians whom hee knew to be stored , and he thought maliciously with held it , and therefore was resolued to take it by violence , and onely waited the returne of the messenger , which he desired should be hastned , crauing his advice therein , promising also to make restitution afterward . the gouernour vpon the receipt hereof , asked the messenger what store of corne they had , as if he had intended to buy of them ; who answered very little more then that they reserued for seed , hauing alreadie spared all they could . forth-with the gouernour and his assistant sent for many of vs to advise with them herein , who after serious consideration , no way approuing of this intended course , the gouernour answered his letter , and caused many of vs to set our handes thereto , the contents whereof were to this purpose ; wee altogether disliked their intendment , as being against the law of god and nature , shewing how it would crosse the worthy ends and proceedings of the kings maiestie , and his honourable councell for this place , both in respect of the peaceable enlarging of his maiesties dominions , and also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of god , and the glad tydings of saluation , which we and they were bound to seeke , and were not to vse such meanes as would breed a distast in the salvages against our persons and professions , assuring them their master would incurre much blame hereby , neither could they answere the same ; for our owne parts our case was almost the same with theirs , hauing but a small quantitie of corne left , and were enforced to liue on ground nuts , clams , mussels , and such other things as naturally the countrey afforded , and which did and would maintaine strength , and were easie to be gotten , all which things they had in great abundance , yea , oysters also which we wanted , and therefore necessitie could not be said to constraine them thereunto . moreouer , that they should consider , if they proceeded therein , all they could so get would maintaine them but a small time , and then they must perforce seeke their foode abroad , which hauing made the indians their enemies , would be very difficult for them , and therefore much better to beginne a little the sooner , and so continue their peace , vpon which course they might with good conscience desire and expect the blessing of god , whereas on the contrary they could not . also that they should consider their owne weakenesse , being most swelled , and diseased in their bodies , and therefore the more vnlikely to make their partie good against them , and that they should not expect helpe from vs in that or any the like vnlawfull actions . lastly , that howsoeuer some of them might escape , yet the principall agents should expect no better then the galhouse , whensoeuer any speciall officer should be sent ouer by his maiestie , or his councell for new england , which wee expected , and who would vndoubtedly call them to account for the same . these were the contents of our answere , which was directed to their whole colony . another particular letter our governour sent to iohn sanders , shewing how dangerous it would be for him aboue all others , being he was their leader and commander ; and therefore in friendly manner advised him to desist . with these letters we dispatched the messenger ; vpon the receipt whereof they altered their determination , resoluing to shift as they could , till the returne of iohn sanders from munhiggen , who first comming to plimoth , notwithstanding our owne necessities , the gouernour spared him some corne to carry them to munhiggen . but not hauing sufficient for the ships store , he tooke a shallop and leauing others with instructions to over see things till his returne , set forward about the end of february , so that he knew not of this conspiracie of the indians before his going ; neither was it knowne to any of vs till our returne from sawaams or puckanakick : at which time also another sachim called wassapinewat , brother to obtakiest the sachim of the massachusets , who had formerly smarted for partaking with coubatant , and fearing the like againe , to purge himselfe revealed the same thing . the three and twentith of march being now come , which is a yeerely court-day , the governour having a double testimony , and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof , not being to vndertake warre without the consent of the bodie of the company ; made known the same in publique court , offering it to the consideration of the companie , it being high time to come to resolution , how sudden soever it seemed to them , fearing it would bee put in execution before we could giue any intelligence thereof . this businesse was no lesse troublesome then grievous , and the more , because it is so ordinarie in these times for men to measure things by the events thereof : but especially for that wee knew no meanes to deliuer our countrimen and preserue our selues , then by returning their malicious and cruell purposes vpon their owne heads , and causing them to fall into the same pitte they had digged for others , though it much grieued vs to shed the blood of those whose good wee euer intended and aymed at , as a principall in all our proceedings . but in the end we came to this publique conclusion , that because it was a matter of such weight as euery man was not of sufficiency to iudge , nor fitnesse to know because of many other indians which dayly as occasion serueth conuerse with vs ; therefore the governour , his assistant , and the captaine , should take such to thēselues as they thought most meete , and conclude thereof ; which done we came to this conclusion , that captaine standish should take so many men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the indians in the massachuset-bay ; and because ( as all men know that haue had to doe in that kinde ) it is impossible to deale with them vpon open defiance , but to take them in such trappes as they lay for others ; therefore hee should pretend trade as at other times : but first goe to the english and acquaint them with the plot , and the end of his owne comming , that comparing it with their carriages towards them hee might the better iudge of the certainty of it , and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same : but should forbeare if it were possible till such time as hee could make sure wituwamat , that bloody and bold villaine before spoken of , whose heade hee had order to bring with him , that hee might be a warning and terrour to all of that disposition . vpon this captaine standish made choyce of eight men , and would not take more because hee would prevent iealousie , knowing their guilty consciences would soone be prouoked thereunto : but on the next day before hee could goe , came one of mr. westons company by land vnto vs , with his packe at his backe , who made a pitifull narration of their lamentable and weake estate , and of the indians carriages , whose boldnesse increased abundantly , insomuch as the victuals they got they would take it out of their pottes and eate before their faces , yea if in any thing they gaine-sayd them , they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts ; that to giue them content , since iohn sanders went to munhiggen , they had hanged one of them that stole their corne , and yet they regarded it not ; that another of their company was turned saluage , that their people had most forsaken the towne , and made their randeuous where they got their victuals , because they would not take paines to bring it home ; that they had sold their cloathes for corne , and were ready to starue both with cold and hunger also , because they could not indure to get victuals by reason of their nakednesse ; and that they were dispersed into three companies scarce hauing any powder and shot left . what would be the event of these things ( he said ) he much feared ; and therefore not daring to stay any longer among them , though hee knew not the way yet aduentured to come to vs , partly to make knowne their weake and dangerous estate , as hee conceiued , and partly to desire hee might there remaine till things were better settled at the other plantation . as this relation was grievout to vs , so it gaue vs good encouragement to proceede in our intendments , for which captaine standish was now fitted , and the winde comming faire , the next day set forth for the massachusets . the indians at the massachusets missed this man , and suspecting his comming , to vs as we conceiue , sent one after him and gaue out there that hee would never come to patuxet , but that some wolues or beares would eate him : but we know both by our owne experience , and the report of others , that though they finde a man sleeping , yet so soone as there is life discerned they feare and shun him . this indian missed him but very little , and missing him passed by the towne and went to manomet , whom wee hoped to take at his return , as afterward we did . now was our fort made fit for seruice and some ordnance mounted ; and though it may seeme long worke it being ten moneths since it begun , yet wee must note , that where so great a work is begun with such small meanes , a little time cannot bring to perfection : beside those workes which tend to the preservation of man , the enemie of mankinde will hinder what in him lieth , sometimes blinding the iudgement and causing reasonable men to reason against their owne safety , as amongst vs diuerse seeing the worke proue tedious , would haue disswaded from proceeding , flattering themselues with peace and security , and accounting it rather a worke of superfluity and vaine-glory , then simple necessity . but god ( whose providence hath waked and as i may say , watched for vs whilst wee slept ) having determined to preserue vs from these intended treacheries , vndoubtedly ordained this as a speciall meanes to advantage vs and discourage our adversaries , and therefore so stirred vp the hearts of the governours and other forward instruments , as the work was iust made serviceable against this needfull and dangerous time , though wee ignorant of the same . but that i may proceed , the indian last mentioned in his returne from monomet , came through the towne pretending still friendship and in loue to see vs , but as formerly others , so his end was to see whether wee continued still in health and strength , or fell into weakenesse like their neighbours , which they hoped and looked for ( though god in mercy provided better for vs ) and hee knew would be glad tydings to his countrey men . but here the governour stayd him , and sending for him to the fort , there gaue the guard charge of him as their prisoner , where hee told him hee must be contented to remaine till the returne of captaine standish from the massachusets , so hee was locked in a chaine to a staple in the court of guard , and there kept . thus was our fort hanselled , this being the first day as i take it , that euer any watch was there kept . the captaine being now come to the massachusets , went first to the ship , but found neither man , or so much as a dogge therein : vpon the discharge of a musket the master and some others of the plantation shewed themselues , who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts , and getting other foode . after salutation captaine standish asked them how they durst so leaue the ship and liue in such security , who answered like men senslesse of their owne misery , they feared not the indians , but liued and suffered them to lodge with them , not having sword , or gunne , or needing the same . to which the captaine answered , if there were no cause hee was the gladder , but vpon further inquirie , vnderstanding that those in whom iohn sanders had receiued most special confidence and left in his stead to governe the rest were at the plantation , thither hee went , and to be briefe , made knowne the indians purpose and the end of his owne comming , as also ( which formerly i omitted ) that if afterward they durst not there stay , it was the intendment of the gouernours and people of plimouth there to receiue them till they could be better prouided : but if they conceiued of any other course that might bee more likely for their good , that himselfe should further them therein to the vttermost of his power . these men comparing other circumstances with that they now heard , answered , they could expect no better , and it was gods mercy that they were not killed before his comming , desiring therefore that hee would neglect no opportunitie to proceede : hereupon hee advised them to secrecy , yet withall to send speciall command to one third of their company that were farthest off to come home , and there enioyne them on paine of death to keepe the towne , himselfe allowing them a pint of indian corne to a man for a day ( though that store hee had was spared out of our seed . ) the weather prouing very wet and stormy , it was the longer before hee could doe any thing . in the meane time an indian came to him and brought some furres , but rather to gather what hee could from the captaines , then comming then for trade ; and though the captaine carryed things as smoothly as possibly he could , yet at his returne hee reported hee saw by his eyes that hee was angry in his heart , and therefore beganne to suspect themselues discouered . this caused one pecksuot who was a pinese , being a man of a notable spirit to come to hobbamock who was then with them , and told him hee vnderstood that the captaine was come to kill himselfe and the rest of the saluages there , tell him sayd hoe wee know it , but feare him not , neither will wee shunne him ; but let him beginne when hee dare , he shall not take vs at vnawares : many times after diuerse of them seuerally , or few together , came to the plantation to him , where they would whet and sharpen the points of their kniues before his face , and vse many other insulting gestures and speeches . amongst the rest , witawamat bragged of the excellency of his knife , on the end of the handle there was pictured a womens face , but sayd hee , i haue another at home wherewith i haue killed both french and english , and that hath a mans face on it , and by and by these two must marry : further hee sayd of that knife hee there had ; hinnaim n●men , hinnaim michon , matta cuts : that is to say , by and by it should see , and by and by it should eate , but not speake . also pecksuot being a man of greater stature then the captaine , told him though hee were a great captaine , yet hee was but a little man : and sayd he , though i be no sachim , yet i am a man of great strength and courage . these things the captaine obserued , yet bare with patience for the present . on the next day , seeing hee could not get many of them together at once , and this pecksuot and wituwamat both together , with another man , and a youth of some eighteene yeeres of age , which was brother to wituwamat , and villaine-like trode in his steps , dayly putting many tricks vppon the weaker sort of men , and hauing about as many of his owne company in a roome with them , gaue the word to his men , and the doore being fast shut began himselfe with pecksuot , and snatching his owne knife from his neck though with much struggling killed him therewith , the point whereof hee had made as sharpe as a needle , and ground the backe also to an edge : wituwamat and the other man , the rest killed , and tooke the youth , whom the cap. caused to be hanged ; but it is incredible how many wounds these two puceses receiued before they dyed , not making any fearfull noyse , but catching at their weapons and striving to the last . hobbamocke stood by all this time as a spectator and meddled not , observing how our men demeaned themselues in this action ; all being here ended , smiling hee brake forth into these speeches to the captain , yester-day pecksuot bragging of his owne strength and stature , sayd , though you were a great captaine yet you were but a little man ; but to day i see you are big enough to lay him on the ground . but to proceed , there being som women at the same time , captaine standish left them in the custody of mr. westons people at the towne , and sent word to another company that had intelligence of things to kill those indian men that were amongst them , these killed two more : himselfe also with some of his owne men went to another place , where they killed another , and through the negligence of one man an indian escaped , who discouered and crossed their proceedings . not long before this execution , three of mr. westons men which more regarded their bellies then any command or commander , hauing formerly fared well with the indians for making them clanoes , went againe to the sachim to offer their seruice , and had entertainement . the first night they came thither within night late came a messenger with all speed , and deliuered a sad and short message : whereupon all the men gathered together , put on their bootes and breeches , trussed vp themselues , and tooke their bowes and arrowes and went forth , telling them they went a hunting , and that at their returne they should haue venison enough . being now gone , one being more ancient and wise then the rest , calling former things to minde , especially the captaines presence , and the strait charge that on paine of death none should go a musket-shot from the plantation , and comparing this sudden departure of theirs there with , began to dislike and wish himselfe at home againe , which was further of then diverse other dwelt : hereupon hee moued his fellowes to returne but could not perswade them : so there being none but women left and the other that was turned saluage , about midnight came away , forsaking the pathes lest hee should be pursued , and by this meanes saved his life . captaine standish tooke the one halfe of his men , and one or two of mr. westons , and hobbamocke , still seeking to make spoyle of them and theirs . at length they espyed a file of indians which made towards them amaine , and there being a small aduantage in the ground by reason of a hill neere them , both companies stroue for it , captaine standish got it , whereupon they retreated and tooke each man his tree , letting flie their arrowes amayne , especially at himselfe and hobbamocke , whereupon hobbamocke cast off his coate , and being a knowne pinese , ( theirs being now killed ) chased them so fast as our people were not able to hold way with him , insomuch as our men could haue but one certaine marke and then but the arme and halfe face of a notable villaine as hee drew at captaine standish , who together with another both discharged at once at him , and brake his arme ; whereupon they fled into a swampe , when they were in the thicket they parlyed , but to small purpose , getting nothing but foule language . so our captaine dared the sachim to come out and fight like a man , shewing how base and woman like hee was in tonguing it as hee did : but hee refused and fled . so the captaine returned to the plantation , where hee released the women and would not take their beaver coates from them , nor suffer the least discourtesie to bee offered them . now were mr. westons people resolued to leaue their plantation and goe for munhiggen , hoping to get passage and returne with the fishing ships . the captaine told them , that for his owne part hee durst there liue with fewer men then they were , yet since they were otherwayes minded , according to his order from the gouernours and people of plimouth he would helpe them with corne competent for their prouision by the way , which hee did , scarce leaving himselfe more then brought them home . some of them disliked the choyce of the body to goe to munhiggen , and therfore desiring to goe with him to plimouth , he tooke them into the shallop : and seeing them set sayle and cleere of the massachuset bay , he tooke leaue and returned to plimouth , whither hee came in safety ( blessed be god ) and brought the head of wituwamat with him . amongst the rest there was an indian youth that was ever of a courteous and louing disposition towards vs , hee notwithstanding the death of his countrimen came to the captaine without feare , saying his good conscience and loue towardes vs imboldened him so to doe . this youth confessed that the indians intended to kill mr. westons people , and not to delay any longer then till they had two more canoes or boats , which mr. westons men would haue finished by this time ( hauing made them three already ) had not the captaine preuented them , and the end of stay for those boats , was to take their ship therewith . now was the captaine returned and receiued with joy , the head being brought to the fort and there set vp , the governours and captaines with divers others went vp the same further , to examine the prisoner , who looked pittiously on the head , being asked whether he knew it , he answered , yea : then he confessed the plot , and that all the people provoked obtakiest their sachim thereunto , being drawne to it by their importunitie : fiue there were ( he sayd ) that prosecuted it with more eagernes then the rest , the two principall were killed , being pecksuot and wituwamat , whose head was there , the other three were powahs , being yet liuing , and knowne vnto vs , though one of them was wounded , as aforesaid . for himselfe he would not acknowledge that he had any hand therein , begging earnestly for his life , saying he was not a massachuset man , but as a stranger liued with them . hobbamock also gaue a good report of him , and besought for him , but was bribed so to doe : neuerthelesse , that we might shew mercy as well as extremitie , the governour released him , and the rather because we desired he might carry a message to obtak●est his master . no sooner were the yrons from his legs , but he would haue beene gone , but the governour bid him stay and feare not , for he should receiue no hurt , and by hobbamock commanded him to deliuer this message to his master ; that for our parts , it neuer entred into our hearts to take such a course with them , till their owne trecherie enforced vs therevnto , and therefore might thanke themselues for their owne ouer-throw , yet since he had begun , if againe by any the like courses he did provoke him , his countrey should not hold him , for he would neuer suffer him or his to rest in peace , till he had vtterly consumed them , and therefore should take this as a warning . further , that he should send to patuxet the three englishmen he had and not kill them ; also that he should not spoyle the pale and houses at wichaguscusset , and that this messenger should either bring the english , or an answere , or both , promising his safe returne . this message was deliuered , and the partie would haue returned with answere , but was at first disswaded by them , whom afterward they would but could not perswade to come to vs. at length ( though long ) a woman came and told vs that obtakiest was sorry that the english were killed before he heard from the governour , otherwise he would haue sent them . also shee said , he would faine make his peace againe with vs , but none of his men durst come to treate about it , hauing forsaken his dwelling , and daily remoued from place to place , expecting when wee would take further vengeance on him . concerning those other people that intended to joyne with the massachuseucks against vs , though we neuer went against any of them , yet this suddaine and vnexpected execution , together with the iust iudgement of god vpon their guiltie consciences , hath so terrified and amazed them , as in like manner they forsooke their houses , running so and fro like men distracted , liuing in swamps and other desert places , and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselues , whereof uery many are dead , as canacum the sachim of manomet , aspinet , the sachim of nausat , and ianowh , sachim of mattachurst . this sachim in his life , in the middest of these distractions , said the god of the english was offended with them , and would destroy them in his anger , and certainly it is strange to heare how many of late haue , and still daily die amongst them , neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease , because through feare they set little or no corne , which is the staffe of life , and without which they cannot long preserue health and strength . from one of these places a boate was sent with presents to the gouernour , hoping thereby to worke their peace , but the boate was cast away , and three of the persons drowned , not farre from our plantation , onely one escaped , who durst not come to vs , but returned , so as none of them dare come amongst vs. i feare i haue beene too tedious both in this and other things , yet when i considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth and grounds of this action , especially should be made knowne , and the seuerall dispositions of that dissolued colony , whose reports vndoubtedly will be as various , i could not but enlarge my selfe where i thought to be most briefe ; neither durst i be too briefe , least i should eclipse and rob god of that honour , glory , and prayse , which belongeth to him for preseruing vs from falling when we were at the pits brim , and yet feared nor knew not that we were in danger . the moneth of aprill being now come , on all handes we beganne to prepare for corne. and because there was no corne left before this time , saue that was preserued for seed , being also hopelesse of reliefe by supply , we thought best to leaue off all other works , and prosecute that as most necessary . and because there was no small hope of doing good in that common course of labour that formerly wee were in , for that the governours that followed men to their labours , had nothing to giue men for their necessities , and therefore could not 〈◊〉 well exercise that command over them therein as formerly they had done ▪ especially considering that selfe loue wherewith euery man ( in a measure more or lesse ) loueth and preferreth his owne good before his neighbours , and also the base disposition of some drones , that as at other times so now especially would be most burdenous to the rest ; it was therefore thought best that euery man should vse the best diligence he could for his owne preseruation , both in respect of the time present , and to prepare his owne corne for the yeare following : and bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of publique officers , fishermen , &c. which could not be freed from their calling without greater inconueniences . this course was to continue till harvest , and then the gouernours to gather in the appointed portion , for the maintenance of themselues and such others as necessitie constrayned to exempt from this condition . onely if occasion served vpon any speciall service they might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same , during this appointed time , and at the end thereof all men to be employed by them in such seruice as they thought most necessary for the generall good . and because there is great differēce in the ground , that therfore a set quantitie should be set downe for a person , and each man to haue his fall by lot , as being most iust and equall , and against which no man could except . at a generall meeting of the company , many courses were propounded , but this approued and followed , as being the most likely for the present and future good of the company ; and therefore before this moneth began to prepare our ground against seed time . in the middest of aprill we began to set , the weather being then seasonable , which much incouraged vs , giuing vs good hopes of after plentie : the setting season is good till the latter end of may. but it pleased god for our further chastisement , to send a great drowth , insomuch , as in sixe weekes after the latter setting there scarce fell any rayne , so that the stalke of that was first set began to send forth the eare before it came to halfe growth , and that which was later , not like to yeeld any at all , both blade and stalke hanging the head , and changing the colour in such manner , as wee iudged it vtterly dead : our beanes also ran not vp according to their wonted manner , but stood at a stay , many being parched away , as though they had beene scorched before the fire . now were our hopes overthrowne , and we discouraged , our joy being turned into mourning . to adde also to this sorrowfull estate in which we were , we heard of a supply that was sent vnto vs many moneths since , which hauing two repulses before , was a third time in company of another ship three hundred leagues at sea , and now in three moneths time heard no further of her , onely the signes of a wrack were seene on the coast , which could not be iudged to be any other then the same . so that at once god seemed to depriue vs of all future hopes . the most couragious were now discouraged , because god which hitherto had beene our onely shield and supporter , now seemed in his anger to arme himselfe against vs ; and who can withstand the fiercenesse of his wrath . these , and the like considerations moued not onely euery good man privately to enter into examination with his owne estate betweene god and his conscience , and so to humiliation before him : but also more solemnly to humble our selues together before the lord by fasting and prayer . to that end a day was appoynted by publique authoritie , and set a-part from all other imployments , hoping that the same god which had stirred vs vp hereunto , would be moued hereby in mercy to looke downe vpon vs , & grant the request of our deiected soules , if our continuance there might any way stand with his glory and our good . but oh the mercy of our god! who was as readie to heare as wee to aske : for though in the morning when we assembled together , the heavens were as cleare and the drought as like to continue as euer it was : yet ( our exercise continuing some eight or nine houres ) before our departure the weather was over-cast , the clouds gathered together on all sides , and on the next morning distilled such soft , sweet , and moderate showers of rayne , continuing some foureteene dayes , and mixed with such reasonable weather , as it was hard to say whether our withered corne , or drouping affections were most quickned or revived . such was the bountie and goodnes of our god. of this the indians by meanes of hobbam●ck tooke notice : who being then in the towne , and this exercise in the midst of the weeke , laid , it was but three dayes since sunday , and therefore demanded of a boy what was the reason thereof ? which when he knew and saw what effects followed thereupon , he and all of them admired the goodnesse of our god towardes vs , that wrought so great a change in so short a time , shewing the difference betweene their coniuration , and our invocation on the name of god for rayne ; their 's being mixed with such stormes and tempests , as sometimes in stead of doing them good , it layeth the corne flat on the ground , to their preiudice : but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner , as they neuer observed the like . at the same time captaine standish being formerly imployed by the governour to buy provisions for the refreshing of the colony , returned with the same , accompanied with one mr david tomson , a scotchman , who also that spring began a plantation twentie fiue leagues north-east from vs , nere smiths iles , at a place called pascatoquack , where he liketh well . now also heard we of the third repul●e that our supply had ▪ of their safe though dangerous returne into england , and of their preparation to come to vs. so that hauing these many signes of gods fauour and acceptation , we thought it would be great ingratitude , if secretly we should smoother vp the same , or content our selues with private thanksgiuing for that which by private prayer could not be obtained . and therefore another solemne day was set a part and appoynted for that end , wherein we returned glory , honour , and prayse , with all thankefulnes to our good god , which dealt so graciously with vs , whose name for these and all other his mercies towardes his church and chosen ones , by them be blessed and praysed now and euermore ▪ amen . in the latter end of iuly and the beginning of august , came two ships with supply vnto vs , who brought all their passengers , except one , in health , who recouered in short time , who also notwithstanding , all our wants and hardship ( blessed be god ) found not any one sicke person amongst vs at the plantation . the bigger ship called the anne was hired , and there againe fraighted backe , from whence we set saile the tenth of september . the lesser called the little iames , was built for the company at their charge . shee was now also fitted for trade and discovery to the south-ward of cape cod , and almost readie to set saile , whom i pray god to blesse in her good and lawfull proceedings ▪ thus haue i made a true and full narration of the state of our plantation , and such things as were most remarkeable therein since decemb. . if i haue omitted any thing , it is either through weakenesse of memory , or because i judged it not materiall : i confesse my stile rude , and vnskilfulnesse in the taske i vndertooke , being vrged thereunto by opportunitie , which i knew to be wanting in others , and but for which i would not haue vndertaken the same ; yet as it is rude so it is plaine , and therefore the easier to be vnderstood ; wherein others may see that which wee are bound to acknowledge , viz. that if euer any people in these later ages were vpheld by the providence of god after a more speciall manner then others , then wee : and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the memory of his goodnesse , with euerlasting thankefulnes . for in these forenamed strayts , such was our state , as in the morning we had often our foode to seeke for the day , and yet performed the duties of our callings , i meane other daily labours , to provide for after time : and though at some times in some seasons at noone i haue seene men stagger by reason of faintnesse for want of foode , yet ere night by the good providence and blessing of god , wee haue enioyed such plentie as though the windowes of heauen had beene opened vnto vs. how few , weake , and raw were we at our first beginning , and there setling , and in the middest of barbarous enemies ? yet god wrought our peace for vs. how often haue wee beene at the pits brim , and in danger to be swallowed vp , yea , not knowing , till afterward that we were in perill ? and yet god preserved vs : yea , and from how many that we yet know not of , he that knoweth all things can best tell : so that when i seriously consider of things , i cannot but thinke that god hath a purpose to giue that land as an inheritance to our nation , and great pittie it were that it should long lie in so desolate a state , considering it agreeth so well with the constitution of our bodies , being both fertile , and so temperate for heate and cold , as in that respect one can scarce distinguish new-england from old. a few things i thought meet to adde hereunto , which i haue obserued amongst the indians , both touching their religion , and sundry other customes amongst them . and first , whereas my selfe and others , in former letters ( which came to the presse against my will and knowledge ) wrote , that the indians about vs are a people without any religion , or knowledge of any god , therein i erred , though we could then gather no better : for as they conceiue of many divine powers , so of one whom they call kichtan , to be the principall and maker of all the rest , and to be made by none : he ( they say ) created the heavens , earth , sea , and all creatures contained therein . also that he made one man and one woman , of whom they and wee and all mankinde came : but how they became so farre dispersed that know they not . at first they say , there was no sachim , or king , but kichtan , who dwelleth aboue in the heavens , whither all good men goe when they die , to see their friends , and haue their fill of all things : this his habitation lyeth farre west-ward in the heauens , they say ; thither the bad men goe also , and knocke at his doore , but he bids them quatchet , that is to say , walke abroad , for there is no place for such ; so that they wander in restles want and penury : neuer man saw this kichtan ; onely old men tell them of him , and bid them tell their children , yea , to charge them to teach their posterities the same , and lay the like charge vpon them . this power they acknowledge to be good , and when they would obtaine any great matter , meete together , and cry vnto him , and so likewise for plentie , victorie , &c. sing , daunce , feast , giue thankes , and hang vp garlandes and other thinges in memorie of the same . another power they worship , whom they call hobbamock , and to the norward of vs hobbamoqui ; this as farre as wee can conceiue is the deuill , him they call vpon to cure their wounds and diseases . when they are curable , he perswades them he sends the same for some conceived anger against them , but vpon their calling vpon him can and doth helpe them : but when they are mortall , and not curable in nature , then he perswades them kichtan is angry and sends them , whom none can cure : in so much , as in that respect onely they somewhat doubt whether hee be simply good , and therefore in sicknesse neuer call vpon him . this hobbamock appeares in sundry formes vnto them , as in the shape of a man , a deare , a fawne , an eagle , &c. but most ordinarily a snake : he appeares not to all but the chiefest and most iudicious amongst them , though all of them striue to attaine to that hellish height of honour . hee appeareth most ordinary and is most conversant with three sorts of people , one i confesse i neither knowe by name nor office directly : of these they haue few but esteeme highly of them , and thinke that no weapon can kill them : another they call by the name of powah , and the third pniese . the office and duty of the powah is to bee exercised principally in calling vpon the divell , and curing diseases of the sicke or wounded . the common people ioyne with him in the exercise of invocation , but doe but onely assent , or as wee tearme it , say amen to that he sayth , yet sometime breake out into a short musicall note with him . the powah is eager and free in speech , fierce in countenance , and ioyneth many anticke and labourious gestures with the same ouer the party diseased . if the party bee wounded hee will also seeme to sucke the wound , but if they bee curable ( as they say ) hee toucheth it not , but a skooke , that is the snake , or wobsacuck , that is the eagle , sitteth on his shoulder and licks the same . this none see but the powah , who tels them hee doth it himselfe . if the party be otherwise diseased , it is accounted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the house , taking it for an vndoubted signe of recouery . and as in former ages apollo had his temple at delphos , and diana at ephesus ; so haue i heard them call vpon some as if they had their residence in some certaine places , or because they appeared in those formes in the same . in the powahs speech he promiseth to sacrifice many skins of beasts , kettles , hatchets , beades , kniues , and other the best things they haue to the fiend , if hee will come to helpe the party diseased : but whether they performe it i know not . the other practices i haue seene , being necessarily called at some times to be with their sicke , and haue vsed the best arguments i could make them vnderstand against the same : they haue told me i should see the diuell at those times come to the party , but i assured my selfe and them of the contrary , which so prooved : yea , themselues haue confessed they neuer saw him when any of vs were present . in desperate and extraordinary hard trauell in childe-birth , when the party cannot be deliuered by the ordinary meanes , they send for this powah , though ordinarily their travell is not so extreame ●s in our parts of the world , they being of a more hardy nature ; for on the third day after childe-birth i haue seene the mother with the infant vpon a small occasion in cold weather in a boat vpon the sea. many sacrifices the indians vse , and in some cases kill children . it seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a little distance , and grow more and more cold in their worship to kichtan : saying in their memory hee was much more called vpon . the nanohiggansets exceede in their blinde devotion , and haue a great spatious house wherein onely some few ( that are as wee may tearme them priests ) come : thither at certaine knowne times resort all their people , and offer almost all the riches they haue to their gods , as kettles , skinnes , hatchets , beads , kniues , &c. all which are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house , and there consumed to ashes . to this offering euery man bringeth freely , and the more hee is knowne to bring , hath the better esteeme of all men . this the other indians about vs approue of as good , and wish then sachims would appoint the like : and because the plague hath not raigned at nanohigganset as at other places about them , they attribute to this custome there vsed . the prieses are men of great courage and wisedome , and to these also the diuell appeareth more familiarly then to others and as we conceiue maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death , by wounds , with arrowes , kniues , hatchers , &c. or at least both themselues and especially the people thinke themselues to be freed from the lame . and though against their battels all of them by painting disfigure themselues , yet they are knowne by their courage and boldnes , by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men , for they account it death for whomsoeuer stand in their way . these are highly esteemed of all sorts of people , and are of the sachims councell , without whom they will not warre or vndertake any weighty businesse . in warre their sachims for their more safety goe in the midst of them . they are commonly men of the greatest stature & strength , and such as wil endure most hardnesse , and yet are more discreet , courteous , and humane in their carryages then any amongst them , scorning theft , lying , and the like base dealings , and stand as much vpon their reputation as any men . and to the end they may haue store of these , they traine vp the most forward and likeliest boyes from their childehood in great hardnesse , and make them abstaine from dainty meate , observing diuers orders prescribed , to the end that when they are of age the diuell may appeare to them , causing to drinke the iuyce of sentry and other bitter hearbes till they cast , which they must disgorge into the platter , and drinke againe , and againe , till at length through extraordinary oppressing of nature it will seeme to bee all blood , and this the boyes will doe with eagernes at the first , and so continue till by reason of faintnesse they can scarce stand on their legs , and then must goe forth into the cold : also they beate their shinnes with sticks , and cause them to run through bushes , stumps , and brambles , to make them hardy and acceptable to the diuell , that in time he may appeare vnto them . their sachims cannot bee all called kings , but onely some few of them , to whom the rest resort for protection , and pay homage vnto them , neither may they warre without their knowledge and approbation , yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serueth . of this sort is massassowat our friend , and conanacus of nanohiggenset our supposed enemy . euery sachim taketh care for the widow and fatherlesse , also for such as are aged , and any way maymed , if their friends be dead or not able to prouide for them . a sachim will not take any to wife but such an one as is equall to him in birth , otherwise they say their seede would in time become ignoble , and though they haue many other wiues , yet are they no other then concubines or servants , and yeeld a kinde of obedience to the principall , who ordereth the family , and them in it . the like their men obserue also , and will adhere to the first during their liues ; but put away the other at their pleasure . this gouernment is successiue and not by choyce . if the father die before the sonne or daughter be of age , then the childe is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them , who ruleth in his stead till he be of age , but when that is i know not . euery sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and limits of his owne countrey extendeth , and that is his owne proper inheritance , out of that if any of his men desire land to set their corne , hee giueth them as much as they can vse , and sets them their bounds . in this circuit whosoever hunteth , if they kill any venison , bring him his fee , which is the fore parts of the same , if it be killed on the land , but if in the water , then the skin thereof : the great sachims or kings , know their owne bounds or limits of land , as well as the rest . all trauellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the sachims , when they come they tell them how long they will stay , and to what place they goe , during which time they receiue entertainement according to their persons , but want not . once a yeere the prieses vse to prouoke the people to bestow much corne on the sachim . to that end they appoint a certain time and place neere the sachims dwelling , where the people bring many baskets of corne , and make a great stack thereof . there the pnieses stand ready to giue thankes to the people on the sachims behalfe , and after acquainteth the sachim therewith , who fetcheth the same , and is no lesse thankefull , bestowing many gifts on them . when any are visited with sicknesse , their friends resort vnto them for their comfort , and continue with them oft-times till their death or recouery . if they die they stay a certain time to mourne for them . night and morning they performe this dutie many dayes after the buriall in a most dolefull manner , insomuch as though it be ordinary and the note musicall , which they take one from another , and all together , yet it will draw teares from their eyes , & almost from ours also . but if they recouer then because their sicknesse was chargeable , they send corne and other gifts vnto them at a certaine appointed time , whereat they feast and dance , which they call commeco . when they bury the dead they sow vp the corps in a mat and so put it in the earth . if the party bee a sachim they cover him with many curious mats , and bury all his riches with him , and inclose the graue with a pale . if it bee a childe the father will also put his owne most speciall iewels and ornaments in the earth with it , also will cut his haire and disfigure himselfe very much in token of sorrow . if it be the man or woman of the house , they will pull downe the mattes and leaue the frame standing , and burie them in or neere the same , and either remoue their dwelling or giue ouer house-keeping . the men imploy themselues wholly in hunting , and other exercises of the bow , except at some times they take some paines in fishing . the women liue a most slauish life , they carry all their burdens , set and dresse their corne , gather it in , seeke out for much of their food , beare and make ready the corne to eate , and haue all houshold care lying vpon them . the younger sort reverence the elder , and do all meane offices whilst they are together , although they bee strangers . boyes and girles may not weare their haire like men and women , but are distinguished thereby . a man is not accounted a man till he doe some notable act , or shew forth such courage and resolution as becommeth his place . the men take much tobacco , but for boyes so to doe they account it odious . all their names are significant and variable ▪ for when they come to the state of men and women , they alter them according to their deeds or dispositions . when a maide is taken in marriage she first cutteth her haire , and after weareth a couering on her head till her hayre be growne out . their women are diuersly disposed , some as modest as they will scarce talke one with another in the company of men , being very chaste also : yet other some light , lasciuious and wanton . if a woman haue a bad husband , or cannot affect him , and there be warre or opposition betweene that and any other people , shee will runne away from him to the contrary party and there liue , where they neuer come vnwelcome : for where are most women , there is greatest plenty . when a woman hath her monethly termes shee separateth her selfe from all other company , and liueth certaine dayes in a house alone : after which she washeth her selfe and all that shee hath touched or vsed , and is againe receiued to her husbands bed or family . for adultery the husband will beate his wife and put her away , if he please . some common strumpets there are as well as in other places , but they are such as either never marryed , or widowes , or put away for adultery : for no man will keepe such an one to wife . in matters of vniust and dis-honest dealing the sachim examineth and punisheth the same . in case of thefts , for the first offence he is disgracefully rebuked , for the second beaten by the sachim with a cudgell on the naked backe , for the third hee is beaten with many stroakes , and hath his nose slit vpward , that thereby all men may both know and shun him . if any man kill another , hee must likewise die for the same . the sachim not onely passeth the sentence vpon malefactors , but executeth the same with his owne hands , if the party be then present ; if not , sendeth his owne knife in case of death , in the hands of others to performe the same . but if the offender bee to receiue other punishment , hee will not receiue the same but from the sachim himselfe , before whom being naked he kneeleth , and will not offer to run away though hee beate him never so much , it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction , then is his offence and punishment . as for their apparell they weare breeches and stockings in one like some irish , which is made of deare skinnes , and haue shooes of the same leather . they weare also a dears skin loose about them like a cloake , which they will turne to the weather side . in this habit they travell , but when they are at home or come to their iourneys end , presently they pull off their breeches , stockins , and shooes , wring out the water if they bee wet , and dry them , and rub or chafe the same . though these be off , yet haue they another small garment that couereth their secrets . the men weare also when they goe abroad in colde weather an otter or foxe skin on their right arme , but onely their bracer on the left . women and all of that sexe weare strings about their legs , which the men neuer doe . the people are very ingenious and observatiue , they keepe account of time by the moone , and winters or summers ; they know diuerse of the starres by name , in particular , they know the north-starre and call it maske , which is to say the beare . also they haue many names for the windes . they will guesse very well at the winde and weather before hand , by observations in the heauens . they report also , that some of them can cause the winde to blow in what part they list , can raise stormes and tempests which they vsually doe when they intend the death or destruction of other people , that by reason of the vnseasonable weather they may take advantage of their enemies in their houses . at such times they performe their greatest exployts , and in such seasons when they are at enmity with any , they keepe more carefull watch then at other times . as for the language it is very copious , large , and difficult , as yet we cannot attaine to any great measure thereof ▪ but can vnderstand them , and explaine our selues to their vnderstanding , by the helpe of those that daily converse with vs. and though there be difference in an hundred miles distance of place , both in language and manners , yet not so much but that they very well vnderstand each other . and thus much of their liues and manners . in stead of records and chronicles , they take this course , where any remarkeable act is done , in memorie of it , either in the place , or by some path-way neere adioyning , they make a round hole in the ground about a foote deepe , and as much over , which when others passing by behold , they enquire the cause and occasion of the same , which being once knowne , they are carefull to acquaint all men , as occasion serueth therewith . and least such holes should be filled , or growne vp by any accident , as men passe by they will oft renew the same : by which meanes many things of great antiquitie are fresh in memory . so that as a man travelleth , if he can vnderstand his guide , his iourney will be the lesse tedious , by reason of the many historicall discourses will be related vnto him . in all this it may be said , i haue neither praysed nor dispraysed the country : and since i liued so long therein , my iudgment thereof will giue no lesse satisfaction to them that know me , then the relation of our proceedings . to which i answere , that as in one so of the other , i will speake as sparingly as i can , yet will make knowne what i conceiue thereof . and first for that continent , on which wee are called new england , although it hath ever beene conceived by the english to be a part of that maine land adioyning to virginia , yet by relation of the indians i● should appeare to be otherwise : for they affirme confidently , that it is an iland , and that either the dutch or french passe thorow from sea to sea , betweene vs and virginia , and driue a great trade in the same . the name of that inlet of the sea they call mohegon , which i take to be the same which we call hudsons-river , vp which master hudson went many leagues , and for want of meanes ( as i heare ) left it vndiscovered . for confirmation of this , their opinion is thus much ; though virginia be not aboue an hundred and fiftie leagues from vs , yet they neuer heard of powhatan , or knew that any english were planted in his countrey , saue onely by vs and tisquantum , who went in an english ship thither : and therefore it is the more probable , because the water is not passable for them , who are very adventurous in their boates. then for the temperature of the ayre , in almost three yeares experience , i can scarce distinguish new-england from old england , in respect of heate , and cold , frost , snow , raine , winds , &c. some obiect , because our plantation lieth in the latitude of . it must needs be much hotter . i confesse , i cannot giue the reason of the contrary ; onely experience teacheth vs , that if it doe exceed england , it is so 〈◊〉 as must require better iudgements to discerne it . and for the winter , i rather thinke ( if there be difference ) it is both sharper and longer in new england then old ; and yet the want of those comforts in the one which i haue enioyed in the other , may deceiue my iudgment also . but in my best obseruation , comparing our owne condition with the relations of other parts of america , i cannot conceiue of any to agree better with the constitution of the english , not being oppressed with extremitie of heate , nor nipped with biting cold , by which meanes blessed be god , wee enioy our health , notwithstanding , those difficulties wee haue vnder-gone , in such a measure as would haue beene admired , if wee had liued in england with the like meanes . the day is two houres longer then here when it is at the shortest , and as much shorter there , when it is at the longest . the soile is variable , in some places mould , in some clay , others , a mixed sand , &c. the chiefest graine is the indian mays , or ginny-wheate ; the seed-time beginneth in midst of aprill , and continueth good till the midst of may. our harvest beginneth with september . this come increaseth in great measure , but is inferiour in quantitie to the same in virginia , the reason i conceiue , is because virginia is farre hotter then it is with vs , it requiring great heate to ripen ; but whereas it is obiected against new-england , that corne will not there grow , except the ground be manured with fish ? i answere , that where men set with fish ( as with vs ) it is more easie so to doe then to cleare ground and set without some fiue or sixe yeares , and so begin anew , as in virginia and else where . not but that in some places , where they cannot be taken with ease in such abundance , the indians set foure yeares together without , and haue as good corne or better then we haue that set with them , though indeed i thinke if wee had cattell to till the ground , it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soile , to sow wheate , rye , barley , pease , and oats , then to set mays , which our indians call ewachim : for we haue had experience that they like and thriue well ; and the other will not be procured without good labour and diligence , especially at seed-time , when it must also be watched by night to keepe the wolues from the fish , till it be rotten , which will be in foureteene dayes ; yet men agreeing together , and taking their turnes it is not much . much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant by trade with the indians for furs , if men take a right course for obtaining the same , for i dare presume vpon that small experience i haue had , to affirme , that the english , dutch , and french , returne yeerely many thousand pounds profits by trade onely from that iland , on which we are seated . tobacco may be there planted , but not with that profit as in some other places , neither were it profitable there to follow it , though the increase were equall , because fish is a better and richer commoditie , and more necessary , which may be and are there had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world ; witnesse the west country merchants of england , which returne incredible gaines yearely from thence . and if they can so doe which here buy their salt at a great charge , and transport more company to make their voyage , then will saile their ships , what may the planters expect when once they are seated , and make the most of their salt there , and imploy themselues at lest eight moneths in fishing , whereas the other fish but foure , and haue their ship lie dead in the harbour all the time , whereas such shipping as belong to plantations , may take fraight of passengers or cattell thither , and haue their lading provided against they come . i confesse , we haue come so farre short of the meanes to raise such returnes , as with great difficultie wee haue preserved our liues ; insomuch , as when i looke backe vpon our condition , and weake meanes to preserue the same , i rather admire at gods mercy and providence in our preservation , then that no greater things haue beene effected by vs. but though our beginning haue beene thus raw , small , and difficult , as thou hast seene , yet the same god that hath hitherto led vs thorow the former , i hope will raise means to accomplish the latter . not that we altogether , or principally propound profit to be the maine end of that wee haue vndertaken , but the glory of god , and the honour of our country , in the inlarging of his maiesties dominions , yet wanting outward meanes , to set things in that forwardnesse we desire , and to further the latter by the former , i thought meete to offer both to consideration , hoping that where religion and profit iump together ( which is rare ) in so honourable an action , it will encourage euery honest man , either in person or purse , to set forward the same , or at least-wise to commend the well-fare thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of the blessed god. i will not againe speake of the abundance of fowle , store of venison , and varietie of fish , in their seasons , which might incourage many to goe in their persons , onely i advise all such before hand to consider , that as they heare of countries that abound with the good creatures of god , so meanes must be vsed for the taking of euery one in his kinde , and therefore not onely to content themselues that there is sufficient , but to foresee how they shall be able to obtaine the same , otherwise , as he that walketh london streetes , though he be in the middest of plentie , yet if he want meanes , is not the better but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of that he wanteth , and cannot enioy it : so also there , if thou want art and other necessaries thereunto belonging , thou maist see that thou wantest , and thy heart desireth , and yet be never the better for the same . therefore if thou see thine owne insufficiencie of thy selfe , then ioyne to some others , where thou maiest in some measure enioy the same , otherwise assure thy selfe , thou art better where thou art . some there be that thinking altogether of their present wants they enioy here , and not dreaming of any there , through indiscretion plunge themselues into a deeper sea of misery . as for example , it may be here , rent and firing are so chargeable , as without great difficultie a man cannot accomplish the same ; neuer considering , that as he shall haue no rent to pay , so he must build his house before he haue it , and peradventure may with more ease pay for his fuell here , then cut and fetch it home , if he haue not cattell to draw it there ; though there is no scarcitie but rather too great plentie . i write not these things to disswade any that shall seriously vpon due examination set themselues to further the glory of god , and the honour of our countrey , in so worthy an enterprise , but rather to discourage such as with too great lightnesse vndertake such courses , who p●radventure straine themselues and their friends for their passage thither , and are no sooner there , then seeing their foolish imagination made voyde , are at their wits end , and would giue ten times so much for their returne , if they could procure it , and out of such discontented passions and humors , spare not to lay that imputation vpon the country , and others , which themselues deserue . as for example , i haue heard some complaine of others for their large reports of new-england , and yet because they must drinke water and want many delicates they here enioyed , could presently returne with their mouthes full of clamours . and can any bee so simple as to conceiue that the fountaines should streame forth wine , or beare , or the woods and rivers be like butchers-shops , or fish-mongers stalles , where they might haue things taken to their hands . if thou canst not liue without such things , and hast no meanes to procure the one , and wilt not take paines for the other , nor hast ability to employ others for thee , rest where thou art : for as a proud heart , a dainty tooth , a beggers purse , and an idle hand , bee here intollerable , so that person that hath these qualities there , is much more abhominable . if therefore god hath giuen thee a heart to vndertake such courses , vpon such grounds as beare thee out in all difficulties , viz. his glory as a principall , and all other outward good things but as accessaries , which peradventure thou shalt enioy , and it may be not : then thou wilt with true comfort and thankfulnes receiue the least of his mercies ; whereas on the contrary , men depriue themselues of much happinesse , being senslesse of greater blessings , and through preiudice smoother vp the loue and bounty of god , whose name be euer glorified in vs , and by vs , now and euermore . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e anno . the meaning of the word , kichtan , i thinke hath reference to antiquitie , for chise is an old man , and ku●chise , a man that exceedeth ●n age . a declaration of the general court of the massachusets holden at boston in new-england, october, , concerning the execution of two quakers. massachusetts. general court. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing m ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a declaration of the general court of the massachusets holden at boston in new-england, october, , concerning the execution of two quakers. massachusetts. general court. broadside. [s.n.], reprinted in london : . "printed by their order in new-england, edward rawson, secretary." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng executions and executioners -- massachusetts. society of friends -- massachusetts. massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . a r (wing m ). civilwar no a declaration of the general court of the massachusets holden at boston in new-england, october . . concerning the execution of two qu massachusetts. general court a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the general court of the massachvsets holden at boston in new-england , october . . concerning the execution of two quakers . although the justice of our proceedings against william robinson , marmaduke stevenson , and mary dyer , supported by the authority of this court , the lawes of the country ; and the law of god , may rather perswade us to expect incouragement and commendation from all prudent and pious men , then convince us of any necessity to apologize for the same , yet for as much as men of weaker parts , out of pitty and commiseration ( a commendable and christian virtue yet easily abused , and susceptible of sinister and dangerous impressions ) for want of full information , may be less satisfied , and men of perverser principles , may take occasion hereby to calumniate us , and render us as bloody persecutors , to satisfie the one , and stop the mouths of the other , we thought it requisite to declare . that about three years since , divers persons , professing themselves quakers , ( of whose pernicious opinions and practises we had received intelligence from good hands , from barbadoes to england , arrived at boston ) whose persons were onely secured , to be sent away by the first opportunity , without censure or punishment , although their professed tenents , turbulent and contemptuous behaviour to authority would have justified a severer animadversion , yet the prudence of this court , was exercised , onely in making provision to secure the peace and order here established , against their attempts , whose design ( we were well assured of by our own experience , as well as by the example of their predecessours in munster ) was to undermine and ruine the same , and accordingly a law was made and published , prohibiting all masters of ships , to bring any quakers into this jurisdiction , and themselves from comming in , on penalty of the house of correction , till they could be sent away : notwithstanding which , by a back door , they found entrance , and the penalty inflicted on themselves , proving insufficient to restrain their impudent and insolent obtrusions , was increased by the loss of the ears of those that offended the second time , which also being too weak a defence against their impetuous frantick fury , necessitated us to endeavour our security , and upon serious consideration , after the former experiments , by their incessant assaults , a law was made , that such persons should be banished , on pain of death , according to the example of england in their provision against jesuites , which sentence being regularly pronounced at the last court of assistants against the parties above named , and they either returning , or continuing presumptuously in this jurisdiction , after the time limited , were apprehended , & owning themselves to be the persons banished , were sentenced ( by the court ) to death , according the law aforesaid , which hath been executed upon two of them : mary dyer upon the petition of her son , and the mercy and clemency of this court , had liberty to depart within two dayes , which she hath accepted of . the consideration of our gradual proceeding , will vindicate us from the clamorous accusations of severity ; our own just and necessary defence , calling upon us ( other means fayling ) to offer the poynt , which these persons have violently , and wilfully rushed upon , and thereby become felons dese , which might it have been prevented , and the soveraign law salus populi been preserved , our former proceedings , as well as the sparing of mary dyer , upon an inconsiderable intercession , will manifestly evince , we desire their lives absent , rather then their death present . reprinted in london , printed by their order in new-england . edward rawson , secretary . finis . massachusetts, or, the first planters of new-england the end and manner of their coming thither, and abode there: in several epistles ... approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) massachusetts, or, the first planters of new-england the end and manner of their coming thither, and abode there: in several epistles ... dudley, thomas, - . allin, john, - . shepard, thomas, - . cotton, john, - . massachusetts [ ], p. printed by b. green, and j. allen : sold by richard wilkins ..., boston in new-england : . reproduction of original in huntington library. supposed to have been printed at the suggeston of joshua scottow; also attributed to thomas dudley, son of governor joseph dudley, cf. young, a. chronicles of the first planters of the colony of massachusetts bay, boston, , p. , note; and allen, wm. amer. biog. dic. the humble request of his majesties loyal subjects, the governour and the company late gone for new-england, to the rest of their brethen, in and of the church of england -- to the ... lady bridget, countess of lincoln -- the preface of the reverend mr. john allin, of dedham, and of mrs. thomas shepard of cambridge ... before their defence of the answer made unto the nine questions -- cotton, j. in domini nortoni librum, ad lectorem præfatio apologetica. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng norton, john, - . -- responsio ad totum quæstionum syllogen a guilielmo apollonio propositam. massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- sources. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion massachusetts or the first planters of new-england , the end and manner of their coming thither , and abode there : in several epistles psal. . . yea , the sparrow hath found an house , and the swallow a nest for her self , where she may lay her young ; even thy altars , o lord of hosts , my king , and my god. john , . . iesus saith unto her , woman , believe me , the hour cometh when ye shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at ierusalem , worship the father . rev. . . — these are they which follow the lamb whithersoever he goeth — tantum interest , non qualia , sed qualis quisque patiatur . in tabernaculo testimonij , quod erat in itinere populi dei , velut templum deambulatorium , &c. augustin . de civitate dei. column . . ex lib . cap. . column . . vestra autem pietas , viri exules , quae maluit patriam quam evangelium deserere ; commodisque carere temporarijs , quam permisceri sacris a christo alienis , egregiam sane meretur laudem . bullinger praefat in comment . apoc. p. . boston in new-england , printed by b. green , and i. allen. sold by richard wilkins , at his shop near the old-meeting-house . . the humble request of his majesties loyal subjects , the governour and the company late gone for new-england : to the rest of their brethren , in and of the church of england . for the obtaining of their prayers , and the removal of suspicions and mis constructions of their intentions . reverend fathers and brethren ; the general rumour of this solemn enterprise , wherein our selves with others , through the providence of the almighty , are ingaged , as it may spare us the labour of impa●●●ing our occasion unto you , so it gives us the more incouragement to strengthen our selves by the procurement of the prayers and blessings of the lords faithful servants : for which end we are bold to have recourse unto you , as those whom god hath placed nearest his throne of mercy ; which as it affords you the more opportunity , so it imposeth the greater bond upon you to intercede for his people in all their straits , we beseech you therefore by the mercies of the lord jesus to consider us as your brethren , standing in very great need of your help , and earnestly imploring it . and howsoever your charity may have met with some occasion of discouragement through the misreport of our intentions , or through the disaffection , or indiscretion , of some of us , or rather amongst us : for we are not of those that dream of perfection in this world ; yet we desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principals , and body of our company , as those who esteem it our honour to call the church of england , from whence we rise , our dear mother , and cannot part from our native country , where she specially resideth , without much sadness of heart , and many tears in our eyes , ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation , we have received in her bosome , and suckt it from her breasts : we leave it not therefore , as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there , but blessing god for the parentage and education , as members of the same body , shall always rejoyce in her good , and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her , & while we have breath , syncerely desire and indeavour the continuance & abundance of her welfare , with the inlargement of her bounds in the kingdom of christ , jesus . be pleased therefore reverend fathers and brethren , to help forward this work now in hand ; which if it prosper , you shall be the more glorious : howsoever your judgment is with the lord , and your reward with your god. it is an usual and laudable exercise of your charity , to commend to the prayers of your congregations the necessities & straits of your private neighbours ; do the like for a church springing out of your own bowels . we conceive much hope that this remembrance of us , if it be frequent and fervent , will be a most prosperous gale in our sailes , and provide such a passage and welcome for us , from the god of the whole earth , as both we which shall find it , and your selves , with the rest of our friends , who shall hear of it , shall be much inlarged to bring in such daily returns of thanks givings , as the specialties of his providence and goodness may justly challenge at all our hands . you are not ignorant , that the spirit of god stirred up the apostle paul to make continual mention of the church of philippi ( which was a colony from rome ) let the same spirit , we beseech you , put you in mind , that are the lords remembrancers , to pray for us without ceasing ( who are a weak colony from your selves ) making continual request for us to god in all your prayers . what we intreat of you that are the ministers of god , that we also crave at the hands of all the rest of our brethren , that they would at no time forget us in their private solicitations at the throne of grace . if any there be , who through want of clear intelligence of our course , or tenderness of affection towards us , cannot conceive so well of our way as we could desire , we would intreat such not to despise us , nor to desert us in their prayers and affections , but to consider rather , that they are so much the more bound to express the bowels of their compassion towards us , remembring always that both nature and grace , doth ever bind us to relieve and rescue with our utmost and speediest power , such as are dear unto us , when we conceive them to be running uncomfortable hazards . what goodness you shall extend to us in this or any other christian kindness , we your brethren in christ jesus shall labour to repay in what duty we are or shall be able to perform , promising so far as god shall enable us to give him no rest on your behalfs , wishing our heads and hearts may be as fountains of tears for your everlasting welfare , when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wilderness , over-shadowed with the spirit of supplication , through the manifold necessities and tribulations which may not altogether unexpectedly , nor , we hope , unprofitably befal us . and so commending you to the grace of god in christ , we shall ever rest from yarmouth aboard the arbella . april . . your assured friends and brethren , io. winthrop . gov. charles fines . george phillips . &c. rich. saltonstall . isaac iohnson . tho. dudley . william coddington . &c. to the right honourable , my very good lady , the lady bridget countess of lincoln . madam , your letters ( which are not common nor cheap ) following me hither into new-england , and bringing with them renewed testimonies of the accustomed favours you honoured me with in the old , have drawn from me ▪ this narrative retribution , which ( in respect of your proper interest in some persons of great note amongst us ) was the thankfullest present i had to send over the seas . therefore i humbly intreat your honour this be accepted as payment from him , who neither hath , nor is any more , than boston in new-england , march th . . your honours old thankful servant , t. d. for the satisfaction of your hon our , and some friends , and for the use of such as shall hereafter intend to increase our plantation in new england , i have in the throng of domestick , and not altogether free from publick business , thought fit to commit to memory our present condition , and what hath befallen us since our arrival here ; which i will do shortly , after my usual manner , and must do rudely , having yet no table , nor other room to write in , then by the fire-side upon my knee , in this sharp winter ; to which my family must have leave to resort , though they break good manners , and make me many times forget what i would say ; and say what i would not . concerning the english that are planted here : i find that about the year . certain english set out from leyden in holland , intending their course for hudson's river . these being much weather beaten , and wearied with seeking the river , after a most tedious voyage , arrived at length in a small bay , lying north-east from cape ▪ cod ; where landing about the month of december , by the favour of a calm winter , such as was never seen here since , begun to build their dwellings in that place , which now is called new-plimouth : where after much sickness , famine , poverty and great mortality , ( through all which , god by an unwonted providence carried them ) they are now grown up to a people , healthful , wealthy , politick and religious ; such things doth the lord for those that wait for his mercies . they of plimouth came with patents from king iames , and have since obtained others , from our soveraign , king charles , having a governour and council of their own : there was about the same time , one mr. weston , an english merchant , who sent divers men to plant and trade ; who sate down by the river of wesaguscus , but these coming not for so good ends as those of plymouth , sped not so well ; for the most of them dying and languishing away , they who survived were rescued by those of plymouth , out of the hands of chickatalbott , & his indians , who oppressed those weak english , and intended to have destroyed them : and the plymotheans also , as is set down in a tract , written by mr. winslow of plymouth : also since , one captain wollaston with some thirty with him , came near to the same place , and built on an hill , which he named mount wollaston ; but being not supplied with renewed provisions , they vanished away as the former did . also divers merchants of bristol , and some other places , have yearly for these eight years , or thereabouts , sent ships hither at the fishing times , to trade for bever , where their factors dishonestly for their gains , have furnished the indians with guns , swords , powder and shot . touching the plantation which we here have begun : it fell out thus . about the year . some friends being together in lincolnshire , fell into discourse about new england , and the planting of the gospel there ; and after some deliberation , we imparted our reasons , by letters and messages , to some in london and the west country ; where it was likewise deliberately thought upon , and at length with often negotiation so ripened , that in the year . we procured a patent from his majesty for our planting between the massachusetts bay and charles river on the south , and the river of merrimack on the north , and three miles on either side of those rivers and bay ; as also for the government of those who did or should inhabit within that compass : and the same year we sent mr. iohn endicott , and some with him , to begin a plantation ; and to strengthen such as he should find there , which we sent thither from dorchester , and some places adjoyning : from whom the same year receiving hopeful news : the next year , . we sent divers ships over , with about three hundred people , and some cowes , goats and horses , many of which arrived safely . these by their too large commendations of the country , and the commodities thereof , invited us so strongly to go on , that mr. winthrop of suffolk , ( who was well known in his own country , and well approved here , for his piety , liberality , wisdom and gravity ) coming in to us , we came to such resolution , that in april , . we set sail from old england with four good ships . and in may following eight more followed ; two having gone before in february and march , and two more following in iune and august , besides another set out by a private merchant . these seventeen ships arrived all safe in new england , for the increase of the plantation here this year . but made a long , a troublesome and costly voyage , being all wind bound long in england , and hindred with contrary winds , after they set sail , and so scattered with mists and tempests , that few of them arrived together . our four ships which set out in april , arrived here in iune and iuly , where we found the colony in a sad and unexpected condition , above eighty of them being dead the winter before ; and many of those alive , weak and sick ; all the corn and bread amongst them all , hardly sufficientto feed them a fortnight : insomuch that the remainder of an hundred and eighty servants we had the two years before sent over , coming to us for victuals to sustain them , we found our selves wholly unable to feed them , by reason that the provisions shipped for them , were taken out of the ship they were put in ; and they who were trusted to ship them in another , failed us , and left them behind ; whereupon necessity enforced us to our extream loss , to give them all liberty ; who had cost us about sixteen or twenty pound a person , furnishing and sending over . but bearing these things as we might , we began to consult of the place of our sitting down : for salem where we landed , pleased us not . and to that purpose , some were sent to the bay , to search up the rivers for a convenient place ; who upon their return , reported to have found a good place upon mistick ; but some other of us , seconding these , to approve or dislike of their judgment ; we found a place liked us better , three leagues up charles river : and thereupon unshipped our goods into other vessels , and with much cost and labour , brought them in iuly to charlstown ; but there receiving advertisements ( by some of the late arrived ships ) from london and amsterdam of some french preparations against us ( many of our people brought with us being sick of fevers , and the scurvy , and we thereby unable to carry up our ordnance and baggage so far ) we were forced to change counsel , and for our present shelter to plant dispersedly , some at charlstown , which standeth on the north side of the mouth of charles river ; some on the south-side thereof , . which place we named boston ( as we intended to have done the place we first resolved on ) some of us upon mistick , which we named meadford ; some of us westward on charles river , four miles from charlstown , which place we named watertown ; others of us two miles from boston , in a place we named roxbury ; others upon the river of sawgus , between salem and charlstown : and the western men four miles south from boston , at a place we named dorchester . this dispersion troubled some of us , but help it we could not , wanting ability to remove to any place fit to build a town upon ; and the time too short to deliberate any longer , least the winter should surprize us before we had builded our houses . the best counsel we could find out was to build a fort to retire to , in some convenient place , if any enemy pressed us thereunto , after we should have fortifyed our selves against the injuries of wet and cold . so ceasing to consult further for that time , they who had health to labour , fell to building , wherein many were interrupted with sickness , and many dyed weekly , yea , almost daily . amongst whom were mrs. pinchon , mrs. coddington , mrs. phillips , and mrs. alcock , a sister of mr. hookers . insomuch that the ships being now upon their return , some for england , some for ireland ; there was as i take it not much less than an hundred ( some think many more ) partly out of dislike of our government , which restrained and punished their excesses ; and partly through fear of famine , not seeing other means than by their labour to feed themselves ) which returned back again ; and glad were we so to be rid of them . others also afterwards hearing of men of their own disposition , which were planted at pascataway , went from us to them ; whereby though our numbers were lessened , yet we accounted our selves nothing weakned by their removal : before the departure of the ships , we contracted with mr. peirce , master of the lyon of bristol , to return to us with all speed , with fresh supplies of victuals , and gave him directions accordingly ; with this ship returned mr. revil , one of the five undertakers here , for the joynt stock of the company ; and mr. vassal , one of the assistants , and his family ; and also mr. bright , a minister sent hither the year before : the ship being gone , victuals wasting , and mortality increasing , we held divers fasts in our several congregations , but the lord would not yet be deprecated ; for about the beginning of september , dyed mr. gager , a right godly man , a skilful chyrurgeon , and one of the deacons of our congregation . and mr. higginson , one of the ministers of salem , a zealous and a profitable preacher ; this of a consumption , that of a fever : and on the th . of september , dyed mr. iohnson , another of the five undertakers , ( the lady arbella his wife being dead a month before ) this gentleman was a prime man amongst us , having the best estate of any ; zealous for religion , and the greatest furtherer of this plantation ; he made a most godly end , dying willingly , professing his life better spent in promoting this plantation , than it could have been any other way . he left to us a loss greater then the most conceived . within a month after , dyed mr. rossiter , another of our assistants , a godly man , and of a good estate , which still weakned us more : so that now there were left of the five undertakers , but the governour , sir richard saltonstall , and my self , and seven other of the assistants . and of the people who came over with us , from the time of their setting sail from england , in april . until december following , there dyed by estimation about two hundred at the least ; so low hath the lord brought us ! well , yet they who survived were not discouraged , but bearing gods corrections with humility , and trusting in his mercies , and considering how after a lower ebb he had raised up our neighbours at plymouth , we began again in december to consule about a fit place to build a town upon ; leaving all thoughts of a fort , because upon any invasion , we were necessarily to lose our houses , when we should retire thereinto : so after divers meetings at boston , roxbury and watertown , on the twenty eighth of december , we grew to this resolution , to bind all the assistants ( mr. endicott , and mr. sharp excepted , which last purposeth to return by the next ship into england ) to build houses , at a place a mile east from watertown , near charles river , the next spring , and to winter there the next year ; that so by our examples , and by removing the ordnance and munition thither , all who were able , might be drawn thither , and such as shall come to us hereafter to their advantage , be compelled so to do ; and so if god would , a fortifyed town might there grow up , the place fitting reasonably well thereto . i should before have mentioned how both the english and indian corn being at ten shillings a strike , and bever being valued at six shillings a pound ; we made laws to restrain the selling of corn to the indians , and to leave the price of bever at liberty , which was presently sold for ten , and twenty shillings a pound . i should also have remembred , how the half of our cowes , and almost all our mares and goates , sent us out of england , dyed at sea , in their passage hither ; and that those intended to be sent us out of ireland , were not sent at all ; all which , together with the loss of our six months building occasioned by our intended removal to a town to be fortifyed , weakned our estates , especially the estates of the undertakers , who were three or four thousand pounds ingaged in the joynt stock , which was now not above so many hundreds ; yet many of us laboured to bear it as comfortably as we could , remembring the end of our coming hither , and knowing the power of god , who can support and raise us again ; and useth to bring his servants low , that the meek may be made glorious by deliverance . i have no leisure to review and insert things forgotten , but out of due time and order must set them down as they come to memory . about the end of october , this year . i joyned with the governour , and mr. maverick , in sending out our pinace to the norragansetts , to trade for corn , to supply our wants ; but after the pinace had doubled cape cod , she put into the next harbour she found , and there meeting with indians , who shewed their willingness to truck ; she made her voyage there , and brought us an hundred bushels of corn , at about four shillings a bushel , which helped us something . from the coast where they traded , they saw a very large island , four leagues to the east , which the indians commended as a fruitful place , full of good vines , and free from sharp frosts , having one only entrance into it , by a navigable river , inhabited by a few indians , which for a trifle would leave the island , if the english would set them upon the main ; but the pinace having no direction for discovery , returned without sailing to it , which in two hours they might have done : upon this coast they found store of vines full of grapes dead ripe , the season being past ; whither we purpose to send the next year sooner , to make some small quantity of wine , if god inable us ; the vines growing thin with us , and we not having yet any leisure to plant vineyards . but now having some leisure to discourse of the motives for other mens coming to this place , or their abstaining from it ; after my brief manner , i say this . that if any come hither to plant for worldly . ends , that can live well at home , he commits an error , of which he will soon repent him : but if for spiritual , and that no particular obstacle hinder his removal , he may find here what may well content him : viz. materials to build , fewel to burn , ground to plant , seas and rivers to fish in , a pure air to breath in , good water to drink , till wine or beer can be made ; which together with the cowes , hoggs and goats brought hither already , may suffice for food ; as for fowl and venison , they are dainties here as well as in england . for cloaths and bedding , they must bring them with them , till time and industry produce them here . in a word , we yet enjoy little to be envyed , but endure much to be pittied in the sickness and mortality of our people : and i do the more willingly use this open and plain dealing , least other men should fall short of their expectations , when they come hither , as we to our great prejudice , did ; by means of letters sent us from hence into england ; wherein honest men out of a desire to draw over others to them , wrote somewhat hyperbolically of many things here : if any godly men out of religious ends will come over , to help us in the good work we are about : i think they cannot dispose of themselves , nor of their estates more to god's glory , and the furtherance of their own reckoning : but they must not be of the poorer sort yet , for divers years . for we have sound by experience , that they have hindred , not furthered the work : and for profane and debauched persons , their oversight in coming hither is wondred at , where they shall find nothing to content them . if there be any endued with grace , and furnished with means to feed themselves and theirs for eighteen months , and to build and plant , let them come into our macedonia , and help us , and not spend themselves and their estates in a less profitable employment : for others , i conceive they are not yet fitted for this business . touching the discouragement which the sickness and mortality which every first year hath seized upon us , and those of plymouth , as appeareth before , may give to such who have cast any thoughts this way ( of which mortality it may be said of us almost as of the egyptians , that there is not an house where there is not one dead , and in some houses many ) the natural causes seem to be , the want of warm lodging , and good dyet , to which english men are habituated at home ; and in the sudden increase of heat , which they endure that are landed here in summer ; the salt meats at sea having prepared their bodies thereto ; for those only these two last years dyed of fevers , who landed in iune and iuly ; as those of plymouth , who landed in winter , dyed of the scurvy ; as did our poorer sort , whose housing and beding , kept them not sufficiently warm , nor their dyet sufficiently in heart : other causes god may have , as our faithful minister , mr wilson ( lately handling that point ) shewed unto us ; which i forbear to mention , leaving this matter to the further dispute of physicians and divines . wherefore to return , upon the third of ianuary , dyed the daughter of mr. sharp , a godly virgin , making a comfortable end , after a long sickness . the plantation here received not the like loss of any woman , since we came hither ; and therefore she well deserves to be remembred in this place . amongst those who dyed about the end of this ianuary , there was a girl of eleven years old , the daughter of one iohn ruggles , who in the time of her sickness , expressed to the minister , and those about her , so much faith and assurance of salvation , as is rarely found in any of that age ; which i thought not unworthy here to commit to memory : and if any tax me for wasting paper with recording these small matters ; such may consider , that small things in the beginning of natural or politick bodies , are as remarkable as greater , in bodies full grown . upon the fifth of february , arrived here mr. pierce , with the ship lyon of bristol , with supplies of victuals from england ; who had set forth from bristol the first of december before . he had a stormy passage hither , and lost one of his saylors not far from our shore 〈◊〉 in a tempest having helped to take in the sprit sail , lost his hold as he was coming down , and fell into the sea ; where , after long swimming , he was drowned , to the great dolour of those in the ship , who beheld so lamentable a spectacle , without being able to minister help to him , the sea was so so high , and the ship drove so fast before the wind , though her sails were taken down . by this ship we understand of the fight of three of our ships , and two english men of war coming out of the straits , with fourteen dunkirks , upon the coast of england , as they returned from us , in the end of the last summer ; who through gods goodness , with the loss of some thirteen or fourteen men , out of our three ships ; and i know not how many out of the two men of war , got at length clear of them . the charles , one of our three , a stout ship , of tonn , being so torn , that she had not much of her left whole above water . by this ship we also understand of the death of many of those who went from us the last year to england , as likewise of the mortality there ; whereby we see there are graves in other places as well as with us . amongst others who dyed about this time , was mr. robert welden , who in the time of his sickness we had chosen to be captain of . foot , but before he took possession of his place , he dyed , the sixteenth of this february , and was buried as a souldier , with three vollyes of shott . upon the twenty second of february we held a general day of thanksgiving throughout the whole colony , for the safe arrival of the ship which came last with our provisions . upon the eighth of march , from after it was fair day light , until about eight of the clock in the forenoon , there flew over all the towns in our plantations , so many flocks of doves , each flock containing many thousands , and some so many , that they obscured the light , that it passeth credit , if but the truth should be written ; and the thing was the more strange , because i scarce remember to have seen ten doves since i came into the country : they were all turtles , as appeared by divers of them we killed flying , somewhat bigger than those of europe , and they flew from the north-east , to the south-west ; but what it portends , i know not . the ship now waits but for wind , which when it blowes , there are ready to go aboard therein for england , sir richard saltonstall , mr. sharp , mr. coddington , and many others ; the most whereof purpose to return to us again , if god will in the mean time , we are left a people poor and contemptible , yet such as trust in god ; and are contented with our condition , being well assured , that he will not fail us nor forsake us . i had almost forgotten to add this , that the wheat we received by this last ship , stands us in thirteen or fourteen shillings a strike , and the pease about eleven shillings a strike , besides the adventure , which is worth three or four shillings a strike ; which is an higher price than i ever tasted bread of before . thus madam , i have as i can , told your honour , all our matters ; knowing your wisdom can make good use thereof . if i live not to perform the like office of my duty hereafter , likely it is , some other will do it better . before the departure of the ship ( which yet was wind-bound ) there came unto us sagamore iohn , and one of his subjects , requiring satisfaction for the burning of two wigwams , by some of the english ; which wiggwams were not inhabited , but stood in a place convenient for their shelter , when upon occasion , they should travel that way . by examination we found that some english fowlers , having retired into that which belonged to the subject ; and leaving a fire therein carelesly which they had kindled to warm them , were the cause of burning thereof . for that which was the sagamores , we could find no certain proof how it was fired : yet least he should think us not sedulous enough to find it out , and so should depart discontentedly from us ; we gave both him and his subject , satisfaction for them both . the like accident of fire also befel mr. sharp , and mr. colborn , upon the seventeenth of this march ; both whose houses ( which were as good , and as well furnished as the most in the plantation ) were in two hours space burned to the ground ; together with much of their houshold stuff , apparel , and other things ; as also some goods of others , who sojourned with them in their houses ; god so pleasing to exercise us with corrections of this kind , as he hath done with others . for the prevention whereof , in our new town intended this summer to be builded ; we have ordered that no man there shall build his chimney with wood , nor cover his house with thatch , which was readily assented unto ; for that divers other houses have been burned since our arrival . upon the eighteenth day of march , came one from salem , and told us , that upon the fifteenth thereof , there dyed mrs. skelton , the wife of the other minister there . she was a godly and an helpful woman , she lived desired , and dyed lamented , and well deserves to be honourably remembred . upon the twenty fifth of this march , one of watertown having lost a call , and about ten of the clock at night , hearing the howling of some wolves not far off , raised many of his neighbours out of their beds , that by discharging their muskets near about the place where he heard the wolves , he might so put the wolves to flight , and save his calf : the wind serving fit to carry the report of the muskets to roxbury , three miles off , at such a time ; the inhabitants there took an alarm , beat up their drum , armed themselves , and sent in post to us to boston , to raise us also : so in the morning , the calf being found safe , the wolves affrighted , and our danger past , we went merrily to breakfast . i thought to have ended before , but the stay of the ship , and my desire to inform your honour of all i can , hath caused this addition : and every one having warning to prepare for the ships departure to morrow , i am now this twenty-eighth of march , 〈◊〉 sealing my letters . the preface of the reverend mr. john allin , of dedham , and of mr. thomas shepard of cambridge in new-england , before their defence of the answer made unto the nine questions . it was the profession of the lord jesus before pilate , when he questioned with him about his kingdom , iohn . . that for this cause he was born and came into the world , to bear witness of the truth . many truths about the spiritual kingdom of christ hath he imparted to us ; if therefore we be born into the world , or sent into this wilderness to bear witness to his truth , it is unto us reward sufficient , that we should be witnesses thereunto , even to the utmost parts of the earth . we confess we have been too slow in this service of christ , not having to this day set forth an unanimous confession of that form of wholsome words which is preached , received and professed in these churches of the lord jesus ; and which we are not unmindful of , though our distances , and other difficulties may delay the opportunity . but this in the mean time we profess in general , that ( so far as we know ) there is the same blessed spirit of truth breathing in the ministry of the country ; the same faith embraced and professed in the churches , which is generally received as the orthodox doctrine of the gospel , in the best reformed churches , and particularly by our godly learned brethren of england and scotland . and though errors have sprung up among us , and some are gone out from us , that we fear were not of us , yet we have born witness against them , and by the blessing of god , by the breath of christ in the mouths of his servants they have been blasted . neither do we understand that these churches are accused of any errors about the saving truths of the gospel , and therefore we thought our selves not so much called of god to such a confession at present , as to clear up to the world those truths we prosess about the kingdom and government of christ in his churches ; which is the great work of this age , and of this nick of time . and yet here also we fear that we have been too slack ; for though it be said , we are the volunteers , such as cry up this way , &c. and so it seems we are apprehended to be one cause of these present differences : yet if things be well weighed , we may seem rather to be far behind in the duty that lies upon us . indeed some brief answers sent over to some particular persons , to satisfie brethren what our practise is , ( with some brief touch of our reasons ) rather than to discuss those points , have been printed by some without our knowledge , or assent , upon what grounds they best know . and some short treatises by some reverend brethren have been published to declare their affectionate desires of the unanimous endeavours of all our dear brethren , for a general and holy reformation . but what hath been said or done , that either may justly offend the minds of the godly , provoke their spirits , disunite their affections , or hinder a godly reformation ? yea , we have been too slow to clear our doctrine and practise from the many objections , harsh interpretations , and manifold criminations cast upon the same wherein we fear our lothness to intermeddle in these controversies for fear of making the breach wider amongst brethren ; and our desire rather to attend what light we might receive from others in these points , wherein we profess our selves seekers after the truth , have made us guilty of neglect in this our duty . but now we see our selves pressed hereto , by a necessity of justifying our wayes against the many aspersions cast upon them , as well as against the reasons used against them . for we perceive by the first letters of our brethren , how the withdrawing of christians from the liturgy was imputed to us , and by this reply both in the epistle and divers passages , we cannot but see what apprehensions are raised of us ; yea , many are apt to think , that if we had said nothing , yet our very act in forsaking the churches of god in our dear native country , and the cause of christ there , together with the practise of these churches , thought to be so different from the reformed churches , have been , not only a great weakening to the hands of the godly , ( that have stood by the cause of christ ) but also have caused great disturbance to the reformation in hand : to which much might be said , but that we should exceed the bounds of an epistle . yet let us intreat all the godly wise , to consider and look back upon the season of this great enterprise , undertaken by us , and the manner of our proceedings in it , with the admirable workings of gods providence first and last about it ; and we think ( though we were silent ) they may easily satisfie themselves , whether this was of god or men ; a sinful neglect of the cause of christ , or a manifest attestation to the truth , by open profession against corruptions of worship in use , and for the necessity of reformation of the church ; and that confirmed by no small degree of sufferings for the same . for was it not a time when humane worship and inventions were grown to such an intolerable height , that the consciences of gods saints and servants , inlightened in the truth , could no longer bear them ? was not the power of the tyranical prelates so great , that like a strong current , carried all down stream before it ; whatever was from the law , or otherwise set in their way ? did not the hearts of men generally fail them ? where was the people to be found that would cleave to their godly ministers in their sufferings ; but rather thought it their discretion , to provide for their own quiet and safety ? yea , when some freely in zeal of the truth preached or professed against the corruptions of the times , did not some take offence at it , judge it rashness , and to be against all rules of discretion , who since are ready to censure us for deserting the cause ? many then thought , it is an evil time , the prudent shall hold their peace , and might we not say , this is not our resting place ? and what would men have us do in such a case ? must we study some distinctions to salve our consciences in complying with so manifold corruptions in gods worship ? or should we live without god's ordinances , because we could not partake in the corrupt administration thereof ? or content our selves to live without those ordinances of gods worship and communion of saints , which he called us unto , and our souls breathed after ? or should we forsake the publick assemblies , and joyn together in private separated churches ? how unsufferable it would then have been , the great offence that now is taken at it , is a full evidence . and if in cities , or some such great towns , that might have been done , yet how was it possible for so many scattered christians all over the countrey ? it is true , we might have suffered , if we had sought it , we might easily have found the way to have filled the prisons ; and some had their share therein . but whether we were called thereunto , when a wide door was set open of liberty otherwise ; and our witness to the truth ( through the malignant policy of those times ) could not be open before the world , but rather smothered up in close prisons or some such wayes , together with our selves , we leave to be considered . we cannot see but the rule of christ to his apostles and saints , and the practise of gods saints in all ages , may allow us this liberty as well as others , to fly into the wilderness from the face of the dragon . but if it had been so , that the godly ministers and christians that fled to new england , were the most timoorus and saint hearted of all their brethren , that stayed behind , and that those sufferings were nothing in comparison of their brethrens ( for why should any boast of sufferings ? ) yet who doth not know that the spirit who gives various gifts , and all to profit withal , in such times doth single out every one to such work , as he in wisdom intends to call them unto ? and whom the lord will honour by suffering for his cause ; by imprisonment , &c. he gives them spirits suitable thereto : whom the lord will reserve for other service , or imploy in other places , he inclines their hearts rather to fly , giving them an heart suitable to such a condition . it is a case of conscience frequently put , and oft resolved by holy bradford , peter martyr , philpot , and others in queen maries bloody dayes , viz. whether it was lawful to flee out of the land ? to which their an swer was , that if god gave a spirit of courag and willingness to glorifie him by sufferings they should stay ; but if they found not such a spirit , they might lawfully sly ; yea , they advised them thereunto . those servants of christ , though full of the spirit of glory , and of christ to outface tho greatest persecuters in profession of the truth , unto the death ; yet did not complain of the cowardize of such as fled , because they deserted them & the cause ; but rather advised divers so to do , and rejoyced when god gave liberty to their brethren to escape with their lives to the places of liberty , to serve the lord according to his word . neither were those faithful saints and servants of god useless and unprofitable in the church of god that fled from the bloody prelates . the infinite and only wise god hath many works to do in the world , and he doth by his singular providence give gifts to his servants , and disposeth them to his work as seemeth best to himself . if the lord will have some to bear witness by imprisonments , dismembring , &c. we honour them therein ; if he will have others instrumental to promote reformation in england , we honour them , and rejoyce in their holy endeavours , praying for a blessing upon themselves and labours . and what if god will have his church and the kingdom of christ go up also in these remote parts of the world , that his name may be known to the heathen , or whatsoever other end he hath , and to this end will send forth a company of weak ▪ hearted christians , which dare not stay at home to suffer , why should we not let the lord alone , & rejoyce that christ is preached howsoever , & wheresoever ? and who can say that this work was not undertaken and carryed on with sincere and right ends , & in an holy serious manner , by the chief , and the body of such as undertook the same ? the lord knows whether the sincere desires of worshipping himself according to his will , of promoting and propagating the gospel , was not in the hearts of very many in this enterprise ; & he that seeth in secret , and rewardeth openly , knows what prayers & tears have been poured out to god by many alone , and in dayes of fasting and prayer of gods servants together , for his counsel , direction , assistance , blessing in this work : how many longings and pantings of heart have been in many after the lord jesus , to see his goings in his sanctuary , as the one thing their souls desired and requested of god , that they might dwell in his house for ever ; the fruit of which prayers and desires this liberty of new england hath been taken to be , and thankfully received from god. yea , how many serious consultations with one another , & with the faithful ministers , and other eminent servants of christ , have been taken about this work , is not unknown to some ; which clears us from any rash heady rushing into this place , out of discontent , as many are ready to conceive . we will here say nothing of the persons whose hearts the lord stirred up in this business ; surely all were not rash , weak spirited , inconsiderate of what they lest behind , or of what it was to go into a wilderness . but if it were well known and considered , or if we were able to express and recount the singular workings of divine providence , for the bringing on of this work , to what it is come unto , it would stop the mouths of all that have not an heart to accuse and blaspheme the goodness of god in his glorious works . whatever many may say or think , we believe after-times will admire and adore the lord herein , when all his holy ends , and the wayes he hath used to bring them about , shall appear . look from one end of the heaven to another , whether the lord hath assayed to do such a work as this in any nation , so to carry out a people of his own from so flourishing a state , to a wilderness so far distant , for such ends , and for such a work : yea , and in few years hath done for them , as he hath here done for his poor despised people . when we look back and consider what a strange poise of spirit the lord hath laid upon many of our hearts , we cannot but wonder at our selves , that so many , and some so weak and tender , with such cheerfulness and constant resolutions against so many perswasions of friends , discouragements from the ill report of this country , the straits , wants and tryals of gods people in it , &c. yet should leave our accommodations & comforts , should forsake our dearest relations , parents , brethren , sisters , christian friends , and acquaintances ; overlook all the dangers and difficulties of the vast seas , the thought whereof was a terrour to many ; and all this to go to a wilderness , where we could forecast nothing but care and temptations ; onely in hopes of enjoying christ in his ordinances , in the fellowship of his people . was this from a stupid senslesness or desperate carelesness what became of us or ours ? or want of natural affections to our dear country , or nearest relations ? no surely . with what bowels of compassion to our dear country ; with what heart-breaking affections , to our dear relations , and christian friends many of us , at least , came away , the lord is witness . what shall we say of the singular providence of god bringing so many ship-loads of his people , through so many dangers , as upon eagles wings , with so much safety from year to year ? the fatherly care of our god in feeding and cloathing so many in a wilderness , giving such healthfulness and great increase of posterity ? what shall we say of the work it self of the kingdom of christ ? and the form of a common wealth erected in a wilderness , and in so few years brought to that state , that scarce the like can be seen in any of our english colonies in the richest places of this america , after many more years standing ? that the lord hath carryed the spirits of so many of his people through all their toylsome labour , wants , difficulties , losses , &c. with such a measure of chearfulness and contentation ? but above all we must acknowledge the singular pitty and mercies of our god , that hath done all this and much more for a people so unworthy , so sinful , that by murmurings of many , unfaithfulness in promises , oppressions , and other evils which are found among us , have so dishonoured his majesty , exposed his work here to much scandal and obloquie , for which we have cause for ever to be ashamed , that the lord should yet own us , and rather correct us in mercy , then cast us off in displeasure , and scatter us in this wilderness , which gives us cause with mich. . to say , who is a god like our god , that pardoneth iniquities , and posseth by the transgressions of the remnant of his heritage ; even because he delighteth in mercy ? tho' we be a people of many weaknesses & wants , yet we acknowledge our god to have been to us a god of many mercies , in respect of that sweet peace which he hath taken away from so many nations , yet continuing the same to us ; in respect also of that liberty we have in gods house , the blessed ministry of the word , the sweet unity and communion of gods churches and ministers , increase & multiplication of churches , christian government in the common-wealth , and many other mercies we enjoy ; but especially the gracious presence of christ to many of our souls in all these . but we will not insist much upon this subject , being perswaded it is in the consciences and hearts of many of our dear country-men to think that we should be an object of love and tenderness to that state and people , by whose laws and unkind usages we were driven out into a wilderness ; rather then to be judged as desertors of our brethren , and the cause of christ in hand : with-whom ( excuse us if we now speak plainly ) it had been far more easie unto many of us to have suffered , then to have adventured hither upon the wilderness sorrows we expected to have met withal ; though we must confess the lord hath sweetned it beyond our thoughts , and utmost expectations of prudent men . &c. &c. from new-england , november . . iohn allin . tho. shepard . in domini nortoni librum , ad lectorem praefatio apologetica . gravis ea quidem calumnia est , et c●ndore spiritus christiani indigna admodum , fratres sive 〈◊〉 belgio reduces , sive in nova anglia exulantes , rerum anglicarum ruinam praesentiscentes ; tanquam sorices e domo labante , aufugisse , ut saluti quidem suae provide prospicerent ; communis autem causae reformationis patrocinium , perfide desererent . non sic olim vitio vertebatur eliae , qui prae metu jezebelis , in desertum aufugisse fertur , reg . nec piis illis confessoribus , qui in mariana tempestate , in exteras regiones se receperunt ; sive in germaniam , sive genevam . et illi quidem se subduxerunt , cum per id tempus libera ipsis ( si restitissent ) restaret copia , amplum satis et luculentum testimonium perhibendi veritati ; cum disputationibus publicis , tum confessionibus : idque non solum coram frequenti iudicum consessu , ut rederentur in excusabiles ; sed etiam coram universo populi circum stipantis coetu ; qui perspecta fratrum invicta fide & patientia , redderentur ipsi quoque constantes in fide , invicti , inexpugnabiles . et tamen discesserunt viri isti boni , bona fratrum cum venia : venia ? imo & gratia : neque omnino vel ut desertores fratrum , vel ut proditores causae , eo nomine male audiebant . at nobiscum nuperis bisce diebus , longe iniquius actum fuisse , nemo est tam bardus , qui non intelligat , nemo ingenuus rerum aestimator , qui non agnoscat . si quispiam nostrum coram tribunali compareret , protinus affantur , heus tu , num juramentum , quod ex officio tibi imponimus , capescere lubeat ? si capias , mille nocendi artes , et certa necessitas , & temetipsum , et fratres cum accusandi , tum prodendi in inextricabiles legulejorum malignantium labyrinthos . sin juramentum recuses , apage illico ad carceres ; nulla amplius restat libertas , vel disputandi , vel confitendi , sed tantum dura necessitas in perpetuo squallidi et umbrosi carceris silentio contabescendi quum igitur ita se res haberet , ut nobis aut in carcere inutiliter pereundum , aut solum vertendum , christo duce , sols vertendi consilium inibamus , cum nos inter nos , tum vocatis in consilium fratribus . fratres autem illi quos consuluisse visum erat , non erant illi quidem viri leves ( invisa et cassa capita ) sed viri dei , tum pietate , tum sancta prudentia spectatissimi . illi autem pro ea qua pollebant , sapientia , perpensis omnibus ( quae ad tam arduum negotium spectabant ) rerum momentis , judicabant , potuisse nos testimonium amplius longe et luculentius causae christi praebere , partim libera praedicatione verbi , partim viva praxi ecclesiasticae disciplinae , in caeteris regionibus , quam londini in arctis tetrisque careeribus , ubi nec librorum , nec calamorum , nec amicorum , nec conscionum copia concederetur . iuvet praeterea meminisse , consuluisse nos etiam privatos quam plurimos viros , eosque syncerae pietatis professions conspicuos , qui in ecclesiis istis degebant , quorum nobis cura impendebat , et qui ipsi maxime pendebant a ministerio nostro . et horans quidem pars , qui libertati conscientiae , et puritati cultus impensius studebant , tantopere probarunt consilii nostri de discessu rationem , ut ultro sese offerrent comites itineris , etiam in ultimas orbis terrarum oras , si dominus viam aperuerit . pars autem altera , qui propendebant magis , licet non approbationi , tamen tolerationi adinventionum humanarum , hi etiam consilium nostrum de discessis probarunt , ut pote cum nobis , tum paci ecclesiae apprime pernecessarium : tametsi consultius se facturos autumarent , si libertatem pacemque suam , succumbendo oneri , sive subscriptionis ( ut loquuntur ) sive conformitatis , ipsi redimerent . sic bona cum venia , imo et gratia , discessum est invicem , non sine multis utrinque gemitibus , suspiriis , lachrymis inter amplexandum , et valedicendum . in istas autem ( bono cum deo ) cum appulimus oras , & sine cujusquam offensa laeti frueremur ( pro summae dei op . max. benignitate ) ea conscientiarum libertate , et institutionum christi puritate , quam animitus quaerebamus , haud ita multo post , ex praxi ecclesiasticae politeias , quam hic exercere caepimus , hoc inprimis experts sumus , posse ecclesiasticam politeiam , cum politeia civili optime consistere , et tanquam hippocratis gemellos , et ridere simul et simul flere . atque hoc non leve testimonium viris prudentibus visum est , posse eam , quam profitemur disciplinam , publica authoritate stabiliri , tum sine nota schismatis in ecclesia , tum sine periculo seditionis in republica . atque hinc etiam obstaculum aliud , quod subinde in publicis regni anglicani comitiis , adversus purioris disciplinae zelotas objici solebat , facile amovebatur . oggerebant siquidem viri , civili prudentia haud incelebres , fieri non posse , ut zelotae isti in unam ecclesiasticae politeias formam ( ne si optio quidem daretur ) communi inter se consensu , unquam conspirare velint . objectaculum ( inquam ) hoc , experientia teste , apud nos , nullo negotio amotum est . concordes etenim ( pro eximia iesu christi gratia ) in unam eandemque ecclesiastici regiminis formam , sine vi , sine strepitu , sine tumultu , tacito omnium consensu , extemplo coaluimus . posteaquam autem domini iesu praestitutum tempus advenit , quo misereretur zionis , in anglia vestra paritur ac nostra , et supremo ordinum regni consessui visum est , summos theologos , eruditione simul ac pietate insignes , ex utroque regno convocare , ut communi consilio de religione reformanda disquirerent , et verae doctrinoe ( upotuposin , ) purum cultus divini exemplar , et sacram ecclesiastici regiminis formam , ex scripturarum fontibus adornarent ; nos etiam haud cunctandum rati , scriptae quaedam nostra ( de foedere ecclesiastico , de quaestionibus in disciplina controversis , de clavibus regni coelorum , de praescriptarum precum ( anomalia ) tenuia haec quidem omnia , et levidensia , sed tamen modulo nostro et pietatis erga patriam , et studii erga veritatem , et debi●ae objervantiae erga ecclesias anglicanas , certa pignora ( ut olim vidua minutula sua ) in aerartum domini iesu contulimus . cum autem haec qualiacunque fuerint videremus in controversiam rapi , etiam a fratribus eximia pietate , atque eruditione ornatissimis , non id quidem aegre aut indigne tulimus . nam quinam , obsecro , nos sumus , viri incircumcisi labiis , incircumcisi c●rde , ut summos viros ad nostrum captum sapere speremus ? veruntamen quia veritas et instituta domini iesu sacrosancta sunt , neque patitur ipse vel unum ( iota ) aut apicem legis suae , nedum evangelii regnique christi leges perire , ecce excitavit dominus iesus ( qui et ipse est et lux et veritas ) presbyteros multos e nostris ( stellas eas quidem splendidas in ecclesiarum nostrarum candelabris ) qui veritati laboranti ●●ppetitas ferrent , et nebulas luci obductas studiose dispellerent . inter hos agmen ducit h●okerus , qui non solum dominatur in conscionibus gratia spiritus sancti et virtute plenos , sed etiam ( prout est vir solertis ingenii , atque accerrimi judiorii ) causam ecclesiasticae disciplinae disputavit acutissime , et pertractavit ( quantum ego quidem judico ) accuratissime . davenportus , pro co , quo pollet , iudicio , eruditione , et singulari prudentia , defensionem non sui tantum , sed disciplinae christi adversus dominum pagettum instituit , justam , solidam , eruditam . quinetiam , pro egregia ea , qua in grege christi curando pollet vigilantia , ut errantem gregis sui oviculam , quae in aridis anabaptistarum puteis submersa fuerat , sublevaret , vivificam christi sanguinis , spiritusque virtutem , ex pernni gratuiti foederis sonte scaturientem et in paedobaptismi fluentis largiter decurrentem , graphice delineavit . maderus , ut aetate , ita judicio , et industria proximus , vir morum gravitate , et vitae integritate conspicuus , potens in sermone evangelii , et strenuus veritatis assertor , praeter ea quae superioribus annis edidit , firma et inconcussa potestatis ecclesiasticae propugnacula , operam hoc anno tempestivam impendit , ut maculas et sordes , quas in faciem ecclesiarum nostrarum frater bonus ille quidem , sed male feriatus aspersit , abstergeret . quin et illud insuper ( aucterit loco ) adjecit viam ecclesiarum nostrarum , quam a viris magnis ( eximia eruditione , & pietate clarissimis ) exagitari , interturbari cernebat , disjectis aggeribus , atque impedimentis amotis , divina spiritus sancti op● , solida , et solita dexteritate complanavit . sepharedus ( qui vernaculo idiomate shepardus ) una cum allinio fratre ( fratrum dulce par ) uti eximia pietate florent ambo , et eruditione non mediocri , atque etiam mysteriorum pietatis proedicatione ( per christi gratiam ) efficaci admodum , ita egregiam navarunt operam in abstrusissimis disciplinae nodis faeliciter enodandis : et dum responsum parant , atque nunc etiam edunt domino baleo , non illi quidem satisfactum eunt ( qui satis jam aperte videt in beatifica agni visione , introitus omnes atque exitus , formas et leges coelestis hierusalem ) sed iis omnibus , qui per universam britanniam in ecclesius christi peregrinantur , et rei disciplinariae studiosius animum appulerunt . verba borum fratrum uti suaviter spirant pietatem , veritatem , charitatem christi : ita speramus fort ( per christi gratiam ) ut multi qui a disciplina christi alieniores erant , odore borum unguentorum christi effusorum delibati atque delincti , ad amorem ejus & pellecti , & pertracti , eam avidius arripiant , atque amplexentur . proximus ab his ( sed cum primis annumerandus ) nortonus hic est , quem in manibus habemus , vir et ingenii acumine , iudicii gravitate , morum suavitate insignis , et ( quod caput est ) gratiae christi cum solertissimus indagator , tum buccinator fidelissimus . is fratrum regatu ( quemadmodum et reliqui ) pensum hoc suum et suscepit ( non sine modesta sui abnegatione ) et confecit non sine divina gratiae affluentia . placuit clarissimo viro , domino apollonio , quaestiones quam plurimas de ecclesiastica disciplina , sicut ex nonnullorum beterogeneorum libris , sic inter alios orthodoxos , ex sanctissimi baynesii examine , ex placidissima pienissimaque septemvirum apologia , atque etiam ex nostrorum nova-anglorum scriptiunculis , quasi in fasciculum colligere , et percontari insuper a fratribus illis , num conclusiones istas , tanquam suas agnoscerent . candide hoc quidem ac pie , atque adeo prudenter factum , ne dum ipsorum dogmata conv●●●●●re in animo haberet , quioquam ipsis per imprudentiam affingeret , quod ipst non ut suum agnoscerent . hac perquisitione charissimi fratris , nos quoque monitt atque expergefacti , facile persensimus , causam non solum septemvirorum fratrum , sed et nostrum agi , nec nostrum solum , sed ( quod multo maximum est ) domini nostri ( pariter ac vestri ) iesu christs . visum est atque nobis , id muneris domino nortono serio commendare , ut non gravaretur sententiam nostram ( simul ac christi ) super quaestionibus istis explicare , ne quid non nostrum , ut nostrum , nobis quoque ( in praejudicium causae christi ) affingeretur . praestitit sun theo quod petiimus , in hac quam in manibus habes diatribe : ubi dextre , dilucide , distincte , succincte , nervose denique pertractavit capit a singula , et ad mentem nostram , si non omnia , saltem pleraque accommodatissime . ingenue fateor ( neq● enim dissiteri debeo ) nec meipsum , nec fratres etiam ( quos dixi ) alies , idem plane omnes per omnia sentire , de praescriptarum precum omnimoda a nomalia , de statis ministrorum stipendiis , de apicibus quarundam notionum circa primum subjectum ecclesiasticae potestatis , et discrimen foederis gratiae et ecclesiae , et siqua sunt bujusmodi . sed cum de rebus ipsis , rerumque praxi inter omnes satis constet , profecto a deo edecti sumus , non solum placide ferre aliud de istis rerum apicibus sentientes , sed etiam medullitus amplexari fratres in christo dilectissimos , qui opus domini operantur , sicut et nos . quod autem latino idiomate scripsit , consulto id quidem factum est , ut et domino apollonio sine interprete innotesceret ; et controversa capita transmorinis ecclesiis , in examen venirent . verba authoris non tam diserta sunt quam fortia ; ut qui controversias scriberet , non declamationes . paulus ipse non affectavit sapientiam sermonis ; sed sermonem saepientiae . nemo despiciat sermones , utcunque incultos , fratrum exulum , abjectorum , longe terra marique dissitorum , etiam ex eremo vociferantium ; dummodo constiterit vere dici posse de hisce ftatribus ( quod josaphatus olim de elisha dixerat in eremo idumaeo peregrinanti ) verbum domini cum ipsis esse . narrat johannes ( dilectus ille a christo discipulus ) semetipsum in eremum asportatum fuisse , ut clarius perspiceret , non modo magnae meretricis judicium , sed etiam castissimae christi sponsae , novae jerusalem de caelo descensum , apoc. . , . & cap. . . quod si quispiam hic oggerat , fratres ●●sce omnes , omnium pessime de ecclesiis christi mereri ; ut qui praecipue ( una cum fratribus apologeticis ) refermationem institutam retardare , at pro virili interturbare moliuntur : quippe si per ipsos non stetisset , presbyteri reliqui omnes omnino per universam angliam , in unam regiminis presbyterialis formam conspirassint : adeo ut fratres hii quos excusare cupis a crimine desertionis causae reformationis ; revera non modo desertores , sed et proditores , et publicae pacis bostes , jure merito male audient , male plectentur . hem spiritum , partium studio plus nimio abreptum et occaecatum ! piget et pungit , dolet et angit , meminisse , binas istas regiminis ecclesiastici form●● tanta animorum comentione , tauta calamorum am●●●lentia peragi , et promoveri ; aosi de summa rei christianae , adversus infensissimos christiani nominit hostes , certamen cerneretur . sicc●●e in dominum iesum ingratos nos esse deceat ; ut confracto , per divitem ipsius gratiam , jugo hierarchico , et amoto philisteo adinventionum humanarum plaustra ; cum par erat , omnes conticum agni et mosis , latis et gratis animis vocibusque cantare ; nos interea in mutuas discordias , et vasta animorum , et calamorum divortia ( quasi dis-diapason ) discinderemur ? tantaene animis coelestibus irae ? nunquid aequum erat , duplam spiritus episcopalis portionem super capita fratrum com-presbyterorum residere ? dispicite ( per viscera domini iesu , dispicite , obsecro , et obtestor ) quid illud est , de quo tantopere digladiamini ? regimen ecclesiasticum non dominum est sed ministerium . digladientur reges terrae de dominijs suis , & de jurisdictienum suarum finibus , et latifundijs ; at inter ministros domini iesu , maximus is est , qui minimus esse studet et servus omnium . deinde , dispicite rursus , quodnam illud sit to mega chasma , quod mutuum utr●●que divortium , tanquam murum intergerinum interposuit ? vos regimen omne ecclesiasticum , penes presbyteros stabi●●●dum contenditis : certe neque nos regimen proprie dictum ( salte●● quoad ordinarium ejus exercitium ) alibi quam pen●s presbyccros , stabiliandum 〈◊〉 . in eo itaque convenimus ambo● in subjecto regi●●inis ecclesiastici . convenimus etiam in regula regiminis ; ut administrentur omnia , non juxta canones ; sive papales , sive bierarchicos : sed juxta canonem sacrarum scripturarum . convenimus etiam in sine regiminis , ut omnia transigantur ad aedisicationem ecclesiae ; non ad pompam , aut luxum secularem . synodos no● una vobiscum , cum opus fuerit ; et suscipimus , et veneramur . quantillum est quod restat , quod distat ? actus regiminis , quos vos a synodis peragi velletis ; ●os a synodis porrigi ecclesiis , et ab ecclesiis ex synodali diorthosi peragi peteremus . petimus et illud etiam ( & quidem juxta mentem christi , prout credimus ) ut regimen omne ecclesiasticum administretur a presbyteris cujusque ccclesioe , in ecclesiae facie , nec inscia , nec invita ecclesia . vos aliud quiddam vendicatis : sed videte et perpendite etiam atque etiam , an non satis tuto cautum fuerit , ne quid ecclesia detrimenti capiat , si omnia a presbyteris ecclesiae , ecclesia conscia , et consentiente , peragantur ; modo nihil arduum aut quod superet ecclesiae vires , nisi ex consilio vicinor●m compresbyterorum transigatur ? mensam domini iesu , ausim di●ere , aeque vos ac nos , a prophanis a● immundis manibus tract ari polluique , aeg●e laturos . pie renuntiatum est in publico divini cultus directorio , ignarum quem●am , aut scandalo aliquo inquinatum , indignum prorsus esse , qui ad mensam domini appropinquet . ac nisi potestas detur ecclesiae cujusque presbyteris , de ignaris et immundis hijsce judicium facere ; caveri certe non potest , quin non modo c●●ci & claudi ( quos non recipit aula davidis ) sed canes etjam et porci ( quos odit anima christi ) ad mensam domini ingerant sese : qui nec corpus domini discernunt , nisi ut per illud dejerent ; nec sanguinem domini ebibimt , nisi ut exinde animosius ad sanguinem sanctorum effundendum ( tanquam invisorum rotundorum , ac rotantium capitum ) prosilirent . hujusmodi ad mensam domini convivas , nullus dubito , vobis pariter ac nobis , aeque ingratos esse & permolestos . cum itaque in hisce rebus omnibus ( quae quidem maximi momenti sunt ) pulchre convenimus , quid , obsecro , impedit , quo minus non causae communis aut proditores , aut desertores : sed communis vobiscum causae , et defensores , atque astipulatores ( pro modulo nostro ) adversus communis fidei atque ecclesiae hostes , habeamur ? certo certius est , si ex mutuis nostris dissensionibus , aditus per posticum pateat ; sive pontificiis , sive hierarchicis , ut rerum denuo potiantur , actum iri funditus ( humanitus loquor ) de utrisque nostrum ; sive presbyteriis , sive ecclesiis propensiores fuerimus . tros , tyriusve , illis nullo discrimine agetur . sive presbyteriales cluitis , sive ecclesiastici , istis rerum dominis , ambo vos certe puritani estis ; et prout pur graecis , et itan wallis ignem significat ; sic toti toti , quanti quanti estis , tanquam ignei reipublicae , atque ecclesiae incendiarii , extinguemini . non tam multi abhinc anni retro fluxerunt , quin recenti patrum memoria recordari liceat , ridlejum pariter ac hooperum , quanquam in causa disciplinae , alter ab altero plus nimio disjungeretur ; tamen utrosque vivicomburio , a pontificiis rerum potiuntibus , extinctos esse . verbum sapienti . verum enimvero , si fratres animum inducere non possunt , quin nos ut communis causae desertores , deserant : liceat mibi quaeso ( quod judas olim a fratre josepho petiit ) et petere a vobis , et impetrare , ut loquar verbum in auribus vestris , neque ira vestra accendatur . causa haec , quam a nobis deseri quiritamini ; quatenus a nobis deseritur , non ea quidem vobis communis est cum pijssimis illir , ac sanctissimis christi confessoribus , qui nostra , et patrum memoria causam reformationis tuebantur ? vestra non ea causa est , quam heroes illi , amissione libertatis , confiscatione bonorum , incarceratione , exilio , sanguine denique cosignarunt ? quantam pocestatem venerabilis cartoretus ecclesiae cuique deferat , nemo nescit qui commentarium ejus in cor. . perlegerit . quodnam primum subjectum ecclesiasticae potestatis paraeus statuat , testatur tertium ejus volumen , acerrimo cum judicio , et summa eruditione continuatum . quaenam ea ecclesia sit , quam sanctissimus bainesius agnoscat , cui christus ecclesiasticam omnem potestatem detulerit , patet ex examine . quid gravissimus amesius , nervorum et medullae theologiae satur , super ecclesiae institutae statu , forma , et potestate senserit ; patet ex medulla . atque hij quidem currus , atque equites israelis , illarum cobortum primipili erant , qui causam reformationis tuebautur ; & nostra , et patrum ●tate . ab horum sive vestigijs , five principijs , si novitatis studio cessimus : jure merito deseremur ut desertores . quod si in via illorum ambulamus , nec ultra progredimur ( quod ad sum ▪ mam rei attinet ) quam ab illorum lumine divinitus collustrati : certe non nos illi sumus , qui causam reformationis deseruimus ; sed illi potius ( quos lubens nollem dicere ) qui nos ut desertores deserunt , et detestantur . desinant itaque viri sratres , viros hosce dei , qui scriptis editis , causam cum patribus communem , tueri satagunt , sugilla●e , ac vellicare , tanquam male de ecclesia meritos , causae desertores , pacis publicae perturbatores . caeterum 〈◊〉 hos omnes , supersunt duo fratres reliqui , covetus , & eliotus ; quorum hic justam contexuit historiam eorum qui apud nos , sub praetextu conscientiae , a civili magistratu , graviora quam par erat , passi perhibentur . vir hic , uti gnavus est & impiger , fidelis in domo dei servus , priscis moribus , antiqua fide ; ita fidelem operam navavit in investiganda rerum istarum veritate ; quas etiam fide historica in tabellas retulit , et typis mandavit : ut intelligant aequi rerum aestimatores , ea quae passion feruntur de persecutionibus in nova anglia , conscientiae nomine perpessis ( ut dicam verbo , et verbo quidem apostolorum ) nihil esse . alter autem ille e fratribus , quem dixi , covetus , cum persentisceret ali quot ex ovibus christi sibi commissis , antipaedobaptismi laquess atque dumetis irre●●●as ; zelo dei accensus ( et zelo quidem secundum scientiam ) imo et misericordia etiam christi comm●tus erga errantes oviculas ; libros quos potuit , ex anababtistarum pen● congessit ; rationum momenta ( qualia fuerant ) in lance sanctuarii trutinavit ; testimoniorum plaustra , quae ab illis congesta fuerant , sedulo perquisivit ; et pro eo quo floret disputandi acumine , dijudicandi solertia , solida multa paucis complectendi dexteritate , atque indefesso labore , nihil pene intentatum reliquit , quod vel ad veritatem in hac causa illustrandam , vel ad errorum nebulas discusiendas , atque dispellendas conduceret . sed vellicat hic mihi aurem quispiam ( praesertim ex iis quibuscum necessitudo mihi aliqua intercedit : ) & serio percontatur : cum tot tantosque labores a compresbyteris tuis susceptos narras ; qui prodierunt , ut debora loquitur , ad auxiliandum iehovae , ad auxiliandum iehovae ( ut junius vertit ) inter fortes ; quid tibi interea faciendum rest abat ? nunquid tu solus restitabas inter sarcinas , vel inter sibilos & balatus gregum ? tune cum reubene , a fratrum consortio , prae magnis animi cogitationibus , divulsus es ? equidem non diffiteor , me etiam aliquid molitum esse , et , pro gratiae acceptae modulo , perfecisse etiam aliquatenus , atque emisisse . sed quicquid illud suerit , haud dignum reor , quod inter exquisitos fratrum labores , vel nominari quidem debeat . scripserunt illi tois chariesi ; ego , prout necesse habui , tois pollois . gratiosus est dominus , qui acceptare dignatur ad aedificationem sanctuarii sui , non modo purpu●●m et byssum ; sed etiam pelles arietum , et melium ; imo et pilos caprarum : exod. . . pergat dominus ( pro gratuita sua , & divite gratia ) laboribus servorum suorum omnium , sibi in obsequium , ecclesiae in aedificationem , benedicere ; zionis sui miserers ; lites inter suos dirimere ; veritatem , & pacem promovere ; fines regni christi , atque pomeria , dilatare ; antichristum spiritu oris conficere ; viam denique sternere , ut shem in textoria japheti , quasi postliminio , revertatur ; per dominum nostrum iesum christum , in secula sempiterna benedictum . amen . johannes cotton in ecclesia bostoniensi presbyter docens . plain dealing, or, nevves from new-england a short view of new-englands present government, both ecclesiasticall and civil, compared with the anciently-received and established government of england in some materiall points : fit for the gravest consideratin in these times / by thomas lechford ... plain dealing lechford, thomas, ca. - ? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing l ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) plain dealing, or, nevves from new-england a short view of new-englands present government, both ecclesiasticall and civil, compared with the anciently-received and established government of england in some materiall points : fit for the gravest consideratin in these times / by thomas lechford ... plain dealing lechford, thomas, ca. - ? [ ], p. printed by w. e. and i. g. for nath. butter ..., london : . reprinted in with title "new-england's advice to old-england." and consists of same sheets as first edition. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . massachusetts -- church history. new england -- politics and government -- to . new england -- church history. new england -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . a r (wing l ). civilwar no plain dealing: or, nevves from new-england. a short view of new-englands present government, both ecclesiasticall and civil, compared with t lechford, thomas c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion plain dealing : or , nevves from new-england . ( vivat rex angliae carolus , vivat anglia , vivantque eorum amici omnes . ) a short view of new-englands present government , both ecclesiasticall and civil , compared with the anciently-received and established government of england , in some materiall points ; fit for the gravest consideration in these times . by thomas lechford of clements inne , in the county of middlesex , gent. levis est dolor , qui capere consilium potest , et clepere sese ; magna non latitant mala . sen. london , printed by w. e. and i. g. for nath : butter , at the signe of the pyde bull neere s. austins gate . . to the reader . every man is to approve himselfe , and answer to god for his actions his conscience leads him to ; and next , to good men , as much as in him lyeth . i have thus presumed to enter into publique , for these reasons : first , because it is well knowne unto many , that heretofore i suffered imprisonment , and a kind of banishment out of this good land , for some acts construed to oppose , and as tending to subvert episcopacie , and the setled ecclesiasticall government of england : therefore now i desired to purge my self of so great a scandall ; and wherein i have offended , to intreat all my superiours , and others , to impute it rather to my ignorance , for the time , then any wilfull stubbornnesse . secondly , seeing that since my comming home , i find that multitudes are corrupted with an opinion of the unlawfulnesse of the church-government by diocesan bishops , which opinion i beleeve is the root of much mischiefe ; having now had experience of divers governments , i see not how i could with faithfulnesse to god , my king and countrey , be any longer silent , especially considering some of these late troubles occasioned , among other sins , i fear , much through this evill opinion . happy shall i be , if any be made wiser by my harmes ; i wish all men to take heed , how they shake hands with the church of god , upon any such heedlesse grounds as i almost had done . thirdly , that i might ( though unworthy ) in a fit season , acquaint the learned and pious divines of england with these my slender observations , quaeres , and experiments , to the end they may come the better prepared , upon any publique occasion , for the consideration of such matters , and so at length , those good things that are shaken among us may be established , and truth confirmed . it is enough for me , being a student or practiser at law , faithfully to put a case , which will be this : whether the episcopall government by provinciall and diocesan bishops , in number about . in england , being , if not of absolute divine authority , yet nearest , and most like thereunto , and most anciently here embraced , is still safest to be continued ? or a presbyterian government , being ( as is humbly conceived ) but of humane authority , bringing in a numerous company of above . presbyters to have chiefe rule in the keyes , in england , be fit to be newly set up here , a thing whereof we have had no experience , and which moderate wise men think to be lesse consonant to the divine patterne , and may prove more intolerable then the said episcopacie ? or an independent government of every congregationall church ruling it selfe , which introduceth not onely one absolute bishop in every parish , but in effect so many men , so many bishops , according to new-englands rule , which in england would be anarchie & confusion ? i would entreat those that stand for this last mentioned manner of government , to be pleased to consider , . that the very terme of leading , or ruling in the church , attributed to elders , forbids it ; for if all are rulers , who shall be ruled ? . the maine acts of rule consist of receiving into the church by baptisme , or otherwise , and ejection out of the church by censure , binding and loosing ; now these are committed to the apostles , and their successors , and not to all the members of the church . . all have not power to baptize , therefore not to receive into the church , nor to cast out of the church . my brethren , be not many masters , saith s. iames , . . the words of the wise are as goads , and as nayles , fastened by the masters of assemblies , which are given from one shepheard , eccles. . . and whereas some may say , that this power of ruling is but ministerially in the officers , and initiatively , conclusively , and virtually in the people : if so , what power ordinarily have the people to contradict the ministeriall works and acts of their officers ? must the whole church try all those whom their ministers convert abroad , suppose among indians , before they may baptize them ? how can all the church examine and try such ? all have not power , warrant , leisure , pleasure , ability , for , and in such works , nor can all speake indian language . doubtlesse the acts of rule by the officers is the rule of the whole church , and so to be taken ordinarily without contradiction , else there would be no end of jangling : and thus taken , the whole church of corinth , by s. pauls command , ( sc. by their ministers ) were to put away that wicked person , and deliver him up to satan , cor. . . and restore him , and forgive him , cor. . and so all the doubt on that text is ( neer i think ) resolved . now that the government at new-england seemeth to make so many church-members so many bishops , will be plaine by this ensuing discourse : for you shall here find , that the churches in the bay governe each by all their members unanimously , or else by the major part , wherein every one hath equall vote and superspection with their ministers : and that in their covenant it is expressed to be the duty of all the members , to watch over one another . and in time their churches will be more corrupted then now they are ; they cannot ( as there is reason to feare ) avoid it possibly . how can any now deny this to be anarchie and confusion ? nay , say some , we will keep out those that have not true grace . but how can they certainly discerne that true grace , and what measure god requireth ? besides , by this course , they will ( it is to be feared ) in stead of propagating the gospel , spread heathenisme ; in stead of gaining to the church , lose from the church : for when the major part are unbaptized , as in twenty years undoubtedly they will be , by such a course continued , what is like to become of it , but that either they may goe among their fellow-heathens the indians , or rise up against the church , and break forth into many grievous distempers among themselves ? which god , and the king forbid , i pray . and that you ( courteous reader ) may perceive i have from time to time dealt cordially in these things , by declaring them impartially to my friends , as i received light , i shall adde in the last place certaine passages out letters , sent by me into england to that purpose , and conclude . and i doe not this , god knoweth , as delighting to lay open the infirmities of these well-affected men , many of them my friends , but that it is necessary , at this time , for the whole church of god , and themselves , as i take it : besides , many of the things are not infirmities , but such as i am bound to protest against ; yet i acknowledge there are some wise men among them , who would help to mend things , if they were able , and i hope will do their endeavours . and i think that wiser men then they , going into a wildernesse to set up another strange government differing from the setled government here , might have falne into greater errors then they have done . neither have i the least aime to retard or hinder an happy and desired reformation of things amisse either in church or common-wealth , but daily and earnestly pray to god almighty , the god of wisdome and counsell , that he please so to direct his royall majesty , and his wise and honourable counsell , the high court of parliament , that they may fall upon so due and faire a moderation , as may be for the glory of god , and the peace and safety of his royall majesty , and all his majesties dominions , and good subjects . vale . clements inne , jan. . . thomas lechford . a table of the chiefe heads of this discourse . . the church-government and administrations in the bay of the mattachusets . page . . their publique worship . . touching the government of the common-wealth there . . certaine propositions to the generall court , concerning recording of civill causes . . a paper of the church her liberties . . a paper intended for the worshipfull john winthrop , esquire , late governour , touching baptizing of those they terme without , and propagation of the gospel to the infidel natives . . the ministers and magistrates their names . . the state of the countrey in the bay and thereabouts . . a relation concerning the natives or indians . . some late occurrences touching episcopacie . . three questions to the elders of boston , and their answers . . a paper of exceptions to their government . . forty quaeres about planting and governing of churches , and other experiments . . an abstract of certaine letters . . the conclusion . plaine dealing : or , newes from new-england . having been forth of my native countrey , almost for the space of foure yeeres last past , and now through the goodnesse of almighty god returned , many of my friends desiring to know of me the manner of governments , and state of things , in the place from whence i came , new england ; i thinke good to declare my knowledge in such things , as briefly as i may . i conceive , and hope , it may be profitable in these times of disquisition . for the church government , and administrations , in the bay of the mattachusets . a church is gathered there after this maner : a convenient , or competent number of christians , allowed by the generall court to plant together , at a day prefixed , come together , in publique manner , in some fit place , and there confesse their sins and professe their faith , one unto another , and being satisfied of one anothers faith & repentance , they solemlny enter into a covenant with god , and one an other ( which is called their church covenant , and held by them to constitute a church ) to this effect : viz. to forsake the devill , and all his workes , and the vanities of the sinfull world , and all their former lusts , and corruptions , they have lived and walked in , and to cleave unto , and obey the lord jesus christ , as their onely king and law-giver , their onely priest and prophet , and to walke together with that church , in the unity of the faith , and brotherly love , and to submit themselves one unto an other , in all the ordinances of christ , to mutuall edification , and comfort , to watch over , and support one another whereby they are called the chruch of such a place , which before they say were no church , nor of any church except the invisible : after this , they doe at the same time , or some other , all being together , elect their own officers , as pastor , teacher , elders , deacons , if they have fit men enough to supply those places ; else , as many of them as they can be provided of . then they set another day for the ordination of their said officers , and appoint some of themselves to impose hands upon their officers , which is done in a publique day of fasting and prayer . where there are ministers , or elders , before , they impose their hands upon the new officers : but where there is none , there some of their chiefest men , two or three , of good report amongst them , though not of the ministery , doe , by appointment of the said church , lay hands upon them . and after the said ordination , if there are any elders of other churches present , ( as of late i have knowne divers have been present , under the names of the messengers of the churches ) they give the new officers the right hand of fellowship , taking them by the right hand , every one severally , or else , sometimes , one forraine elder , in the name of all the rest , gives the right hand of fellowship , with a set speech unto them . notice is given in divers churches or other places , before-hand , of the gathering of every church , divers weeks before ; and so also of every ordination . and some ministers , or others , as messengers from other churches , are usually present at such gatherings of churches , and ordinations : for sometimes , magistrates , captains , gentlemen , and other meaner brethren , are made messengers of churches , for those and other purposes , never having had imposition of hands : and at planting of a church , or gathering , as they tearme it , one of the church messengers of forraine churches , examines and tries the men to be moulded into a church , discerns their faith and repentance , and their covenant being before ready made , written , subscribed , and here read and acknowledged , hee decerns and pronounceth them to be a true church of christ , and gives them the right hand of fellowship , and all this in the name of christ , and of all the church-messengers present , and their churches : so did master weld at the founding of weymouth church , or to this effect . and the generall court will not allow of any church otherwise gathered . some ministers have there heretofore , as i have heard , disclaimed the power of their ministery received in england , but others among them have not . generally , for the most part , they hold the pastors and teachers offices to be distinct ; the teacher to minister a word of knowledg , the pastor a word of wisdome , but some hold them all one ; as in the church of watertowne , there are two pastors , neither will that church send any messengers to any other church-gathering or ordination . when a man or woman commeth to joyne unto the church so gathered , he or shee commeth to the elders in private , at one of their houses , or some other place appointed , upon the weeke dayes , and make knowne their desire , to enter into church-fellowship with that church , and then the ruling elders , or one of them , require , or aske him or her , if he bee willing to make known unto them the worke of grace upon their soules , or how god hath beene dealing with them about their conversion : which ( at boston ) the man declareth usually standing , the woman sitting . and if they satisfie the elders , and the private assembly , ( for divers of the church , both men and women , meet there usually ) that they are true beleevers , that they have beene wounded in their hearts for their originall sinne , and actuall transgressions , and can pitch upon some promise of free grace in the scripture , for the ground of their faith , and that they finde their hearts drawne to beleeve in christ jesus , for their justification and salvation , and these in the ministerie of the word , reading or conference : and that they know competently the summe of christian faith . and sometimes , though they be not come to a full assurance of their good estate in christ . then afterwards , in covenient time , in the publique assembly of the church , notice is given by one of the ruling elders , that such a man , or woman , by name , desireth to enter into church-fellowship with them , and therefore if any know any thing , or matter of offence against them , for their unfitnesse to joyne with them , such are required to bring notice thereof to the elders ; else , that any who know them , or can say any thing for their fitnesse , be ready to give testimony thereof , when they shall be called forth before the whole church . if there be matter of offence , it is first heard before the elders , and if the party satisfie them , and the offended , in private , for private offences , and promise to satisfie in publique , for publique offences ; then , upon another day , one of the ruling elders calleth forth the party , by name , in the publique assembly of the church , and before strangers , and whomsoever present , most commonly upon the lords day , after evening exercises , and sometimes upon a week day , when all the church have notice to be present . the party appearing in the midst of the assembly , or some convenient place , the ruling elder speaketh in this manner : brethren of this congregation , this man , or woman a. b. hath been heretofore propounded to you , desiring to enter into church-fellowship with us , and we have not , since that , heard any thing from any of you to the contrary , of the parties admittance , but that we may goe on to receive him : therefore now , if any of you know any thing against him , why he may not be admitted , you may yet speak . then after some silence he proceedeth , seeing no man speaketh to the contrary of his admission , if any of you know any thing , to speak for his receiving , we desire you , give testimony thereof to the church , as you were also formerly desired to be ready therewith , and expresse your selves as briefly as you may , and to as good hearing . whereupon , sometimes , men do speak to the contrary , in case they have not heard of the propounding , and so stay the party for that time also , till this new offence be heard before the elders , so that sometimes there is a space of divers moneths between a parties first propounding and receiving ; and some are so bashfull , as that they choose rather to goe without the communion , then undergoe such * publique confessions and tryals , but that is held their fault . but when none speaketh to the contrary , then some one , two , or three , or more of the brethren speak their opinions of the party , giving instances in some godlinesse and good conversation of his , or some other recommendation is made , and that they are willing ( if the church thereto consent ) for their part , to give him the right hand of fellowship . which done , the elder turneth his speech to the party to be admitted , and requireth him , or sometimes asketh him , if he be willing to make knowne to the congregation the work of grace upon his soule ; and biddeth him , as briefly , and audibly , to as good hearing as he can , to doe the same . thereupon the party , if it be a man , speaketh himselfe ; but if it be a woman , her confession made before the elders , in private , is most usually ( in boston church ) read by the pastor , who registred the same . at salem the women speake themselves , for the most part , in the church ; but of late it is said , they doe this upon the week dayes there , and nothing is done on sunday , but their entrance into covenant . the man in a solemne speech , sometimes a quarter of an houre long , shorter or longer , declareth the work of grace in his soule , to the same purpose , as that before the elders formerly mentioned . then the elder requireth the party to make profession of his faith ; which also is done either by questions and answers , if the party be weake , or else in a solemne speech according to the summe and tenour of the christian faith laid downe in the scriptures , defining faith , and shewing how it is wrought by the word , and spirit of god , defining a church to be a company of beleevers gathered out of the world , by the word preached , and holy spirit , and knit together by an holy covenant , that there are in the church remaining such and such officers , and members , as aforesaid : that is to say , pastors and teachers , ruling elders , deacons and deaconesses , or widowes ; and such and such are their offices and duties in particular , viz. the pastor to exhort , and besides to rule ; the teacher to instruct in knowledge , and likewise to rule ; the ruling elder to assist pastor and teacher in ruling , as the levites were given to the priests for helps , and to see to whomsoever comming into , or to goe forth of the church , by admonition , or excommunication ; the deacon to receive the contributions of the church , and faithfully to dispose the same ; the deaconesses to shew mercie with chearfulnesse , and to minister to the sick and poore brethren ; the members all , to watch over and support one an other in brotherly love . notwithstanding , there was a sermon lately made by master cotton in october , anno . upon cor. . . touching heresies , which was since commonly there called the sermon of the twelve articles , wherein was declared , that there are twelve articles of religion , which maintained by any , the church may receive them , and keepe fellowship with them ; but the ignorant of them after instruction and scandalous sins unrepented , exclude from the fellowship of the church . the said articles were to this effect : first , that there are three persons in one god , the father , the sonne , and the holy spirit . secondly , that this god made , and governs all the world , and that he is a rewarder of the good , and punisher of the evill . thirdly , that this god alone is to be worshiped . fourthly , this worship of god is instituted in his written word , not the precepts of men . fiftly , that from the fall of adam , we have not so worshiped god , but have all sinned , and deprived our selves of the reward promised , and therefore are under the curse by nature . sixthly , that we are by nature utterly unable to rescue our selves from this curse . seventhly , that jesus christ the eternall sonne of god , in fulnesse of time took upon him our nature , and was made flesh for us , and by his death and sufferings , redeemed his elect from sin , and death . eighthly , that christ jesus , and salvation by him , is offered , and given in the gospell , unto every one that beleeveth in his name , and onely by such received . ninthly , that no man can come unto christ , nor beleeve on him , except the father draw him by his word and spirit . tenthly , whom the lord draws to him by his word and spirit , them he justifies freely by his grace , and according to his truth , not by works . eleventhly , where the soule is justified , it is also regenerate and sanctified . twelfthly , this regeneration and sanctification is still imperfect in this life . and unto all is added this generall article , that such as walke after this rule , shall arise to everlasting life ; and those that walk otherwise , shall arise to everlasting condemnation , in the day of judgement : that the knowledge and beliefe of these are of the foundation of religion : but things touching the foundation of churches , as baptisme , imposition of hands ; ignorance in these may hinder the measure of our reward in heaven , not communion with the church on earth . exceptions against the apostles creed were these : that it is not of necessity to beleeve christs descent into hell in any sense ; that it is not in that creed contained , that the scripture is the onely rule of gods worship ; nor doth it so directly set forth the point of justification . and also i remember master knolles , now one of the pastors at watertowne , when he first came to be admitted at boston , never made any mention in his profession of faith , of any officers of the church in particular , or their duties , and yet was received . the party having finished his discourses of his confession , and profession of his faith , the elder againe speaketh to the congregation : brethren of the congregation , if what you have heard of , from this party , doe not satisfie you , as to move you to give him the right hand of fellowship , use your liberty , and declare your mindes therein : and then , after some silence , if none except against the parties expressions , ( as often some members doe ) then the elder proceedeth , saying , but if you are satisfied with that you have heard of , and from him , expresse your willingnesse , and consent to receive him , by your usuall signe , which is erection and extention of the right hand . this done , sometimes they proceede to admit more members , all after the same manner , for the most part , two , three , foure , or five , or more together , as they have time , spending sometimes almost a whole afternoone therein . and then the elder calleth all them , that are to be admitted , by name , and rehearseth the covenant , on their parts , to them , which they publiquely say , they doe promise , by the helpe of god , to performe : and then the elder , in the name of the church , promiseth the churches part of the covenant , to the new admitted members . so they are received , or admitted . then they may receive the sacrament of the lords supper with them , and their children bee baptized , but not before : also till then they may not be free men of the common-wealth , but being received in the church they may . sometimes the master is admitted , and not the servant , & e contra : the husband is received , and not the wife ; and on the contrary , the child , and not the parent . also all matters of publique offence are heard & determined in publique , before all the church , ( and strangers too in boston , not so in other places ) the party is called forth , and the matter declared and testified by two witnesses ; then he is put to answer : which finished , one of the ruling elders asketh the * congregation if they are satisfied with the parties expressions ? if they are , he requireth them to use their liberty , and declare their satisfiednesse ; if not , and that they hold the party worthy of admonition or excommunication , that they witnesse their assent thereto by their silence . if they be silent , the sentence is denounced . if it be for defaults in erroneous opinions onely , the teacher , they say , is to denounce the sentence ; if for matter of ill manners , the pastor denounceth it ; the ruling elders doe not usually denounce any sentence : but i have heard , a captaine delivered one to satan , in the church at dorchester , in the absence of their minister . ordinarily , matter of offence is to be brought to the elders in private , they may not otherwise tell the * church in ordinary matters , and so it hath been declared in publique , by the pastors of boston . the admonished must , in good manners , abstain from the communion , and must goe on to satisfie the church , else excommunication follows . the excommunicate is held as an heathen and publican : yet it hath been declared at boston in divers cases , that children may eate with their parents excommunicate ; that an elected magistrate excommunicate may hold his place , but better another were chosen ; that an hereditary magistrate , though excommunicate , is to be obeyed still in civill things ; that the excommunicate person may come and heare the word , and be present at prayer , so that he give not publique offence , by taking up an eminent place in the assembly : but at new-haven , alias quinapeag , where master davenport is pastor , the excommunicate is held out of the meeting , at the doore , if he will heare , in frost , snow , and raine . most an-end , in the bay , they use good moderation , and forbearance in their censures : yet i have known a gentlewoman excommunicate , for some indiscreet words , with some stifnesse maintained , saying , a brother , and others , she feared , did conspire to arbitrate the price of joyners worke of a chamber too high , and endeavouring to bring the same into civill cognizance , not proceeding to take two or three to convince the party , and so to tell the church , ( though shee first told the party of it ) and this without her husband . i feare she is not yet absolved ; i am sure she was not upon the third of august last , when we loosed from boston . there hath been some difference about jurisdictions , or cognizance of causes : some have held , that in causes betweene brethren of the church , the matter should be first told the church , before they goe to the civill magistrate , because all causes in difference doe amount , one way or other , to a matter of offence ; and that all criminall matters concerning church members , should be first heard by the church . but these opinionists are held , by the wiser sort , not to know the dangerous issues and consequences of such tenets . the magistrates , and church-leaders , labour for a just and equall correspondence in jurisdictions , not to intrench one on the other , neither the civill magistrates to be exempt from ecclesiasticall censure , nor the ministers from civill : & whether ecclesiasticall , or civillpower first begin to lay hold of a man , the same to proceed , not barring the other to intermeddle . every church hath power of government in , and by it selfe ; and no church , or officers , have power over one another but by way of advice or counsaile , voluntarily given or besought , saving that the generall court , now and then , over-rule some church matters : and of late , divers of the ministerie have had set meetings to order church matters ; whereby it is conceived they bend towards presbyterian rule . in boston ; they rule , most an-end , by unanimous consent , if they can , both in admissions , and censures , and other things . in salem , they rule by the major part of the church : you that are so minded hold up your hands ; you that are otherwise minded , hold up yours . in boston , when they cannot agree in a matter , they will sometime referre it to some select brethren to heare and end , or to certifie the church , and any brethren , that will , to be present at the discusse in private . some churches have no ruling elders , some but one , some but one teaching elder , some have two ruling , and two teaching elders ; some one , some two or three deacons ; some hold that one minister is enough for a small number of people ; no church there hath a deaconesse , as far as i know . where farmes or villages are , as at rumney-marsh and marblehead , there a minister , or a brother of one of the congregations of boston for the marsh , and of salem for marblehead , preacheth and exerciseth prayer every lords day , which is called prophesying in such a place . and so it was heretofore at mountwoollaston within boston precincts , though since it became a church now called of braintree , but before they of the mount did , and those of the marsh and marblehead still come and receive the sacrament at boston , and salem respectively , and some of braintree still receive at boston . also when a minister preacheth abroad , in another congregation , the ruling elder of the place , after the psalme sung , saying publiquely ; if this present brother hath any word of exhortation for the people , at this time , in the name of god let him say on ; this is held prophesying . also the confessions or speeches made by members to be admitted , have beene by some held prophesying , and when a brother exerciseth in his own congregation ( as at salem they doe sometimes ) taking a text of scripture , and handling the same according to his ability . notwithstanding , it is generally held in the bay , by some of the most grave and learned men amongst them , that none should undertake to prophesie in publique , unlesse he intend the worke of the ministery , and so in some places , as in schooles * , and not abroad , without they have both imposition of hands , and mission , or permission , because prophecie properly hath its denomination from * understanding propheticall scriptures , which to know discreetly to handle , requireth good learning , skill in tongues , great fidelity , and good conscience . the publique worship . the publique worship is in as faire a meeting house as they can provide , wherein , in most places , they have beene at great charges . every sabbath or lords day , they come together at boston , by wringing of a bell , about nine of the clock or before . the pastor begins with solemn prayer continuing about a quarter of an houre . the teacher then readeth and expoundeth a chapter ; then a psalme is sung , which ever one of the ruling elders dictates . after that the pastor preacheth a sermon , and sometimes ex tempore exhorts . then the teacher concludes with prayer , and a blessing . once a moneth is a sacrament of the lords supper , whereof notice is given usually a fortnight before , and then all others departing save the church , which is a great deale lesse in number then those that goe away , they receive the sacrament , the ministers and ruling elders sitting at the table , the rest in their seats , or upon forms : all cannot see the minister consecrating , unlesse they stand up , and make a narrow shift . the one of the teaching elders prayes before , and blesseth , and consecrates the bread and wine , according to the words of institution ; the other prays after the receiving of all the members : and next communion , they change turnes ; he that began at that , ends at this : and the ministers deliver the bread in a charger to some of the chiefe , and peradventure gives to a few the bread into their hands , and they deliver the charger from one to another , till all have eaten ; in like manner the cup , till all have dranke , goes from one to another . then a psalme is sung , and with a short blessing the congregation is dismissed . any one , though not of the church , may , in boston , come in , and * see the sacrament administred , if he will : but none of any church in the country may receive the sacrament there , without leave of the congregation , for which purpose he comes to one of the ruling elders , who propounds his name to the congregation , before they goe to the sacrament . about two in the after-noone , they repaire to the meeting-house againe ; and then the pastor begins , as before noone , and a psalme being sung , the teacher makes a sermon . he was wont , when i came first , to reade and expound a chapter also before his sermon in the afternoon . after and before his sermon , he prayeth . after that ensues baptisme , if there be any , which is done , by either pastor or teacher , in the deacons seate , the most eminent place in the church , next under the elders seate . the pastor most commonly makes a speech or exhortation to the church , and parents concerning baptisme , and then prayeth before and after . it is done by washing or sprinkling . one of the parents being of the church , the childe may be baptized , and the baptisme is into the name of the father , and of the sonne , and of the holy ghost . no sureties are required . which ended , follows the contribution , one of the deacons saying , brethren of the congregation , now there is time left for contribution , wherefore as god hath prospered you , so freely offer . upon some extraordinary occasions , as building and repairing of churches or meeting-houses , or other necessities , the ministers presse a liberall contribution , with effectuall exhortations out of scripture . the magistrates and chiefe gentlemen first , and then the elders , and all the congregation of men , and most of them that are not of the church , all single persons , widows , and women in absence of their husbands , come up one after another one way , and bring their offerings to the deacon at his seate , and put it into a box of wood for the purpose , if it bee money or papers ; if it be any other chattle , they set it or lay it downe before the deacons , and so passe another way to their seats againe . this contribution is of money , or papers , promising so much money : i have seene a faire gilt cup with a cover , offered there by one , which is still used at the communion . which moneys , and goods the deacons dispose towards the maintenance of the ministers , and the poore of the church , and the churches occasions , without making account , ordinarily . but in salem church , those onely that are of the church , offer in publique ; the rest are required to give to the ministerie , by collection , at their houses . at some other places they make a rate upon every man , as well within , as not of the church , residing with them , towards the churches occasions ; and others are beholding , now and then , to the generall court , to study wayes to enforce the maintenance of the ministerie . this done , then followes admission of members , or hearing matters of offence , or other things , sometimes till it be very late . if they have time , after this , is sung a psalme , and then the pastor concludeth with a prayer and a blessing . upon the week dayes , there are lectures in divers townes , and in boston , upon thursdayes , when master cotton teacheth out of the revelation . there are dayes of fasting , thanksgiving , and prayers upon a occasions , but no b holy dayes , except the sunday . in some churches , nothing is c read on the first day of the weeke , or lords day , but a psalme dictated before or after the sermon , as at hingham ; there is no catechizing of children or others in any church , ( except in concord church , & in other places , of those admitted , in their receiving : ) the reason given by some is , because when people come to be admitted , the church hath tryall of their knowledge , faith , and repentance , and they want a direct scripture for ministers catechizing ; as if , goe teach all nations , and traine up a childe in the way he should goe , did not reach to ministers catechizings . but , god be thanked , the generall court was so wise , in iune last , as to enjoyn , or take some course for such catechizing , as i am informed , but know not the way laid down in particular , how it should be done . they call the dayes of the weeke , beginning at the first , second , third , forth , fifth , sixth , and seventh , which is saturday : the moneths begin at march , by the names of the first , second , and so forth to the twelfth , which is february ▪ because they would avoid all memory of heathenish and idols names : and surely it is good to overthrow heathenisme by all good wayes and meanes . but there hath not been any sent forth by any church to learne the natives language , or to instruct them in the religion ; first , because they say they have not to do with them being without , unlesse they come to heare and learn english . secondly , some say out of rev. . last , it is not probable that anynation more can be converted , til the calling of the jews ; till the seven plagues finished none was able to enter into the temple , that is , the christian church , and the seventh viall is not yet poured forth , and god knowes when it will bee . thirdly , because all churches among them are equall , and all officers equall , and so betweene many , nothing is done that way . they must all therefore equally beare the blame ; for indeede i humbly conceive that by their principles , no nation can or could ever be converted . therefore , if so , by their principles how can any nation be governed ? they have nothing to excuse themselves in this point of not labouring with the indians to instruct them , but their want of a staple trade , and other businesses taking them up . and it is true , this may excuse à tanto . of late some churches are of opinion , that any may be admitted to church-fellowship , that are not extremely ignorant or scandalous : but this they are not very forward to practice , except at newberry . besides , many good people scruple their church covenant , so highly tearmed by the most of them , a part of the * covenant of grace ; and particularly , one master martin for saying in argumentation , that their church covenant was an humane invention , and that they will not leave till it came to the swords point , was fined ten pounds , his cow taken and sold for the money . a minister standing upon his ministery , as of the church of england , and arguing against their covenant , and beeing elected by some of weymouth to be their minister , was compelled to recant some words ; one that made the election , & got hands to the paper , was fined . pounds , and thereupon speaking a few crosse words , . pound more , and payed it downe presently ; another of them for saying one of the ministers of the bay was a brownist , or had a brownisticall head , and for a supposed lie , was whipt : and all these by the generall or quarter civill courts . touching the government of the common-weale there . none may now be a freeman of that common-wealth , being a societie or corporation , named by the name of the governour , deputy governour , and assistants of the societie of the mattachusets bay in new-england , unlesse he be a church member amongst them . none have voice in elections of governours , deputy , and assistants ; none are to be magistrates , officers , or jurymen , grand or petite , but freemen . the ministers give their votes in all elections of magistrates . now the most of the persons at new-england are not admitted of their church , and therefore are not freemen , and when they come to be tryed there , be it for life or limb , name or estate , or whatsoever , they must bee tryed and judged too by those of the church , who are in a sort their adversaries : how equall that hath been , or may be , some by experience doe know , others may judge . the manner of the elections is this : at first , the chiefe governour and magistrates were chosen in london , by erection of hands , by all the free-men of this society . since the transmitting of the patent into new-england , the election is not by voices , nor erection of hands , but by papers , thus : the generall court-electory sitting , where are present in the church , or meeting-house at boston , the old governour , deputy , and all the magistrates , and two deputies or burgesses for every towne , or at least one , all the freemen are bidden to come in at one doore , and bring their votes in paper , for the new governour , and deliver them downe upon the table , before the court , and so to passe forth at another doore . those that are absent , send their votes by proxies . all being delivered in , the votes are counted , and according to the major part , the old governour pronounceth , that such an one is chosen governour for the yeare ensuing . then the freemen , in like manner , bring their votes for the deputy governour , who being also chosen , the governour propoundeth the assistants one after the other . new assistants are , of late , put in nomination , by an order of general court , before-hand to be considered of : if a freeman give in a blanck , that rejects the man named ; if the freeman makes any mark with a pen upon the paper which he brings , that elects the man named ; then the blancks and marked papers are numbred , and according to the major part of either , the man in nomination stands elected or rejected . and so for all the assistants . and after every new election , which is , by their patent , to be upon the last wednesday in every easter terme , the new governour and officers are all new sworn . the governour and assistants choose the secretary . and all the court consisting of governour , deputy , assistants , and deputies of towns , give their votes as well as the rest ; and the ministers , and elders , and all church-officers , have their votes also in all these elections of chiefe magistrates . constables , and all other inferiour officers , are sworn in the generall , quarter , or other courts , or before any assistant . every free-man , when he is admitted , takes a strict oath , to be true to the society , or jurisdiction : in which oath , i doe not remember expressed that ordinary saving , which is and ought to be in all oathes to other lords , saving the faith and truth which i beare to our soveraigne lord the king , though , i hope , it may be implyed . there are two generall courts , one every halfe yeare , wherein they make lawes or ordinances : the ministers advise in making of laws , especially ecclesiasticall , and are present in courts , and advise in some speciall causes criminall , and in framing of fundamentall lawes : but not many fundamentall lawes are yet established : which , when they doe , they must , by the words of their charter , make according to the laws of england , or not contrary thereunto . here they make taxes and levies . there are besides foure quarter courts for the whole jurisdiction , besides other petie courts , one every quarter , at boston , salem , and ipswich , with their severall jurisdictions , besides every towne , almost , hath a petie court for small debts , and trespasses under twenty shillings . in the generall court , or great quarter courts , before the civill magistrates , are tryed all actions and causes civill and criminall , and also ecclesiasticall , especially touching non-members : and they themselves say , that in the generall and quarter courts , they have the power of parliament , kings bench , common pleas , chancery , high commission , and star-chamber , and all other courts of england , and in divers cases have exercised that power upon the kings subjects there , as is not difficult to prove . they have put to death , banished , fined men , cut off mens eares , whipt , imprisoned men , and 〈◊〉 these for ecclesiasticall and civill offences , and without sufficient record . in the lesser quarter courts are tryed , in some , actions under ten pound , in boston , under twenty , and all criminall causes not touching life or member . from the petie quarter courts , or other court , the parties may appeale to the great quarter courts , from thence to the generall court , from which there is no appeale , they say : notwithstanding , i presume their patent doth reserve and provide for appeales , in some cases , to the kings majesty . the generall and great quarter courts are kept in the church meeting-house at boston . twice a yeare , in the said great quarter courts held before the generall courts , are two grand juries sworne for the jurisdiction , one for one court , and the other for the other , and they are charged to enquire and present offences reduced , by the governour , who gives the charge , most an-end , under the heads of the ten commandements : and a draught of a body of fundamentall laws , according to the judiciall laws of the jews , hath been contrived by the ministers and magistrates , and offered to the generall court to be established and published to the people to be considered of , and this since his majesties command came to them to send over their patent : among which lawes , that was one i excepted against , as you may see in the paper following , entituled , of the church her liberties , presented to the governour and ●agistrates of the bay , . martii , . notwithstanding , a by-law , to that or the like effect , hath been made , and was held of force there when i came thence : yet i confesse i have heard one of their wisest speak of an intention to repeale the same law . matters of debt , trespasse , and upon the case , and equity , yea and of heresie also , are tryed by a jury . which although it may seeme to be indifferent , and the magistrates may judge what is law , and what is equall , and some of the chief ministers informe what is heresie , yet the jury may finde a generall verdict , if they please ; and seldome is there any speciall verdict found by them , with deliberate arguments made thereupon , which breeds many inconveniences . the parties are warned to challenge any jury-man before he be sworn ; but because there is but one jury in a court for tryall of causes , and all parties not present at their swearing , the liberty of challenge is much hindred , and some inconveniencies doe happen thereby . jurors are returned by the marshall , he was at first called the bedle of the societie . seldome is there any matter of record , saving the verdict many times at randome taken and entred , which is also called the judgment . and for want of proceeding duly upon record , the government is cleerely arbitrary , according to the discretions of the judges and magistrates for the time being . and humbly i appeale to his royall majesty , and his honourable and great counsell , whether or no the proceedings in such matters as come to be heard before ecclesiasticall judges , be not fit to be upon record ; and whether registers , advocates , and procurators , be not necessary to assist the poore and unlearned in their causes , and that according to the warrant and intendment of holy writ , and of right reason . i have knowne by experience , and heard divers have suffered wrong by default of such in new-england . i feare it is not a little degree of pride and dangerous improvidence to slight all former lawes of the church or state , cases of experience and precedents , to go hammer out new , according to severall exigencies ; upon pretence that the word of god is sufficient to rule us : it is true , it is sufficient , if well understood . but take heede my brethren , despise not learning , nor the worthy lawyers of either gown , lest you repent too late . the parties in all causes , speake themselves for the most part , and some of the magistrates where they thinke cause requireth , doe the part of advocates without fee or reward . most matters are presently heard , and ended the same court , the party defendant having foure dayes warning before ; but some causes come to be heard again , and new suits grow upon the old . profane swearing , drunkennesse , and beggers , are but rare in the compasse of this patent , through the circumspection of the magistrates , and the providence of god hitherto , the poore there living by their labours , and great wages , proportionably , better then the rich , by their stocks , which without exceeding great care , quickly waste . a paper of certaine propositions to the generall court , made upon request , . iunii , . . it were good , that all actions betweene parties , were entred in the court book , by the secretary , before the court sits . . that every action be declared in writing , and the defendants answer , generall or speciall , as the case shall require , be put in writing , by a publique notarie , before the cause be heard . . the secretary to take the verdicts , and make forth the judiciall commands or writs . . the publique notarie ro record all the proceedings in a fair book , and to enter executions of commands done , & satisfactions acknowledged . . the fees , in all these , to be no more then in an inferiour court of record in england , and to be allowed by the generall court , or court of assistants . the benefit hereof to the publique good . . it will give an easie and quick dispatch to all causes : for thereby the court and jury will quickly see the point in hand , and accordingly give their verdict and judgement . . the court shall the better know , constantly , how to judge the same things ; and it is not possible , that judges should , alwayes , from time to time , remember clearly , or know to proceed certainly , without a faithfull record . . the parties may hereby more surely , and clearly obtaine their right ; for through ignorance and passion , men may quickly wrong one another , in their bare words , without a record . . hereby shall the law of god and justice be duly administred to the people , according to more certaine and unchangeable rules , so that they might know what is the law , and what right they may look for at the mouthes of all their judges . . hereby the subjects have a great part of their evidences and assurances for their proprieties , both of lands and goods . a paper touching the church her liberties , delivered at boston , . martii , . to the right worshipfull the governour , deputy governour , councellers , and assistants , for this iurisdiction . whereas you have been pleased to cause me to transcribe certain breviats of propositions , delivered to the last generall court , for the establishing a body of lawes , as is intended , for the glory of god , and the wel-fare of this people and country ; and published the same , to the intent that any man may acquaint you , or the deputies for the next court , with what he conceives fit to be altered or added , in or unto the said lawes ; i conceive it my duty to give you timely notice of some things of great moment , about the same lawes , in discharge of my conscience , which i shall , as amicus curiae , pray you to present with all faithfulnesse , as is proposed , to the next generall court , by it , and the reverend elders , to be further considered of , as followeth : . it is propounded to be one chiefe part of the charge , or office of the councell intended , to take care , that the conversion of the natives be endeavoured . . it is proposed , as a liberty , that a convenient * number of orthodoxe christians , allowed to plant together in this jurisdiction , may gather themselves into a church , and elect and ordaine their officers , men fit for their places , giving notice to seven of the next churches , one moneth before thereof , and of their names , and that they may exercise all the ordinances of god according to his word , and so they proceede according to the rule of god , and shall not be hindered by any civill power ; nor will this court allow of any church otherwise gathered . this clause ( nor will the court allow of any church otherwise gathered ) doth as i conceive contradict the first proposition . my reasons are these . . if the conversion of the natives must be endeavoured , then some wise and godly men ( they should be of your gravest and best men ) must bee sent forth to teach them to know god . . when such are sent , they must bee either sent immediately by the lord , or mediately by his churches . . if the churches send men , they that are sent must be sent by imposition of hands of the presbyterie . now when churches are thus gathered or planted , they are gathered by ministers , doing the works of apostles and euangelists , which hath ever been , and is the ordinary and regular way of gathering or planting churches , ( and not as is proposed , a convenient number of orthodoxe christians , gathering themselves into a church ) and yet when such a church is gathered by church-messengers and ministers , this court is advised not to allow the same ; which , i conceive , is to say , the conversion of the natives shall not be endeavoured , orderly , according to the rule of god . againe , it would be considered , that when men are sent forth , whether they should not be sent forth two , and by two at least , as the scriptures beare , and for divers good reasons , which lye not hid to your wisdomes . that you would be pleased to shew unto the elders these things to be considered , and that they would well weigh , whether or no those ministers and messengers sent by-churches , should not visit the churches which they plant ▪ other things there are , wherein , i think , i could also , to good purpose , move somewhat to your worships , which lyes more directly in the way , and calling , i have been educated , if i were required , but this thing lying upon my conscience , i could not well passe by : wherefore i shall request it may be considered . . whether it be not fit to leave out , at least , that contradictory clause , viz. nor will this court allow of any church otherwise gathered ? . whether it be not better to let the liberty run thus , in generall , the holy church of god shall enjoy all her just liberties ? a paper intended for the honoured john winthrop , esquire , late governour . boston , maii . . if you see a necessity of baptizing them without , if an ingagement of propagation of the truth to the infidel natives : then consider , whether by the kings leave , some churches may not be appointed to send their chiefe pastors , and other ministers , to doe such works . also with some kind of subjection , or acknowledgement of authority of the ministerie in england , if it be but by way of advice , which is cleare to me you may doe : i make no doubt but in all things requisite for the state of the country , they will yeeld you all faire liberties . nay , i am perswaded , the kings majesty will not send any unexperienced governour to afflict , but make you patentees againe , or at least , after the manner of other plantations , restoring not onely favour , but other benefits , whereof , under god , to us englishmen , he is the fountaine . the kings attorney did offer some of you this in my hearing , i meane , the renewall of your patent . nay further , if you would invent , and devise what the king may doe for the country , you might obtaine . the very conversion of these poore naked people , which is very hopefull , and much prepared for per accidens , or gods owne providence , bringing good out of evill , will rejoyce the hearts of all christians in our deare native countrey , and here : and of it selfe ( if there were no other desirable things here , as blessed be god there are many ) would cause a continued confluence of more people then you can tell well where to bestow for the present . the fishing trade would be promoted with authority . hereby would you give the greater testimony to the cause of reformation . hereby will you , under god and the king , make church-work , and common-wealth work indeed , and examples to all countryes . you will enrich your countries both , in short time . the heathens in time , i am perswaded , will become zealous christians , then will they labour , get cloathes , and substance about them . in vaine doe some think of civillizing them , either by the sword , or otherwise , till ( withall ) the word of god hath spoken to their hearts : wherein i conceive great advice is to be taken . for which purpose a presse is necessary , and may be obtained , i hope , so that wise men watch over it . consider how poorely your schooles goe on , you must depend upon england for help of learned men and schollers , bookes , commodities infinite almost . no doubt but the king , this way , will make your authority reach even to the dutch southward , and to the french northward . new-england indeede without fraction . a facile way , taking out the core of malice . the conversion and subduing of a nation , and so great a tract of ground , is a work too weighty for subjects any much longer to labour under without royall assistance , as i apprehend , i think , in religious reason . if any shall suggest , that your churches may send forth men of their own authority ; consider , if it may be done warrantably by the word of god , as peradventure it may be so . yet you will be in danger , rebus sic stantibus , of great imputations . that you infringe regall power , and ecclesiasticall . wheron adversaries will sure enough make fearfull worke . and besides , some reformations ( under favour ) have been too deep , at least for others to follow . they were also unexperienced of mission to convert infidels . is geneva without her faults ? or holland , rotterdam , amsterdam , without theirs ? what experience they of mission , or ever had ? now i beseeech you grave sir , doe you thinke it good , honourable , safe , for us poore men here , or for the religion and professors thereof in generall , in the whole world , that such as have the name of the most zealous , should be the first example of almost utmost provocation to our owne soveraigne ? for my part , i disclaime parker , and encline to hooker , iewel , as to government . greatmen have great burthens , therefore they have their counsels crosse , and sometimes they use them both . you heare enough on the other side , heare now this , on this , and the lord guide your spirit . odere reges dicta , quae dici jubent . these are the ministers of the bay . at boston , master cotton teacher , master wilson pastor : at roxbury , master weld pastor , master eliott teacher : at dorchester , master mather pastor or teacher , and master burgh out of office : at braintree , master thomson pastor , master flint teacher : at weymouth , master newman pastor , master parker out of office : at hingham , master hubbard pastor , master peck teacher : they refuse to baptize old ottis grandchildren , an ancient member of their own church . at charlestowne , master symms pastor , master allen teacher : at cambridge , master sheppard pastor , master dunster school-master ; divers young schollers are there under him to the number of almost twenty : at watertowne , master phillips pastor , master knolls pastor : at dedham , another master phillips out of office , and master allen pastor or teacher : at sudbury , master brown in office , master fordham out of office : at lynne , master whiting pastor , master cobbet teacher : at salem , master peter pastor , master norris teacher , and his sonne a schoole-master : at ipswich , master rogers pastor , master norton teacher , and master nathaniel ward , and his sonne , and one master knight , out of employment : at rowley , master ezek. rogers pastor , master miller : at newberry , master noyse pastor , master parker teacher : he is sonne of master robert parker , somtime of wilton , in the county of wiltes , deceased , who in his life time writ that mis-learned and mistaken book de politeia ecclesiastica . at salisbury , master worster pastor : at hampton , master bachellor pastor , master dalton teacher : there are other school-masters which i know not , in some of these townes . the magistrates in the bay are these : master bellingham the present governour , master endecot the present deputy governour , master winthrop , master dudley , master humfrey , master saltonstall , master bradstreat , master stoughton , master winthrop junior , master nowell , assistants . master nowell is also secretarie . master stephen winthrop is recorder , whose office is to record all judgments , mariages , births , deaths , wills and testaments , bargaines and sales , gifts , grants , and mortgages . there is a marshall , who is as a sheriffe or bailiffe , and his deputy is the gaoler and executioner . marriages are solemnized and done by the magistrates , and not by the ministers . * probats of testaments , and granting of letters of administration , are made and granted in the generall or great quarter courts . at burials , nothing is read , nor any funeral sermon made , but all the neighbourhood , or a good company of them , come together by tolling of the bell , and carry the dead solemnly to his grave , and there stand by him while he is buried . the ministers are most commonly present . they are very diligent in traynings of their souldiers and military exercises , and all except magistrates , and ministers beare armes , or pay for to bee excused , or for speciall reasons are exempted by order of court . the captains , and officers are such as are admitted of the church . but the people begin to complain , they are ruled like slaves , and in short time shall have their children for the most part remain unbaptized : and so have little more priviledge then heathens , unlesse the discipline be amended and moderated . it is feared , that elections cannot be safe there long , either in church or common-wealth . so that some melancholy men thinke it a great deale safer to be in the midst of troubles in a setled common-wealth , or in hope easily to be setled , then in mutinies there , so far off from succours . at new plymouth they have but one * minister , master rayner ; yet master chancey lives there , and one master smith , both ministers , they are not in any office there ; master chancey stands for dipping in baptisme onely necessary , and some other things , concerning which there hath been much dispute , and master chancey put to the worst by the opinion of the churches advised withall . cohannet , alias taunton , is in plymouth patent . there is a church gathered of late , and some ten or twenty of the church , the rest excluded . master hooke pastor , master streate teacher . master hooke received ordination from the hands of one master bishop a school-master , and one parker an husbandman , and then master hooke joyned in ordaining master streate . one master doughty , a minister , opposed the gathering of the church there , alleadging that according to the covenant of abraham , all mens children that were of baptized parents , and so abrahams children , ought to be baptized ; and spake so in publique , or to that effect , which was held a disturbance , and the ministers spake to the magistrate to order him : the magistrate commanded the constable , who dragged master doughty out of the assembly . he was forced to goe away from thence , with his wife and children . there are also in this patent divers other plantations , as sandwich , situate , duxbury , greenes-harbour , and yarmouth . ministers there are , master leveridge , master blackwood , master mathews , and master andrew hallet a school-master . master saxton also , who was comming away when we did . at the island called aquedney , are about two hundred families . there was a church , where one master clark was elder : the place where the church was , is called newport , but that church , i heare , is now dissolved ; as also divers churches in the country have been broken up and dissolved through dissention . at the other end of the island there is another towne called portsmouth , but no church : there is a meeting of some men , who there teach one another , and call it prophesie . these of the island have a pretended civill government of their owne erection , without the kings patent . there lately they whipt one master gorton , a grave man , for denying their power , and abusing some of their magistrates with uncivill tearmes ; the governour , master coddington , saying in court , you that are for the king , lay hold on gorton ; and he againe , on the other side , called forth , all you that are for the king , lay hold on coddington ; whereupon gorton was banished the island : so with his wife and children he went to providence . they began about a small trespasse of swine , but it is thought some other matter was ingredient . at providence , which is twenty miles from the said island , lives master williams , and his company , of divers opinions ; most are anabaptists ; they hold there is no true visible church in the bay , nor in the world , nor any true ministerie . this is within no patent , as they say ; but they have of late a kind of government also of their owne erection . one master blakeston , a minister , went from boston , having lived there nine or ten yeares , because he would not joyne with the church ; he lives neere master williams , but is far from his opinions . there are five or six townes , and churches upon the river connecticot , where are worthy master hooker , master warham , master hewet , and divers others , and master fenwike with the lady boteler , at the rivers mouth in a faire house , and well fortified , and one master higgison , a young man , their chaplain . these plantations have a patent ; the lady was lately admitted of master hookers church , and thereupon her child was baptized . the lady moody lives at lynne , but is of salem church , shee is ( good lady ) almost undone by buying master humphries farme , swampscot , which cost her nine , or eleven hundred pounds . beyond connecticott are divers plantations , as new-haven , alias quinapeag , where master davenport is pastor , and one master iames a schoole-master ; and another where master whitfield is : and another where master pridgeon is , and some others , almost reaching to the dutch plantation southward . among these are my old acquaintance , master roger ludlow , master frost , sometime of nottingham , and his sonnes , iohn grey and henry grey ; the lord in his goodnesse provide for them ; they have a minister , whose name i have forgotten , if it be not master blackwell . i do not know what patent these have . long island is begun to be planted , and some two ministers are gone thither , or to goe , as one master peirson , and master knowles , that was at dover , alias northam . a church was gathered for that island at lynne , in the bay , whence some , by reason of straitnesse , did remove to the said island ; and one master simonds , heretofore a servant unto a good gentlewoman whom i know , was one of the first founders . master peter of salem was at the gathering , and told me the said master henry simonds made a very cleare confession . notwithstanding he yet dwels at boston , and they proceed on but slowly . the patent is granted to the lord starling ; but the dutch claime part of the island , or the whole : for their plantation is right over against , and not far from the south end of the said isle . and one lieutenant howe pulling downe the dutch arms on the isle , there was like to be a great stir , what ever may become of it . the dutch also claime quinapeag , and other parts . at northam , alias pascattaqua , is master larkham pastor . one master h. k. was also lately minister there , with master larkham . they two fell out about baptizing children , receiving of members , buriall of the dead ; and the contention was so sharp , that master k. and his party rose up , and excommunicated master larkham , and some that held with him : and further , master larkham flying to the magistrates , master k. and a captaine raised armes , and expected helpe from the bay ; master k. going before the troop with a bible upon a poles top , and he , or some of his party giving forth , that their side were scots , and the other english : whereupon the gentlemen of sir ferdinando gorges plantation came in , and kept court with the magistrates of pascattaqua , ( who have also a patent ) being weake of themselves . and they fined all those that were in armes , for a riot , by indictment , jury , and verdict , formally . nine of them were censured to be whipt , but that was spared . master k. and the captain their leaders , were fined . l. a piece , which they are not able to pay . to this broyle came master peter of salem , and there gave his opinion , at northam , that the said excommunication was a nullity . master thomas gorgs sonne of captain gorgs of batcombe , by chedder in somersetshire , is principall commissioner for the province of maigne , under sir ferdinando , but he was not at that court at northham himselfe . master wards sonne is desired to come into the province of maigne . there is one master ienner gone thither of late . there is want of good ministers there ; the place hath had an ill report by some , but of late some good acts of justice have been done there , and divers gentlemen there are , and it is a countrey very plentifull for fish , fowle , and venison . not farre from northam is a place called exeter , where master wheelwright hath a small church . and at cape anne , where fishing is set forward , and some stages builded , there one master rashley is chaplain : for it is farre off from any church : rashley is admitted of boston church , but the place lyeth next salem , and not very far further from ipswich . the isle of shoales and richmonds isle , which lie neere pasquattaqua , and good fishing places . about one hundred and fifty leagues from boston eastward is the isle of sables , whither one iohn webb , alias evered , an active man , with his company are gone with commission from the bay , to get sea-horse teeth and oyle . eastward off cape codd lyeth an island called martins vineyard , uninhabited by any english , but indians , which are very savage . northward from the bay , or northeast , lyeth the french plantation , who take up bever there , and keepe strict government , boarding all vessels that come neare them , and binding the masters till the governour , who is a noble-man , know what they are ; and south of new-england the dutch take up the bever . three hundred leagues south from the bay along the coasts , lyeth virginia ; neare to that is maryland , where they are roman catholiques , they say . there was a speech of some swedes which came to inhabit neere delawar bay , but the number or certainty i know not . three hundred leagues from the bay , eastward , lyeth new-found-land , where is a maine trade for fishing . here we touched comming homeward . florida lyes betweene virginia and the bay of mexico , and had been a better country for the english to have planted in , according to the opinion of some , but it is so neere the spaniard , that none must undertake to plant there , without good forces . for the state of the country in the bay and thereabouts . the land is reasonable fruitfull , as i think ; they have cattle , and goats , and swine good store , and some horses , store of fish and fowle , venison , and * corne , both english and indian . they are indifferently well able to subsist for victuall . they are setting on the manufacture of linnen and cotton cloath , and the fishing trade , and they are building of ships , and have good store of barks , catches , lighters , shallops , and other vessels . they have builded and planted to admiration for the time . there are good masts and timber for shipping , planks , and boards , clapboard , pipe-staves , bever , and furres , and hope of some mines . there are beares , wolves , and foxes , and many other wilde beasts , as the moose , a kind of deere , as big as some oxen , and lyons , as i have heard . the wolves and foxes are a great annoyance . there are rattlesnakes , which sometimes doe some harme , not much ; he that is stung with any of them , or bitten , he turnes of the colour of the snake , all over his body , blew , white , and greene spotted ; and swelling , dyes , unlesse he timely get some snake-weed ; which if he eate , and rub on the wound , he may haply recover , but feele it a long while in his bones and body . money is wanting , by reason of the failing of passengers these two last yeares , in a manner . they want help to goe forward , for their subsistance in regard of cloathing : and great pity it would be , but men of estates should help them forward . it may bee , i hope , a charitable worke . the price of their cattell , and other things being fallen , they are not at present able to make such returns to england , as were to be wished for them : god above direct and provide for them . there are multitudes of godly men among them , and many poore ignorant soules . of late some thirty persons went in two small barks for the lords isle of providence , and for the maine thereabout , which is held to be a beter countrey and climate by some : for this being in about . degrees of northerne latitude , yet is very cold in winter , so that some are frozen to death , or lose their fingers or toes every yeere , sometimes by carlesnes , sometimes by accidents , and are lost in snowes , which there are very deepe sometimes , and lye long : winter begins in october , and lasts till aprill . sixty leagues northerly it is held not habitable , yet again in summer it is exceeding hot . if shipping for conveyance were sent thither , they might spare divers hundreds of men for any good design . the jurisdiction of the bay patent reacheth from pascattaqua patent northeast to plymouth patent southward . and in my travailes there , i have seene the towns of newberry , ipswich , salem , lynne , boston , charlestowne , cambridge , watertowne , concord , roxbury , dorchester , and braintree in the bay patent , new taunton in plymouth patent , the island aquedney , and the two townes therein , newport and portsmouth , and new providence within the bay of narhiggansets . this for the satisfaction of some that have reported i was no travailer in new-england . concerning the indians , or natives . they are of body tall , proper , and straight ; they goe naked , saving about their middle , somewhat to cover shame . seldome they are abroad in extremity of winter , but keep in their wigwams , till necessity drives them forth ; and then they wrap themselves in skins , or some of our english coorse cloth : and for the winter they have boots , or a kind of laced tawed-leather stockins . they are naturally proud , and idle , given much to singing , dancing , and playes ; they are governed by sachems , kings ; and saggamores , petie lords ; by an absolute tyrannie . their women are of comely feature , industrious , and doe most of the labour in planting , and carrying of burdens ; their husbands hold them in great slavery , yet never knowing other , it is the lesse grievous to them . they say , englishman much foole , for spoiling goodworking creatures , meaning women : and when they see any of our english women sewing with their needles , or working coifes , or such things , they will cry out , lazie squaes ! but they are much the kinder to their wives , by the example of the english . their children , they will not part with , upon any terms , to be taught . they are of complexion swarthy and tawny ; their children are borne white , but they bedawbe them with oyle , and colours , presently . they have all black haire , that i saw . in times of mourning , they paint their faces with black lead , black , all about the eye-brows , and part of their cheeks . in time of rejoycing , they paint red , with a kind of vermilion . they cut their haire of divers formes , according to their nation or people , so that you may know a people by their cut ; and ever they have a long lock on one side of their heads , and weare feathers of peacocks , and such like , and red cloath , or ribbands at their locks ; beads of wampompeag about their necks , and a girdle of the same , wrought with blew and white wampom , after the manner of chequer work , two fingers broad , about their loynes : some of their chiefe men goe so , and pendants of wampom , and such toyes in their ears . and their women , some of the chiefe , have faire bracelets , and chaines of wampom . men and women , of them , come confidently among the english . since the pequid war , they are kept in very good subjection , and held to strict points of justice , so that the english may travail safely among them . but the french in the east , and the dutch in the south , sell them guns , powder and shot . they have powahes , or priests , which are witches , and a kind of chirurgions , but some of them , notwithstanding , are faine to be beholding to the english chirurgions . they will have their times of powaheing , which they will , of late , have called prayers , according to the english word . the powahe labours himselfe in his incantations , to extreame sweating and wearinesse , even to extasie . the powahes cannot work their witchcrafts , if any of the english be by ; neither can any of their incantations lay hold on , or doe any harme to the english , as i have been credibly informed . the powahe is next the king , or sachem , and commonly when he dyes , the powahe marryes the squa sachem , that is , the queene . they have marriages among them ; they have many wives ; they say , they commit much filthinesse among themselves . but for every marriage , the saggamore hath a fadome of wampom , which is about seven or eight shillings value . some of them will diligently attend to any thing they can understand by any of our religion , and are very willing to teach their language to any english . they live much the better , and peaceably , for the english ; and themselves know it , or at least their sachems , and saggamores know so much , for before they did nothing but spoile and destroy one another . they live in wigwams , or houses made of mats like little hutts , the fire in the midst of the house . they cut downe a tree with axes and hatchets , bought of the english , dutch , or french , & bring in the butt-end into the wigwam , upon the hearth , and so burne it by degrees . they live upon parched corne , ( of late , they grinde at our english mills . ) venison , bevers , otters , oysters , clammes , lobsters , and other fish , groundnuts , akornes , they boyle all together in a kettle . their riches are their wampom , bolles , trayes , kettles , and spoones , bever , furres , and canoos . he is a sachem , whose wife hath her cleane spoons in a chest , for some chief english men , when they come on guest wise to the wigwam . they lye upon a mat , with a stone , or a piece of wood under their heads ; they will give the best entertainment they can make to any english comming amongst them . they will not taste sweet things , nor alter their habit willingly ; onely they are taken with tobacco , wine , and strong waters ; and i have seene some of them in english , or french cloathes . their ordinary weapons are bowes and arrowes , and long staves , or halfe pykes , with pieces of swords , daggers , or knives in the ends of them : they have captaines , and are very good at a short mark , and nimble of foot to run away . their manner of fighting is , most commonly , all in one fyle . they are many in number , and worship kitan , their good god , or hobbamocco , their evill god ; but more feare hobbamocco , because he doth them most harme . some of their kings names are canonicus , meantinomy , owshamequin , cushamequin , webbacowitts , and squa sachem his wife : she is the queene , and he is powahe , and king , in right of his wife . among some of these nations , their policie is to have two kings at a time ; but , i thinke , of one family ; the one aged for counsell , the other younger for action . their kings succeed by inheritance . master henry dunster , schoolmaster of cambridge , deserves commendations above many ; he hath the plat-forme and way of conversion of the natives , indifferent right , and much studies the same , wherein yet he wants not opposition , as some other also have met with : he will , without doubt , prove an instrument of much good in the countrey , being a good scholar , and having skil in the tongues ; he will make it good , that the way to instruct the indians , must be in their owne language , not english ; and that their language may be perfected . a note of some late occurrences touching episcopacie . some of the learnedst , and godliest in the bay , begin to understand governments ; that it is necessary , when ministers or people fall out , to send other ministers , or they voluntarily to goe among them , to seek by all good wayes and meanes to appease them . and particularly , master peter went from salem on foot to new dover , alias pascattaqua , alias northam , to appease the difference betweene master larkham and master k. when they had been up in armes this last winter time . he went by the sending of the governour , counsell , and assistants of the bay , and of the church of salem ; and was in much danger of being lost , returning , by losing his way in the woods , and some with him , but god be blessed they returned . againe he went a second time , for appeasing the same difference , and had a commission to divers gentlemen , master humfrey , master bradstreate , captaine wiggon , and master simons , to assist , and to heare and determine all causes civill and criminall , from the governour of the bay , under his hand , and the publique seale , and then master k. went by the worst . master wilson did lately ride to greens harbour , in plymouth patent , to appease a broyle betweene one master thomas , as i take it , his name is , and master blindman , where master blindman went by the worst , and captaine keayne and others went with master wilson on horseback . also at another time , master wilson , master mather , and some others , going to the ordination of master hooke and master streate , to give them the right hand of fellowship , at new taunton , there heard the difference betweene master hooke and master doughty , where master doughty was over-ruled , and the matter carried somewhat partially , as is reported . it may be , it will be said , they did these things by way of love , and friendly advise : grant that ; but were not the counselled bound to receive good counsell ? if they would not receive it , was not the magistrate ready to assist , and in a manner ready , according to duty , to enforce peace and obedience ? did not the magistrates assist ? and was not master k. sent away , or compounded with , to seek a new place at long island , master doughty forced to the island aquedney , and master blindman to connecticot ? questions to the elders of boston , delivered . septemb. . . whether a people may gather themselves into a church , without a minister sent of god ? . whether any people , or congregation , may ordaine their owne officers ? . whether the ordination , by the hands of such as are not ministers , be good ? to the which i received an answer the same day : to the first , the answer is affirmative ; for though the people in this countrey are not wont to gather themselves into a church , but ( as you would have it ) with the presence and advice of sundry ministers ; yet it were lawfull for them to gather into a church without them . for if it be the priviledge of every church to choose their owne ministers , then there may be a church , before they have ministers of their owne ; for ministers of another church have no power but in their owne church . to the second and third ; the second and third questions are coincident , and one answer may serve for both : the children of israel did impose hands upon the levites , num. . . and if the people have power to elect their owne officers , they have power also to ordaine them ; for ordination is but an installment of a man into that office , whereto election giveth him right , neverthelesse such a church as hath a presbyterie , ought to ordain their officers by a presbyterie , according to tim. . . this answer was brought me by master oliver , one of the elders , and master pierce , a brother of boston . when i was to come away , one of the chiefest in the country wished me to deliver him a note of what things i misliked in the country , which i did , thus : i doubt , . whether so much time should be spent in the publique ordinances , on the sabbath day , because that thereby some necessary duties of the sabbath must needs be hindred , as visitation of the sick , and poore , and family . . whether matters of offence should be publiquely handled , either before the whole church , or strangers . . whether so much time should be spent in particular catechizing those that are admitted to the communion of the church , either men or women ; or that they should make long speeches ; or when they come publiquely to be admitted , any should speak contradictorily , or in recommendation of any , unlesse before the elders , upon just occasion . . whether the censures of the church should be ordered , in publique , before all the church , or strangers , other then the denunciation of the censures , and pronunciation of the solutions . . whether any of our nation that is not extremely ignorant or scandalous , should bee kept from the communion , or his children from baptisme . . that many thousands in this countrey have forgotten the very principles of religion , which they were daily taught in england , by set forms and scriptures read , as the psalmes , first and second lesson , the ten commandments , the creeds , and publique catechizings . and although conceived prayer be good and holy , and so publike explications and applications of the word , and also necessary both in and out of season : yet for the most part it may be feared they dull , amaze , confound , discourage the weake and ignorant , ( which are the most of men ) when they are in ordinary performed too tediously , or with the neglect of the word read , and other premeditated formes inculcated , and may tend to more ignorance and inconvenience , then many good men are aware of . . i doubt there hath been , and is much neglect of endeavours , to teach , civilize , and convert the indian nation , that are about the plantations . . whether by the received principles , it bee possible to teach , civilize , or convert them , or when they are converted , to maintain gods worship among them . . that electorie courses will not long be safe here , either in church or common-wealth . . that the civill government is not so equally administred , nor can be , divers orders or by-laws considered . . that unlesse these things be wisely and in time prevented , many of your usefullest men will remove and scatter from you . at boston july . . certain quaeres about church government , planting churches , and some other experiments . . whether the people should cal the minister , or the minister a gather the people ? . when a church is gathered or planted ; should they not have care in b propagating other churches , in other places next them ? . whether should not the first church c visit the later churches planted by them , to see they keepe the faith and order , as long as shee remains her selfe in purity of doctrine and worship ? . how shall a church propagate , and visit other churches ? shall they do it by their members , ordinary christians , or by their ministers , d or pastors ? shall they e intend such propagation , or stay , till by their numbers increasing , they are necessitated to swarme , or are persecuted abroad ? . if by their pastors , must there not bee more f ministers then one in the first church ? how else can any be spared to goe abroad about such works upon occasion ? . when they have planted other churches , must not the g first church take care for the providing of elders or ministers for these new planted churches , and h ordain them , and sometimes goe i or send some to teach them , and uphold the worship of god among them ? . how can any preach , unlesse he be k sent ? and how can he be sent , unlesse by imposition of l hands of the presbytery of the first church ? . if so , hath not the first church and the ministers therof , apostlolical m power in these things ? . but have all n churches and ministers this power ? are they able ? have they learned men enough , to o water where they have planted ? if some should not be of the p quorum , as it were , in ordinations , and the like , what order , peace , or unity can be expected ? . againe , if all churches and ministers have this power , equally , to exercise the work apostolicall ; must they not all then goe , or send abroad , to convert the indians , and plant churches ? and how can all be spared abroad ? are all q apostles ? all euangelists ? where were the body , if so ? . will they not interfiere one upon another , and trespasse upon one anothers r line , rule , or portion , which blessed s. paul condemned in those that entred into his labours ? . when any other s church , besides the t first , hath power and ability to propagate and bring forth other churches , may she not doe well so to doe ? must she not ? in her fitting line , observing peace , and holding communion with the first , as long as they remain in purity both of them ? and if a second , why not a third , and a fourth , and so forth to a competent number ? . whether the first and other churches also having power and ability thus to propagate the gospell and plant churches , may not be fitly called , prime , chief , or principall seats of the church , or v chiefe churches ? . whether those churches so gathered , in one kingdome , citie , or principality , holding communion together , may not be fitly , in regard of their unity in doctrine and worship , called the church of such a nation , or province , u city , or countrey ? . whether is it probable , that the first church christian , that wee reade of to be , at x hierusalem , was onely one congregation , or but as many as could meete in one place ? had they not among them twelve apostles , besides elders , three thousand , at once added , what ever number there was besides ? and had they such a large temple or meeting-houses at their command in those dayes ? . whether the word church bee not diversly taken in holy scripture , and sometimes for a civill or uncivill assembly or congression ? y acts . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and when he had thus spoken , he dismissed the assembly or church ? . whether anciently in england , some small assemblyes were not called churches , as every presentative rectory or parsonage is called ecclesia , when others that were greater were not so called , as no vicaridge , donative or chappel is called ecclesia in our law ? . whether the rector , or parson that is a presbyter in a church , should , being alone , rule absolutely by himselfe , without the concurrence , advise , or superiour power of the evangelisticall z pastor of the church , who had care in the plantation or erection of the parsons church ? . if not ; should the vicar , donative , minister or chaplain ? . but where they have used to rule more absolutely , ( as in some peculiar jurisdictions in england ) why may they not with the peace and unity of the church , and by good advise , stil doe the same alway , with subordination to the evangelisticall leaders , and fit christian , and nationall synods ? . if the parson should not rule alone ordinarily , why should the principall leaders rule ordinarily alone without the advise and assistance of a competent number of their presbyters , who may afford them counsell ? did not the holy apostles advise with the elders a sometimes ? is it safe for them or the whole ? . but were there any bishops superintendent , over other bishops , or presbyters , in the first hundred years after christs birth ? did not saint iames write his generall epistle to the twelve tribes , which were then scattered abroad , no doubt , in many places , and therein mention for rulers , onely b elders ? and s. peter write his generall epistle , and therein direct or command the c elders , not to over-rule the flock , the lords inheritance ? where was the order of bishops ? had not the elders the rule ? might they not else have returned answer , that the command concerned not them , but a certaine order of men , called bishops , above us ? . were not the apostles and euangelists then living , d bishops , and superintendent overseers ? had they not the e care of all the churches , in their lines ? did not these holy apostles , s. iames and s. peter , mention their owne names , in their epistles ? is it not plain , that peter had over-sight upon those to whom he wrote , to see that they did not over-rule , and take account of them , if they did ? and did the lord ordaine there should be such a superintendencie , onely for an . years , and not some equall correspondent superspection also in after-ages , when those extraordinary men should cease ? if some had then the care of all the churches , should there not be some , in after-times , to have the care of some , to a competent number of churches , in their fitting lines , and as they are f able ? and though this divine right be broken through the many grosse corruptions of successions , and the like , yet is it not equall to observe the first institution , as neere as may be , as we say the equity of some lawes and statutes among us is sometimes to be observed , though not in the letter ? and why may not a chiefe pastor be called a bishop , as well as an elder , or any other officer heretofore superior ? . if g psalms , and hymnes , and spirituall songs are to be sung in the church , and to sing melodiously , and with good harmony , is the gift of god , and uncomely singing a kind of sin in the holy assemblies ; why should not the chiefe leaders , and rulers of the church , appoint some , in their stead , to take care of the singings of the church ? and may not some be fitter to lead in singing , then others ? and lest they may fall out of their tunes to jarring , why may they not use the help of some musicall instruments ? and lest they should want able men this way , why should they not take care , that some children be trained up in musique ? . whether or no christ did not allow of a h form of prayer , and a short one too ? will not the i strong allow the weak helps in prayer ? are not the best christians often distracted in long prayers ? is it not easier for the strong to pray , then for as strong men to hear prayer well ? should those that are strong proficients in grace not be satisfied , without all their weak brethren come to the same pitch of high sanctification with themselves ? should they not rather k condescend to the weaker ? and although it be rare to tell of any actually converted by formes of prayer , and scriptures read ; yet who can justly deny , but that much good hath been , is , and may for ever be done by such things that way , sicut ultimus ictus quercum non caedit , extrema arena clepsydram non exhaurit , as the last stroak fells not the oake , nor the last sand exhausts the houre-glasse ? . whether may not a man l and his household , a woman and her houshold , a whole m city , or countrey , a king and his people , a whole nation , be baptized , after they are competently instructed in the religion of god ? . is it certain , that all that were baptized in n cornelius his house , in the o gaolers house , in lydia's , in p samaria , in q corinth , were such true beleevers , as now good men require all those that joyne with them , to be , before they will receive them to the communion of their church ? were not r hypocrites admitted & baptized in the primitive church , by the apostles and evangelists themselves , being deceived by them ? were not children circumcised in the old testament , and baptized all along in the times of the new , so received into the bosome of the church ? . could , or can ever any nation , probably , be brought into the obedience of the gospel , poll by poll , in such manner as is imagined by the leaders of separations ? . if it be possible , let them make experience , and try whether the indians , or any other heathen people , can be so converted , before the greek kalends . . whether there be any direct scripture for the peoples choice of their chiefe pastour ? can there , ordinarily , be a better election , then when the supreame magistrate ( who hath , at most times , the power of all the people , and sometimes their counsell in a regular way ) joynes with a select and competent number and company of presbyters in the same ? . whether any that have not skill , grace , and learning , to judge of the parties to be ordained , whether they be fit , and able to what they are to be ordained , may s ordaine them ? . whether or no to maintain a desired purity or perfection in the magistracie , by election of the people , these good men of new-england , are not forced to be too strict in receiving the brethren , and to run a course tending to heathenisme ? . whether have not popular elections of chiefe magistrates beene , and are they not very dangerous to states and kingdomes ? are there not some great mysteries of state and government ? is it possible , convenient , or necessary , for all men to attain to the knowledge of those mysteries , or to have the like measure of knowledge , faith , mercifulnesse , wisdome , courage , magnanimity , patience ? whence are kings denominated , but from their skill and knowledge to rule ? whereto they are even born and educated , and by long experience , and faithfull counsellors enabled , and the grace and blessing of god upon all ? doe not the wise , good , ancient , and renowned laws of england attribute much , yea , very much trust and confidence to the king , as to the head and supreame governour , though much be also in the rest of the great body , heart and hands , and feete , to counsell , maintain , and preserve the whole , but especially the head ? . hence what government for an englishman but an hereditary , successive , king , v the son of nobles , well counselled and assisted ? . whether we the posterity of the church , and people of god , who now see the tops of things onely , may safely condemne the foundations , which we have not seen ? . whether is there not a difference between bare speculation , and knowledge joyned with sound experience , and betweene the experience of divines and people reforming from out of some deepe corruptions in churches called christian , and the experience of those that have conversed in and about planting , and building churches , where there was none before , or among heathens ? what is art many times without experience ? . whether those authors from hierome , to arch-bishop adamson , that alledge all presbyters to be equall , and should alwayes have equall power and authority , had any great skill , or will , or experience , in the propagation of churches among heathens , or barbarous nations ? . if not , whether their testimony bee of that validity as is thought by some ? if they had , whether they might not erre ? . whether messengers sent by churches , or ministers taking upon them to go to gather or plant churches , and to ordain , or give the right hand of fellowship to ministers in those churches , and to appease differences in church affairs , are not episcopall acts ? . is episcopacie , or a superintendencie necessary at new-england , and is it not necessary in more populous places ? are there not some , nay many depths and u mysteries in gods holy word , the scriptures , and certain catholique interpretations , which transgressed , the faith is hurt ? is it possible , convenient , or necessary for all men , nay all ministers , to attain the knowledge of those mysteries , or to have the like measure of knowledge , faith , mercifulnesse , wisdome , patience , long suffering , courage , whereby to be enabled to rule in the church of god , whereto they are educated , tryed , chosen , and ordained ? and do not the sacred rules and laws of god , of holy church and of this kingdome attribute much , yea very much trust and confidence to the chief pastors , leaders , and rulers , the fathers of the church , especially to the bishops of the prime and metropoliticall churches , by the assistance of , and with , and under the supreame magistrate , the chiefe , the best cement of government , though much be also in other members of the great body , the church , to counsell , maintaine and preserve the whole in the faith , soundnesse , peace and unity , especially the chief leaders , when need requireth ? hence what government for christians in chief , but by pious , learned , provinciall and diocesan bishops , especialy in england and ireland ? by the just examination of the whole , those that are pious and learned , may easily gather , what good reasons i had , and have , to returne , as now humbly i doe , to the church of england , for whose peace , purity , and prosperity , is the daily prayer of one of her most unworthy sons , clements inne , novemb. . . thomas lechford . to a friend . sir , here is a good land , and yeelding many good commodities , especially fish , and furs , corne , and other richer things , if well followed , and if that popular elections destroy us not . it is a good land , i say , that instructs us to repentance , when we consider what a good land we came from , what good lawes and government we have left , to make experiments of governing our selves here by new wayes , wherein ( like young physitians ) of necessity we must hurt and spoile one another a great while , before we come to such a setled common-wealth , or church-government , as is in england . i thank god , now i understand by experience , that there is no such government for english men , or any nation , as a monarchy ; nor for christians , as by a lawfull ministerie , under godly diocesan bishops , deducing their station and calling from christ and his apostles , in descent or succession ; a thing of greater consequence then ceremonies , ( would to god i had known it sooner ) which while i have in my place stood for here these two years , and not agreeing to this new discipline , impossible to be executed , or long continued , what i have suffered , many here can tell ; i am kept from the sacrament , and all place of preferment in the common-wealth , and forced to get my living by writing petty things , which scarce finds me bread ; and therefore sometimes i look to planting of corne , but have not yet here an house of my owne to put my head in , or any stock going : whereupon i was determined to come back , but by the over-entreaty of some friends , i here think to stay a while longer , hoping that the lord will shortly give a good issue to things both in our native country , and scotland , and here , as well as in all other his majesties dominions . i was very glad to see my lord bishop of exeters book ; it gave me much satisfaction . if the people may make ministers , or any ministers make others without an apostolicall bishop , what confusion will there be ? if the whole church , or every congregation , as our good men think , have the power of the keyes , how many bishops then shall we have ? if every parish or congregation be so free and independent , as they terme it , what unity can we expect ? glad also was i to see master balls book of the tryall of the grounds of separation , both which are newly come over , and i hope will work much good among us here . and whereas i was sometimes mis-led by those of opinion that bishops , and presbyters , & all ministers , are of the same authority ; when i came to consider the necessary propagation of the truth , and government of the church , by experimentall foot-steps here , i quickly saw my error : for besides , if the congregations be not united under one diocesan in fit compasse , they are in a confusion , notwithstanding all their classicall pretendments , how can the gospel be propagated to the indians without an apostolicall bishop ? if any church , or people , by the kings leave , send forth ministers to teach and instruct the poore indians in the christian religion , they must have at least apostolicall power to ordain ministers or elders in every congregation among them ; and when they have so done , they have power of visitation where they plant : nor can they without just cause be thrust out from government without great impiety ; and where they have planted , that is their line or diocese . thus i came to see , that of necessity a diocese , and bishop diocesan , is very neere , if not altogether of divine authority . i am also of opinion , that it were good for our ministers to learne how to doe this work from some of our reverend bishops in england , for i feare our ministers know not how to goe about it . whether must not some ministers learne their language ? it is a copious language , as i am informed , and they have as many words to expresse one thing as we have . and when they teach indians to pray , will they not teach them by a forme ? and how can gods worship be maintained among ignorant persons without a forme ? i am firme of opinion , that the best of us have been much beholding to the word read , and formes of prayer . from boston in n.e. iulii . . this gentleman to whom i wrote , kindly returned me a wise answer , wherein is this passage : to speak in briefe , i think now that new-england is a perfect model and sampler of the state of us here at this time ; for all is out of joynt both in church and common-wealth , and when it will be better , god knoweth : to him we must pray for the amendment of it , and that he will not lay on us the merits of our nationall and particular sinnes , the true cause of all these evils . dated out of somerset-shire , aprilis . . to another , thus : in a word or two , we heare of great disturbances in our deare native countrey ; i am heartily sorry , &c. i beseech you take my briefe opinion ; we here are quite out of the way of right government both in church and common-wealth , as i verily think , and as far as i can judge upon better consideration , and some pains taken in searching after the bottome of some things . some electorie wayes tend to the overthrow of kingdomes : no such way for government of englishmen , as a monarchie ; of christians , as by diocesan bishops in their line : better yeeld to many pressures in a monarchie , then for subjects to destroy , and spoile one another . if i were worthy to advise a word , i should desire you to have a care , and so all your friends , you prejudice not your estate , or posterity , by too much opposing the regall power : for i verily beleeve the kings majesty hath in generall a good cause touching episcopacie : my reasons i could better deliver in presence , if haply god give opportunity to see you , or if you require it hereafter , i will be ready to present my thoughts unto you . all this , as i shall answer before the lord , without any by-respects . if you were here , i presume you would see more then i can , but i think you would be much of my mind . from boston in n. e. septemb. . . to another of no meane rank . complaining of my sufferings , and shewing the reasons , desiring him to send for me , that i might declare them to his person more effectually . from boston in n. e. march , . to another . you knew my condition and employment , and how ill it went with me in england , by reason of the trouble of our friends , and my own danger therby . for my outward subsistence here , at this time , god knowes it is but meane ; some say it is my owne fault , and that i stand in my owne light , and you , and others may so conceive ; but the god of heaven is my witnesse , i have endeavoured in all things to keep a good conscience , though sometimes i have failed ; i have endeavoured , laying all by-respects aside , to joyne with the church here , but cannot yet be satisfyed in divers particulars , whereby i am kept from all place of employment or preferment , as i have had overtures made unto me of , if i would or could yeeld , but hitherto i have not dared to doe it , for good reasons best knowne to our heavenly witnesse . i must give you a taste . they hold their covenant constitutes their church , and that implyes , we that come to joyne with them , were not members of any true church whence we came , and that i dare not professe . againe , here is required such confessions , and professions , both in private and publique , both by men and women , before they be admitted , that three parts of the people of the country remaine out of the church , so that in short time most of the people will remaine unbaptized , if this course hold , and is ( we feare ) of dangerous consequence , a thing not tending to the propagation of the gospel in peace : which , though it have a colour of sanctimony and strictnesse , whereby many well-affected or affectionate people , but weak in sound experience and judgement , are the rather drawn thereunto , and they are in a manner necessitated to it , to maintaine their election of magistrates and ministers in their owne way of popular or aristocraticall government ; i dare not ( for my part ) yeeld unto neither in my own conscience , nor for the credit of those persons with whom i have been educated , and in whose causes i have been seen . a monarchy is the best government for englishmen ; better to suffer some pressures under that kind of government , then to spoile one another with popular elections . againe , i cannot yeeld to lay-elders , nor that lay-men should impose hands upon any to the ministerie , nor that any minister should renounce his calling to the ministerie which he received in england , as antichristian : it is a grosse error , and palpable schisme ; then our baptisme is not right , and so there will be no end of separations . also i beleeve there cannot be a church , without a true minister ; nor can any gather themselves together into a church without a true minister ; nor can they ordain their own ministers ; ordinarily , i meane ; what may be done in an extraorninary case , pro prima vice , is another question ; i hold there ought to be an apostolicall bishop , by succession from christ and his apostles , superiour in order or degree to his brethren ; which bishop ought to ordain , and rule with other presbyters , or alone , but presbyters cannot without him . and if so be any thing in word or act passed from mee to the contrary hereof , i do professe it was in my ignorance . their calling is of divine authority , or nearest thereunto , else the church of god could not have subsisted in any tolerable way of peace , through all this by-past time of . yeeres . i feare they know not what they say , that say the contrary : let them come here , they will quickly change their minde , if they study the point , and follow it home ; for , besides the keeping of peace and unity , and a pure and able learned ministery , how can the gospell be propagated without some speciall ministers , having the power apostolicall , to goe forth to convert indians or pagans ? if a pastor , or minister , or christian , of any church shall doe so , what hath he to doe with infidels ? as hee is a pastor , he is no pastor to them . therefore if any are sent to convert , and establish churches among infidels , such as are sent are apostolick messengers , bishops or ministers to them , and ought to be sent with fasting and prayer , and by imposition of hands of the presbytery , and having converted infidels , may plant churches , and ordain ministers among them , and afterwards visit them ; and is not this episcopacie , and their line wherein they have gone their diocesse ? these things naturally flow from , and are grounded in the word , or equity thereof , and meere necessity . now if all ministers should ordinarily have this authority , to go forth to these works , without mission , what quarelling there would be for division of lines or dioceses , let the experience of former ages tell , yea of the apostolique times , wherein were not wanting those that quarelled with saint paul himselfe , about his line or rule , cor. . now unto this confusion , tends the opinion , that saith , a bishop and presbyter is all one and equall ; it is of acrius , it is false , and it is confusion . the reformed churches and writers that held so , had little experience of mission to convert & plant churches among infidels . that reformation goes too deep that tends to pulling downe of cathedrall churches , and bishops houses : should not apostolick bishops , and the chiefest ministers have houses to dwell in , and churches to recide and officiate in , whither all the churches of their line may send and come together in councel , or synod , and so do nothing of great moment without their bishop , a timothy , or a titus ? again , baptisme is admission and initiation into the church ; to whom baptisme is commited , viz. apostles and apostolick ministers , they have power of admission , that is , of loosing , and consequently of binding , excommunication or expulsion . where is now the peoples power in the keyes ? are they all apostles , and apostolick ministers ? what confusion is this ? who can yeeld to it knowingly ? i beseech you pardon my zeale , and when you have considered all , pity my condition , and pray for me still . well i am assured , that master prynne & master burton would never yeeld to these things , especially , if they had experience of them . it is good for us to see our errours , and acknowledge them , that we may obtain peace in the day of account . boston , . oct. . to another . sorry and grieved we are at the heart , to heare of the troublous estate and condition of our native countrey ; wee here also meete with our troubles and distresses in outward things , and some in spirituall matters also . here wants a staple commodity to maintain cloathing to the colony . and for my own particular , hitherto i have beene much distressed here by reason i cannot yet so clearely understand the church proceedings , as to yeeld to them , there are therein so many difficult considerations , that they have sometimes bred great confusion in my thoughts . never since i saw you have i received the sacrament of the lords supper . i have disputed in writing , though to my great hinderance , in regard of outward things , yet blessed be the lord , to my better satisfaction at the last . i never intended openly to oppose the godlyhere in any thing i thought they mistooke , but i was lately taken at advantage , and brought before the magistrates , before whom , giving a quiet and peaceable answer , i was dismissed with favour , and respect promised me by some of the chiefe for the future . our chiefe difference was about the foundation of the church and ministery , and what rigid separations may tend unto , what is to be feared , in case the most of the people here should remaine unbaptized ; considerations which may trouble the wisest among us . rigid separations never did , nor can propagate the gospell of christ , they can do no good , they have done hurt . it is dangerous to found church government on dark & uncertain interpretations of propheticall , or other scriptures ; foundations ought to be full of evidence , & demonstration . blessed be the lord , now some of the chiefe leaders of the churches here hold the churches in england true churches , and your ministery lawfull , though divers corruptions there may be among you ; yea some there bee of the chiefe among us that conceive the government by godly bishops superintendent over others to be lawfull . churches are not perfect in this world . we may not for every disagreement in opinion , or for slender pretended corruptions , separate from the church : separate so once , and no end of separation . from boston in n. e. decem. . . to conclude . suppose there are foure sorts of government , which are used in church , as in common-wealth ; monarchicall absolute without lawes , which is tyrannie ; monarchicall bounded by lawes ; aristocraticall , and democraticall : episcopall absolute , which is popish tyrannie ; episcopall regulated by just lawes ; presbyterian , and congregationall : which of these will all men like , and how long ? some have well compared the humour of the people in this kind , to a merry relation of an old man and his sonne , passing through the streets of a city , with one horse betweene them : first , the old man rode , then the people found fault with his unkindnesse , in that he did not cause his son to ride with him : then the young man gets up too , now the people say they are both unmercifull to the beast : downe comes the old man , then the young man is unmannerly to ride , and his father walk on foot : at last downe goes the young man also , and leads the horse , then they were both unwise to lead the horse , and neither of them to ride . well , but alter the inconstant vulgar will ; if so , god grant it be for the better . but then consider stories , one alteration follows another ; some have altered sixe times , before they were setled againe , and ever the people have paid for it both money and bloud . concerning church-government , what the presbyterian way is , and how sutable for englands monarchie , i leave to the pious experienced divines to set forth , and the church and state thereof to judge . and for the congregationall independent government , whereof i have had some experience , give me leave instead of a better intelligencer thus to present to my deare countrey , now in a time of neede , my impartiall opinion in these confused papers : and in brief-thus : although it had some small colour in scripture , and a great pretence of holinesse , yet no sound ground in the scripture ; again , if it be neither fit nor possible long to bee continued in new-england , as not i alone , but many more eye and eare witnesses doe know , and the learned can and will judge undoubtedly , it must needes be much more unfit and impossible to be brought into england , or ireland , or any other populous nation . all which upon the whole i humbly submit unto the sacred judgment and determination of holy church , his royall majesty , and his highnesses great and honourable councel , the high court of parliament . imprimatur , ioh : hansley . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- how churches are gathered there . their church covenant . election of their church officers . their ordinations . the right hand of fellowship by messengers of churches . some differ . how members are received , or added to the church there . the usuall termes whereupon . matters of offence how heard in private . dilatorie proceedings in admitting members . * whether popish auricular confession , and these publique confessions be not extremes , and whether some private pastorall or presbyteriall collation , left at liberty , upon cause , and in case of trouble of conscience , as in the church of england is approved , be not better then those extremes , i leave to he wise and learned to judge . testimonials and recommendations . publique confessions of parties to be received . their profession of faith . officers in the church . their duties or offices . members duties . a sermon of twelve articles of religion . master knolls how admitted . right hand of fellowship given to brethren . the whole church ruleth . their enterance into covenant . severing in the family . offences , how heard in publique . the whole church ruling and usurping the keyes . * whether a grave and judicious consistorie of the bishop well assisted be not a great deale better , i leave to our superiours to determin● . who denounce church censures . dic ecclesiae . * this agreeth with the rule in england . admonition . excommunication . cognizance of causes . churches independent . ●●fference of rule in churches . consistory . a better consistory is , and may be constituted in england . difference in number of officers . chappels of ease . these , you see , are necessary in england in some places . prophesying . prophesying , or preaching by licence . it ought not to be otherwaies in england . * universities , cathedrals , and collegiat churches . * cor. . . the publique worship . every sunday morning . lords supper . * once i stood without one of the doores , and looked in , and saw the administration : besides , i have had credible relation of all the particulars from some of the members . afternoone . baptisme . contribution . differences in contributions . admissions . offences . lectures . fasts & feasts . a and why not set fasting dayes & times , and set feasts , as well as set synods in the reformed churches ? b and why not holy dayes as well as the fift of november , and the dayes of purim among the jews ▪ besides , the commemoration of the blessed and heavenly mysteries of our ever blessed saviour , and the good examples and piety of the saints ? what time is there for the moderate recreation of youth and servants , but after divine services on most of those dayes , seeing that upon the sunday it is justly held unlawfull ? and sure enough , at new-england , the masters will and must hold their servants to their labour more then in other countries well planted is needfull ; therefore i think even they should doe well to admit of some holy dayes too , as not a few of the wiser sort among them hold necessary and expedient . little reading , catechizing . c whereas in england every sunday are read in publique , chapters and psalmes in every church , besides the 〈…〉 commandements , epistle and gospell , the creed and other good formes and catechizings , and besides what is read upon holy dayes and other dayes both in the parish , and cathedrall and collegiat churches , & in the universities , and other chappels , the benefit whereof , doubtlesse , all wise men will acknowledge to be exceeding great , as well as publique preaching and expounding . dayes and moneths how called . neglect of instructing the indians . charity . * the covenant of grace of the new testament , it is true , makes the whole universall church of christ , and every part thereof , or at least belongeth thereunto : but allowing churches a covenant of reformation tending to the bett●r ordering and well-being of themselves , and for other politique respects , this is as much as they at new-england can iustly make of their covenant , and some that are judicious among themselves have ackn●wledged it : and yet , even this , unlesse it be made and guided by good counsell , and held with dependance and concatenation upon some chiefe church or churches , may tend to much division and confusion , as is obvious to the understanding of those that are but a little versed in study of these points . ecclesia regnans . elections of the governour & chiefe magistrates . freemen their oath . courts and laws . actions and causes . grand juries . tryals . prophanenesse beaten downe . * although some have held that three or two may make a church , yet i have heard master cotton say , that a church could not be without the number of sixe or seaven at least , and so was their practise while i was th●●e , at weymouth , and new taunton , and at lin , for long island ; because if there are but three , one that is offended with another , cannot upon cause tel the church , but one man . ministers names . magistrates nam●s . marriages . testaments . administrar . burials . * causes touching matrimonie , and testaments , and other ecclesiasticall causes , have been anciently by the good lawes of england , committed to the clergie , upon better grounds then many are aware of . brethren , i pray consider well that the apostle doth allow judgements of controversies to the church , cor. . and so they did anciently in other countries , as well as in england , as appeares by s. augustines profession thereof , cited by one lately , viz. that he ( the said father , and other holy men of the church ) suffered the tumultuous perplexities of other mens causes touching secular affaires , either by determining them by judging , or in cutting them off by entreaties : which labour ( saith he ) we endure with consolation in the lord , for the hope of eternall life . to which molestations , the apostle tyed us , not by his owne judgement , but by his judgement who spake in him . besides , should they judge these things , and labour for , and watch over us in the lord , and not be recompenced as long as they doe well ? i speak not to countenance undue exactions , bribes , or other corruptions . i intend brevity , and therefore make bold to refer my reader to the many learned arguments both in law-books and divinity of this subject . trainings or musters . grievances . danger . new plymouth patent . m. raymer . m. smith . m. chancey his controversie . * eccles. . . one shepheard : james . . not many masters . whether this be their ground , i know not ; but what ever there be in others to advise and assist , the deciding , determining voice , i meane also the negative , in some cases , ought , as i think , to be in the pastor : be there never so many ministers in the church , doe nothing without your pastor or bishop , saith irenaeus : for whatsoever is faulty in the church , the bishop is first and principally blamed , rev. . and . taunton . m. hooke , m. streate , their ordination . m. doughty his controversie . divers other towns and ministers . island aquedney . master gorton whipt and banished . new providence . m. blakeston . connecticot . lady boteler . lady moody . new haven . long island . pascattaqua . m. larkham excommunicated . a broyle or riot . episcopacie . province of maigne . exeter . cape anne ▪ fishing . isles of shoales and richmond . isle of sables . martins vineyard . french and datch . virginia . maryland . swedes . new-found-land . florida . state of the countrey of new-england . * wheat and barley are thought not to be so good as those grains in england ; but the rye and pease are as good as the english : the pease have no wormes at all . beanes also there are very good . of the indians . m. 〈◊〉 a hopefull schoolmaster . some late occurrences concerning episcopacie . a mat. . . mar. . . act. . & . . & . . . & . , . & . . . . . b acts . . & . . & . . . & . . & . . . c col. . . act. . . & . . & . . d acts . . . & . , . & . , . e mat. . . acts . , , . & . . f acts . , , . & . & . g act. . , . h act. . & . . i act. . . & . . k rom. . . l act. . . & . tim. . . m eph. . . act. . & . . & . . n rom. . . o cor. . . p tim. . . tim. . compared . q cor. . , . r cor. . . to the end . s act. . , , t act. . . & . . v as hierusalem , antioch , ephesus , acts . . u acts . . x acts . , , . & . . y act. . . fitzherb . n.b. z cor. . , . a acts . . objection . b iames . . c pet. . , , answer . d acts . . e cor. . . & chap. . to the end . f cor. . . g eph. . . cor. . h mat. . . sic ergo adirate vos . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . luke . . i rom. . . k rom. . . idipsum in invi●em sentientes ; non alta sapientes , sed humilibus cons●●●ientes . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but condescending to the humble . l act. . , , . & . , , , . vers. , . m acts . , , . n acts . o acts . p acts . q acts . r acts . . act. . . & . . compared . s tim. . . titus . . v pro. . . eccles. . . & . , . u cor. . . & ● . . at a general court held at boston may the d, by the court, edward rawson, secretary. massachusetts. general court. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) at a general court held at boston may the d, by the court, edward rawson, secretary. massachusetts. general court. rawson, edward, - . broadside. printed by samuel green, [cambridge, mass. : ] imprint suggested by nuc pre- imprints. first line of text: for the preventing of justice and inequality in the discharge and payment of disbursements made by any particular persons or towns for the carrying on of this present warr. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng king philip's war, - . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- sources. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion : societ : de : mattachvsets : bay : 〈…〉 official insignia at a general covrt held at boston may the d , . for the preventing of injustice , and inequality in the discharge , and payment of disbursements made by any particular persons , or towns for the carrying on this present warr. it is ordered by this court , that a committee shall be chosen in each county , to examine the rates put upon all manner of things used or expended for the publick , and to view the particular bils allowed by the militia of each town for expences , until the first of this instant . and so farr as they judge right and equal to pass the same under their hands . and the committees above said are hereby ordered to choose one man from among themselves , in every of the countyes , who shall meet at boston the first fourth day in july next , and bring with them the accounts allowed and passed in the several countyes , where , and when their work shall be to compare them together , and so to regulate the whole , as to them shall seem most just & equal , whose act being by them given under their hands to the treasurer , shall be a sufficient warrant for their allowance in payment of the country rate . the names of the several committees are , for suffolke , capt. fisher , deacon parkes , mr. stoddard . for essex , major appleton , mr. bartholomew , ens . fuller . for middlesex , capt. hammond , leiut johnson , mr. joseph cook. for norfolke mr. dalton , ens buswel , leiut . brown. for hampshire , capt. holliock , leiut . clarke , deacon tilton . the persons first named for each committee , are seasonably to appoint time and place of meeting in each county . by the court edward rawson secret , 〈…〉 an historicall discoverie and relation of the english plantations, in nevv england containing their aventurous passages, their happie arivall and comfortable planting, manifesting the goodnesse of god in their preservations from many apparent dangers. with a relation of such religious and ciuill lawes, and customs as are in practise amongst the indians, with their natures and habits. as also a naration of the ayre, earth, water, fish, and fowles of that countrie. continued from the first beginning, in the yeare of our lord . and so handling all passages of moment successiuely from time to time. briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england council for new england. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an historicall discoverie and relation of the english plantations, in nevv england containing their aventurous passages, their happie arivall and comfortable planting, manifesting the goodnesse of god in their preservations from many apparent dangers. with a relation of such religious and ciuill lawes, and customs as are in practise amongst the indians, with their natures and habits. as also a naration of the ayre, earth, water, fish, and fowles of that countrie. continued from the first beginning, in the yeare of our lord . and so handling all passages of moment successiuely from time to time. briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england council for new england. bradford, william, - . relation or journall of the beginning and proceedings of the english plantation setled at plimoth in new england, by certaine english adventurers both merchants and others. selections. morton, george, d. . [ ] p. printed for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the golden lyons in cornehill, neare the exchange, london : . another issue, with cancel title page, of: a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england. the editor's preface from the first quire b (reissued from stc ) reads: g. mourt (i.e. george morton). includes quire b from: bradford, william. a relation or journall of the beginning and proceedings of the english plantation setled at plimoth in new england, by certaine english adventurers both merchants and others (stc ) and quires b-e from: a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england (stc ). signatures: [a]¹ b⁴ ² b-e⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng new england -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . massachusetts -- history -- new plymouth, - -- early works to . new england -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - simon charles sampled and proofread - simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an historicall discoverie and relation of the english plantations , in nevv england . containing their aventurous passages , their happie arivall and comfortable planting , manifesting the goodnesse of god in their preservations from many apparent dangers . with a relation of such religious and ciuill lawes , and customs as are in practise amongst the indians , with their natures and habits . as also a naration of the ayre , earth , water , fish , and fowles of that countrie . continued from the first beginning , in the yeare of our lord . and so handling all passages of moment successiuely from time to time . london printed for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the golden lyons in cornehill , neare the exchange , . to the reader . courteous reader , be intreated to make a fauorable construction of my forwardnes , in publishing these inseuing discourses , the desire of carrying the gospell of christ , into those forraigne parts , amongst those people that as yet haue had no knowledge , nor tast of god , as also to procure vnto themselues and others a quiet and comfortable habytation : 〈◊〉 amongst other things the inducements ( vnto these vndertakers of the then hopefull , and now experimentally knowne good enterprice for plantation , in new england , to set afoote and prosecute the same & though it fared with them , as it is common to the most actions of this nature , that the first attemps proue diffecult , as the sequell more at large expresseth , yet it hath pleased god , cue beyond our expectation in so short a time , to giue hope of letting some of them see ( though some he hath taken out of this vale of teares ) some grounds of hope , of the accomplishment of both those endes by them , at first propounded . and as my selfe then much desired , and shortly hope to effect , if the lord will , the putting to of my shoulder in this hopefull business , and in the meane time , these relations comming to my hand from my both known & faithful friends , on whose writings i do much rely , i thought it not a misse to make them more generall , hoping of a cheerfull proceeding , both of aduenturers and planters , intreating that the example of the hon : virginia and bermudas companies , incountering with so many distasters , and that for diuers yeares together , with an vnwearied resolution , the good effects whereof are now eminent , may preuaile as a spurre of preparation also touching this no lesse hopefull country though yet an infant , the extent & cōmodities whereof are as yet not fully known , after time wil vnfould more : such as desire to take knowledge of things , may in forme themselues by this insuing treatise , and if they please also by such as haue bin there a first and second time , my barty prayer to god is that the euent of this and all other honorable and honest vndertakings , may be for the furtherance of the kingdome of christ , the inlarging of the bounds of our soueraigne lord king iames , & the good and profit of those , who either by purse , or person , or both , are agents in the same , so i take leaue and rest thy friend , g. movrt . certaine vsefvl advertisements sent in a letter written by a discreete friend vnto the planters in new england , at their first setting saile from southhampton , who earnestly desiresh the prosperitie of that their new plantation . louing and christian friends , i doe heartily and in the lord salute you all , as being they with whom i am present in my best affection , and most earnest longings after you , though i be constrained for a while to be bodily absent from you , i say constrained , god knowing how willingly and much rather then otherwise i would haue borne my part with you in this first brunt , were i not by strong necessitie held backe for the present . make account of me in the meane while , as of a man deuided in my selfe with great paine , and as ( naturall bonds set aside ) hauing my better part with you . and though i doubt not but in your godly wisedomes you both foresee and resolue vpon that which concerneth your present state and condition both seuerally and ioyntly , yet haue i thought but my dutie to adde some further spurre of prouocation vnto them who run already , if not because you need it , yet because i owe it in loue and dutie . and first , as we are daily to renew our repentance with our god , speciall for our sinnes knowne , and generall for our vnknowne trespasses ; so doth the lord call vs in a singular maner vpon occasions of such difficultie and danger as lieth vpon you , to a both more narrow search and carefull reformation of our wayes in his sight , lest he calling to remembrance our sinnes forgotten by vs or vnrepented of , take aduantage against vs , and in iudgement leaue vs for the same to be swallowed vp in one danger or other ; whereas on the contrary , sin being taken away by earnest repentance and the pardon thereof from the lord , sealed vp vnto a mans conscience by his spirit , great shall be his securitie and peace in all dangers , sweete his comforts in all distresses , with happie deliuerance from all euill , whether in life or in death . now next after this heauenly peace with god and our owne consciences , we are carefully to prouide for peace with all men what in vs lieth , especially with our associates , and for that end watchfulnes must be had , that we neither at all in our selues do giue , no nor easily take offence being giuen by others . woe be vnto the world for offences , for though it be necessary ( considering the malice of satan and mans corruption ) that offences come , yet woe vnto the man or woman either by whom the offence cometh , saith christ , math. . . and if offences in the vnseasonable vse of things in them selues indifferent , be more to be feared then death it selfe , as the apostle teacheth , . cor. . . how much more in things simply euill , in which neither honour of god nor loue of man is thought worthy to be regarded . neither yet is it sufficient that we keep our selues by the grace of god from giuing offence , except withall we be armed against the taking of them when they are giuen by others . for how vnperfect and lame is the worke of grace in that person , who wants charitie to couer a multitude of offences , as the scriptures speake . neither are you to be exhorted to this grace onely vpon the common grounds of christianitie , which are , that persons ready to take offence , either want charitie to couer offences , or wisedome duly to weigh humane frailtie ; or lastly are grosse , though close hypocrites , as christ our lord teacheth , math. . , , . as indeed in mine owne experience , few or none haue beene found which sooner giue offence , then such as easily take it ; neither haue they euer proued sound and profitable members in societies , which haue nourished in themselues that touchey humour . but besides these , there are diuers spetiall motiues prouoking you aboue others to great care and conscience this way : as first , you are many of you strangers , as to the persons , so to the infirmities one of another , and so stand in neede of more watchfulnesse this way , lest when such things fall out in men and women as you suspected not , you be inordinately affected with them ; which doth require at your hands much wisedome and charitie for the couering and preuenting of incident offences that way . and lastly your intended course of ciuill communitie wil minister continuall occasion of offence , and will be as fuell for that fire , except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance . and if taking of offence causlesly or easily at mens doings be so carefully to be auoided , how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offence at god himselfe , which yet we certainly do so oft as we do murmure at his prouidence in our crosses , or beare impatiently such afflictions as where with he pleaseth to visit vs. store we vp therefore patience against the euill day , without which we take offence at the lord himselfe in his holy and iust works . a fourth thing there is carefully to be prouided for , to wit , that with your common emploiments you ioyne common affections truly bent vpon the generall good , auoiding as a deadly plague of your both common and speciall comfort all retirednesse of minde for proper aduantage , and all singularly affected any maner of way ; let euery man represse in himselfe and the whole bodie in each person , as so many rebels against the common good , all priuate respects of mens selues , not sorting with the generall conueniencie . and as men are carefull not to haue a new house shaken with any violence before it be well settled and the parts firmly knit : so be you , i beseech you brethren , much more carefull , that the house of god which you are and are to be , be not shaken with vnnecessary nouelties or other oppositions at the first settling thereof . lastly , whereas you are to become a body politik , vsing amongst your selues ciuill gouernment , and are not furnished with any persons of speciall eminencie aboue the rest , to be chosen by you into office of gouernment : let your wisedome and godlinesse appeare , not onely in chusing such persons as do entirely loue , and will diligently promote the common good , but also in yeelding vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull administrations ; not beholding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons , but gods ordinance for your good ; nor being like vnto the foolish multitude , who more honour the gay coate , then either the vertuous mind of the man , or glorious ordinance of the lord. but you know better things , and that the image of the lords power and authoritie which the magistrate beareth , is honorable , in how meane persons soeuer . and this dutie you both may the more willingly , and ought the more conscionably to performe , because you are at least for the present to haue onely them for your ordinary gouernours , which your selues shall make choise of for that worke . sundrie other things of importance i could put you in mind of , and of those before mentioned in more words , but i will not so far wrong your godly minds , as to thinke you heedlesse of these things , there being also diuers among you so well able to admonish both themselues and others of what concerneth them . these few things therefore , and the same in few words i do earnestly commend vnto your care and conscience , ioyning there with my daily incessant prayers vnto the lord , that he who hath made the heauens and the earth , the sea and all riuers of waters , and whose prouidence is ouer all his workes , especially ouer all his deare children for good , would so guide and guard you in your wayes , as inwardly by his spirit , so outwardly by the hand of his power , as that both you and we also , for and with you , may haue after matter of praising his name all the days of your and our liues . fare you well in him in whom you trust , and in whom i rest an vnfained well-willer of your happie successe in this hopefull voyage , i. r. a briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of new england . although it bee a course , farre from the minde of vs , that are vndertakers for the aduancement of the plantation of new-england , to seeke by any vaine ostentation to extoll our owne endeuours : yet we cannot but striue to vindicate our reputation from the iniurious aspersions that haue beene laid vpon it , by the malicious practises of some that would aduenture nothing in the beginning , but would now reape the benefit of our paines and charges , and yet not seeme beholding to vs ; and to that end they disualew what is past , and by sinister informations derogate what they can from the present course intended : the rather because the good orders appointed to bee put in execution there , are likely to restraine the licentious irregularitie of other places . and this hath induced vs to publish our proceedings , whereunto it hath pleased god to giue a blessing : as to any of indifferent iudgement may appeare by that which followeth . when this designe was first attempted , some of the present company were therein chiefly interessed ; who being carefull to haue the same accomplished , did send to the discouery of those northerne parts a braue gentleman , captaine henry challons , with two of the natiues of that territory , the one called maneday , the other assecomet . but his misfortunes did expose him to the power of certaine strangers , enemies to his proceedings , so that by them , his company were seized , the ships and goods confiscated , and that voyage wholly ouerthrowne . this losse , & vnfortunate beginning , did much abate the rising courage of the first aduenturers ; but immediately vpon his departure , it pleased the noble lord chiefe iustice , sir iohn popham knight , to send out another ship , wherein captain thomas haman went commander , & martine prinne of bristow master , with all necessarie supplies , for the seconding of captaine challons and his people ; who arriuing at the place appointed , and not finding that captaine there , after they had made some discouery , and found the coasts , hauens , and harbors answerable to our desires , they returned . vpon whose relation the lord chiefe iustice , and wee all waxed so confident of the businesse , that the yeere following euerie man of any worth , formerly interessed in it , was willing to ioyne in the charge for the sending ouer a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull plantation . here upon captaine popham , captaine rawley gilbert , and others were sent away with two ships , and an hundred landmen , ordnance , and other prouisions necessarie for their sustentation and defence ; vntill other supply might bee sent . in the meane while , before they could returne , it pleased god to take from vs this worthy member , the lord chiefe iustice , whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the aduenturers , as some grew cold , and some did wholly abandon the businesse . yet sir francis popham his sonne , certaine of his priuate friends , and other of vs , omitted not the next yeare ( holding on our first resolution ) to ioyne in sending forth a new supply , which was accordingly performed . but the ships arriuing there , did not only bring vncomfortable newes of the death of the lord chiefe iustice , together with the death of sir iohn gilbert , the elder brother vnto captaine rawley gilbert , who at that time was president of that councell : but found that the old captaine popham was also dead ; who was the onely man ( indeed ) that died there that winter , wherein they indured the greater excremities ; for that , in the depth thereof , their lodgings and stores were burnt , and they thereby wondrously distressed . this calamitie and euill newes , together with the resolution that captaine gilbert was forced to take for his owne returne , ( in that hee was to succeed his brother , in the inheritance of his lands in england ) made the whole company to resolue vpon nothing but their returne with the ships ; and for that present to leaue the countrey againe , hauing in the time of their abode there ( notwithstanding the coldnesse of the season , and the small helpe they had ) built a prettie barke of their owne , which serued them to good purpose , as easing them in their returning . the arriuall of these people heere in england , was a wonderfull discouragement to all the first vndertakers , in so much as there was no more speech of setling any other plantation in those parts for a long time after : only sir francis popham hauing the ships and prouision , which remained of the company , and supplying what was necessary for his purpose , sent diuers times to the coasts for trade and fishing ; of whose losse or gaines himselfe is best able to giue account . our people abandoning the plantation in this sort as you haue heard ; the frenchmen immediately tooke the opportunitie to settle themselues within our limits ; which being heard of by those of virginia , that discreetly tooke to their consideration the inconueniences that might arise , by suffering them to harbour there , they dispatched sir samuel argall , with commission to displace them , which hee performed with much discretion , iudgement , valour , and dexteritie . for hauing seized their forts , which they had built at mount mansell , saint croix , and port reall , he carryed away their ordnance hee also surprised their ship , cattle , and other prouisions , which hee transported to the collonie in virginia , to their great benefit . and hereby he hath made a way for the present hopefull plantation to bee made in noua-scotia , which we heare his maiestie hath lately granted to sir william alexander knight , one of his maiesties most honourable councell of the kingdome of scotland , to bee held of the said crowne , and that not without some of our priuities , as by approbation vnder writing may and doth appeare . whereby it is manifest that wee are so farre from making a monopoly of all those lands belonging to that coast ( as hath beene scandalously by some obiected ) that we wish that many would vndertake the like . in this interim there were of vs who apprehenedd better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt , being thereunto perswaded , both by the relations of our people that had indured the many difficulties whereunto such actions are subiected chiefly in the winter season ; and likewise by the informations giuen them by certaine of the natiues , that had beene kept a long time in their hands ; wherefore we resolued once more to trie the veritie thereof , and to see if possibly we might finde something that might induce a fresh resolution to prosecute a worke so pious and so honourable . and thereupon they dispatched captaine hotson , of the i le of wight , together with captaine herley , master iohn matthew , master sturton , with two saluages , the one called epenow , the other manawet , with commission and directions fit for them to obserue and follow , the better to bring to passe what was expected . but as in all humane affaires , there is nothing more certaine , then the vncertaintie thereof ; so fell it out in this ; for a little before such time as they arriued vpon the coast with the foresaid sauages , who were naturalls of those parts , it happened there had beene one hunt ( a worthlesse fellow of our nation ( set out by certaine merchants for loue of gaine ; who ( not content with the commoditie he had by the fish , and peaceable trade he found among the sauages ) after hee had made his dispatch , and was ready to set sayle , ( more sauage-like then they ) seized vpon the poore innocent creatures ; that in confidence of his honestie had put themselues into his hands . and stowing them vnder hatches , to the number of twnety foure , carried them into the straights , where hee sought to sell them for slaues , and sold as many as he could get money for . but when it was vnderstood from whence they were brought , the friers of those parts tooke the rest from them , and kept them to be instructed in the christian faith ; and so disappointed this vnworthy fellow of the hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new & diuellish project . this being knowne by our two saluages , formerly spoken of , they presently contracted such an hatred against our whole nation , as they immediatly studied how to be reuenged ; and contriued with their friends the best meanes to bring it to passe ; but manawet dying in a short time after the ships arriuall there , and the other obseruing the good order , and strong guard our people kept , studied only how to free himselfe out of our hands , and thereupon laid the plot very orderly , and indeed effected his purpose , although with so great hazard to himselfe and friends , that laboured his rescue , that captaine hobson and his whole company imagined he had beene slaine . and though in the recouery of his body they wounded the master of our ship , and diuers other of our company , yet was not their designe without the slaughter of some of their people , and the hurts of other , compassed , as appeared afterward . hereupon captaine hobson and his companie , conceiuing the end of their attempt to bee frustrace , resolued without more adoe to returne , and so those hopes , that charge and voyage was lost also , for they brought home nothing but the newes of their euill successe , of the vnfortunate cause thereof , and of a warre now new begunne betweene the inhabitants of those parts , and vs. a miserable comfort for so weake meanes as were now left , to pursue the conclusion of so tedious an enterprise . while this was a working , wee found the meanes to send out captaine iohn smith from plymouth , in a ship , together with master darmer and diuers others with him , to lay the foundation of a new plantation , and to try the fishing of that coast , and to seeke to settle a trade with the natiues : but such was his misfortune , as being scarce free of our owne coast , he had his masts shaken ouer boord by stormes and tempests , his ship wonderfully distressed , and in that extremity forced to come backe againe ; so as the season of the yeere being almost spent , we were of necessitie enforced to furnish him with another ship , and taking out the prouision of the first , dispatched him away againe , who comming to the height of the westerne islands , was chased by a french pirate , and by him made prisoner , although his ship in the night escaped away , and returned home with the losse of much of her prouision , and the ouerthrow of that voyage , to the ruine of that poore gentleman captaine smith , who was detained prisoner by them , and forced to suffer many extremities , before hee got free of his troubles . notwithstanding these disasters , it pleased god so to worke for our incouragement againe , as hee sent into our hands tasquantum , one of those saluages that formerly had beene betrayed by this vnworthy hunt before named , by whose meanes there was hope conceiued to worke a peace betweene vs , and his friends , they being the principall inhabitants of that coast , where the fire was kindled . but this saluage tasquantum , being at that time in the new-found land with captain mason , gouernour there for the vndertakers of that plantation : master darmer ( who was there also , and sometimes before imployed as we haue said by vs , together with captaine iohn smith ) found the meanes to giue vs intelligence of him , and his opinion of the good vse that might be made of his imployment , with the readinesse of captaine mason , to further any of our attempts that way , either with boats or other prouision necessary , and resoluing himselfe to goe from thence , aduised vs to send some to meet with him , at our vsuall place of fishing , to aid him in his indeuour , that they ioyning together , might be able to doe what he hoped would be verie acceptable vnto all well wishers of that businesse . vpon this newes , we dispatched the next season captaine rocraft , with a company for that purpose , in hope to haue met with captaine darmer ; but the care and discretion of captaine mason was such , finding captaine darmers resolution to goe beyond his meanes , that hee perswaded him first to goe for england , that prouiding himselfe there , as was requisite , he might proceed in time expedient , which counsell he obserued ( as fit it was ) although our expectation of his ioyning with captaine rocraft was thereby disappointed . yet so it happened , that captaine reoraft at his arriuall in those parts , met with a french barke that lay in a creeke a fishing , and trading , which he seized on , and sent home the master and company in the same ship which he went out in . with this barke and his owne company , hee meant to keepe the coast that winter quarter , being very well fitted both with salt , and other necessaries for his turne : but as this was an act of extremity ( the poore man being of our owne religion ) so succeeded it accordingly . for in a short time after , certaine of this captaines company , conspired together to cut his throat , and to make themselues masters of the whole spoile , and so to seeke a new fortune where they could best make it . this conspiracie being discouered to the captaine , hee let it goe on , till the time that it should haue beene put in execution , when hee caught them in there owne traine , and so apprehended them in the very instant that they were purposed to beginne their massacre . but after he had preuented the mischiefe , and seized vpon the malefactors , hee tooke to his consideration what was best to be done with them . and beeing loth by himselfe to dispatch them as they deserued , he resolued to put them ashore , thinking by their hazard that it was possible they might discouer something , that might aduance the publike ; and so giuing them some armes for their defense , and some victuall for their sustentation , vntill they knew better how to prouide for themselues , he left them at a place called sawaguatock , where they remained not long , but got from thence to menehighon , an island lying some three leagues in the sea , and fifteene leagues from that place , where they remained all that winter , with bad lodging , and worse fare , yet came all safe home saue one sickly man , which dyed there , the rest returned with the ship wee sent for rocrafts supply and prouision , to make a fishing voyage . after these fellowes were landed , the captaine finding himselfe but weakely man'd , and his ship to draw too much water to coast those places , that by his instructions he was assigned to discouer , hee resolued to goe for virginia where he had liued a long time before , and had ( as hee conceiued ) many friends , that would helpe him with some things that he had occasion to vse . arriuing there , he was not deceiued of his expectation ; for sir samuel argall being their gouernour , and one that respected him much for his owne sake , was the readier to helpe him , in regard of the good hee wished to the businesse wherein he was imployed . but all this could not preuaile , for after that sir samuell argall came from thence ( his departure being more suddaine then was expected ) it fell out that the new gouernour entred the harbour : and finding rocraft ready to bee gone , sent to him to command him to come aboord to speake with him , which he readily obeyed , assoone as he could fit his boat and men for that purpose . and so leauing his barke with her great anker a head , and taking with him the halfe of his company , hee was forced to stay aboard the new gouernours ship that night . in the meane while a storme arising , our barke wanting hands to doe their labour , droue a shoare , and there sunke . but yet the gouernour and captaine so laboured the next day , when they knew thereof , as that they freed her againe , but that occasion forced our captaine to stay so long in the countrey to fit himselfe anew , as in the interim a quarrell fell out betweene him and another of that place ; so as rocraft was slaine , and the barque sunke the second time , and finally disabled from yeelding vs any benefit to this present . but we not knowing this disaster , and captaine darmer arriuing with his saluage out of new-found-land , dispatched him away the next season , in a shippe we sent againe for the fishing businesse , and assigned him a company to ioyne with rocraft and his people . captaine darmer arriuing there , and not finding rocraft , was a little perplexed , and in doubt what to doe : yet hearing by those mutiners which he found there , that he was gone for virginia ; he was hopefull of his returne ; and liued in that expectation , till such time as he heard ( by a ship that came from thence to fish for the collony ) the confusion of his fortune , and the end of his misery in this world . then he determined to take the pinnace that the yeare before was assigned to rocraft for him to make the trade with , and with her to proceed on his designe , and so embarked himselfe , and his prouision and company in her . and leauing the fisher-men to their labour , he coasted the shore from thence , searching euery harbor , and compassing euery cape-land , till he arriued in virginia ; where he was in hope to meet with some of the prouision , or company of rocraft , to helpe to supply him of what he wanted ; as also to lay a decke vpon his pinnace , that before had not any , and now was taught by experience the necessitie of hauing that defect supplied . but those hopes failed him ( al being before that time ruined and dispersed ) so farre , as he saw it in vaine to hope for help by that means , and therfore attempted to make the best of what hee had of his owne . and going to set his men a worke , they all in a few dayes after their arriuall , fell sicke of a disease which hapned at that time in the country , so as now he was not onely forced to be without hope of their helping of him , but must labor himselfe all he could to attend and sustaine them ; but so god fauoured him , that they recouered , and in time conuenient he dispatched his businesse there , and put himselfe to sea againe , resoluing to accomplish in his iourney backe to new-england , what in his last discouery he had omitted . in his passage he met with certaine hollanders , who had a trade in hudsons riuer some yeares before that time , with whom he had conference about the state of that coast , and their proceedings with those people : whose answer gaue him good content . he betooke himselfe to the following of his businesse , discouering many goodly riuers , and exceeding pleasant , and fruitfull coasts , and islands , for the space of . leagues from east to west , for so that coast doth range along from hudsons riuer to cape iames. now after we had found by captaine rocrafts relation made the yeare before , the hopes he conceiued of the benefits that coast would afford , towards the vpholding of the charge for setling our plantation by reason of the commodities arising by fishing and furres , if a course might be taken for the mannaging of that businesse , as was fit for such a designe ; as well as for the aduancement of the publique good of our whole nation , and satisfaction of euery well disposed person , that had a will to be interessed therein . it was held to be most conuenient to strengthen our selues by a new grant to be obtained from his royall maiestie : the rather , finding that those of virginia had by two seuerall patents setled their bounds , and excluded all from intermedling with them that were not free of their company ; and had wholly altered the forme of their gouernment , from the first ground layed for the managing the affaires of both collonies , leauing vs as desperate , and our businesse as abandoned . these considerations ( as is said ) together with the necessitie of setling our affaires , bounds and limits , distinct from theirs , made vs resolue to petition his maiestie for the renewing of our grant. by which time the rumour of our hopes was so publiquely spread abroad , and the commodities of the fish , and trade so looked into , as it was desired , that all that coast might be made free , as well to those of virginia , as to vs to make their commoditie : how iust or vniust that motion was , we will not argue , seeing the businesse is ended . by this meanes , our preceedings were interrupted , and we questioned about it ; first , by the counsell of virginia , whom we thought to haue benefully satisfied therein , before we could haue way giuen vs for a new patent , 〈…〉 hauing beene heard by certaine of the lords of the councell ; and the businesse by them so ordered , 〈◊〉 we were directed to proceed and to haue our grant agreeable to the libertie of the virginia company , the frame of our gouernment excepted ; but this order not being liked of , it was againe heard & concluded . lastly , the parent being past the seale , it was stopt vpon new suggestions to the king , and by his maiestie referred to the councell to be setled , by whom the former orders were confirmed , the difference cleared , and we ordered to haue our patent deliuered vs. these disputes held vs almost two yeeres , so as all men were afraid to ioyne with vs , and we thereby left hopelesse of any thing more , than that which our owne fortunes would yeeld to aduance our proceedings , in which time so many accidents hapned vnto vs at home , and abroad , that wee were faine to giue order by the ships we sent a fishing , for the retiring of master darmer , and his people , vntill all things were cleared , and we better prouided of meanes to goe through with our designe : but this worthy gentleman confident of the good likely to ensue , and resolutely resoluing to pursue the ends he aymed at , could not be perswaded to looke backe , as yet ; and so refusing to accept our offer , began againe to prosecute his discouery , wherein he was betrayed by certaine new saluages , who sodainly set vpon him , giuing him foureteene or fifteene wounds , but by his valour , and dexteritie of spirit he freed himselfe out of their hands , yet was constrained to retire into virginia again the second time , for the cure of his wounds , where he fell sicke of the infirmities of that place , and thereof dyed : so ended this worthie gentleman his dayes , after he had remained in the discouery of that coast two yeares , giuing vs good content in all hee vndertooke ; and after he had made the peace between vs and the saluages , that so much abhorred our nation , for the wrongs done them by others , as you haue heard : but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe we as yet receiue to our great commoditie , who haue a peaceable plantation at this present among them , where our people both prosper , and liue in good liking , and assurednesse of their neighbours , that had beene formerly so much exasperated against vs , as will more at large appeare hereafter . but hauing passed all these stormes abroad , and vndergone so many home-bred oppositions , and freed our patent , which we were by order of state assigned to renew , for the amendment of some defects therein contained , we were assured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before ; and therefore we tooke first to consideration how to raise the meanes to aduance the plantation . in the examination thereof , two wayes did offer themselues : the one was the voluntary contribution of the patentees ; the other , by an easie ransoming of the freedomes of those that had a will to partake onely of the present profits , arising by the trade , and fishing vpon the coast . the first was to proceed from those noble-men , and others that were patentees , and they agreed by order among themselues to disburse a hundred pounds a peece , for the aduancement of such necessary busines , as they had in hand . the second was to be accomplished by setling such liberties and orders in the westerne cities , and townes , as might induce euery reasonable man , in , and about them , affecting the publike good , or a regular proceeding in the businesse of trade , to embrace an vniformitie , and to ioyne in a communitie , or ioynt stocke together how reasonable , or vnreasonable those orders were , is hereafter to be seene , and iudged by euery well affected person , or any truly louing the publike good of our nation , whereunto is annexed the difference of trading by a ioynt stocke vnder gouernment and order ; and the promiscuous trading without order , and in a dis-joynted manner , as of late they haue done to the infinite preiudice of others already , as also to the losse of many of themselues , that contemptuously and greedily haue leapt into that course , as it were in despight of all authoritie , whose reward , in time , will follow . before these orders were to be tendered to those cities and townes , it was desired that there might be letters sent from their lordships , admonishing them of his maiesties royall grant , that prohibiteth any not free of that busines , to intermeddle within our limits , vpon paine of confiscation of ship and goods . these letters expressing withall the good affection of those that were interessed in the businesse , to entertaine any that should be willing to conforme themselues to such orders , as had in that behalfe beene established . but those letters how full of iustice soeuer they appeared , were as distastefull , as was the rumor of order vnto them : for by it euery particular man thought himselfe strait debarred of libertie to run his owne currant , in which he thought his freedome did onely consist ; and by debarring him thereof , his priuate ends were ouerthrowne , which was to endeuour to preuent his neighbour of the market he aimed at , or the harbour he resolued to goe vnto , or the present trade hee expected to haue by his priuate industrie , but as for the publique hee cared not , let that fare as it would . while these things were in dispute , and likely to haue taken a good foundation , the news of the parliament flew to all parts , & then the most factious of euery place , presently combined themselues to follow the businesse in parliament , where they presumed to proue the same to be a monopolie , and much tending to the preiudice of the common good . but that there should be a conformitie in trade , or a course taken to preuent the euills that were likely to ensue , or to appropriate possessions , or lands , after a generous manner , in remote parts of the world , to certaine publique persons , of the common-wealth , for the taking care , and spending their time and means how to aduance the enlargement of their countrey , the honour of their king , and glory of their god ; these were thought crimes worthy the taking notice of , and the principall actors in this kinde , must be first traduced in priuate , then publiquely called vpon in parliament , to answer such other scandalls as could by malice be inuented . but as this businesse was in it selfe iust , and righteous , so was it as earnestly desired , they might haue had the opportunitie to haue answered it before so vnpartiall iudges , and so reuerend persons ; if so it might haue been without offence to the authoritie of his royall maiestie , that had extended it selfe by vertue of his prerogatiue so farre off , and without the lawes of this realme , and to be put in execution without the publike expence , or charge of the common-wealth , or preiudice to any other former imployments of our nation , and indeed without offence to any that coueted not to put their sickle into the haruest of other men , or whose enuious & couetous humors stirred them not vp to shame themselues in the conclusion . these troubles thus vnfortunately falling out , haue notwithstanding hindered vs from the hopes we had this yeare , to giue some life extraordinarily to those affaires , & therefore we are forced of necessitie to refer the maine of our resolution , till a more conuenient opportunitie , and till we haue gotten our ships and prouision fit to serue our turnes both to giue the law along those coasts , and to performe such other seruice , as is thereby intended for the publike good of our aduenturers , and defence of our marchants , that shall frequent those places , according to such orders , as shall be found behouefull in that behalfe . the clime and condition of the country , and the present estate of our affaires there . you haue heard already the many disasters , calamities , misfortunes , oppositions , and hinderances we haue had , and receiued . howbeit many are omitted , in that we desire not to trouble the reader with more than enough ; or to affright the minds of weak spirits , that will beleeue there is no better successe to be looked for from such attempts : although it be true that the best designes do oftentimes cary with them the most impediments , whether it be that god will haue it so , to trie our constancie , or otherwise to make vs know , that it is he onely that worketh after his owne will , according to the time he hath assigned , and that there is nothing done but by him , as also that , that is onely best which hee will haue to be done , and that time most proper which he hath assigned for the same . but by these you may imagine ( seeing we haue none other helps than our owne fortunes to build vpon ) there can no great matters bee performed in these stormes and tempests . notwithstanding , you may know wee haue not beene more hindred one way , than blessed an other : for , as our patience , constancie , trauels and charge hath beene great , so hath it ( indeed ) manifoldly beene required : for , by gods fauour , and these gentlemens industrie ; we haue made a most ample discouerie of the most commodious country for the benefit of our nation , that euer hath beene found . for better satisfaction of the reader in this behalfe , we haue thought it fit , by the way , to acquaint him first with the nature of the place where wee haue setled our selues , whereby hee may see reason for what wee haue done , remembring him likewise , that in settling of plantations , there is principally to be considered : the aire , for the health of the inhabitants . the soile , for fertilitie fit for corne , and feeding of cattle wherewith to sustaine them the sea , for commoditie of trade and commerce , the better to enrich their publique and priuate state , as it shall grow to perfection , and to raise imployments , to furnish the course of those affaires . now for the quality of the aire , there is none of iudgement but knowes it proceedeth either from the generall disposition of the sphere , or from the particular constitution of the place . touching the disposition of the sphere , it is not onely seated in the temperate zone , but as it were in the center , or middle part thereof , for that the middle part of that country hath about three hundred and ten degrees of longitude ; and stands in the forty fourth and forty fifth degrees of the northerne latitude , that is , twenty degrees from the fiery tropicke , and as much from the freesing articke circle : vnder the same climate and course of the sunne that constantinople , and rome , the ladies of the world ; italy , and france , the gardens of europe , haue their situation , within the limits of the fifth and sixt climate , after the later computation ; hauing their longest day fifteene houres and some odde minutes . touching the constitution of the place ( which is about sixty two degrees by sea from our continent westerly ) the maritine parts thereof are somewhat colder , then the nature of the clime otherwise affordeth ; for that the beames of the sunne are weakned , partly by the vnstable reflection of the same vpon the sea , and partly by beeing laden with abundance of moisture it exhales out of the vast ocean , whereby the nature thereof is not so violently there expressed , as in the like parallel further into the maine is accustomed . nor is that sea coast so subiect to droughts or want of raine in seasonable times , as other parts are of like latitudes , and by that reason the sea coasts are at all times more cold then is the inland . and the easterne coast which receiueth the rising of the sunne , is likewise colder then are the westerne parts , towards the declining of the same , as our morning aires ( for example ) euen in the heat of summer are cold and quicke , when the day and euening are very sweltring . and this makes those parts more sutable to the nature of our people , who neither finde content in the colder climates , nor health in the hotter ; but ( as hearbs and plants ) affect their natiue temperature , and prosper kindly no where else . and indeed , the hot countreys yeeld sharper wits , but weaker bodies , and fewer children ; the colder , more slow of conceit , but stronger of body , and more abounding in procreation . so that , though the inuention of arts hath risen from the southerne nations , yet they haue still beene subiect to the inundations , and inuasions of the more northerly people , by reason of their multitudes , together with the strength of their body , and hardnesse of their constitutions . but this country , what by the generall and particular situation , is so temperate , as it seemeth to hold the golden meane , and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of our owne , which is made manifest by experience , the most infallible proofe of all assertions ; in so much as our people that are setled there , enioy their life and health much more happily , then in other places ; which can bee imputed to no other cause , then the temperature of the climate . now , as the clime is found to bee so temperate , so delicate , and healthfull , both by reason and experience ; such is the soile also , some parts thereof yeelding wonderfull increase , both of the corne , the natiues haue most vse of ; as also of our owne , of all sorts : with infinite variety of nourishing roots , and other herbes , and fruits , common among them , but rare with vs. besides , the coast doth abound with most conuenient hauens , and harbors , full of singular islands , fit for plantation ; replenished with plants and wood of all sorts ; as oake , cedars , spruce , firre , pyne , walnut , chestnut , elme , sassafras , plum-trees , and calamus aromaticus , &c. the people are tractable ( if they bee not abused ) to commerce and trade withall , and as yet haue good respect of vs. the seas are stored with all kindes of excellent fish , and in many places vpon the coast , fit to make salt in . the country aboundeth with diuersity of wild foule , as turkeys , partriges , swans , cranes , wilde geese of two sorts , wilde duckes of three sorts , many doues , especially when strawberies are ripe . there are seuerall sorts of deere in those parts , and some that bring forth two , three , and foure young at once , which is a manifest proofe of the fertility of the soile , or temper of the clime , or both together . there is also a certaine beast , that the natiues call a mosse , hee is as big bodied as an oxe , headed like a fallow deere , with a broad palme , which hee mues euery yeere , as doth the deere , and necke like a red deere , with a short mane , running downe along the raines of his backe , his haire long like an elke , but esteemed to be better then that for sadlers vse , he hath likewise a great bunch hanging down̄e vnder his throat , and is of the colour of our blacker sort of fallow deere , his legges are long , and his feet as bigge as the feet of our oxen , his taile is longer then the single of a deere , and reacheth almost downe to his huxens , his skinne maketh very good buffe , and his flesh is excellent good food , which the natiues vse to ierkin and keepe all the yeere to serue their turne , and so prooues very seruiceable for their vse . there haue beene many of them seene in a great island vpon the coast , called by our people mount mansell , whither the saluages goe at certaine seasons to hunt them ; the manner whereof is , by making of seuerall fires , and setting the countrey with people , to force them into the sea , to which they are naturally addicted , and then there are others that attend them in their botes with bowes and weapons of seuerall kindes , wherewith they slay and take at their pleasure . and there is hope that this kinde of beasts may bee made seruiceable for ordinary labour with art and industry . the knowne commodities of that country , are fish of seuerall sorts , rich furres , as beauers , otters , martins , blacke fox , sables , &c. there are likewise plenty of vines , of three kindes , and those pleasant to the taste , yet some better then other . there is hempe , flax , silkgrasse , seuerall veines of ironstone , commodities to make pitch , rosen , tarre ; deale boords of all sorts , sparres , masts , for ships of all burdens ; in a word , there comes no commodity out of france , germany , or the sound , but may be had there , with reasonable labour and industry . further , wee haue setled at this present , seuerall plantations along the coast , and haue granted patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conueniencie . those of our people that are there , haue both health and plenty , so as they acknowledge there is no want of any thing , but of industrious people , to reape the commodities that are there to be had , and they are indeed so much affected to the place , as they are loth to be drawne from thence , although they were directed to returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them , but chose rather to performe that office by letters , together with their excuse , for breach of their duty in that behalfe . and thus you see there is no labour well imployed , but hath his reward at one time or other . these incouragements haue imboldned vs to proceed , to the ingaging of our selues , for the building of some ships of good burden , and extraordinary mould , to lie vpon the coast for the defense of merchants and fishermen , that are imployed there , as also to waft the fleets , as they goe to and from their markets : and we purpose from henceforth to build our shipping there , where wee find all commodities fit for that seruice , together with the most opportune places , that can bee desired . lastly , finding that wee haue so far forth preuailed , as to winde our selues into familiarity with the natiues , ( which are in no great number ) along the coast for two hundred leagues together , wee haue now dispatched some of our people of purpose , to diue into the bowels of the continent , there to search and finde out what port , or place , is most conuenient to settle our maine plantation in , where wee meane to make the residencie of our state and gouernment , as also to bee assured , what other commodities may be raised for the publique , and priuate benefit of those that are dealers in that businesse , and willing to bee interessed in any the lands there : whither is gone this yeere already , for vs to vary from it , and therefore we haue resolued to build our edifices vpon it , and to frame the same after the platforme already layd , and from whence wee take our denomination . so as we purpose to commit the managing of our whole affaires there in generall , vnto a gouernour , to be assisted by the aduice and counsel of so many of the patentees as shall be there resident , together with the officers of state , that is to say ; the treasurer for the managing of the treasure and reuenues belonging to that state. the martiall for matters of armes , and affaires of warres , be it defensiue or offensiue . the admirall for maritine businesse ciuill or criminall , and the forces belonging to the sea. the master of the ordnance for munition , artillery and other prouisions for publique store of armies by sea or land ; as also such other persons of iudgement and experience , as by the president and counsell established here , for the better gouerning of those affaires shall be thought fit . by this head , and these members , vnited together , the great affaires of the whole state is to be managed , according to their seuerall authorities , giuen them from their superiours , the president and councell established as aforesaid . and for that all men by nature are best pleased to be their owne caruers , and doe most willingly submit to those ordinances , or orders whereof themselues are authors : it is therefore resolued , that the generall lawes whereby that state is to be gouerned , shall be first framed and agreed vpon by the generall assembly of the states of those parts , both spirituall and temporall . for the better distinction whereof , and the more orderly proceeding , agreeable ( as is said ) to the present state of this our realme , two parts of the whole territorie is to be diuided betweene the patentees , into seuerall counties , to be by themselues or their friends planted , at their pleasure or best commoditie . the other third part is to be reserued for publique vses , to be belonging to the state , as their reuenew for defraying of publique charge . but as well this third part , as the two formerly spoken of , is to be diuided into counties , baronries , hundreds , and the like , from all which the deputies for euery county , and baronry , are to be sent in the name and behalfe of the subiects , vnder them to consult and agree vpon the lawes so to be framed , as also to reforme any notable abuses committed in former proceedings . yet these are not to be assembled , but by order from the president and councell heere , who are to giue life to the lawes so to be made , as those to whom of right it best belongs , according to his maiesties royall grant in that behalfe , as also that vnder god , and his sacred highnesse , they are the principall authors of that foundation . and thus much for the generall forme of our gouernment . in like manner are the counties to be gouerned by the chiefe head or deputy thereof with other officers vnder him . as his steward , comptroller , treasurer of his reuenews ; and so the baronries by their stewards , and other inferiour ministers , who are to haue assigned them the power of high and low iustice within themselues for determining of controuersies , with reseruation of appeale in some cases to the supreme courts . and further , these lords of counties may of themselues subdiuide their said county into mannors and lordships , as to them shall seeme best , giuing to the lords thereof power of keeping of courts , and l●●●… , as is heere vsed in england , for the determining of petty matters , arising betweene the lords , and the tenants , or any other . and there is no lesse care to be taken for the trade and publique commerce of merchants , whose gouernment ought to be within themselues , in respect of the seuerall occasions arising betweene them , the trades-men , and 〈…〉 mechanickes , with whom they haue most to doe : and who are generally the chiefe inhabitants of great citties , and townes , in all parts ; it is likewise prouided , that all the cities in that territory , and other inferiour townes where trades-men are in any numbers , shall be incorporate and made bodies politique , to gouerne their affaires and people as it shall be found most behouefull for the publique good of the same ; according vnto the greatnes or capacity of them , who shall be made likewise capable to send certaine their deputies , or burgesses to this publique assembly , as members thereof , and who shall haue voyces equall with any the rest . by this you see our maine drift is but to take care for the well ordering of the businesse , seeking by all meanes to auoyd ( what we may ) the intermedling with any mens monies , or disposing of any mens fortunes , saue onely our owne ; leauing to euery particular vndertaker the imployment of their aduentures , and the raising of their profits , out of their proper limits , and possessions , as shall seeme best to themselues , or their officers , or ministers , whom they imploy , and whom they may be bold to question , or displace , as to themselues shall seeme most fitting . and hereby all men may know , that as it is not in our wills to delude and deceiue any , so wee are carefull not to giue the least cause of suspicion of any euill in that kinde ; so much the rather for that wee daily see by experience , the abuses committed in like cases by inferiour ministers , to be a notable cause to dehort the good dispositions of many otherwise well affected to plantations , for that they obserue those that are so imployed to grow rich , and their aduentures to come to nothing . and wee further desire that all men should bee perswaded , wee couet not to engrosse any thing at all vnto ourselues , but that wee should bee exceeding glad to finde more of our nation , so free in disposition , as to partake with vs , as well in the profit , as in the future trauell , and charge thereof ; without looking backe to our expence , or labour already past , to the end that all our hands being vnited together , the worke may bee so much the sooner aduanced , well knowing and freely confessing , that it is sufficient to giue content to a multitude , and that of all sorts . for such as are truely pious , shall finde heere the opportunity to put in practise the workes of piety , both in building of churches , and raising of colledges for the breeding of youth , or maintenance of diuines and other learned men . if they be such as affect glory , and to continue their memory to future ages , they may haue heere the meanes to raise houses , parishes , yea townes , or prouinces , to their names and posterity . doe they aime at wealth ? heere is the way for their industry to satiate their appetites in that , if they be not vnsatiable . doe they long after pleasure ? here is as much to be had as may content any , not meerely voluptuous , or onely prodigall . doe they aspire to be commanders ? here is the place where they may haue command of their owne friends , or tenants , if they be of any worth , or meanes extraordinary wherewith to transport any numbers . if otherwise of experience and vertue , it is likely they may attaine places of gouernement for the publique state. so as you see there wants no occasions , or opportunity to inuite , or giue satisfaction to such as haue patience to attend the time . and indeed we shall be glad , that this , or any thing else may induce a free and noble resolution , in any well affected person , to endeuour the aduancement of these ends , together with vs , in that they shall finde them agreeable to honour , and honestie ; and if there bee any that can adde ought vnto our endeuours , by their aduice or otherwise , there is none that shall more readily embrace the same then wee ; whose intents are onely framed for the prosperity of the businesse , as is already said , and as we hope will all those be , that shall assent to ioyne with vs , both in the labor , profit , and honour , without respect to the weakenesse of the motiue , by which it hath beene heeretofore mooued , or any thing saue the worke it selfe . for by it you shall finde the honour of our god , our king , and nation , will bee aduanced , without effusion of christian bloud , or question of wrong to the present inhabitants . for that they themselues both desire it , & we intēd not to take ought , but what they that are there , are willing wee should bee seized of , both for the defence of them against their enemies , and their preseruation in peace among themselues , & propagation of the christian faith , which with wonderfull alacrity many of them seeme to giue care vnto , and for whose speedy conuersion wee intend to bee as carefull as of our owne happinesse ; and as diligent to build them houses , and to prouide them tutors for their breeding , and bringing vp of their children , of both sects , as to aduance any other businesse whatsoeuer , for that wee acknowledge our selues specially bound thereunto . and this being done , to referre the successe , to the author of heauen and earth , to whom be all honour and glory . finis . new-englands salamander, discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet, called new-englands jonas cast up at london, &c. owned by major iohn childe, but not probable to be written by him. or, a satisfactory answer to many aspersions cast upon new-england therein. wherein our government there is shewed to bee legall and not arbitrary, being as neere the law of england as our condition will permit. together with a briefe reply to what is written in answer to certaine passages in a late booke called hypocrisie unmasked. / by edw. winslow. winslow, edward, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) new-englands salamander, discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet, called new-englands jonas cast up at london, &c. owned by major iohn childe, but not probable to be written by him. or, a satisfactory answer to many aspersions cast upon new-england therein. wherein our government there is shewed to bee legall and not arbitrary, being as neere the law of england as our condition will permit. together with a briefe reply to what is written in answer to certaine passages in a late booke called hypocrisie unmasked. / by edw. winslow. winslow, edward, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by ric. cotes, for john bellamy, and are to bee sold at his shop at the signe of the three golden lions in cornehill neare the royall exchange, london, : . a reply to: child, major john. new-englands jonas cast up at london (wing c ). annotation on thomason copy: "may ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng child, john, -- major. -- new-englands jonas cast up at london -- early works to . church polity -- early works to . massachusetts -- church history -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no new-englands salamander, discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet, called new-englands jonas cast up at london, &c. owned by maj winslow, edward d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new-englands salamander , discovered by an irreligious and scornefull pamphlet , called new englands jonas cast up at london , &c. owned by major iohn childe , but not probable to be written by him . or , a satisfactory answer to many aspersions cast upon new-england therein . wherein our government there is shewed to bee legall and not arbitrary , being as neere the law of england as our condition will permit . together with a briefe reply to what is written in answer to certaine passages in a late booke called hypocrisie unmasked . by edw. winslow . london , printed by ric. cotes , for john bellamy , and are to bee sold at his shop at the signe of the three golden lions in cornehill neare the royall exchange , . to major john childe in answer to his preface . sir , i am sorry for your owne sake , being a gentleman reported to bee peaceable in your conversation , that you should bee thus engaged in other mens quarrells ; especially to father other mens falshoods and irreligious jeeres and scoffes , whose spirits if you were so well acquainted with as my selfe and some others that came lately from new-england , as well as thousands in the countrey , you would bee more wary then to engage as you doe . but first for answer to your preface , and then i conceive i have answered every word of yours in your seeming treatise : and yet i would not bee mistaken that any should thinke i judge you unable to write such a peece , for there is no solidity in it : but i am so well acquainted with this language and such proceedings before ever i saw your face , as no man is or ever was better acquainted with the phrase or writings of another , then i am with your chief animator to this undertaking , whom i call new-englands salamander , because of his constant and many yeeres exercise , and delight in opposition to whatsoever hath been judged most wholesome and safe for the weale-publick of the country ( from whence hee last came ) either in politicks or ecclesiasticks , being ever willing to enjoy the common benefits of peace by government ( which maintaines every man in his proper right ) but never willing to beare any part of the charge in supporting the same , as appeared by his constant cavilling thereat when ever any rates came upon the country though never so easie and just . but to come to the occasion of your printing the following relation , which you say are the sufferings that not onely my brother robert child doctor of physick , with some gentlemen and others have suffered in their persons and estates by fines and imprisonment in new-england , and false reports and feigned miracles bere , &c. for answer , that your brother was in prison , and for what i certified you at my first comming over ; though to you grievous in regard of naturall affection , ( which i honour where i finde in any ; ) then also being occasioned thereunto i freely imparted to you the countries colorable grounds of suspecting his agency for the great incendiaries of europe , besides the matter of fact for which hee was committed , yea that the very yeare hee came over , a gentleman in the country ( mr. peters by name ) was advised by letters from a forraign part that the jesuits had an agent that sommer in new-england . and that the countrey comparing his practise with the intelligence were more jealous of him then any ; ( though to mee he was a meere stranger ) and therefore i marvell that major childe should give me occasion , and force mee to publish these things which i neither affect nor intended : but i shall forbeare in that kind because i would not provoke . as for their estates being weakned by fines , that is yet to prove : for though they were fined , yet the fines were not levied , nay so gentle was the censure of the court , that upon the publike acknowledgement of the offence the fine was to bee remitted to all or any one of them so doing . and for false reports and feigned miracles fomented here to colour their unjust proceedings , as you terme it ; i answer , your book is the first reporter of many things i here meet with , especially as you lay them downe , as shall appeare more particularly . in the next place you say , they give out that my brother and others desire a toleration of all religions : this is the first time that ever i heard it so reported of them . secondly , whereas you say they are accused to bee against all government both in church and common weak : this i know to bee false : for i heard them demand in court the presbyterian government , and it was granted them . besides , before this demand in court , at a private conference with an eminent person ( who well hoped to have satisfied them ) hee demanded of the petitioners what church government it was they would have ? one of them answered , he desired that particular government which mr. john goodwin in colemanstreet was exercised in . another of them said , hee knew not what that was : but hee for his part desired the presbyterian government . a third of them said hee desired the episcopall government if it might bee , if not , the presbyterian : and a fourth told mee himselfe that hee disclaimed any thing in the petition that was against the government of the churches in new-england , &c. resting and liking what was there done in that kind . now the former three passages ( and not without the latter ) were all told mee by grave persons in new-england , such as i beleeve . and therefore if any so accuse them i must needs cleare them : but withall testifie i never met with this accusation against them before i read it in your booke . thirdly , for their petitioning the parliament ; take notice wee hold that no subject ought to bee restrained this libertie , and therefore count it no offence nor ever did , and therefore they were not committed for that . a fourth false report you terme , is , their petition brought from thence to bee presented to the parliament ( which they had named jones ) in a ship called the supply ; being in a storme neere silly , out of horrour of conscience the petition was torne and throwne over board : and that then the storme immediatly ceased , and they ●ir●●●lously saved . to this i answer , i was not in the ship ( i praise god ) and therefore what i say in it must bee from others whom i judge truely godly , and of the most grave and solid persons amongst them ; and sir , let mee tell you , and the world in answer to you , i have heard the passage from divers , but never as you print it ; and doe thinke verily your informers belie themselves that they may have somewhat to cavill at . but though i had not thought to have entred upon a large answer to any particular : yet it being one of the heads of your treatise , i shall bee larger in answering that then another thing ; partly to vindicate mr. c●●on who is much abused in your booke , and partly from their owne pen to shew the prophane carriage of the partie in the ship by their fearefull provoking the almightie to follow them with his terrours throughout the voyage from new-england to silley , where they had a great deliverance , and yet neverthelesse to shew how they goe on still to abuse gods mercy , patience and long suffering by this prophane title and story colored by your selfe . and thus much for answer to your preface . as for the foure heads of your book and the postscript , i shall answer them as they arise . an answer to the imperfect relation of the hingam case . were i not so well acquainted with our new-england-salamanders wayes , and what a puther hee made in the countrey about this businesse , i should stand amazed at the malice of men to see this brought against the government . to answer either this case or the next at length would ask so much paines , and bee so great a bulke , as their booke being but a two penny jeering gigge , penned rather to please the fancy of common understandings , then to satisfie any solid judgements ; would goe much further then ever the answer would bee like to follow , that so he might bemire us with a witnesse . and if he can cause any reproach to lie upon us ( whether just or unjust , that matters not ) then hath hee hit the marke hee shoots at . and therefore to avoyd the many particulars would fall in a distinct answer by giving an account of the whole businesse , i shall desire the reader to accept this generall . the inhabitants of hingam were knowne to bee a peaceable and industrious people , and so continued for many yeers ; the lord supporting them in the midst of many straights in their first beginnings , crowning their indeavours with his blessing , and raising them up to a comfortable and prosperous outward condition of life , and such is their state through gods mercy and goodnesse this day , living very plentifully . but satan envying their happinesse ( the lord permitting as it seemes ) on a suddaine cast a bone of division amongst them , which tooke mightily , to the great griefe and admiration of their neighbours on every side ; which controversie indeed arose about the choyce of their captaine as is related . but our salamander living too neere them , and being too well acquainted with them , blew up this to such an height by his continuall counsell and advise which the major part of the towne followed to their owne smart , and the great griefe and trouble of church and common-weale , as they not onely filled their court with complaints against each other , and wearied out the chiefe magistrates in place , but complained openly against one of them , viz. the deputie governour , who upon hearing the case thought good to bind some of them over to the court ; some submitted and gave bond , others refused , and were sent to prison , &c. this gentleman , as on all other occasions so in this particular much honored himselfe , by leaving his place upon the bench and going to the bar , and would not bee perswaded to cover his head or take his place till the case was heard and ended , which continued many dayes , partly by reason of the great liberty the court gave the plaintiffes in regard it reflected upon one of themselves , ( and i thinke the first case that ever befell in that kind ; ) but more especially because our salamander was got to boston , where though hee would not openly shew himselfe , yet kept close in a private roome where they had recourse unto him many dayes , yea many times a day for advice , and followed it to the utmost , to the great charge of the countrey ( which came to much more , as i have heard , then the hundred pounds fine which was laid upon them ) in providing the diet of their court . but the court finding for the defendant after much trouble in many dayes agitation fined the plaintiffes in an hundred pound , and laid it upon sundry of them in particular amercements according to their severall demeanours in the action , and left the deputie governour to take his course with them , who onely rested in the vindication of his name ; which the countrey so farre cleared , as not long after , their election day falling by course , they chose him their governour , a place not strange to him , in which wee left him , having more often borne it then all others in that government . and for the differences which befell them in their church ; whether the court or the churches i know not , but the one entreated divers of the elders to goe unto them , who through gods mercy and blessing upon their endeavours prevented a division amongst them , though they could not at first settle things so well as they desired . and thus much for answer to the hi●gam case which may bee sufficient to satisfie any judicious reader : and foe those whose hearts are fraught with malice , the lord onely can convict such , to whom i leave them . an answer to the second head , namely the petition of doctor robert childe , &c. this remonstance and petition of theirs which hath made so great a sound in other places as well as here , notwithstanding their golden pretences of respect and reformation , was no sooner delivered , but before they could possibly exspect an answer from the court ( notwithstanding the largenesse of it ) copies were dispersed into the hands of some knowne ill affected people in the severall governments adjoyning , as plym●th , con●●tac●t , new haven , &c. who gloried not a little in it ; nay the petitioners spared no paines , for before our comming away wee heard from the dutch plantation , virginia and bermudas , that they had them here also , with such expressions in their letters as the present governour of barmudas was bold to affirme to a gentleman from whom i had it , who was then bound for new-england to get passage for england , that hee was confident hee should finde new-england altogether by the eares as well as england ; which hee well knew by a petition and remonstrance which hee had received from thence , &c. now had a peaceable reformation beene the marke they aymed at , they would not have gone about thus to make the government so much despised farre and neare , by casting such contempt upon them as they have endeavoured before ever they knew what acceptation their remonstrance and petition would finde ; which was taken into consideration till the next generall court , where they were answered at large , charged with manifold falsehoods and contempts and fined for the same , after a solemne hearing of the cause . but however i shall forbeare to give a particular answer in print to the said remonstrance , not because i cannot , for i have the whole case , the courts defence against it , &c. which would bee larger then both these bookes , being as i said before too large in regard of the price of the buyer ; and therefore shall give such a generall answer as may satisfie the indifferent and equall minded reader , and thereby deceive also our salamanders expectation to draw out from mee the whole which befell since his comming away , that so hee might finde more fewell to baske himselfe in , and satiate his contention humors to the full . but for answer , good reader , take notice as well of the quality of these petitioners as of their demeanour before expressed , and then thou shalt finde divers of them to bee inconsiderable in regard of proprietie with us ; who might bee justly suspected to draw in the rest who are much bewailed by many of us : and in so doing it 's possible thou mayst as well bee jealous of their good intents as those in the countrey : for three of them , namely doctor childe , john smith and john dand , they are persons that have no proprietie or knowne proper estate in the government where they are so busie to disturbe and distract : and for mr. thomas fowle ( who whether drawne in or no i know not ) hee joyned with them in this petition and remonstrance at such a time when hee was resolved to leave the countrey , and since hath done , and sent for his wife and family , as i heare . as for doctor childe hee is a gentleman that hath travelled other parts before h●e came to us , namely italy ; confesseth hee was twice at rome , speaketh sometimes highly as i have heard reported in favour of the jesuites , and however he tooke the degree of doctor in physick at padua , yet doth not at all practise , though hee hath beene twice in the countrey where many times is need enough . at his first comming to new-england he brought letters commendatory , found good acceptation by reason thereof with the best ; fals upon a dilligent survey of the whole countrey , and painefully travells on foot from plantation to plantation ; takes notice of the havens , situation , strength , churches , townes , number of inhabitants , and when he had finished this toylesome taske , returnes againe fo●england , being able to give a better account then any of the countrey in that respect . hee comes a second time , and not onely bestoweth some bookes on the colledge , as sir k●… digby and many others commendably did , but brings second letters commendatory , having put in some stock among some merchants of london , and for the advancement of iron workes in the countrey , which through gods goodnesse are like to become very profitable to them ; but hath no more to doe in the managing of them then any here who have other their agents being expert in the worke . this gentlemans carriage is now changed , and is not onely ready to close with such as are discontented , but to bee a leader of such against the government , affront the authoritie god hath hitherto honored with his blessing , appeale from their justice , and thereby seeke to evade any censure ; and if he might be thus suffered , why not others ? and then wee must all give over ; for if we have not the power of government , and cannot administer justice seasonably on all occasions , well we may come back againe and take some other course , but wee cannot there subsist . a second of these is mr. john smith , who formerly lived about two or three yeeres in boston , but before this remonstrance , himselfe and wife were removed to road iland , but never had any personall inheritance in the countrey , and was now at the massachusets but as a stranger . a third is one mr. john dand , who hath lived in boston as a so●ourner since these warres in another mans house at board hire , whose businesse and occasions there are unknowne unto us ; and whose carriage till this present was seemingly faire , but all on a suddaine though no further interessed in the countrey he thus engageth himselfe against the authority of the place . thus taking mr. fowl● with them who was upon departure from the countrey as afore , you may see the persons to bee such as have no considerable interest amongst us , at least foure in seaven : and all this being true i have related , i suppose by this time the reader may conceive , or at least suspect their faire pretences and great glisterings are not pure gold . but besides all this take notice good reader , that our salamander wintred many moneths amongst them , very gracious and frequent in their companies , and no doubt a great helpe in furthering their designe in their remonstrance , which brake forth not long after his returne home the spring following : and indeed his company had beene enough alone to have produced such an effect ; and therefore for my part so well knowing the man i cannot wonder at it as many doe , assuring my selfe bee better knowes how to ripen such fruit then all the costermongers in london . and now let mee goe to the title of the booke which hath its relation to the petition aforesaid ; and after their gigge called new-englands jones cast up at london , they would make the world beleeve that divers honest and godly persons are imprisoned in new-england for petitioning for government in the common-weale , according to the lawes of england , and either for desiring admittance of themselves and children to the sacraments in our churches , or else for leave to have ministers and church government according to the best reformation of england and scotland . now these charges are most notorious false , and so knowne , for i came not alone from new-england , but accompanied with an hundred persons at least , which i beleeve can testifie in the case . and therefore major childe take notice how you are abused by them to father such devilish and slanderous reports as these . for the first , there were none committed for petitioning , but for their remonstrance and the many false charges and seditious insinuations tending to faction and insurrections sleighting the government , &c. and lest any should thinke ( as i heare some doe ) that the court of the massachusets hath dealt rigorously with them , and that the petition is very faire and orderly , &c. let the reader know that such thoughts must either proceed from great weaknesse in not understanding or discerning the many grosse charges in it , or else from partialitie or evill affection to the government which they neither love nor know ; for in their remonstrance they not onely defame the government , but controule the wisedome of the state of england in the frame of their charter which is under the broad seale of the kingdome by charging the government to bee an ill compacted vessell . secondly , they charge all the afflictions that have befallen the personall inhabitants either by sicknesses on the land , or losses at sea upon the evill of the government . thirdly , they goe about to perswade the people , that all the priviledges granted and confirmed under the broad seale to the governour and company of the massachusets belong to all freeborne english men ; which contrariwise belong onely to the said governour and company , and such as they shall thinke meet to receive . fourthly , they closely insinuate into the mindes of the people ( as the jealousies of others ) that these now in authoritie doe intend to exercise unwarranted dominion , and an arbitrary government abominable to parliament , &c. foretelling them of intolerable bondage , which is enough alone to stirre up a people to commotion . fiftly , how doe they goe about to weaken the authoritie of the lawes of the place , the peoples reverence of and obedience to them in this their remonstrance , by perswading the people that partly through want of the body of the english lawes , and partly that through the insufficiency and ill frame of those they have , they can expect no sure injoyment of their lives and liberties under them : when as the state well knew the english body of lawes was too heavy for us , and therefore as libertie is granted in our patents to make our owne lawes , so it is with this proviso , that they bee as neere the lawes of england as may bee , which wee understand as neer as our condition will permit , which i shall speake more of elsewhere . sixtly , they falsly charge the government with denying libertie of votes where they allow them , as in choyce of military officers , which is common to the non-freemen with such as are free . seventhly , their speeches in their remonstrance are charged to tend to sedition by insinuating into the peoples minds , that there are many thousands secretly discontented at the government , &c. whereby those that are so may bee emboldned to discover themselves , and know to whom to repaire ; and what greater meanes can bee used to unsetle a setled people , and to kindle a flame in a peaceable common-weale , if the lord prevent not , and authoritie should suffer such things to passe uncensured ? eighthly , they slander the discipline of the churches in the countrey , and the civill government also , by inferring that the frame and dispensations thereof are such , as godly , sober , peaceable men cannot there live like christians ; which they seeme to conclude from hence , that they desire libertie to remove from thence where they may live like christians : when as indeed our armes are open to receive such both into church and common-weal , blessing god for their societie . ninthly , they doe in effect charge the government with tyranny in impressing their persons to the warres , committing them to prison , fining , rating them , &c. and all unjustly and illegally , whereas no warre is undertaken , nor any presse goes forth , but according to law established ; but the thing they would have is that any english man may volens nolens , take his habitation in any government , bee as free as the best , &c. thus breaking all order , charters , and peace of societies : for if he be english borne ( by their principles ) no government may refuse him be he never so pestilent , whether jesuite or worse . tenthly , they ●ay a false charge upon the churches in affirming , t●●● christian vigilancy is no way exercised towards such ●● are not in church fellowship : whereas they cannot but know the contrary . for however wee have nothing to doe to bring them to the church , and cannot cast out those that were never within , yet privately wee performe the dutie of christians towards them , either in holding private communion with such as are godly , or reproving and exhorting the rest also as occasion and opportunity offereth . eleventhly , that this dirt might stick fast , and men might more easily receive these injurious charges against the government ; in the conclusion they proclaime , that our brethren in england ( meaning the independents ) dee flee from us at from a pest . when as for my part i beleeve that if our brethren were with us they would close with our practise , or at least wee should bee dealt more brotherly withall , and then wee should not only hearken to what counsel should be of god , from them or any other in gods way but bee willing to reforme any thing that is amisse either in church or common-weale . twelfthly , that it may appeare these injurious charges are their owne apprehensions , and pretenses rather then jealousies of any others , they have publiquely declared their disaffection to the government , in that being called to the court to render account of their mis-apprehensions , and evill expressions in the premises , they refused to answer : but by appealing from the government they disclaimed the jurisdiction thereof , ( what in them lay ) before they knew whether the court would give any sentence against them or not : when as indeed their charter injoyneth nor requireth any appeale , but have the power of absolute government by vertue thereof : but these seven petitioners , whereof three are meere strangers and have no proprietie within the government ( and a fourth then to depart and now departed from it ) will not beare it as the rest . and for my part if these foure that were inhabitants were not drawne in by the three strangers to make up the number of seven to trouble the commonweale , i should wonder ( well knowing their abilities otherwayes , especially of some of them ) there being no want of fit persons if many thousands discontented as they say about them upon such a straight ; but i looke upon this speech of theirs as tending rather to incite discontented persons to repaire unto them , then having any realitie in it . and for the matter of appeale from new-england hither , which is three thousand miles distant , it will bee found to bee destructive to them that there live : for no countrey can subsist without government , or repaire so farre to it ; nor will any wise man accept a place in government where hee shall bee exposed to goe so farre to give account of his actions , though they bee never so just : but the best is , the parliament is knowne ( and it is their duty ) to seeke the good of the subjects by all due meanes : and i doubt not ( if ever tendred to them ) but they will soone discover the mischiefe intended by our adversaries , or at least like to ensue ( if they prevaile ) by overthrowing those hopefull beginnings of new-england in straightning our priviledges at such a time , when englands are restored ; but wee hope to share with them rather by enlargement , being wee went out in those evill times when the bishops were so potent being persecuted by them , and in that wee suffered since with the parliament in adhering to them to the losse of ships , and goods , &c. but i shall rest on god in what is said , hoping the reader will bee satisfied in point of our innocency in regard of the evills charged on us ; and therefore to proceed . in the next place whereas they complaine of imprisonment , one of them being to goe to sea just when things were to bee heard , was required to give bond to stand to the award of the court , leaving six partners behind him to pleade his cause ; also mr. smith being a dweller in another government and not there , being present at that same time was required to doe the like ; which order they withstood for an houre or thereabouts , and were that time under the marshalls custody , but no sooner advised they with our salamander their counsell , but hee advised them to give security , which they accordingly did , and so were dismissed ; now this i suppose was because hee was to goe to sea with them immediatly , which they accordingly did . secondly , take notice that before doctor childe , &c. were committed , the businesse of the remonstrance was ended , and they censured by fine , every one according to his particular offence , and carriage in managing the whole , and it is not our manner to punish twice for one offence . thirdly , take notice that the government they charge was proved in open court to bee according to the law of england , and therefore not committed for petitioning for that they had . fourthly , let the reader know that the presbyterian government was as freely tendered them by the governour in the open court without any contradiction of any the assistants or other , ●s ever i heard any thing in my life , though it appeareth that our salamander is not a little troubled at it , as i shall have occasion to touch in my answer to the postscript , which i verily beleeve hee penned every word . lastly , let the reader take notice that doctor robert childe , mr. john smith , and mr. john dand , were committed for certaine papers upon close search of dands closet , there found the night before the ship came away , which were far more factious & seditious then the former . doctor childe being committed because one of the coppies was under his knowne hand , another coppy under mr. dands hand , and both in his custody ; mr. smith in that hee not onely offered to rescue the papers from the officers that were sent to make search : but when hee saw that hee could not rescue them , brake out into high speeches against the government : and amongst other things said , hee hoped ere long to doe as much to the governors closet , and doe as much to him as hee did for them , &c. or to the like purpose . and now major childe , let the world and you take notice together wherefore your brother & those honest & godly persons you pretend to speak of were committed . nor doe i beleeve that any people under the heavens that know what belongs to government and have the power of it , would doe lesse then the magistrates there did . but what the event will bee god onely knowes ; but this i know , they are in the hands of mercifull men , however they have beene abused , or may by our salamander ( whose reports i often meet with ) or by any other whatsoever . and for answer to their relation of the effects this petition produced , much of it is false and answered before , the rest not worthy the answering ; as concerning the elders , their long sermons to provoke the magistrates against them , &c. no wise man will beleeve as they relate . and thus much for answer to the second part of their booke concerning the petition and remonstrance . a briefe answer to the third head of their booke , concerning the capitall lawes of the massachusets &c. here i finde the capitall lawes of the massachusets reprinted , & the oath they administer to their freemen , which i suppose they are sorry they can finde no more fault with : and all these capitalls rehearsed to shew the danger doctor childe is under by vertue of the last , which followeth in these words . if any man shall conspire or attempt any invasion , insurrection or publique rebellion against our common-wealth , or shall indeavour to surprise any towne or townes , fort or forts therein , or shall treacherously and perfidiously attempt the alteration and subversion of our frame of policy or government fundamentally , hee shall bee put to death , numb. sam. . and . and . now if together with this they had manifestd a liberty the court gives to any notwithstanding this law , fairely and freely to shew their grievance at any thing they conceive amisse , and needeth either alteration or repeale , then they had dealt fairly indeed : but because they leave it out , i take it my dutie to put it in . i know our salamander is not without some exception at any thing wee can doe : but because i finde none more then as before , i shall passe to the next head of their booke . an answer to their relation concerning the throwing the petition overboard as a jonas as they terme it . i acknowledge that mr. cotton taught from that text they mention in cant. . take us the foxes the little foxes which destroy the vines , &c. and let the reader understand that this text tell in his ordinary course of lecture in going through that book , and not taken on purpose on that particular occasion . the points hee delivered from hence as i remember were these two . the first , was when god had delivered his church from the danger of the beare , and the lyon , then the foxes the little foxes sought by craft & policy to undermine the same . the second was this , that all th●se that goe about by fox-like craft and policy to undermine the state of the churches of jesus christ , they shall all bee taken every one of them . the text as i take it hee shewed belonged to that time of the church when they returned from babylon , and were building the temple ; and proved the first point of doctrine from that of tobias and sanballat that would have built with the jewes ; the second was amplified by the history of haman in the booke of hester : and so brought many other examples , and amongst others the story of the bishops in the dayes of hen. the eighth , edward the sixt , queen elizabeth , and to the beginning of these warres , who under a colour of building and being master builders in the lords house laid heavie burthens upon the saints , corrupted the worship of god and lorded it over his heritage , & when they were come to the top of their pride the lord jesus could endure them no longer , but they were taken even every one of them in the same snare they had set for others . but i forbeare the amplifying of it , and hasten to the application so farre as it concerneth this scornefull story by them penned of their feigned miracle , as they call it . his use of exhortation was twofold . first , to such as lived in the countrey , to take heed how they went about any indirect way or course which might tend to the prejudice of the churches of jesus christ in the same , or the governments of the land , which through gods mercy was not onely in the hands of such as truely feared the lord , but according to his revealed will so far as we can judge . and therefore if any ( though never so secretly or subtilly ) should goe about any such thing , the watchman of israel that slumbreth not nor sleepeth will not take it well at their hands : for he that hath brought his people hither , and preserved them from the rage of persecution , made it a hiding place for them whilst hee was chastising our owne nation amongst other the nations round about it , manifested his gratious presence , so apparently walking amongst his churches , and preserving and prospering our civill state from forraigne plots of the late archbishop and his confederates , and the domestick of the heathen where wee live ; there was no question to bee made but hee would preserve it from the underminings of false brethren , and such as joyned with them : and therefore , saith hee , let such know in the foregoing respect● it is the land of 〈◊〉 , a land that is pretious in the eyes of the lord , they shall not prosper that rise against it , but shall bee taken every one of them in the snares they lay for it . and this , said hee , i speake as a poore prophet of the lord according to the word of his grace in my text , which however in the proper sense of the holy ghost , belonged to that age of the church mentioned in the booke of nehemiah , yet it is written for our example and instruction : for god is the same yesterday , to day , and for ever ; no lesse carefull , no lesse able , and no lesse willing to save and deliver his people by ingaging himselfe in their case ; and who can stand before him ? in the second place , saith he , whereas divers our brethren are to goe for england , and many others to follow after in another vessell , let mee direct a word of exhortation to them also ; i desire the gratious presence of our god may goe with them , and his good angels guard them not onely from the dangers of the seas this winter season , but keepe them from the errours of the times when they shall arrive , and prosper them in their lawfull designes , &c. but if there bee any amongst you my brethren , as 't is reported there are , that have a petition to prefer to the high court of parliament ( which the lord in mercy goe on blessing to blesse as hee hath begun ) that may conduce to the distraction , annoyance and disturbance of the peace of our churches and weakning the government of the land where wee live , let such know , the lord will never suffer them to prosper in their subtill , malicious and desperate undertakings against his people , who are as tender unto him as the apple of his eye . but if there bee any such amongst you that are to goe , i doe exhort and would advise such in the feare of god when the terrors of the almightie shall beset the vessell wherein they are , the heavens shall frowne upon them , the billowes of the sea shall swell above them , and dangers shall threaten them , ( as i perswade my selfe they will ) i would have them then to consider these things : for the time of adversitie is a time for gods people to consider their wayes . i will not give the counsell was taken concerning jonah , to take such a person and cast him into the sea ; god forbid : but i would advise such to come to a resolution in themselves to desist from such enterprises , never further to ingage in them , and to cast such a petition into the sea that may occasion so much trouble and disturbance . but it may be hardnesse of heart & stoutnesse of spirit may cause such a person or persons with stiffe necks to persist , and yet in mercy with respect to some pretious ones amongst you , ( as i perswade my selfe there are many such goe in each vessell ) the lord may deliver the vessell from many apparent troubles and dangers for their sakes : but let such know , the lord hath land judgements in store for such , for they are not now free ( hee being the god of the land as well as of the sea : ) and if you turne to numb. . , . you shall there see how hee threatned to destroy such as brought a false report upon his land with the plague : and truely god hath still plagues in store for such as bring a false report upon his church and people ; nay said hee , i heare the lord hath a destroying angell with the sword of pestilence in that kingdome , striking here and there , as seemeth good unto him , ( though not vehemently , blessed bee his name ) and who knowes what the lord will doe ? and therefore i advise such in the feare of god , and i speak it as an unworthy prophet of his according to that portion of his word i now speake from , to lay these things to heart , for it is the lord jesus hath said , take us the foxes , the little foxes , &c. or let them bee taken . and beleeve it for a truth , all those that goe about by fox-like craft and subtiltie to undermine the churches of christ jesus , they shall all bee taken , even in the very snare and ginne they set for others . and thus much for what mr. cotton delivered on this thursdayes lecture in beston , novemb. . . which i have shewed to many eminent persons now in england who were present at this lecture , and judge it not onely to bee the summe of his exhortation but his very expressions , and are ready to testifie it on all occasions against all opposers , as mr. thomas peters and mr. william golding ministers ; h●rbert p●lb●● esquire , captaine william sayles , captaine leveret , captaine harding , mr. richard sadl●● , &c. and take notice withall good reader , that i never heard the good man deliver any thing with more earnestnesse and strength of affection then these things thus sleighted by our adversaries as thou seest . and for the second part of their story , viz ▪ their passage , and the passages of gods providence befell them in it ; take notice good reader , that however our salamander turned things into a jest as soone as they were delivered , asking whether hee were a great fox or a little one ; yet many others that were ingaged to goe but in the ship , their hearts trembled that they were to goe in such company . and mr. thomas peeters a minister that was driven out of cornewall by sir ralph hopton in these late warres , and fled to new-england for shelter , being called back by his people , and now in london , upon sight of what i have written gave mee leave before many , to adde this ; that upon mr. cottons exhortation , having shipped his goods and bedding to have gone in the ship with them , amongst other arguments this was the maine , that hee feared to goe in their company that had such designes , and therefore tooke passage to goe rather by way of spaine , &c. and to speake the truth , as the ship rode out many fearefull stresses in the harbour after they were ready , before they could goe to saile , the wind being faire but overblowing : so after they came to sea had the terriblest passage that ever i heard on for extremitie of weather , the mariners not able to take an observation of sunne or star in seven hundred leagues sayling or thereabouts . and when they were all wearied out and tired in their spirits , certaine well-disposed christians called to mind the things delivered by mr. cotton before mentioned , and seeing the tempest still to continue , thought meet to acquaint such as were conceived to be meant by mr. cotton , and that had a purpose to persist in such courses , that they thought god called them now to consider of the things delivered by him ; & hereupon a godly & discreet woman after midnight went to the great cabbin and addressed her speech in sobrietie and much modesty to them , whereupon one of the two answered in these words , or to this purpose ; sister i shall bee loath to grieve you or any other of gods people with any thing i shall doe , and immediatly went to his chest or trunke , and tooke out a paper and gave it her , and referred it to the discretion of others to doe withall as they should see good : which the woman not in a distracted passion ( as they reported ) shewed to mr. richard sadler and others , who although they knew it was not the right petition but that they were deluded , yet because they judged it also to bee very bad , having often seene it in new-england , but never liked the same , cut it in peeces as they thought it deserved , and gave the said peeces to a seaman who cast them into the sea . the storme for the present continued that night , say some , others say , some abatement of winde befell presently after , but all conclude it abated the next day ; but that they had divers stormes afterward being then . leagues short of the lands end , is most certaine : and in one of these hideous stormes , having no saile abroad , the ship lying adrist with the helme bound up , the master conceiving hee was to the southward of silley layed the ship to the norward the night being very darke . in the last watch of the night one of the quarter masters going to the pumpe discerned rocks ahead within a cables length , and made such an outery as the whole ship was awakened , and nothing but death presented them : there was much hast made to let loose the helme , and to come to saile ; but before it could bee done the ship was engaged amongst the rocks of silley , and nothing could bee discerned under water , but by the breaking of the waves , which was their best direction to cunne the ship : in this laby●inth the ship travelled for a quarter of an hower or more , in which time it was generally observed the ship readily obeyed her helme , ( or rather the great pilate of the seas ) upon the word given , which at other times shee was slow in . at length the ship drove in and came a ground between two ilands , and could not bee got off being ●bbing water ; and it was the speciall providence of god to place her there in much mercy and compassion on his poore afflicted ones , the vessell being full of passengers ; for on both sides and on head were desperate rocks , which were not discovered till the morning light , the ship all this while lying fast upon a bed of sand or owse ; when it was day the dangers which they had escaped in the night to our admiration presented themselves , nor durst the master worke the ship till hee had gotten a pilate from the shore , who undertooke to bring her to an anchor ne●re crowes sound . the deliverance was so strange as the inhabitants of silly were amased at it , some saying it was a miracle , another that god was a good man that should thus deliver us ; indeed all the iland wondred , and the passengers themselves most of all when they saw the breaches at low water so farre off at sea neere which they passed before they knew the danger , and the rocks they sailed by after they found themselves involved as it were between s●pll● and c●rybdis . much more might bee added to account the mercy , but this may suffice to let the world see 't is no such trifle as is pretended in their prophane relation , who had then other thoughts , being passengers also in the ship , and seemed willing to joyn● with the godly party in the ship in testimony of their thankfulnesse , to celebrate a speciall day of thanksgiving unto the lord for so great salvation , where mr. golding preached , being a passenger with them , and teacher to a church of christ in berm●d● . and now good reader what wilt thou judge of such as can turne such deliverances into a scoffe , witnesse their prophane title , new-englands jonas cast up at london ; the naked truth whereof thou hast heard related ; in all which jonas was but once accidentally named , and that by way of direct opposition to any such counsell . the master of the ship never spoke to , no speech between the woman and mr. vassall that i can learne , but betweene mr. fowle and her , shee under no distemper of passion , but modest discreet and sober in her carriage thorow out the whole . in briefe , all that i can meet with that were in the ship , especially the most eminent persons , affirme this relation of theirs to bee false , yea mr. fowle himselfe acknowledged it before captaine sailes late governour of bermudas , captaine leveret , and captaine harding all passengers in the ship , who all concu●●ed in the falshood of the same , and the three captaines not a little offended thereat , and mr. richard sadler and divers others are ready to testifie the same . but put the case they had deluded a poore weake passionate woman by a shadow instead of a substance : mee thinkes if any feare of god had been before their eyes , they might have trembled at so many and so great threatnings of the almightie , who followed them from one land to another over the vast ocean with his terrours , and have shewed greater thankfulnesse for such a deliverance as before recited , then to carry themselves as they doe ; labouring to delude the reader as well as themselves , and to ascribe all to the winter season ▪ as if all our passages were ordinarily such ( as appeareth by their note in the ma●gent , page . ) when as that is false also , witnesse some that came with them , who affirme they have bin in winter passages , but never in the like ; ( the master & his company all concurring therein ) being confident also they fared the worse for their company . and thus much ●●●n affirme , and at least an hundred more that came with me , who came away about the middest of december ( five weeks deeper in winter then they ) and yet through gods undeserved favour had a comfortable passage and landfall , which i thought good to adde to the rest that persons may not bee discouraged from the passage , though i must confesse the spring and fall are the best seasons . but let them go on , if nothing will reclaime them ; and i will waite and attend the word of the lord in the mouth of his servant , and observe the dispensation of his providence towards his churches , and the enemies of the same . and thus much for answer to the fourth head of their book published by major child● . an answer to the postscript . in this postscript which containeth more matter then the whole ● booke , i can trace our salamander line by line , and phrase after phrase , in his accustomed manner to del●de many simple ones , and weaken their respect to the government of new-england ; where hee did a great deale more hurt by his personall presence , than hee can doe here by such slanderous invectives as he either pin●●th upon others ( witnesse this silly peece called new-england● j●n●● ) o● any hee shall publish hereafter . to answer every particular at length , would bee too tedious . but because hee pretendeth an answer to some passages in a booke written lately by my selfe , called hypocrisie vnmasked , concerning the independent churches holding communion with the reformed churches ; at the request of many i came to a resolution as to answer the former passages ▪ so to reply to his malicious cavils in this ; who indeed hath not answered any one thing , but rather raised some scruples that may cloud what i did , and cause such as are ignorant to doubt where things are most cleare : but however i am 〈…〉 with in this case not onely by some of the independent 〈…〉 to answer ▪ yet withall am come to a resolution not to write any more in this kinde ; partly because the world are wearied with too m●n● controverfies of this nature : but more especially because our salamander so much delighteth in them as a●… by many year●●●●● experience , being restlesse and 〈…〉 therein , 〈…〉 answer . hee beginneth with the discovery of a 〈…〉 plot against the lawes of england , and the liberties of the english subjects ▪ &c ▪ and then secondly , hee would render mee odious to the world , as being a principall ●ppos●● of the l●●●● of england in new-england . thirdly hee would make our government of new-england to bee arbitrary . and fourthlyly , his malicious cavils and bitter indignation at any thing may tend to union betweene brethren , i meane the presbyterians and independents , but of these in order . and first , for the subtile plot , &c. which is contrived , saith hee , by writing against gorton , a man whom they know is notorious for heresie , that so behinde him they may get a shot at a bigger game , &c. answ . it is well knowne , and our salamander is not ignorant , that however gorton notoriously abused himself and every government of new-england where hee lived ; yet when that country was grown too hot for him , hee came over here and complained against us , to that honourable committee of parliament ; to whose care the well ordering the affaires of forraigne plantations is referred . the right honourable the earle of warwick , being governour in chiefe , and chairman of the same ; who , upon gorton and his companions complaints , sent over to the government of the massac●●sets , whom it most of all concerned to give answer to the same , &c. whereupon they to shew their respect to the parliament , sent mee to render a reason thereof , which i still attend till their more weighty occasions will permit them to heare . but when i came over , i found that gorton had enlarged his complaints by publishing a booke called simplicities defence against seven-headed policy , &c. which being full of manifold slaunders , and abominable falsehoods ; i tooke my selfe bound in duty to answer it , as i did by that treatise he mentioneth , called hypocrisie vnmasked , which was but an answer to gorton as this is to him , being necessitated thereunto in vindication of the country , whose agent i am , though unworthy . and yet our salamander would blinde the ignoram ▪ and make them beleeve wee tooke occasion to write such a thing to make the parliament have a good opinion of us , as it none of all this had preceded . next that hee might still turne our innocent simplicity into policy , hee takes advantage where none is , and layes hold on a request of mine , which i must still prosecute ( maugre his malice ) and i trust in god the parliament will bee sensible of it viz. that the committee would take into consideration how destructive it will bee to the wel-being of our plantations and proceedings there ( which are growing up into a nation ) here to answer the complaints of such malignant spirits as shall there bee c●●●●red by authority , it being three thousand miles distant , so far as will undoe any to come hither for justice , utterly disabling them to prove the equity of their cause , &c. now if hee had set downe this request as it is , i would never have answered word to it , nor need at present to any , but such as are ready to burst with malice , and the more satisfaction i shall give , the worse they will bee . and for the danger of the state of england is in by this plot , he could not more clearely have expressed the unevennesse of his spirit to any indifferent reader , then by such expressions , and therefore need no farther answer thereunto . secondly , whereas hee chargeth mee to be a principall opposer of the lawes of england in new england , &c. hee dealeth with mee here in this particular just as he did there . for our salamander having labored two years together to draw me to his party , and finding hee could no way prevaile , he then casts off all his pretended love , and made it a part of his worke to make mee of all men most odious , that so what ever i did or said might bee the lesse effectuall . as for the law of england i honour it and ever did , and yet know well that it was never intended for new-england , neither by the parliament , nor yet in the letters patents , we have for the exercise of government under the protection of this state : but all that is required of us in the making of our lawes and ordinances , offices and officers , is to goe as neare the lawes of england as may bee : which wee punctually follow so neare as wee can . for our letters patents , being granted to such , and their associates ▪ these associates are the freemen , whereof there are many in every town : now take notice good reader that as every corporation here send their burgesses to the parliament upon summons : so divers times a yeere the governour sending out his warrants , the towns choose their deputies , viz. two of a towne out of these freemen , which meeting together with the governour and his assistants , compose and make or repeale such lawes and ordinances as they conceive our 〈…〉 require : and however wee follow the custome and practise of england so neere as our condition will give way : yet as the 〈…〉 of a growne man would rather oppresse and 〈…〉 if put upon him , then any way comfort or refresh him , being too heavy for him : so have i often said the lawes of england , to take the body of them , are too ●●w●ldy for our weake condition : besides , there were some things supported by them which wee came from thence to avoid ▪ as the hi●rar●●y , the crosse in ●●ptisme , the holy dayes , the booke of common prayer , &c. all which i doubt not but this renowned parliament will utterly abolish as they have done in part to gods glory and their everlasting fame , ( i meane whi●●t time shall bee . ) but i have been so farre from sleighting the law of england as i have brought my owne booke of the statutes of england into our court , that so when wee have wanted a law or ordinance wee might see what the statutes provided in that kind , and found a great readinesse in our generall court to take all helpe and benefit thereby . and never did i otherwise oppose the law of england : nor ever stand against the liberties of the subject , but am ready to sacrifice my life for the same , when ever i shall bee called thereunto . indeed this i have said in answer to his cavils , that if the parliaments of england should impose lawe● upon us having no burgesses in their house of commons , not capable of a summons by reason of the vast distance of the ocean being three thousand miles from london , then wee should lose the libertie and freedome i conceived of english indeed , where every shire and corporation by their knights and burgesses make and consent to their laws , and so oppose whatsoever they conceive may bee hurtfull to them : but this liberty wee are not capable of by reason of distance , and therefore ▪ &c. and thus much for answer to that point , which will satisfie any equall minded man , but is nothing to him . thirdly , he chargeth our government to bee arbitrary . answ . i shewed before after what manner wee made our lawes ; and for the choyce of our officers once every yeere they are either chosen or renewed by election , and this is done by the freemen who are the associates to the governour , to whom all the power is granted . and these are to governe according to their lawes made and established , and not according to their wills . and however there are many that are not free amongst us , yet if understanding men and able to bee helpefull , it 's more their owne faults then otherwise oft-times , who will not take up their freedome lest they should bee sent on these service● ( as our salamander and most of his disciples who are too many i must confesse ) and yet it is the same with many thousands in this kingdome who have not libertie to choose : nor yet may the freeholders and freemen choose , any that are not freeholders , freemen , and gentlemen of such a rank or quality that are chosen . so that for my own part i see not but that as we go by the expresse of our letters patents , so we goe according to the practise of england ; the law made binding the maker as wel as any other , having o●●rule for all . as for our trialls between man and man , hee knowes wee goe by jury there as well as here : and in criminalls and capitalls wee goe by grand jury and petty jury . and where the death of any is suddaine , violent or uncertaine , the ●rowner sits upon it by a quest , and returneth a verdict , &c. and all according to the commendable custome of england , whom ▪ wee desire to follow . but their maine objection is ; that wee have not p●nall lawes exactly set downe in all cases ? 't is true i confesse , neither can they finde any common we●●●● under heaven , or ever was , but some things were reserved to the discretion of the judges , and so it is with us and no otherwise , our generall courts meeting together twice a yeere at least hitherto for that very end , and so continuing so long as their occasions and the season will permit ; and in case any ●●sdemeaner befall where no penaltie is set down , it is by solemne order left to the discretion of the b●nch , who next to the word of god take the law of england for their president before all other whatsoever . and as i said before , if i would enter into particulars i could here setdowne in a line parallel as i received it in answer to the petition of doctor robert childe , &c. mentioned in their booke , the fundamentalls of the massachusets concurring with the priviledges of magn● c●●●●● and the common law of england at large . but as i said before , it would bee too tedious for answer to this worthlesse and malicious charge . and yet i dare affirme that virgini● , barbadoes , christoph●rs , mevis and a●●i●g● have not all of them so many lawes as new-england , nor so many expresse penalties annexed . as for the ●●●ting of the foure colonies , i briefly shewed the reason of it in my former treatise , being necessitated thereunto ●●y a secret combination of the indians to ●●● in all off , as our salamander well knowes and approved ; and if in ▪ america we should forbeare to unite for offence and defence against a ●…on enemy ( keeping our governments still dist●●ct as wee d●● ) till wee have leave from england , our throats might bee allout before the messenger would bee halfe seas thorough ▪ but hee that will c●rpe at this , what will hee not doe ? and for not making of our warrants in the kings name which is another thing hee comp●●neth of : hee well knowes the practise of the countrey is various in that respect , some constantly observing it , others omitting to expresse it , but all deriving our authority from hence . but if any wonder why i say so much in answer to it as i doe , it is because i never purpose for reply to any thing he or any other shall write in this kinde to him , for 't is to no end to write many bookes , especially when wee have to deale with such an one as delights in contention and nothing else . in the last place take notice good reader how hee cavills , and is vexed at , rather then answers any thing i say tending to preserve peace and unitie betweene the presbyterian and independent brethren . and whereas hee saith there is fallacy in what i have written , how can that bee ? when i shew the very particular instances and persons that did and still do hold communion with us , and our salamander knoweth most of these persons , and i beleeve the very things also , and hath nothing to say against any one of the instances brought , onely hee asketh whether any of us the many thousands ( a great word ) that came from new-england , doe communicate here with the presbyterians . to which i answer by way of question to any rationall and indifferent man , whether a church or churches of ours , allowing and admitting any of the presbyterians or their members into full communion with them , doth not more fully answer the question or his cavill , and prove communion of churches on our part , then for a particular member of ours to joyne in communion with some of the presbyterian churches which it may bee that independent church whereof hee is may never heare of ? and sure enough if i should draw an argument from his proposition to prove it ; hee would bee sure to say your churches allow it not , &c. and therefore it proves no communion of churches at all . secondly , were i where i could not communicate with an independent congregation , and might with a presbyterian , and they walked orderly , i know nothing but i might comfortably partake in that ordinance of the lords supper with them : but i should not forsake that communion i more affected for that i lesse affected where i might enjoy either , nor i beleeve will any understanding presbyterian brother on the other side . and so much for answer to that cavill , and the many branches of it . in the second place , hee cavills at this , that i say in page . of my book called , hypocrisie 〈…〉 , that the french and d●tch churches are a people distinct from the world , and gathered into ●● holy communion : and then hee addeth , ( ●ee should ●●●● said c●●●n●●t , which is his sense ) and that the sixth person is not of the church , meaning , amongst them , and this , saith hee , wee have but his word for , and makes is a falshood in me : but i returne it upon himselfe , whose bold spirit dare affirme any thing against the apparent light of the sunne ; for however the dutch baptize the children of all nations that are presented to them , as well as their owne , as i shewed in my former treatise ; yet this their practise stands not upon the presbyterian bottome , nor doe i know , i confesse , what they take for their warrant in it ; yet i affirme , and that of my owne knowledge , having lived divers yeares amongst them , that their church is a select people , gathered together into an holy communion , which holinesse hee scoffes at , and which they call the ●●ement ; and that many thousands of those whose children they baptize , never are admitted to the lords supper , which they account church communion ; nor are ever brought before their classis , and there examined , admitted , occasionally admonished , yea , excommunicated if they submit not to the rule : and that all those that are admitted are such as tender themselves , and thereupon are examined , &c. in the classis ; as before . and for an instance of the truth of it , a godly english minister that had sometimes lived in rotterdam , told me ( upon this very occasion ) that the deacons of the dutch church at rotterdam , told him , that although there were almost . houses in their city , and in many of them divers families , yet they had but persons in church-fellowship . and for the french churches , who know● not that the nation , i meane , the body of them are still papists , and yet ( as blinde as bayard ) our malicious salamander , whose tongue is known to be no slander from whence he came , doth charge me with falshood herein . 't is true , through gods mercy there are many thousand protestants amongst them , and i wonder that any man should bee so audacious , as to affirm these are not a distinct people from the rest that have undergone so many massacres and persecuti●●● for the testimony of their faith , and witnesse they have borne against the abo●inations of rom● , and the papacy , still so much admired in that nation by the body of it . and as i ●●●d of holland , the sixth person is hardly of the church ; so in france , the tenth man for ought i heare , is not a protestant . and how then they should be a nationall protestant church , i know not . as for his jeere about the covenant , let him goe on in his way of scorn and contempt of the covenant between god and his people ; and yet hee shall finde the church in the old testament established by a covenant ; and after their greatest desertions and declinings , upon solemne dayes of humiliation , their covenants againe renewed throughout the same . and the churches under the new testament are still the same , though the ceremonies and ordinances bee altered by the lord thereof ; yea , the scottish churches , ( which hee saith are nationall , and so would make a breach in that respect between them and us ) are solemne and serious in their covenant ; and the english in the late reformation no lesse serious , to gods glory bee it spoken ; when as there are many hundred thousands in both nations that will not take these their covenants , but remain in popish superstition , and wilfull ignorance . and for our tenders to the scots to live amongst us , and enjoy their liberty in the exercise of the presbyterian government formerly , and the late tender of the court of the massachusets to their petitioners for the enjoyment of it at present , themselves providing for it , 't is not so strange as true : but whereas they say , they hear not of the latter ( being since they came away : ) 't is false ; i have told them , and they may heare it by many others : but they have not the spirit of peace in them , nor will they take notice of any thing that tends thereunto ; but seeke , as appeareth by this postscript , to blow up the coal●s of contention and division , so much as possible may bee , hindering peace and good agreement between brethren , by all the meanes and courses they can use . and for what h●saith concerning mr. h●bbards censure ; daring mee to say , whether mr. hubbard were not punished directly or indirectly for baptizing some children whose parents were not members of the churches in new-england . for answer , i doe and dare affirme in my conscience , that i am firmly perswaded hee was not ; and however i doe not desire to meddle in the case , nor to engage in other mens controversies , but rather seeke to heale them by all due meanes , yet i thought good to answer his challenge in this particular , that so that cloud of jealousie might also be dispelled , so far as concerneth my own thoughts in the case ; and had hee but so much charitie in himselfe as becomes a christian man , i am confident hee would bee of the same mind with mee . and so much for answer to that particular , and the whole book , wherein the reader may see more malice in our accusers , then policy in us , whose simplicity is branded with subtilty , fallacy , and what not ? but blessed bee god , it is by such whose tongues are their owne , and will not bee controuled by any , and from whom i expect all that malice can invent ; but am come to a resolution , that whatever our salamander shal vent either in his own name , or by others ( as at this time ) i wil leave him to god , and referre our vindication to the lord jesus christ , who hath all power in heaven and earth committed to him , in whose eyes , i trust , we are precious , who undoubtedly will clear up our innocency , when these our proud enemies shall bee scattered before him . and to whom with the father and the spirit , god over all , blessed for ever , be glory and praise to all eternity . amen . finis . errata . page . l. . for another , r. any other ; p. . l. . for the , r. their ; p. . l. . for about , r. to put ; p. . l. . for our , r. their ; ibid. l. . for us , r. them ; p. . l. . for are , r. is . simplicities defence against seven-headed policy. or, innocency vindicated, being unjustly accused, and sorely censured by that seven-headed church-government united in new-england: or, that servant so imperious in his masters absence revived, and now thus re-acting in nevv-england. or, the combate of the united colonies, not onely against some of the natives and subjects but against the authority also of the kingdom of england, ... wherein is declared an act of a great people and country of the indians in those parts, ... in their voluntary submission and subjection unto the protection and government of old england ... imprimatur, aug. d. . diligently perused, approved, and licensed to the presse, according to order by publike authority. gorton, samuel, or - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) simplicities defence against seven-headed policy. or, innocency vindicated, being unjustly accused, and sorely censured by that seven-headed church-government united in new-england: or, that servant so imperious in his masters absence revived, and now thus re-acting in nevv-england. or, the combate of the united colonies, not onely against some of the natives and subjects but against the authority also of the kingdom of england, ... wherein is declared an act of a great people and country of the indians in those parts, ... in their voluntary submission and subjection unto the protection and government of old england ... imprimatur, aug. d. . diligently perused, approved, and licensed to the presse, according to order by publike authority. gorton, samuel, or - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by john macock, and are to be sold by luke favvne, at his shop in pauls church-yard, at the signe of the parrot., london, : . signed at end: s.g. [i.e. samuel gorton]. annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb: th". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of 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should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rhode island -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion simplicities defence against seven-headed policy . or innocency vindicated , being unjustly accused , and sorely censured , by that seven-headed church-government united in new-england : or that servant so imperious in his masters absence revived , and now thus re-acting in nevv-england . or the combate of the united colonies , not onely against some of the natives and subjects , but against the authority also of the kingdme of england , with their execution of laws , in the name and authority of the servant , ( or of themselves ) and not in the name and authority of the lord , or fountain of the government . wherein is declared an act of a great people and country of the indians in those parts , both princes and people ( unanimously ) in their voluntary submission and subjection unto the protection and government of old england ( from the fame they hear thereof ) together with the true manner and forme of it , as it appears under their own hands and seals , being stirred up , and provoked thereto , by the combate and courses above-said . throughout which treatise is secretly intermingled , that great opposition , which is in the goings forth of those two grand spirits , that are , and ever have been , extant in the world ( through the sons of men ) from the beginning and foundation thereof . jmprimatur , aug. d. . diligently perused , approved , and licensed to the presse , according to order by publike authority . london , printed by john macock , and are to be sold by luke favvne , at his shop in pauls church-yard , at the sign of the parrot . . vpon an occasionall view , of this unexpected , and much unwished for story . this story 's strange , but altogether true : old englands saints are banisht out of new : oh monstrous art , and cunning of the devill , what hidden paths he goes , to spread , his evill ! the man of sin 's the same , his eldest son ; both have more shapes , then be moats , in the sun. hence disappointed , are the most of men ; when trouble 's past ( some thinke ) they rise agen . thus it befell these pilgrims , in that land , to which they fled , from persecutions hand , this indians note , with papists , iews and turks , for in them all , the selfe same spirit works : thus is the name of christ , blaspem'd , by these , who burthen them , to whom they promise ease . oh christ arise , and spread thy glorious fame , that all may know , the sweetnesse of thy name : as● affric , europe , and america expect ! and waite the dawnings of that day , that papists , greeks , and we the protestants of calvins sect , those too , the lutherans , and they that are a streine above them all , at iesus feet , at length may humbly fall , that so such christs , which most in fancy make ( whence 'tis ( men think ) that christendome doth shake ) may at th' appearing of the lord depart , and all may worship him ev'n with one heart : that so the nations may this glory see ; and into it , at length transformed be : this to effect , can't be by sword of man , but that which to with-stand , no kingdomes can , for t is the lords owne might , the sword that doth , ev'n with two edges flow out of gods mouth , by which are slaine the wicked of each land , and will sure breake each persecutors band : then england , and yee nations round about , that are now so lofty , and so stout : at length downe fall to him that 's lord of you : and learne with him , like meeknesse for to show : if you with iron rods , saints breake and bruise . know then your selves , that christ you so will use . r. b. a lover of peace , and one of eminent respect , viewing this treatise at the presse , kindly added this verse prefixed , which hath both sodainly , and unexpectedly drawn from my thoughts as here followeth , as a testimony of my kind respects unto the party , though but a stranger unto him ; it may also serve as an intelligencer , what was the only ground of controversie , in acting according unto , and publishing of , this treatise . the serpent with a voyce so slie and fine consults with nature , as though he were divine , whil'st she doth seek for glory , wealth , and love in things that are below , and not in that above ; lending an * ear to listen unto him , the fruit looks fair , the tree seems nothing grim : and thence doth he , at first begin t' arise through earthly projects , for to make man wise : whereas the light of heaven , god himself ordain'd to be that thing , whereby man is maintain'd in wisdom , honor , happiness , and peace , that doth from serpent ( sin , death , hell ) release ; and not conjectural , doubtful , subtil notion set forth , by art , with sign of great devotion . come from the prelates * , your persecuting foes ; our church ( as primitive ) christ jesus doth disclose her ordinances pure , a church erected here where you may worship , voyd of care or fear , our land is large ; our magistracy good ; come o're to save that innocent-like blood from such as are to cruelty so bent , our ways are meek and humble , to give all content ; thus he appears , apparrelled in white to snare in that , wherein he takes delight . an earthly kingdom , he would fain erect then spiritual honor , he must needs reject . that when that , * woman , appeareth in her glory with him in womb , of whom intreats all story . then 's he a dragon red , for to devour that child , to whom is given , all the power in heaven , and in earth , to rule as king and lord. none to the serpent , no , heaven cannot afford a place of residence , he must thence depart down to the earth , full sore against his heart , that he a place cannot devise to frame which from the heavens may seem to take its fame . cruel , raging , carnal , now he cometh forth his slie , and subtil wisdom , now proves nothing worth . this woman , now in travel , finds not time to listen unto him , nought but the child is mine : which child in her , can nothing else confesse , but throne of glory * , and bare wildernesse : which twain together , give all praise to one ; then fury 's in the serpent , smooth policy is gone : no middle place for sathan now is found , not one with th' manehild ; down he goes to ground : his cunning cannot now intice so far , but michael , and his angels wil make war with dragon , and with all his angels great , yea overcome him , never sound retreat . most of his skil he useth * , he knows how to talk of benefits to receive , although not now ▪ and so from place , and person still delights to wend , where 's outward peace , there 's christ , doth he pretend ; and if so be that troubles do arise , himself he saves , the serpent is so wise : no tye , to fold , nor flock , he then wil know ; christ in an earthly peace , he 'l have , where e're he go . whereas our lord , his voyce doth sometimes teach go to ** decapolis , and there thou shalt me preach unto * ten cities , great the number bee ; my word shal reach them , and i am with thee . for i am truth , and truth thou goest to show which makes thee free , my presence thou dost know no place can , scant thee off , then walke at large , doubt not , i 'm with thee ▪ doe but keepe my charge , the nations shall come forth at once , yea at one g birth ; truth in the change of one , reneweth all the earth ; else , were not perfect good , in every one erect , nor sinne were full , through th'fall that great defect , if change of one were not a world renew'd , what nation then , not brought in , and subdu'd , when truth is publisht , though but unto one imbrac't , receiv'd ? oh happy state of man , all gentile jewels , brought in , * who can want the world 's in darkenesse , else could ne're be scant . but hypocrites cannot this thing digest , in places , times , and persons , they seek wealth and rest , and see not how the mighty lord above hath cast his skirt o're ruth , yea fild her lap in love , of whom comes christ , that world of gods goodwill , what can she want , that heaven or earth doth fill ? all keepe their stations , attend as they have done , neglect no homage , or service to the son , all bring their vertues , treasures , and their glory centring them all in him , a world of princely dowry , then walke through sea , or land , by friends or foes let prisons fast , hard irons thee inclose , all take thy part , yea plead thy cause for thee the world vents its malice , in christs love thou art free . the spirit of this world by these things comes to light its pomp , and glory , which earst did shine so bright appears grosse darknesse , unto christian eyes down comes its kingdome , up goes its plaints and cryes , helpe sword and gun , else doth our kingdome fall court , fire , * gangrena , we tast worm-wood and gall , no marvell , for , christ in his native kind set forth , declar'd unto a carnall mind , appears as odious unto such a wight as sinne to him , in whom is found the light : what sentence shall be given then by sons of men , when truth appears , if power were found in them ? no power but that of darknesse then , let us to them ascribe what 's in the church's our lords , all unto them deny'd ; take heed yee judg of blasphemies aright , for light discerns , the darknesse hath no sight . if light , and candlesticke , you know not how , t' make one suspend your judgement , all your skill is gone , and let the judge of all , his circuit passe apace , who comes not to destroy , such is his grace , and let that man his own destruction be , who breaks that faith with god , cannot be peec'd by thee : cease then your prosecutions , seek yee to doe good : save life in any , in church wayes spill not blood : in christ , if you consider , the covenant of god , you le find that all compulsion , is nought but that * nim-rod . s. g. to the right honourable , the earl of warwick , lord high admirall of england , and governour in chiefe of the english plantations in america , and upon the coasts thereof , and to the rest of that honourable committee , joyned in commission with his excellencie , for the wel ordering , government , and safety of forrain plantations . right honorable , according to the fame we have heard of you , so have we found in you , a spirit of tendernesse and compassion towards the oppressed , which ever springs from the courage and fortitude of a heart resolute to suppresse the oppressor , be his power and policie what it may , whilst men unsensible of the cause of the needy , ever stand in readinesse to side with the strongest partie , and so ( as occasion serves ) to become one with the cruell , venting the same spirit , which for advantage can easily transform it selfe , so as if power comply with the just mans cause , the vizard of hypocrisie is soon put on by such , either to become dumb & silent , or else to speak so , as may best advantage it selfe , let the cause be what it will. your wisdom and noble care in those weighty affairs committed to your trust , commands and binds us over to make a more particular and full relation ( then formerly we have done ) of what hath passed betwixt some other colonies in nevv-england , and our selves ; that if it be possible to find any leisure hours in a crowd of so great imployments , your honours might be pleased to take a more full view of things ; in the mean time we stand humbly ingaged , as we have done ; and ever shall in any service , that what we are , or have , can tender to the honour and peace of our native countrey , or to any true-hearted well-wisher thereof ; and if no other service ( we can ) may be acceptable , yet of this imployment none shall prevent us ( whilst our god gives us hearts ) daily to pray for you . your honours most humble servants , the inhabitants of shaw-omet , whose names are often expressed in this narration . the epistle to the reader , courteous reader . doe not thinke that we delight to lay open the infirmitie and weaknesse of men ( except our weaknesses and infirmities , as the son of god sustained them ) any further , nor to other end , but as they serve to discover and lay open that one spirit of the god of this world , which now works effectually in the children of disobedience , which spirit in all its severall wayes of operation , may be gathered up , and centred in , that son of perdition , yea , in that seven-headed , and ten horned beast , whose power and policie like unto that deluge in the old world , hath so long overspread the face of the earth , swallowing up in death every living thing that hath its motion upon the earth , after or according to the flesh . nor can any be offended justly with us , ( no not our adversaries themselves ) for making this true narration of things that have passed amongst us , of which this treatice truly speaks ; for actions performed wherein men have cause to glory , the further they spread , the more satisfactory to the agen●s ; nor are actions of such publick nature seldom performed , but to such end and purpose , for if they be good , they ought no● only to be reall and essentiall in them amongst whom they are acted and done , but also presidentiall and exemplary unto others where ever the fame of them , may come ; and if they be evill , then a whorish fore-head must needs accompany them , being done in the light of the sun , and then can no wise man be offended , that a way-marke is cast up to give notice of such desperate , and dangerous wayes , unlesse himselfe be of the same spirit , and is about , or else waits for an opportunity for the like design . thou art intreated therefore not to looke upon this treatise , as simply matter of history , but as matter of mysterie also : for as it was acted to make manifest the operations and workings of a differing spirit , to that end it is published also : so that if it be narrowly looked into , not only a savour of that mysterie of iniquity will appeare ( which alwayes works effectually to the same end and purpose , namely , to extinguish and put out the light of divine truth , wheresoever , or in whomsoveer it appears ) but thou wilt find some foot-steps also of that great mysterie of god , whose bright beams of light where ever made manifest , declare the men of the world to sit in the shadow of death . though the mysterie of iniquity works not always in the same manner and firme , nay seldome any long time together , without taking a new face , and using the art of transformation of it selfe into one an other shape , and herein lies the policie of sathan , that when some time hath been spent ( yea it may be an age ) in hopes and expectation of glorious times of peace , ease , and exaltation , from the mouths of lying prophets , who alwayes drive the peace , power , and principality of the kingdome of god , some certaine time before them , or at the least before the common people ( as they call them ) as though they themselves were the onely men , that for the present were admitted into the counsells and secrets of the kingdome of god , and the people to take it upon their report , where , and when , the appearance of it shall be . but when the world by due proof , finds their praedictions to fail , and sees troups of its ancestors go down to the grave , not having the possession put into their hand , it then works effectually for a transformation , to cast its worship of god into another form , wherin it hopes in shorter time for to attain him , in which state it cannot rest to wait , unlesse it hath the strongest partie , according to the power of the arm of flesh on its side , and therefore must of necessity labour diligently as for life , to borrow a coercive power from the civil magistrate , to be transferred , turned over , and put into their hands , whereby they may subdue others , and compell them to follow their way , and to acknowledge their worship to be onely divine , yea the onely god of the world , for there is but one divinitie , which they have now made and set up unto themselves , or else that the civil magistrate will be pleased to detain and keep his own power upon this condition ( ●inding him unto themselves ) that he shall not fail , to bind the hands and tongues , yea and hearts also ( if they can but search and know what is in them ) that none shall be permitted to intermeddle , or any way to disturb them : but that they may peaceably worship , every man in his garden , and under such a green tree , as he shal choose unto himself , being fearfull of trouble and disquiet , not knowing better , but that the crosse of christ is terrible , as though the sonne of god had not taken away the terror and angry face of it , putting no lesse disparagement upon him , but as though the sting were in death still , being ignorant of this , how that by death he overcomes death , even untill now . the reason why the civil magistrate is so ▪ sought after , and ( as i may justly say ) troubled , if not tortured , in the depopulation of kingdoms , and losse of true-hearted subjects by the church , in her formalities , and perfunctory worships , is this ; a naturall heart conceives the condition of the church of christ , to be like a common weal or kingdome , which cannot be well , unlesse every individuall within such naturall and terrene confines , agree in one , for the well being and glory of each particular in the whole , so that the humble submission of every subject becomes one , in that one heart and spirit of the king , who submits to the deniall of himself ( in any thing ) for the preservation of the whole , and that one heart , courage , and magnanimity of the king , is in every individuall of the kingdome , to go forth for the honour , peace and preservation , of that their one lord ; and so it is in the true church rightly considered in its relation with the king of saints , truly considered in spirituall , and not in terrene respects ; but that naturall spirit that works in a naturall changeable and vanishing church , judgeth of its peace according to the consent of all within the compasse of such naturall bounds and terrene confines as it self resides & abides in ; and therefore the false prophet is said to be the ●ail , because which way the honorable pe●son looks , or the head of the place where he is ( according to man ) he alwayes stears the body of the people , yea though it be but the body of the beast that way , that he may have strength according to sence on his side , not knowing how to live or wa●k according to the power of faith ; therefore must either have all ( if it be possible ) or at least the greatest both for authority and number on his side ; for he sees not the blessing of the divine presence that goes with the ark of god though among many adversaries in a wildernesse ; therefore will he take up nothing but the tabernacle of molech ( or as the word is ) beare the booth of the king , that is , what manner of house soever , authority and civil power erecteth , for worship , he is ready to take up , and bear upon his shoulders , so that antichrist hath as may wayes of worship , as there is or hath been formes of religion in the world , and in that the seed of the serpent crusheth the heel , ( or as the word is ) the print of the foot-soal of christ or seed of the woman , for wherever the footsteps of our lord have gone , the wisdome of the serpent in reforming its religion casts it into a form , and so denies the power of godlinesse , tying the lord iesus to appeare in the very same print and character again , whereas the saints wait for his power in what way or form he pleaseth to make it known and manifest in , and unto them ; therefore the visions and apparitions of god in the holy scriptures , are never twice in the same form ( all circumstances considered ) yea if our saviour appear one time walking upon the sea , as though all things must of necessity bear up their lord , he appeares again under the hands of herod , pontius pilate , and the iews , thrust down into the heart of the earth , as jonah into the midst of the sea , as though all things conspired together to annihilate & bring him to nought , and in the one and the other appeares an aptitude even in the disciples themselves to mistake , and in this the world is altogether mistaken , in that he walketh upon and raiseth himself up out of wayes they know not how such things can be , to make manifest his power and authority to be that of the sonne of god , who rules in the midst of his enemies , and out of egypt , babylon * rahab , palestina , tyre and ethiopia , is brought forth , so that it may be said this man was born there , even as the truth of the gospel hath been brought forth in those parts , which our iewish reformers of religion by putting christ to death , could never have thought of or apprehended , nor will they ( were it never so plainly told unto them ) believe it , so that in this treatise you may plainly see , how the mystery of iniquity already works , even in new england which thought it self the root of reformation of all the world , even as babylon alwayes in the entrance of her compulsive contraction , artificiall and self-seeking , conjecturall reformation , sets her self up as a queen , and thinks never to see widdow-hood or sorrow any more , if she can but with all her art and learning keep the magistrates conscience in bonds , to use all his power and civil policie for her wealth to get riches , and honour to lord it over mens consciences , and peace that she may sit in safety and at rest to inlarge her barns and take her pleasure in the things of this life , never dreaming that even in that night of grosse darknesse her soul shall be snatched away from her , and then whose shall all those things be , whereof she hath framed such a service of god to her self , that must all leave her at death ; even such as for the most part , if not all ( by her own acknowledgement ) fail , and never passe along with her into the kingdom , and then must she either have a new god , or else find out a new way of submission unto him , whom she hath seemed so zealously to serve ; such is that spirit of the mystery of iniquity , the goings forth wherof hath forced this treatise to come to the light and view of the world , as a warning to all christians , to take heed of being beguiled by a voluntary humility in worshipping of angels , messengers or ministers , who labour to make men subject to the rudiments of the world in outward observations , as touch not , tast not , handle not , rearing up a fabrick of ordinances in divine worship ; of such things which all perish in the use , neglecting the body which is christ , by satisfying of the wisdom of the flesh in these things , through which the spirit of the serpent multiplies it self into that threefold spirit which comes out of the mouth of the dragon , and out of the mouth of the beast , and out of the mouth of the false prophet , imitating that kingly , priestly , and propheticall spirit that is by iesus christ , beguiling the world with its uncleannesse in adulterating the word of god by bringing it into carnall copulation with earthly , transitory , momentany , fading and vanishing things ; wo is unto them because thereof , who like unto frogs , will never appear , hold up their heads , nor utter a voyce , but where the heat and lustre of the civil magistrate , brings forth a pleasant , fruitfull and prosperous estate and condition , in the things that onely concern this present life . again , if thou look narrowly into this treatise , there is a possibility to perceive in it , some glimpse of the light of that spirit that openeth and unfoldeth the mystery of god , especially when it taketh up any scriptures ; look diligently upon what hinge it turneth , and you shall see a doore open , another way , yea a nearer & shorter cut to the kingdom of god , then the common ministery of this world driveth at , and think it not strange if iesus appeare in such places , and at such time , where , and when , the doores are not onely shut , but fast bolted unto the world , as a thing impossible , that his real and substantiall ( though spirituall ) body should come in , such a way , and so unlooked for , being that in sodom and egypt our lord is crucified , and put to death ; yet let me advise thee , as once our lord did , handle them , carefully and skilfully , ponder , poise , and feel the weight of them ; taste , try and consider , whether the reality and substantiality of christ be not there ; sure i am that if the ministerie or service of a christian spirit lay hands on them , and put it self into them , even as a graft is put into the stock , it shall find a plain proof , argument , and demonstration undenyable , of the apparition & revelation of the son of god , returned from death to life , never to die any more , unto whom i leave thee ( in the communication of whose resurrection the second death can never exercise power ) with my harty wishes for al those that have learned the truth as it is in jesus , & know that elsewhere no truth ( that is christian ) can be found , for that only abideth for ever , and is eternized in all the lineaments and whole proportion of it , and happy is be that hath so learned christ , amen . s. g. innocencies defence , against a seven-headed chvrch-government united in new-england . the moderation of new englands justice , desired to be known to all men * , and what is the principall things pretended in the execution thereof ; namely , to suppresse hereticks , and to confirm that to be truth which the unity of the most colonies hold ; plainly declaring and setting forth to the view of all , what is the proper bent and drift of that spirit that diggs so deep to hide its sin in secret , which so affecteth to assume titles unto it self , & also to give at their pleasure unto others ; to make themselves appear , in the eyes of men , more holy and honourable in the things of god , then others of their brethren ; commonly crying out , against that power exercised amongst others , for no other end but to assume it unto themselves , to cloth the dictates of that spirit therewith , whereby themselves are led , and so to exercise it with all zeal and wrath in the life , spirit , and substance of it , only with another face or countenance set upon it to deceive and beguile the simple ; not being able to indure the aire , where cap , tippit , or upper shirt appeareth : but can bath themselves in blood and feed themselves fat , by devouring the good name , estates , and lives of their brethren , who neither do , nor think harme unto them , nor reside within the compasse of any of their jurisdictions , evidently proved by a late assault given ( by the men of the massachusets and other colonies united for such a purpose ) upon others of their countrymen , inhabitants of a tract of land called shaw-omet , situate in the nanhyganset bay in new-england : the truth whereof this treatise witnesseth , and the substance of all is to be seen under their own hand writing ; as also in the writings of others , who were eye and ear-witnesses in the cause , and have testified under their hands the truth of it . here followeth a narration of the men of shaw-omet , concerning the ground of transplanting of themselves and families , and of their first entrance into that part of america now called new-england . whereas we removed our selves and families out of our native country , about ten or twelve years ago by the leave of this state , only to injoy the liberty of our consciences , in respect of our faith towards god , and for no other end , not scrupling any civill ordinance , for the education , ordering , or government of any civil state. landing by the providence of god at boston in the massachusets bay , we found our countrymen at great varianee in point of religion , prosecuting it very hotly in their publique courts unto fines and banishments , occasioning men thereby much to vent and bring forth themselves ; and we understanding that they had formerly banished one master roger williams , a man of good report both for life and doctrine ( even amongst themselves ) for dissenting from them in some points about their church government , and that in the extremity of winter , forcing him to betake himselfe into the vast wilderness to sit down amongst the indians , in a place by their own confessions , out of all their jurisdictions : and at that time of our arrivall at boston , they were proceeding against one master john wheelwright , a man of like life and conversation , whom they also banished for differing with them in point of doctrine , the summ whereof consisted in this , that sanctification is not the first evidence unto a christian of his salvation ; and many others manifesting their thoughts about such points then controverted amongst them , were also imprisoned , fined , banished , disarmed , and cast out from amongst them . and we plainly perceiving that the scope of their doctrine was bent onely to maintain that outward forme of worship which they had erected to themselves , tending only to the outward carriage of one man toward another , leaving those principles of divinity , wherein we had been instructed in our native country , tending to faith towards god in christ : and we finding no ground nor warrant for such an order in the church ( to bind mens consciences unto ) as they had established amongst them ; our consciences could not close with them in such their practices , which they perceiving , denyed us the common benefit of the country , even so much as a place to reside in , and plant upon , for the maintenance and preservation of our selves , our wives and little ones ; as also proceeded against us , as they had done to others ; yea with more severity , unto confinements , imprisonments , chains , fines , whippings , and banishment out of all their jurisdictions , to wander in the wildernesse in extremity of winter , yea when the snow was up to the knee , and rivers to wade through up unto the midle , and not so much as one of the indians to be found in that extremity of weather to afford us either fire , or any harbor , such as themselves had ; being removed into swamps and thickets , where they were not to be found ; in which condition , in the continuation of the weather , we lay diverse nights together , having no victuals , but what we took on our backs , and our drink as the snow afforded unto us , whereupon we were constrained with the hazard of our lives to betake our selves into a part of the country called the nanhyganset bay , buying severall parcels of land of the indians there inhabiting ; and sat down in , and neer the place where master roger williams was where we built houses , and bestowed our labors to raise up means to maintain our wives and little ones ( which our countrymen out of their zeal had deprived us of , and taken away from us ) quietly possessing them for the space of seven or eight years ( some of us ) no man interrupting us , but both the massathusets , and also plymouth confessed us to be out of the confines of their patents ; but when they perceived those parts to be a refuge for such as were oppressed and grieved amongst themselves , who repaired unto us for shelter , then they went about to bring those parts to be under their jurisdictions , by all possible pretences , and stretching their line for that purpose , thinking to get some colour for their proceedings ; yet fell they short of our plantations fourteen or fifteen miles , as did evidently appear , and was by themselves acknowledged , and when they saw they could not accomplish their ends by that project , they then insinuated themselves into the minds of three il-affected persons amongst us , that they should acknowledge themselves to be subjects unto them , and to depend upon them for protection and government , whom they had formerly cast out from amongst them , both out of their churches , and censured them also in their civil courts for grosse and scandalous offences , as one robert cole whom they had censured to were a d upon his back for a whole year , to proclaim unto all men his guiltinesse of the sin of drunkenesse , and had also cast him out of their church , and delivered him unto sathan severall times , who before and in the times of this his submission usually conversed with , and was conversant amongst the indians on the sabboth dayes , professing the indians religion to be the same with that which the massachusets professed and practiced * ; there was also one william arnald and his son benedick who subjected themselves unto the massachusets , which arnald was a great professor of religion in the west of old england ; but in the time of this his subjection was known constantly to imploy himselfe in servile work upon the sabboth day , and professed it to be his excellency above that which his neighbour had attained unto ; his son benedick constantly trading with the indians on the sabboth day , being a factor for them of the massachusets , being supplyed with commodity from them , having toleration to sell powder to the indians , but denyed to be sold unto us , unlesse we would subject our selves as they had done ; these pretended subjects of the massachusets , thus far fetcht , had learned this devise , that whereas some of us had small parcels of land laid out to build houses upon and plant corn , and all the rest lay common undivided , as the custome of the country for the most part is , they would not permit us any more land to build upon or to feed our cattell , unlesse we would keep upon that which they would confesse to be our proper right , and they would admit of no division , but by the foot or by the inch , and then we could neither have roome to set a house , but part of it would stand on their land , nor put a cow to grasse , but immediately her bounds were broken , and then presently must the one be pull'd down , and the other put into the pound , to make satisfaction , or till satisfaction were made for both . so that by this unreasonable and palpable slight of these pretended subjects , together with the power of this so irregular a government , we plainly perceive● a snare was laid to intangle us again ; not only to hinder us to provide for our families , but to bereave us again of what god , through our labour and industry , had raised up unto us as means to maintain our families with . now when the massachusets had gained these men to be instruments in this manner to effect their end , then did they institute them as officers to execute their warrants amongst us in those parts , upon any complaint these above named subjects should make unto them upon the grounds above mentioned , who presently sent a warrant unto us , to command our appearance at their courts , under the hand of the governor and divers of the assistants in the massachusets , threatning to use violence against us in case we obeyed not . a true copy of the first warrant that was sent unto us from the governor and assistants of the massachusets , into the nanhyganset bay , before we planted upon that tract of land called shaw-omet , situate upon the same bay : the warrant is here set down verbatim , and is stil extant . massachusets , to our neighbours of providence . whereas william arnald of pautuxet * , and robert cole , and others , have lately put themselves and their families , lands and estates , under the protection and government of this jurisdiction , and have since complained to us , that you have since ( upon pretence of a late purchase from the indians ) gone about to deprive them of their lawfull interest confirmed by four years possession , and otherwise to molest them : we thought good therefore to write to you on their behalfe , to give you notice , that they and their lands , &c. being under our jurisdiction , we are to maintain them in their lawfull rights . if therefore you have any just title to any thing they possesse , you may proceed against them in our court , where you shall have equall justice : but if you shall proceed to any violence , you must not blame us , if we shall take a like course to right them . the o. of the o. . jo. winthrop , governor . tho. dudley . ri. bellingham . incr. nowell . this warrant being delivered unto us by their new made officer william arnald , in the name of the massachusets , we took into serious consideration , having former experience abundantly of their unkind and inhumane dealing with us , yea towards our wives and children , when our selves were sometimes in banishments , and sometimes in prison , and irons ( by them ) before . we thought it meet ( for the preservation of our peace , together with that compassion we had of our wives and little ones ) to leave our houses , and the rest of our labors , lying neer unto those their pretended subjects ( whom we saw maliciously bent ) and to remove our selves and families further off , from the massachusets , and such their coadjutours , being then amongst us : for we saw that they did not only endeavor to take away our livelyhood , but intended to take away our lives also , in case they could find a way to satisfie the country in doing of such an act and execution : for we had never accusation brought in against us , but what rose from the magistrates and the ministers ; for we walked so , as to do no man wrong , only justified the cause of our religion , as we had learned and received the principles thereof before we went amongst them ; as also the laws and government of this kingdome of england unto which we ever willingly acknowledged our selves to be loyall subjects , and therefore could not suffer our selves to be intrenched upon by our fellow subjects , further then the laws of our king and state doth allow . now that they sought the lives of some of us , at this time is evident ; for iohn warner citizen and freeman of london a man well known , who afterwards was one of those against whom they now prosecuted , having formerly had some businesse with master winthrop the governor of the massachusets , he asked the said warner ( living then in the nanhyganset bay ) whether he knew one samuel gorton , ( a man also against whom they now prosecuted ) who lived also in the said bay , but at that time iohn warner had not seen him , living a matter of twenty miles one from the other : the governor told him he was a man not fit to live upon the face of the earth ; also one of the elders of the church of boston told a minister ( who reported it in the place where gorton lived ) that if they had gorton at boston in the massachusets , he would hardly see his own house any more ; yea one master collins , a man of excellent parts of learning , and of an unblameable life amongst men , being minister of one of the western islands , from that report he heard of religion , came to new-england , who married one of mistresse huchinsons daughters , and being francis huchinson his brother in law , was a member of the church at boston , who seriously considering and laying to heart the wayes of their church and the carriage of his brethren consulting with the minister , the two yong men could not have rest in their spirits till they went down to advise or debate the matter with the church , though they were come out from them and lived on road island in the nanhyganset bay , and when they came to boston , and the brethren were gathered together either to give or receive satisfaction , when they saw the arguments produced by the minister and his brother to weigh somewhat heavy , then the strongest of their church members of boston ( namely the governor and assistants ) cast them in prison to regulate their opinion that differed from them , and there kept them in durance for many moneths ; but at the last , setting them at liberty , yet giving out some threatning words afterwards , as though they would fetch them again ; the yong men could have no rest in their spirits day nor night , till they were gone out further from the massachusets then that island was , yea under some forreign government where the massachusets could not pretend to have any thing to do ; for they had heard that the massachusets intended to take in all the nanhyganset bay under their government and jurisdiction : whereupon master collins came where the aforesaid gorton and his family were , namely at providence ; and seriously advised him to go along to the dutch plantation or else to the sweads ; for , upon his knowledge , the massachusets intended , in short time , to take away his life , if he aboad in any of the english plantations ; for he had received certain information thereof , whil'st he was amongst them , shewing great affection to move him thereunto : gorton thanked him kindly for his love , being but a stranger to him , but told him he could not go under a forreign prince for protection , till he saw further then yet he did ; knowing he had neither been false to his king nor country , nor to his conscience , in point of religion , so far as god had informed him . but master collins and his brother , together with their mother and whole family , for fear , removed to the dutch plantation , with divers other friends and families ; who were miserably massacred by those barbarous indians ( both men , women and children ) being then at war with the dutch , who took some of the english children ( out of families of good note ) as captives , and keep and train them up amongst themselves unto this day , having most barbarously and cruelly slain their parents , who had been not a little carefull to train them up in their life time , both in faith and manners . but we removing ourselves , as abovesaid , into another part of the nanhyganset bay , further from the massachusets , and where none of the english , nor other nations had any thing to do , but only indians , the true natives , of whom we bought a parcell of land called shaw-omet ( as is abovesaid ) not only of myantonomy , chiefe sachim , or prince of those parts of the country ; but also with the free consent of the inhabitants of the place . now we plainly perceiving that the drift of the massachusets , and those joyned with them , was not only to take the whole country of the english plantations into their jurisdictions ; but also to establish what way of religion themselves thought fit , to the the taking away ( not only of goods ) but lives also of such as were otherwise minded : we made answer unto the writing ▪ they had sent unto us , on this wise ; which answer was made upon our removall from mooshawset ( otherwise called providence ) to shaw-omet . a true copy of our answer to the warrant or writing which the men of the massachusets sent unto us , as is above noted ; wherein we only take up their own expressions , to shew unto them the spirit and power of their religion , which they go about by these means to preserve , inlarge , and shew the glory of it to the world : the answer is verbatim examined by the originall copy ; only marginall notes added to help the reader to understand our true meaning . mooshawset , november the . . to our neighbours of the massachusets . whereas we lately received an irregular note a professing its forme from the massachusets , with four mens names subscribed thereunto ( as principall authors of it ) of the chiefe amongst you , we could not easily give credit unto the truth thereof ; not only because the conveyers of it unto us are known to be men whose constant and professed acts are worse then the counterfeitings of mens hands ; but also , because we thought that men of your parts and profession would never have prostrated their wisdome to such an act : but considering that causlesse emnity you have against us , the proof whereof every occasion brings forth , we cannot but conclude , that no act so ill , which that ancient mother will not bring forth her seed unto ; b for we know very well that it is the name of christ called upon us c which you strive against , whence it is that you stand on tiptoe to stretch your selves beyond your bounds , to seek occasion against us ( so ) as you might hide your sin with adam d bearing the world in hand it is not your desire to contend with us , but some civill breach in our course which you seek to redresse ; whereas neither you nor any in way of truth can find wherewith to bring us under the censure of a disorderly course of walking amongst them . and as for the way of that ancient spirit of accusation of the brethren e we weight it not , knowing him to be a lyar ( or in the abstract a lye ) from the beginning f , yea and the father of it also ; which thing you cannot know though it were told unto you : whereas you say robert cole , william arnald , with others , have put themselves under the government and protection of your jurisdiction , which is the occasion you have now got to contend ; we wish your words were verified , that they were not elsewhere to be found g , being nothing but the shame of religion , disquiet and disturbance of the places where they are ; for we know neither the one nor the other , with all their associates and confederates , have power to inlarge the bounds , by king charles , limited unto you . behold therefore , in this your act , a map of your spiritual estate ( to use your own phrase ) ; for we know that the spirituality of your churches , is the civility of your commonwealth , and the civility of your cōmonwealth is the spirituality of your churches ; the wisdom of man being the whole accomplesense of them both , of which tree you delight dayly to eat h finding it fair and beautifull , to gain conformity with your maker ; in these your dissembling subjects grosly profane amongst us , but full of the spirit of your purity : i when they are with you , you may remember the brand your selves have set on some of them , the cause whereof was never yet removed , k though it abide not upon their backs l , nor yet the cause of your commitment of them unto sathan ( according to your law ) for if that were removed you should do them wrong in not resuming your vomit into its former concoction again : m nor are we ignorant of those disgracefull termes they use and give out against you behind your backs ; their submission therefore cannot be to any other end , but to satisfie their own lusts , not only conceived , but in violent motion against their neighbours , who never offered the least wrong unto them ; only the proposition of amity , is object sufficient for these mens emnity . even so the passions of sin , which are by the law , having force in your members , n you going about with great labour and industry to satisfie them by your submission unto the word of god , in your fasting , and feasting , in contributing , and treasuring , in retirednesse for study , and bowing of the backs of the poor , going forth in labour to maintain it , and in the spirit of that hireling o raising up your whole structure and edifice ; in all which you bring forth nothing but fruit unto death : some laboring for a price to give for the keeping of their souls in peace , and safe estate and condition : p some to have your bodies furnished with riches honor and ease q ; and further then the lord jesus agrees with these , you mind him not ; nay you renounce and reject him , and with these ( according to your acceptation and practice ) he holds no correspondency at all ; being the consultation and operation of that his only adversary r ; man being that which you depend upon , and not the lord , crying out in the way of elevation , and lauding his ministers , when in the mean time you know not what , nor who , they are ; professing them under a mediate call of christ , though formerly they have been called immediately by him . hereby shewing your selves to be those which destroy the sacred ordinance of god ; for if you make christ to be that to day , in stating of his ministers , which he was not ſ yesterday , and that in the time of the gospel also ( to speak according to your law ) to be found in them both ; you therein affirme , he hath been that to his ministers , which now he is not ; and to make the son of god to have been that which now he is not , is to make a nullity of him ; not to be at all : for he is the lord that changeth not t no not a shadow thereof is found in him : so that you plainly crucifie to your selves the lord of glory , and put him to an open shame u so that as you know not how christ conversing with his father in heaven is found on the earth amongst the true worshippers , no more do you know how in his conversing with nicodemus on the earth he concludes himselfe to be in heaven w with his father ; on this foundation hangeth the whole building of your doctrine , concerning the sufferings of christ , you annihilate the crosse , then the which the saints have no other consolation x and prepare no better a place then purgatory for the honourable fathers of our lord y ; for ye conclude that christ dyed in the decree and purpose of god in the time of the law , but actually only when he hanged on the cross in the dayes of herod and pontius pilate , that he was crucified in the types and shadows of the law : but in the truth and substance when he appeared born of the virgine mary ; so must ye also conclude that the fathers under the law were only saved in purpose , and decree , in types and shadows , but actually and substantially only at the coming of christ in the flesh : therefore deal plainly with those that depend upon you for instruction , as your ancestors in the papacy have done , and proclame a place of purgatory provided for them in the mean ; without which your doctrine hath no foundation : for if you raise up a shadow without a substance , and the substance of him that dwelleth in light z without a shadow , you play the part of wizards , or necromancers , not the part of true naturalists in the things of the kingdome of god : so that as far as your men are a from being honourable and loyall subjects , so far are you from being voluntaries , in the day of gods power b and from yeelding subjection to the beauties of holinesse ; such also is your preferment rule and government in the things that concern the kingdome of our god , they are infinitely beyond and out of the reach of that spirit that is gone out amongst you , the capacity whereof can no wayes comprehend the bredth of the land of emanuel c nor entreth it within the vaile : d therefore it cannot know those cherubims of glory e , neither can it hear the voice of that lively oracle , speaking only from off the covering mercy seat , f and not elsewhere to be heard ; we speak not but what we know , these things are not of its jurisdiction ; therefore dumm in telling justice ; neither speaks it any of that righteousnesse and glory comprised in another circuit then you were yet made lords of : therefore long may you boast of your jurisdiction before you attain to juris prudentia in these things , in that you tell us we offer wrong by a pretended purchase , you are as much mistaken in the purchase as in the wrong ; for it is right that we are about to do , neither is our purchase a pretence , but presidentiall , not only in this civill respect , but may also admonish all men to take ●eed how they depend upon false and self-seeking interpreters , when both themselves , and they that have the vision are ignorant of the contract and covenant of god g : thence it is that you teach , that the spouse of christ , upon contract with her lord , may conceive the seed of immortality and bring forth fruit unto the lord , when as yet the day of marriage , that great festivity and solemnization of the consolations of god , is not yet come ; witnesse your prorogation thereof , if not to the descention of christ from heaven to the earth , to raign certain years , yet to the calling of the jews , ( whom ye your selves are , according to the flesh ) and to the destruction of that man of sin , whom you so stoutly maintain : what is this but to proclame to all the world that audacious spirit of whoredome h professing conception , and bringing forth before the nuptiall day , in that you conclude your clients right to arise out of four years possession , we have no such order , if you mean the right of conquest only held in that tenure , the true owners were never yet subdued ; for that is the right they expect to injoy by you . for some of them committed part of their supposed right unto us , professing it was that they might have help to injoy the rest i : but when they saw we would not be abettors unto them without , much lesse contrary unto covenant , then they fly unto you for help , k their possession being a meer intrusion , as all the natives know , and ever exclaimed against them for the same ; and so may our countrymen also , whose eyes are not dazled with envy , and ears open unto lyes , as we know yours are , else you had heard both sides speak before you had judged ; but we professe right held in no such interest , but according to the ground of covenant , only known in its nature in the parties twixt whom it is plight , in the possessor and the possessed , with the nature of all fruit arising from their accord and concurrency , together with their distinct , harmonicall , reciprocall , and joynt properties and operations of them both ; such is the tenure that we hold , and maintain it before men and angels , and oppose it against men and devils ; not in taking up unto our selves certain offices and officers , which we can teach children to be and to performe , and from thence presently to conclude the possession of the kingdome , crying out our peace-offerings are upon us , this day we have payd our vows : l but that dark cloud that descended on the tabernacle m becomes the light and glory of all israel , there being nothing acknowledged amongst them , but what ariseth out thence ; then , and then only , are the orders ; as also the men of israel derived from their true fountain , n which no tongue can confesse but is salvation o , and then not else is the heritage of our lord in possession p yea even the waylesse wildernesse knows how to afford them an habitation , which had its being before the hills and mountains were borne q which men begin to fly unto for refuge to hide themselves from the presence of the lamb r : this is a possession which no man can intrude himselfe into , it is onely covenanted with him through an inlightned eye and boared ear ſ which man performeth not , neither can it be received from him t : for we know that cloud of thick darknesse , that hides and covers the whole frame and fabrick of the work of god u ▪ to be the clearing and evidencing of every point and particular thereof , yea to us it is even that cloud of witnesse w which testifies to us the like work to appear , when ever the world hath occasion to make use of us : never doth it shine but in the night , never is it dark to israel but in the day x but in the one , and the other , the only glory and safety of all the tribes ; but how , you know not , neither can you , with all your librariers , give the interpretation thereof , but have lost it in the wildernesse , and accordingly have made the whole way and will of our lord , the oldnesse of the letter y both to your selves and all that have an ear to listen unto you ; thence it is , that the day of the lord is a day of darknesse and gloominesse unto you z but of joy and gladnesse unto us ; yea it lifts up our head only , a and then is our salvation near , for we know the worthies of david doubled about the bed of solomon , which expell all fear in the night b handling the sword with successe , making the adversaries nothing but meat to feed upon c , so that the time of your fear is the time of our courage and conquest ; for when ye fear error , schism , rents , and confusions in church and state , then do we know the messenger of the covenant , the lord whom we seek , is speeding his passage into his holy temple ; d for who ( under the terrors of your spirit ) may abide his coming , he being like a refiners fire and fullers sope ? in that you invite us unto your courts , to fetch your equall ballanced justice , upon this ground , that you are become one with our adversaries , and that both in what they have and what they are , and we know them to be such as professe the day of the lord an unhallowed thing e . now if we have our opponent to prefer his action against us , and no● so only , but to be our counsell , our jury , and our judge ; for so it must be , if you are one with them , as you affirme , we know beforehand how our cause will be ended , and see the scale of your equall justice turned already , before we have laid our cause therein ; and cannot but admire to see you carryed so contrary to your own received principles ; for ye know not how to find christ as a ruling and teaching elder both in one person , therefore he is not compleat among you ( by your own law ) except in several persons ; and you may thank tradition , else you know no more how to find a king and a priest in him ; and yet in your way of making tender of your justice unto us , you know how to become one with our adversaries , so , as if we deal with them , we deal with you ; and if we have todo with you , we have to do with them also : yea further we know that the chief amongst you have professed we are not worthy to live ; and if some of us were amongst you we should hardly see the place of our aboad any more . now they that have brooded upon their law to take away life , they must much more bring it forth in taking away all means of life , witnesse your prohibition that no powder should be sold unto us for our money , and that in a time when you could not think your selves safe in all your own selfe-provision and worldly furniture , except you disarmed a company of poor indians , whom aaron your leviticall sacrificer hath made naked f as he doth all those which triumph in a calfe , though the most costly and beautifull that the jewels and ear●ings of learning ( either in language or art ) can possibly bring forth g ; your own amazements upon meer rumours may testifie the truth thereof : so then we are judged by your law before our cause be heard or our selves brought forth under the liberties of it , which thing is well pleasing to us to have our condition conformed to moses the man of god , who was dead in pharaos account before he was brought forth h ; and so it was with christ our lord ( in the dayes of herod also ) who is our life i at which you strike and makes all things , yea death it selfe lively , and advantageous unto us k : we cannot but wonder that you should read the scriptures and not find them fulfilled in and amongst your selves , when as they appear so apparently , that he that runs may read them ; what think you of herod , when the lord had delivered peter out of prison , and released him of those bonds , and brought him from that thraldome which he had so cruelly imposed upon him ( to gain the favor of the jews ) and that by a power supereminent transcending the bounds of his authority l and by a wisdome surpassing the depth of his counsell and policy to find out , together with the souldiers and champions , he presently goes down to caesarea , and herod is angry with them of tyrus and sydon ( thumomathon ] a heavy friend , or hath a secret grudge or perturbation of mind manifested in an out-reaching and circumventing policy to subdue them unto himselfe that he might rule over them , finding himselfe fall short of power and policy to subject the word of god in the messenger of it , to satisfie his own lust in his lordship over it , he pursues with all eagernesse to make himself a god by raigning over the bodies and estates of men , yea though they be but such as tyrus and sydon can afford unto him to make subjects of , and when they come to him with one accord to make offer of themselves in yeelding to his affectionate and politicall project , he sitting on the judgement seat in his royall apparel , making his oration of what power he hath to protect them , what wisdome and counsell to minister justice and righteousnesse unto them ( which office belongs only unto the lord ) ; the people with a shout crying out , the voice of god , and not of man , the truth and substance of which cry , is , this is the ordinance of god and not of man , immediately the the angel of the lord smites him ; and he that ever acknowledged himself to be a worm , and no man upon the earth m consumes and eats up all his pomp and glory even as those whom you account the shame and contempt of the people shal through that angel of the covenant waste , and bring to naught all those rhetoricall ( though earthly ) orations that are made amongst you by your so learned , studious , and experienced clerks ; take for illustration of your estate ( as above ) the speech of your alderman , oliver , in case of committing francis huchinson to prison , one of your church members wondring that brother winthrop would do it , before the church had deals with him ( brother saith he ] why , he is thy god , man. lend your eye yet further to paralell your practice personated in pilate n and the people , when pilate offers jesus to the people to be judged , they professe they have such a law that puts no man to death , they are all for mercy and forgivenesse when they are out of the judgement hall ; but let pilate enter in thither , then nothing but crucifie him , crucifie him , be their accusation and witnesses never so false ; even so in your dealings with men , in way of your jewish brotherhood , your law is all for mercy , to redresse , to reforme , and for the preservation both of soul and body ; do but enter into the common hal , then as pilate asked , am i a jew ? so do yee : do i sit on speak here as a brother ? i trow not ; i am now in a higher sphere then that [ though they be acknowledged coheirs with christ ] can attain unto ; therefore if witnesse be brought in and oath taken , though never so untrue , your consciences are purged by law , and your power must have tribute paid unto it ; so far , as mens names to be branded with infamy ( estates ) depriving women and children of things necessary , and the precious lives of men can extend themselves to contribute any thing thereunto , so that they professed mercy and clemency of your law to exercise censures only for amendment of life , and recovery comes unto this issue to send both soul and body down unto s●●●ll for ever , without redresse and all hope of recovery . but your hour , and the power of darknesse , is known what it is , either to have mens persons in admiration , because of advantage o or else to seek all occasions against them to brand them with all manner of reproach and ignominy ; but for the truth taught dayly in the temple , you know not how to stretch out your hand or exercise your ministery against it , least it become leprous , and you take it back again with losse , when it appears dryed and withered and wherefore reason ye amongst your selves , saying we exercise the power of our ministrations against none but such as are delinquents , whereby we clear the innocent , and establish peace in our borders ; ( we demand ) what think you of those two witnesses prophesying in sackcloth a thousand two hundred and three●●ore dayes , p those two olive trees and candlesticks standing before the god of the earth ? are these guilty and vile persons out of whose hands by the power of your ministery , you are delivering and releasing the world ? then indeed are your wayes justifiable : but if these be the just , chosen , and peculiar friends of god , yea , such as without which his truth and righteousnesse are not justified , his wisdome and holynesse maintained and upheld in the world , in point of salvation by christ ; then are your ways wicked and to be abhorred ; for in your professed course , you are they by whom they are slain and put to death , and all your glory is to keep their corps unburied in your streets , and yet you know not what you are doing , no more then you know what these witnesses are whom you are altogether ignorant of ; for your ●●●●●ries never ●●w them ( and you see not but by their eyes ) q for these are two , and never more , nor yet lesse , yea ever the same , they are olive tree● , else no witnesses , and also candlesticks , else both the former fail , yea , are not at all : we must tell you what these are , else we cannot declare how ye kill them : for it is not our intent to open unto you the house of the creatures , the silver and the gold , the spices and the precious ointment , no● the house of our armor r because ye take all as execrable , and put all to a prophane use , that cometh from us : but these two witnesses are the life and death of our lord jesus christ ſ or ( in the true language of heaven also ) the strength and the weaknesse of christ : for he was crucified through weaknesse , but liveth by the power of god t , this is the word of the lord in zorob●bel , not by an army , nor by power ( and so deprives him of all strength ) but by a spirit that the greatest mountain o● loftiest hill in the world cannot stand before , but becomes a plain , which with facility and ease he passeth upon : thence it is that he doth not only ●ay the top , or the head stone of all , but also the lowest in the foundation , and then onely is the voice of shouting heard , grace , grace , in the house for ever : and then doth the day of smal things become the day of joy and triumph , yea of parting the rich spoils and prey of all the world : for then he that doth but turn and lift up his eyes , he cannot look besides that great flying book of the curse that is gone forth over the whole earth u without these two witnesses joyntly uttering themselves in every particular scripture undertaken to be divulged by any , no evidence nor testimony of god is given or brought in at all , but a meer refuge of lyes , for the souls of men to betake themselves unto w without these two pipes of the olive trees , emptying into the bowl of the candlesticks , no unction nor oyl at all is found in them , and that being wanting the light of the sanctuary is gone out , so that the light appearing amongst you is onely the light of baalam whose eye was open , which you may read either shethum , or sethum x , for that opening is nothing else but the shutting up of the holy things of god , so that in seeing ye see not , y but communicate only in the light of that beast who puts the witnesses to death z as baalam did in the sight of that dumm beast of his , whose eyes were so opened as to see the angell before him a : so that while you think it is our wisdome to stoop unto you for light we never come amongst you , but see our selves in a regiment of gross and palpable darknesse , and discern you very plainly how you scrable upon the wall to find the door of l●ts house and cannot b , as also how you toil your selves to climb up into the sheepfold another way yea so many other wayes , and have no sight nor discerning of the door at all , by the which whosoever entreth becomes a true feeder of the flock , yea none entreth in thereat but the true shepherd himselfe . c most impious it is to put to death two such noble witnesses that have power to shut heaven that it rain not in the dayes of their prophesying , to turn waters into blood , and to smite the earth with all manner of plagues as oft as they wil d , whom that spirit that is amongst you kils on this wise . the life and power of the son of god as above e , which is infinite , not admitting of circumscription or contenent , for the heaven of heavens cannot contain him ; f yet have ye not dared to grasp and inviron that power in the heavens , and therefore have resolved and concluded , that hee only rules upon the earth in these dayes , by his deputies , lieutenants , and visegerents ▪ whereby you limit , g and so destroy the holy one of israel , for , give him , that in one time or place , which afterwards , or else where yee deny unto him , and you make a nullitie of him unto your selves , and in so doing , you kill the other witnesse , namely the death or weaknesse of the lord jesus , h for you must have man to be honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , else they may not rule amongst you ; yea , and these things are of man , and by man , as , peeres in that they only officiate so , as man may disanull and take it away againe , witnesse your change of officers , constantly speaking for us herein ; thus have you slaine also , the death , or the weaknesse of christ , who professeth himselfe to be a worme and no man , i the shame and contempt of the people , and these faithfull and true witnesses thus slaine , you must of necessitie deny buriall , and keepe them both in your streets , k in open view , otherwise all your pompe and glory fals to the dust l whence it came , and on which it feeds , m nor can you send your presents one to an other , of your acts of justice , power to protect ; wealth , honour , and friends , wherewith you gratifie one another : and where these are thus slaine , and their corps lye in open view , none of the gentiles , peoples , tongues , and kindreds , suffering their corps to be put in grave , n there is that great citie which spiritually is called sodom , and egypt , where our lord is crucified : but after three dayes and an halfe the spirit of life , from god , shall enter into them , and they shall stand up , upon their feet , to the terrour of you all : nor doe you thinke , that wee only inveigh against the great ones of the world , for thus doing ; for wee know , that the greatest of the princes of this world , hath the very same spirit , wherewith the basest peasant , hath laid himselfe open in the view of all the world , and the basest peasant , hath the same spirit , with the greatest of the princes of this world , o these wee say , are the two witnesses , if you can receive it p and what dishonour is it to trade so much by meanes of witnesses , and yet know not what a true witnesse is , which if you did , you durst not attempt the things yee doe , whereby you cast reproach upon all the world , in that you professe your selves a choice people pickt out of it , and yet you goe on with such practises as you doe , maintaining them as your only glory . our lord gives you in charge , not to sweare at all , q but it is your dignity to bring men to your seats of justice , with nothing but oaths in their mouths ; why doe you not ballance the scriptures in this point ? it hath beene said of old , thou shalt not commit adultery , but i say unto you , hee that looketh on a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery with her in his heart already . r so also , it hath beene said of old , thou shalt not forsweare thy selfe , but i say unto you , sweare not at all : so that if it bee adultery to looke to lust , it is also forswearing of a mans selfe , to sweare at all ; if one be adulterie , the other is perjury ; if one be admitted in some cases , the other also ; so that in preaching the toleration , nay the duty of an oath , you preach the toleration , yea , the dutie of adulterie it selfe : so that our lord plainely evinceth unto all mens consciences , not only the guilt , but the folly and madnesse of the oath of man , to sh●w how farre it is from investing into place , or demonstrating causes . so that hee that concludeth upon honour and power , received from the oath of man , or upon knowledge , and holdnesse to judge , in a cause from that testimonie , without the which hee could not have it , is as vaine in his thoughts , as if hee should hereupon conclude , i have now altered the frame of heaven , which is no lesse stable then the throne of the great god , or demolished the earth , which is as firme as his foot-stoole for ever , or made a fraction in the orders of ierusalem , that choice and peculiar citie of the great king , whose institutions no mortall breath can intrench upon , or to professe his authority and skill to be such , whereby hee can make a ●●ire of his head black or white , viz. cause his age to wax old as a garment , or renew it with the eagle at his pleasure , ſ hereby doth man in this point of swearing , professe his folly to be such , that he is become not onely vaine in his imaginations , but to that pride and usurpation therein , as to intrude himselfe into the prerogative royall of his maker , so tha● howsoever ye boast of the ordinances of god , yet hee t●ls you , there is no more then yea yea , and nay nay in them ; for that which is once nay is ever nay , in the ordination of christ ; and what is once yea , is ever yea with him , and according to his account ( howsoever man reckoneth , whose accounts shall be called over againe ) what is once the curse , is ever the curse , and that which is once the principality and power of christ , is ever the principalitie and power of christ ; as that which is once the principalitie and power of darkenesse is e●er the same , what hands soever it commeth into : for manifestation , measure your kingdome whether it be eternall , and your jurisdiction whether it be illimited , for hee hath given him the heathen for his inheritance , and the utmost parts of the earth for his possession , t and a kingdome of lesse extent hee professeth not , nor can he approve or acknowledge any that do ; no more then light can approve of darkenesse , or the lord i●hovah of the lord baal . be wise therefore and bethinke your selves , while it is called to day , harden not your hearts , u as though you would make your selves meribba , nothing but strife and contention against the lord ; rather kisse the so●ne , if it be possible , lest his wrath kindle , and you perish from the way for ever : oh blessed onely they that hope in him , w so that hee which professeth on this wise , it is yea , i am a pastor , but it was nay ; at such a time i was none at all ; hee renounceth that spirit of the true pastor , yea , the only feeder of israel , but professeth that spirit only that pusheth the weake with the horne , and pudleth with his feet the waters where the flocke of god should drink . x he with whom it is yea , i am a ruler , but it was nay , when i was none , renounceth that spirit of him that rules in righteousnesse , y professing the spirit of him that rules according to the god of this world , that prince of the power of the ayre , who is now working so effectually in the children of disobedience ; z so also , he with whom it is yea , i am a captain or chiefe slaughter-man : a but it was nay , time was , i was none at all , renounceth that victory , and slaughter made by the captaine , and high priest of our profession , b who as he is a lambe slain from the beginning , c his victory and slaughter , must be of the same antiquity , professing himselfe to be a chiefe slaughter-man , or superfluous giant , made in the hoast of the philistims , standing in readinesse to come out , to defie the hoasts of the ever living god , d yea , it is evident , whatsoever is more then yea yea , and nay nay , not setting each upon his base , whereon it standeth for ever without controule : but can remove , create , or make void offices ▪ and officers , at their pleasure , is of that evill one , e not of jesus the salvation of his people , f but of shedim , g that waster and destroyer of man-kind for ever : * know therefore , that it is the oath of god , which confirmes , and makes good his covenant and promise to a thousand generations , h and it is the oath of man , that is , the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with hell and death for ever : be ye assured , it is not the tabernacle of witnesse , i which you have amongst you , brought in by jesus into the possession of the gentiles , k but it is siccuth your king , or the tabernacle of molech , the star of your god remphan , figures that you have made to your selves , l which you have taken up , and are bearing so stoutly upon your shoulders . now ▪ to tell you what an oath , according to god is , that the scriptures are delivered upon no other ground or termes of certaintie , where ever they are divulged , is a thing out of your jurisdiction , you cannot discerne or judge of it ; therefore according to our word above , wee leave it as a parable to you , as all the holy word of our god ●● , as your conversation in all points , as in this , daily declareth ; in a word when wee have to doe in your jurisdiction , wee know what it is to submit to the wise dispensations of our god ; when you have to doe amongst us , in the liberties he hath given to us , wee doubt not but you shall find him judge amongst us , beyond and above any cause , or thing you can propose unto us ; and let that suffice you , and know , that you cannot maintaine a jurisdiction , but you must reject all inroads upon other mens priviledges , and so doe wee ; in the meane time we● shall as wee thinke good be calling over , againe some matters you have had up , and had the handling of amongst you , to see what justice or equity we find hath beene exercised in them , and redresse them accordingly , for wee professe right unto all me● , and doe no violence at all , as you in your prescript threaten to doe to us , for we have learned how to discipline our children or servants without offering violence unto them ; even so doe wee know how to deale with our deboist , rude , yea , inhumane neighbours ( or if you will nabals ) without doing violence ; but rather rendring unto them that which is their ●●e : nor shall we deprive a witnesse of his modest testimony , for the out-cryes and clamours of such a one , as ill-br●d apostatized arnald , that fellonious hogge - killer , being the partie to be testified against , or for the oath of any interested in the cause , m nor shall we be forward to come so farre to find you work n upon your request , till we know you to beare another mind , then others of your neighbours doe , with whom we have had to doe in this countrey , whose pretended and devised lawes , we have stooped under to the robbing and spoyling of our goods , the lively-hood of our wives and children , thinking they had laboured , though groaping in great darknesse , to bring forth the truth in the rights and equitie of things : but finding them to be a company of grosse and dissembling hypocrites , that under the pretence of law , and religion , have done nothing else but gone about to establish themselves in wayes to maintaine their owne vicious lusts , we renounce their diabolicall practice , being such as have denied in their publicke courts , that the lawes of our native countrey should bee named amongst them ; yea , those ancient statute lawes , casting us into most base , ●asty , and insufferable places of imprisonment , for speaking according to the language of them , in the meane while breaking open our houses in a violent way of hostility , abusing our wives , and our little ones , to take from us the volumes wherin they are preserved , thinking thereby to keep us ignorant of the courses they are resolved to runne , that so the visiosity of their owne wils might be a law unto them ; yea , they have indeavoured , and that in publicke expressions ; that a man being accused by them , should not have liberty to answer for himselfe in open court : dealings of like nature wee find , in the place whereof you stile us your neighbours , on whose unbridled malice , we find a higher then you putting a ●● be , and yet in your account and reckoning we are the parties that are still doing the wrong , and must beare the guilt in your most mature sentence , in whomsoever the spot ariseth , and abideth ; but the god of vengeance , unto whom our cause is referred , never having our protector , and judge to seeke , will shew himselfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all ; yea , all the house of that ishbosheth , o and merib-bosheth , p nor vvill he fayle us to utter and make knovvne his strength vvherein vve stand , to serve in our age , and to minister in our course , today and tomorrow , and on the third day can none deprive us of perfection , q for hee hath taught us to know what it is to walke today , and tomorrow , and the day following also , when a perishing estate cannot rise out of ierusalem , though she be the only one , yea none but she , that kils the prophets , and stones them that are sent unto her : behold ye that are looking after , and foretelling so much of the comming of christ , driving the day before you still for certaine years ; which some , you say , shall attaine unto , and unto the day of death for the rest , ye blind guids , as your fathers have ever done , so doe ye : behold , we say , when he appeareth , your house which you so glory in , shall be left unto you de●o●●●e , it shall be turned into nothing but desolation , and confusion , for babel is its name , r nor shall you see him to your comfort , in the glory of his kingdome , untill you can say ( blessed is he that commeth in the name of the lord ) ſ when the authority and power of man , appeareth to be the building of babel unto you , and the name and authority of god only to be that wherein the blessing consists , and that in such wise also , as is nothing but a way of reproach in the eyes of all the world ; that a king should ride into his chiefe citie ● so strangly furnished upon an asse , borrowed , her furniture ●id over-worne garments , and accompanied with none but poore , meane , excommunicate persons , such as your elders , ●●cribes , pharisees , lawyers , and all your credible persons among you make full account they are not only accursed , by , but also destitute and void of all law , when you can find hosanna in the highest , arising out of such contempt , and shame , then , and then only shall you sing unto him with comfort ; in the meane time acknowledge your portion , which is to ●ru●● and stay your selves on the name of man , and in his beauty to delight and glory , which shall fade as a leafe , and like the grasse , shall wither when it is fitting it selfe for the over ; t such is man whose breath is in his nostrils , u and the sonne of sorry man , in whom you have deligh● to trust , his power and policie brings forth nothing else , but as you shall see and heart , in the countrey from whence we are brought ; we are not ignorant of those shamefull lies , and falsities gone out against us , and the daily wresting of our words , to cast contempt upon us , w thinking to bow downe our backs under ignominy , and reproach , neither of the straits , and difficulties , they have cast us upon in the things that concernes this present life , to the taking away of the lives of many , if our god had not been seene beyond and above what their thoughts could reach unto , ( as their owne confession hath witnessed ) doing it in such a way , of painted hypocrisie , and false glosse , unto the eye of the world , that we might seem unto it , selfe executioners ; we resolve therefore to follow our imployments , & to carry and behave our selves as formerly we have done , and no otherwise ; for we have wronged no man , unlesse with hard labour , to provide for our families , and suffering of grosse , idle , and idoll drones , to take our labours out of the mouths , and from off the backs of our little ones , to lord●ne it over us : so that if any shall got about to disturb , or annoy us , hence-forth in our imployments , and liberties , which god hath , or shal put into our hands , that can claim no interest in us but by these courses , x what their busines is , we know by proof sufficient , to be nothing else but that ancient errand of nimrod , that rebellious hunter after the precious life , y which errand of his shall be no more delivered unto us , in that covert cruelty , and dissembling way of hypocrisie ; but in direct and open termes of tyrannie , we will not be dealt with as before ( we speake in the name of our god ) we will not ▪ for if any shall disturbe us , as above , secret hypocrites shall become open tyrants , and their laws appeare to be nothing else but meet lusts in the eyes of all the world : and wherefore doe you murmure among your selves at this saying , thinking it is not a christian expression ? it is because you are ignorant of the grosse of our lord jesus , not knowing what it is ; therefore it is , while you inveigh against such as set up a statue of wood and stone to bow downe unto it , and are so vaine as to crosse the ayre ( to use your owne expression ) upon the faces of infants , when they sprinkle them with water , to as great purpose , and in the meane time you preach , and set up seighnirim , for your crosse , whom you fall downe unto so willingly , and lest you let the word passe without expression of it unto all , it signifies horrour and feare , which is the crosse you hold and teach , and by and through which you thinke to be saved , which name is given by our lord to the devill himselfe , ( as our english translate it , and the lord never gives a name as an empty title , but according to the nature of the thing named , so that if hee speake , i have said ye are gods , z of any besides himselfe it is to declare , that they have not only the name , but the very nature of the god of this world , and therefore he saith , they shall dye even as adam , which aspired and usurped the place of god , and fall also as one of the princes , even as one of those princes of midian , whose cark●sses became dung for the earth , a and he that given that title unto any but the true god , that made heaven and earth , in any other sense , but as it declareth a flat opposition against god , is reacting that ancient spirit of the serpent ; if you eat you shall be as gods , b to judge of good and evill , for which all men are set up in that kind ; even so while you tell the people , that by sorrow , compunction , and anxietie of spirit , and trouble of mind , they communicate in the sufferings of christ ; out of which condition their comfort into flow , it is nothing else but to conclude , the sonne of god to be belial ; yea to affirme him to be seighnirim himselfe ; this doth he receive at your hands in your ministries , for all your fawning upon him with a kisse , c so that if you will know how farre you are from communicating in the death of christ , take it in this parable , verily as farre as the weaknesse of god is stronger then man d ; countrey men , for wee cannot but call you so , though we find your carriage to be so farre worse then these indians , we advise you to take things together , and what god hath joyned , let none dare to put asunder , e so that if you be ashamed of the crosse in baptisme , be ashamed of the baptisme also , for such as the crosse is , such is the baptisme : therefore your ancestors goe beyond you , in that they joyne crossing of the ayre , and sprinkling with the element of water together : but wherever baptisme according to the word of christ is , there is the crosse of christ also , f they can no more be separated then his scepter and kingdom can , for where the one is , there is the other also ; for as they are coincident , so are the coaparant : so that if ever you see the baptisme of christ , truly in use , and exercised upon any , you doe as truly see that party partaking in , and communicating with the crosse and sufferings of the lord jesus christ , and to see persons in such estate , and conclude afterward they are worthy of sensure , yea possibly to an athema , maranatha , is nothing else but to conclude a ●o●all and finall falling away from the grace of god , as you fathers have done before you , for no grace greater then the crosse of our lord jesus ; behold therfore you despiserst●e vanity and abomination of all your baptismes , how prejudiciall they are to the cross of christ , be ashamed , and return in time , or he shal be a swift witness against you for ever , when your repentance shal come too late ; but you think the crosse of christ is not but in bowing the back under every burden , and c●inging , and crouching to the lust of every man otherwise his shebet ; g is not fit , nor suteth it with your regiment at all , unlesse so servile , that every one may serve their lusts of him , to wealth and honour , friends and allies , by setting bounds and limits to the holy word of god ; some in the way of one devise , some in the way of another , and he that will not walke as a dumbe beast , worse then balams asse , and say nothing , or else give a sense of the holy writings to maintaine that devised plat-forme , if mercy must be used , not to hang and burne , yet banishment is ready wayting for them : therefore shall you know , by the rod of his power that comes out of sion , h that he will be ruler even in the midst of his enemies . by us whom you stile your neighbours of providence , you have said it , providence is our hold , the neighbour-hood of the samaritan we professe , and for the lookings on , and turnings aside of your priests and levites , without either unction , or compassion , all your slaine and wounded in soule finding no remedy , doe plainely testifie the nature of your travels , and neighbourhood what it is ; your speech to us in generall , not using our names , when as we know , it is particulars you ayme at , gives us plainely to see the word aelem , i revived and living in you , as it stands with its coherence , in psalme . verse the first , &c. iohn wickes . randall houlden . iohn warner . robert potter . richard waterman . * william waddle . samuel gorto● . richard carder . iohn greene. nicholas powar . francis weston . sampson shat●on . this writing sent to the massachusets we have related verbatim ; only what is in the margent is added for explanation , and more ease to the reader to understand our meaning which we sent at the time when their general court sat ; desiring that all the country might take notice of it , doubting they were not well informed how the magistrates and ministers had carryed themselves towards us , nor upon what ground they had , or did proceed against us : but the chief of them taking the matter into consideration ▪ thought good to call an assembly of magistrates and ministers to consult , in way of a synod , what course to take uniting themselves together that what was done by any of them might be the act of them all : and they perusing of our writings , framed out of them particulars , or there abouts , which they said were blasphemous , changing of phrases , altering of words and sense , not in any one of them taking the true intent of our writings ; but if they spake our own words , it was to such purpose as this ; as though a man would write the words of the psalme , and affirm ( there is no god ) such words he may find written therein ; but if he leave out this , that the fool hath said in his heart so , he spoils the sense , and in such manner did they deal with our writings , and those things they were free to divulge and make known amongst the people : these things concluded to be heresies and blasphemies before ever they heard a word of what interpretation we could give of our meaning therein : the ministers did zealously preach unto the people the great danger of such things , and the guilt such lay under that held them , stirring the people up to labour to find such persons out and to execute death upon them , making persons so execrable in the eyes of the people , whom they intimated should hold such things , yea some of them naming some of us in their pulpits k , that the people that had not seen us thought us to be worse by far in any respect then those barbarous indians are in the country , which some of the ministers have rendred unto the people as hittites , cananites , and p●resites , urging it as a duty unto the english to put them to death ; whereupon we heard a rumor that the massachusets was sending out an army of men to cut us off : but when they perceived we were removed further into the countrey , and had left our lands , houses , and labours , where their pretended subjects , by meanes of whom they sought for some temporall occasions against us , lived , they thought it not safe to come out against us , having show of nothing against us , but only our religion ; therefore seeing themselvs disappointed in that designe , wherein their coadjutors , had wrought to bring them in , to make an inr●ad upon us , they then wrought by these their agents , who traded for them with the indians , to insinuate themselves into two , or three indians amongst us , to become subjects to the government of the massachusets , hereby with-drawing them from their lawfull and naturall prince , myantonomy ; and the name of these his subjects , who now became subjects to the massachusets , were pumhom , and soccononocco ; and when this was accomplished , then they againe sent forth their warrants unto us , as formerly to command our appearance at their courts , in the massachusets , and that without any consideration or delay , at the first time of their sending unto us after our removall , the court being then siting at boston in the massachusets . here followeth a true copie of the first warrant sent unto us , by the generall court assembled at boston , in the massachusets , after our remove all unto , and planting upon our land at shaw-omet , verbatim , the warrant under their hand being still extant . to our neighbours , master samuel gorton , iohn wickes , randall houlden , robert potter ▪ francis weston , richard carder , iohn warner , and william waddle . whereas we have received upon good ground , into our jurisdiction , and protection , two indian sachims , whose names are pumham , and soccononoco , who have lately complained unto us of some injurious and unjust dealing , towards them by your selves ; and because we desire to doe equall right and justice to all , and that all parties might be heard , we have therefore thought good to write unto you , to give you notice hereof ▪ that so you might make present answer in the generall court now assembled at boston to their complaints , who are now here with us , to attend your comming : and because some of you have been denyed the liberty of comming amongst us , and it may be , others are not willing in other respects , personally to appeare , l we doe therefore hereby give and grant safe conduct for your free egresse & regresse unto us , whereby there may be no just excuse , for with-holding you to give satisfaction in this particular . dated the th . th . mo. . per cur . general . incr. nowell secret. this warrant being delivered unto us , by some of their forenamed agents , the english , we presently returned them this answer by word of mouth , by their messenger , telling them , that we being so far out of their jurisdictions , could not , neither would we acknowledge subjection unto any in the place where we were ; but only the state and government of old england , who only had right unto us , and from whom we doubted not but in due season we should receive direction , for the well ordering of us in all civill respects ; and in the meane time we lived peaceably together , desiring and indevouring to doe wrong to no man , neither english nor indian , ending all our differences in a neighbourly and loving way of arbitrators , mutually chosen amongst us : they receiving our answer , tooke it disdainfully , as their intent was to take any we sent , without our personall appearance , being resolved what course to runne concerning us ; whereupon they sent us another writing immediatly from the court , to informe us , that they were resolved to come downe amongst us , to exercise justice there . here followeth a true copie of the writing which they sent unto us , verbatim , being still extant . to samuel gorton , iohn wickes , iohn warner , iohn green , randall houlden , francis weston , robert potter , richard waterman , richard carder , sampson shotton , nicholas power , and william waddle . whereas upon occasion of divers injuries , offered by you to us , and the people under our jurisdiction , both english and indians , we have sent to you to come to our court , and there make answer to the particulars charged upon you , and safe conduct to that end : to which you have returned us no other but contemptuous and disdainfull answers ; and now at the last , that if we vvould send to your selves , that the cause might be examined , and heard among your owne neighbours , we should then have justice and satisfaction : we have therefore , that our moderation and justice may appeare to all men , agreed to condescend herein to your owne desire ; and therefore intend shortly to send commissioners into your parts to lay open the charges against you , and to heare your reasons and allegations , and thereupon to receive such satisfaction from you , as shall appeare in justice to be due . we give you also to understand , that vve shall send a sufficient guard , with our commissioners , for their safety against any violence , or injury ; for seeing you will not trust your selves with us , upon our safe conduct , we have no reason to trust ours with you , upon your bare courtesie : but this you may rest assured of , that if you will make good your owne offer to us , of doing us right , our people shall returne , and leave you in peace ; otherwise we must right our selves , and our people , by force of armes . dated the th . of the th . m. . per cur . increase nowell , secret. the next newes wee had , immediatly upon the receipt of this writing , ( being about our necessary imployments , in provision for our families ) was thi● ; that one captaine george cooke , with a company of armed souldiers , accompanied with many indians , having commission from the massachusets , either to bring us away by force of armes , or else to put us to the sword ; which when we heard , we partly beleeved , in regard they had given order by publicke court , long before , that no gun-powder should be sold into those parts where we lived , but only to such as would become subjects to them , whereby the place was not only hindred of means of defence from a forraine enemy , but also to furnish their families with such provisions as the countrey ●ffords : we hearing of their approach , immediatly sent a letter to those which we heard they stiled commissioners , which proved to be the captaine , together with his officers , desiring to know their intent , and what their commission was to doe in those parts , signifying , that if they came to visit us in way of neighbour-hood , and friendship , to cleare any matter or cause , they should be welcome to us ▪ but if otherwise , we wished them not to set a foot upon our lands , in any hostile way . a true copie of our letter verbatim , sent to the commissioners , as they were upon the way comming from the massachusets towards shaw-omet . shaw-omet the th . of september , . to certaine men stiled commissioners , sent from the massachusets , now upon the way towards shaw-omet , whose names we know not . whereas you are sent by the government of the massachusets , under pretence of having things ordered amongst us , in way of justice , and equity , to be distributed unto themselves , ( consisting as they say ) of english and indians , m and that upon this ground , that we have given them an invitation to that purpose ; know therefore our whole intent , and meaning therein , which may not beare any other interpretation in a rationall mind ; that as they invited us unto them , as clients to have our causes tryed by them , and not as warriors to fight with them , so did we , and no otherwise invite them : mistake us not therefore , neither deceive your selves through their or your owne pretences ; for if you come to treate with us , in ways of equity and peace ( together therewith , shaking a rod over our heads , in a band of souldiers : ) be you assured , we have passed our child-hood and nonnage in that point , and are under commission of the great god , not to be children in understanding , neither in courage ▪ but to quit our selves as men ; we straitly charge you therefore , hereby , that you set not a foot upon our land in any hostile way , but upon your perill ; and that if any blood be shed , upon your owne heads shall it be ; and know , that if you set an army of men upon any part of our land , contrary to our just prohibition herein , we are under command , and have our commission sealed already , to resist you unto death ; for this is the law of our god , by whom we stand , written in all mens hearts , that if you spread a table before us as friends , we sit not as men invective , envious , or male-content , not touching a morsell , nor looking for you to point us unto our dish , but we eat with you , by vertue of the unfained law of relations , not only to satisfie our stomacks , but to increase friendship and love , the end of feasting : so also if you visit us , as ●ombatants , or warriors , by the same law of relations , we as freely and chearfully answer you unto death ; not to kill , and take away the lives of men ▪ but to increase wrath and horrour , the end of warre , in the soules of all men that seeke after it , where the peace of our god appeares not ; and they that worke otherwise , and answer not unto this law , they are not men of truth , but base dissembling hypocrites ; shadowes , and abominable idols , set up in the forme of men . by us owners , and inhabitants of shaw-omet . this letter being sent unto these commissioners so stiled by them , though as yet unknowne unto us , by the hand of one iohn peise , who lived amongst them in the massachusets , who having a father in law amongst us , was willing to come and declare unto his father , out of his tendernesse towards him , of the n●●rnesse of the souldiers approach , and as neare as he could , the end of their comming , to perswade his said father to escape for his life . and when the captaine , and the rest of the commissioners had read our letter , they returned us this answer ( by the same messenger ) namely that they desired to speake with us , to see if they could convert us to be of their minds , ( bringing a minister with them , to accomplish their ends in such designs ) which if they could not , then they would account of us , as men ●itted for the slaughter , and with all convenient speed , would addresse themselves for our dispatch in the ruine of us , and of our families . here followeth a true copie of the answer made by the commissioners , unto our letter , verbatim , under their hands ▪ which is still extant . to our friend john peise . having considered of the writing you brought to us the last night , our thoughts concerning it , are as followeth . first it is our great desire , that we might speake with them , concerning the particulars , which we were sent to them about ; n certainly perswading our selves , that we shall be able through the lords helpe to convince some of them , at least of the evill of their way , and cause them to divert their course , that so doing they may preserve their lives and liberties , which otherwise must necessarily leade to eternall ruine of them and theirs ; for however , through an evill spirit , that hath possessed some one , or two of them , others are drawne into such desperate evils , as is monstrous to thinke of ; yet having better counsell , we hope they will be brought to see their weaknesse , and repent of it , that so we might returne , and leave them and theirs in peace , which is our great desire , and the contrary most grievous ; but if there be no way of turning them , we then shall looke upon them , as men prepared for slaughter , and accordingly shall addresse our selves , with all convenient speed , not doubting of the lords presence with us , being cleare in the way we are in : this being our minds , we intreate you to acquaint them with it speedily ; and if they shall , who have set their names to their book , doe come to us , and speake with us , we shall give them leave to returne without hurt . your friends and commissioners sent by the government of the massachusets-bay into these parts . george cooke . edward iohnson . humfrey athart●n . the returne of this answer from the commissioners , as above , affrighted our wives & children , forcing them to betake themselves , some into the woods among the indians , suffering such hard-ship , as occasioned the death of divers of them , o and others going to take water , to depart to other plantations for succour , the souldiers approached before they could take boat , who presented their muskets at women great with child , forcing them and their children to runne deep into the water , to get into the boat for feare of them p ; we betaking our selves to one of our houses , for our defence , they presently appeared in sight ; s. gorton being out of the house to convey his wife ( who was great with child ) towards the water-side for her escape , espied them about musket-shot from the house , the way which they came being full of wood ; they were not sooner discerned but he called unto them , to keepe without the distance of musket-shot , calling to his friends in the house also to stand to their armes , for a band of souldiers consisting of english and indians were in sight ; so committing his wife to some of providence , which came along with them to convey her to the boat , betooke himselfe to the house with the rest . these our loving neighbours , inhabiting neere unto us in that towne where master williams sate downe , being deeply affected with the proceedings of the massachusets , comming downe unto us along with them , to be eye and eare witnesses how things were carried at our meeting ; who instantly urged the captaine , and officers for a parley , who denyed to yeeld o● grant any such thing , but professed they would fall upon us presently , unlesse it might be private betwixt themselves and us , and none else to heare it , professing to make dispatch of us in one quarter of an hours worke , q which we understanding refused to enter into parley , unlesse our said neighbours of providence might be present to witnesse the passages of it ; but at the last after much affectionate urging , they yeelded to a parley ; and foure of providence men to be chosen out as witnesses , which we freely consented unto the mutuall choyce of them , and accordingly we met together ; and we demanding of them the end of their comming , they pretended we had done some wrong unto certaine of their subjects , as also that we held blasphemous errours , which we must either repent of , or goe downe to the massachusets to be tryed at their courts , or else they had commission to put us to the sword , and to pay themselves out of our goods , for their charges in comming thither ; to which we made answer , we could not yeeld thereunto , that they that were our professed adversaries should be our judges , we being so farre out of all their jurisdictions ; but freely tendred our appeale to the honourable state of england , in any thing that could be objected against us , which they peremptorily refused : we then offered to put our case to arbitration , by indifferent men , mutually chosen in the countrey , ingaging our goods , our lands , & our persons , to make full satisfaction for any thing that could be brought in , or appeare against us ; which propositions seemed so reasonable , not only in the eyes of the witnesses , but also to the captain and the rest , that there was a truce agreed upon , untill such time as a messenger being dispatcht into the massachusets , might returne with the answer of the governour , and assistants , during the time of which truce , they broke open our houses , and our desks , taking away our writings , killed our cattle for themselves and the indians , whom they brought with them , to live upon taking the bedding , with other necessaries in our houses , for the souldiers to lie upon , and make use of , not only at that time , but afterwards in their trenches , during the time of their league , assaulting some of our friends , both men , women , and children , who only came to see us , in that sad time of extremitie , hearing there was a truce concluded for a season , indeavouring to cut them off , upon the water , ( being in a small vessell ) by shooting halfe a score or a dozin muskets at them , before they could get out of their reach , which they very narrowly escaped ; during the time of this truce , the men of providence ( unknowne unto us ) sent a letter to the government of the massachusets , to informe them how things had been carried at our meeting , whereof they were eye and eare witnesses . a true copie of the letter se●● by the men of providence , chosen to be witnesses ▪ of all passages in way of our parley , to the governour of the massachusets , in way of mediation for peace , to prevent countrey-men from spilling one an others blood , it is here set downe verbatim , according to the originall copie still extant . providence the . of the t . mo. . so called . worthy sir , let it not seeme absurd , that we whose names are here under written , present you with these insuing lines ; we lately hearing read a copie of your writing , directed to samuel gorton , and that company , as also some of us being requested by our neighbour cole ( your subject ) and ( all requested by samuel gorton , and his company , to heare and see ) the truth of proceedings on both sides , our consciences perswading us , that these desires were reasonable , and for ought we know , might be a meanes ( if god so wrought ) to prevent the shedding of blood ; these things we say considered , may ( as before ) cause our boldnesse . we therefore being filled with griefe at such a spectacle , that the english should shed english blood , doe desire to acquaint you with what we did observe , during that respite , that was condescended to , for a treatie ; therefore to proceed , after your commission read , s. g. his company did desire to know in what particulars , you did demand satisfaction ; the propositions being declared were foure . frst to get them off the indians ground , which your commissioners said , they had but intruded . secondly , for satisfaction about a booke , wherein your commissioners said , were grosse things penned . thirdly , for satisfaction for wrong done , both to english and indians , under your subjection . fourthly , for charges , which your commissioners said , they had caused by forcing this army . vnto the first they answered , that the ground was theirs , and they were the true owners , and that by the same right that you did clayme it , it being long before subjected to the nanhyganset sachim , and purchased by them of myantonomy , and ( to take away all colour of claime ) of pumham also , and they having quiet possession of the same ▪ untill this trouble ; and therefore did conceive you had wronged them , by bringing an army , to force them from their ground ; your commissioners pleaded , it was your right , by the indians subjecting to you , and thereupon were very resolute to take them off by force ; which they questioned not but immediatly to performe ; the other as resolute , considering , they said they had bought it , and vowed to stand upon their lawfull defence , though to the last drop of their blood , the resolution on both sides being so hot , that we thought immediatly the battle would have began ; they did then appeale to the highest court in old england , for the tryall of their right , which when your commissioners refused , they did againe offer to put it to the tryall of indifferent judges in this countrey , which were parties of neither side , and counted it unreasonable , that force should be offered before the cause were tryed , which they judged you could not doe , being parties in the cause , and promised to stand to the determination of those judges , to the utmost of their estates and persons . secondly , being demanded by your commissioners , satisfactioin for the book , wherein they declared grosse things were penned , they answered , that they would put it , as the former , to be judged by indifferent judges , both the terms , & satisfaction . to the third , for satisfaction for wrong done , both to indians and english ; they answered , they would give full satisfaction . concerning the fourth , wherein was great expence and charges required ; they answered likewise , as in the former , that they would pay and give to the utmost satisfaction , if the arbitrators judged , that they were the cause of raysing it , and would as fully and freely submit ▪ as to eat and drinke : these being in short the heads , we leave the more ample relation to your commissioners ; sir so faire propositions offered , we hope will worke your affections to the utmost end , of preventing blood-spilling : nay , we hope , if it be but upon the point of honour , rather that you will be losers , then take the utmost ; the case we cannot but ●e sadly affected with , knowing it will be dishonourable to the lord , if those who professe themselves christians , should not take the best means for peace ; we hope you will not in the least measure take it unkindly for any hint unto you ; neither that you will despise abigals counsell , for nabals churlishnesse ; let the lord smite them , and his hand be upon them , if they sinne against him ; if one man sinne against another , the iudge shall judge him , but if a man sinne against the lord , who shall intreat for him ? sam. . . now their proposition is for man to judge , as that first part of the alleadged scripture doth declare ; some of their wives and children ( if ● mornfull spectacle might move you ) doe begge for a serious consideration of their husbands , and fathers propositions ; which if not hearkned unto , were like in mans eye to be left miserable ; we would they were able to write their owne griefe , which now in pitie we have respect unto : oh , how grievous would it be ( we hope to you ) if one man should be slaine ▪ considering the greatest monarch in the world cannot make a man ; especially grievous , seeing they offer termes of peace : sir , vve knovv not hovv to end , nor vvhat to say , vve must abruptly leave desiring your wisdoms to cover on● defects with love , and answer for us , if any shall challenge us , tim. . . chad. browne . thomas olney . william field , william wickenden . here followeth a true copie of a letter written by the governour of the massachusets , in answer to the men of providence , of their letter written unto him , in way of mediation for peace , which is here set downe verbatim , the letter being extant under his owne hand . neighbours of providence , i have received a letter subscribed by four of you , whom i hear are not of the confederacie with gorton , holden , and the rest of that company , wherin as mediators you intercede between them & us , in the differences now between us ; the return of the messenger is so hasty , that i cannot make a full answer to every thing you have mentioned in your letter ; only you may rest satisfied with this , that the commission , and instructions given to the commissioners now at providence , was not rashly and inconsiderately drawn up ; but by the mature advise of the wisest and godliest amongst us ▪ assembled in a generall court , which i have not power to reverse or alter ; and for the justnesse of the courts proceedings therein , you may doe well to take further notice , that besides the title of land , between the indians , and the english there , there are twelve of the english , that have subscribed their names , to horrible and detestable blasphemies , against god , and all magistracie , who are rather to be judged as blasphemers ▪ ( especially if they persist therein ) rather then that they should delude us , by winning time , under the pretence of arbitration ; i doubtnot , but you well know , that we have often sent to them , to plead their title to the land , and to make answer for their blasphemies , and that we lately sent them safe conducts for their comming , and returning , r for all which we have received from them , nothing but scorns , contempt , and revilings in the worst expressions they could cast them into ; so that the promise of protection made by us , to pumham , &c. the vindication of gods honour , and many reasons concerning our safety , have necessarily put us upon this course with them ; notwithstanding which , if any of them will in peaceable manner , repaire unto us , under the conduct of our commissioners , no violence shall be offered to them , by our souldiers there ▪ and our justice here ; but if they refuse , and offer violence ▪ let the hurt they receive be upon their owne heads ; further ( which i had forgotten ) where you say their offer of arbitration is faire , you may doe well to be better informed , and to know that the botome of it is easily sounded , which is to win time , to discourage the indians , ſ under our subjection , and to give them time , and opportunity , to stir up ( as much as in them lieth ) the other indians against t us ; for to whom would they referre their matters ? to your selves whom we know not , but have just cause to feare , in respect of your vicinitie unto them , and your now mediation for them ; and to those of road-iland , divers of whom we know too well , to referre any matters unto ; u the best office you can performe unto them , is to perswade them to attend their owne safety , by yeelding to the lawfull demand of our commissioners , from which as i said before i cannot vary . so i rest your loving neighbour , io : winthrope . boston . , . now after the enterchange of these letters , between the men of providence , and the governour of the massachusets , which we at the present were ignorant of , when certaine dayes were expired , the messengers sent by the commissioners into the massachusets to acquaint them with our propositions , returned , which we perceived by their shooting off of guns at his comming : and the first thing we discerned in them , they sent out and gathered all our cattle together , and tooke them into their owne custody , sending two souldiers unto us to give us notice , that the time of truce was expired , and that our propositions could in no cause be accepted or imbraced by the massachusets ▪ we then desiring to speake with the captain and the officers , they utterly denyed to have any speech with us ; but immediatly intrenched themselves , and the same day gave fire upon us ; whereupon to shew our allegeance to the state of old england , we hung out the english colours , which they perceiving shot the more violently against us ▪ shooting the colours many times , through and through : now when the messenger from the massachusets returned , comming through the towne of providence ▪ two of the men of providence came along to shaw-omet , to see how things were carried , and what the newes was at his returne ; and however the commissioners would not speake with us ; yet the men of providence went unto them , & had speech with them ▪ whom they warned to come no more unto us , upon their perill , for they were resolved of their course ; therefore who ever came neer unto us , they would take them for their enemies : for when the governour and assistants of the massachusets perceived that the commissioners had declared their errand unto us in plainer termes then , then they intended it should have beene ; they thought to make the house we were in our grave , was the best vvay to vindicate the moderation of their equall justice tovvards us , as plainly appeared by their practise , and course held concerning us . here followeth a true copy of the testimony of the two men of providence who came to shavv-omet at the return of the messenger out of the massachusets verbatim , extant under their own hands . we testifie that upon the return of the answer , from the bay , the captain refused the former offer of appeale to england , or arbitration in the country , with the said samuel gorton and his company , but immediately dissolved the truce , and the same day proceeded to give fire upon them . richard scot william harrisse . and so continued for divers days together in their fierce assalt , the sabbath approaching , we imagining they would not have continued their assalt upon that day , and were very confident that they would go about no such work upon the night before the sabbath ; being we knew well that they held the sabbath begins in the evening going before , and that they had no lesse ground for it then master cottons judgment ; as also that it was one of their laws that the breach of the sabbath is to be punished with death . now what they may judge the killing of their countrymen causlesly upon that day is , whether to keep or break the sabbath , we leave to all men to judge . but contrary to our expectation , early in the morning , having prepared their fire-works , they attempted to burn the house wherein we were , seconding their fire with the discharge of above four hundred shot against us , according to the souldiers account , who afterwards told us how many shots they had made that morning , according to the emptying of their band●l●ers ; all which time they told us captain cook stood behind such a great white oaktree , whom we heard incouraging his souldiers to come on with courage , thinking himself in safety , and so he was , for we discharged not a gun that morning , nor of al the time of their siege , but onlytwo in the nighttime at random , to scar them from working their trenches neer unto us ; for we had concluded to take away the lives of none of our countrymen , unlesse they offered to enter violently upon us , which we only ●itted our selves to prevent such assalt , or else that we were forced out upon them by the firing of our house ; only we perceived our words to be shot good enough to keep them aloof . for we called cheerfully upon the captain to come on and bring up his men ; for he should find vs very cheerfull spirits to deal with , and that we would make him as good a sabbath days breakfast as ever he had in his life ; our care was only to quench the fire which they had laid to the wall before we were aware ; but we saw the wind took the flame so from the wal that it kindled not upon the house ▪ vvhen the day began to break captain cook called to the souldiers to go on with a fresh assalt ; but we heard some of his souldiers deny to come on again , being the fire took not ; and the day beginning to be light they thought we might shoot from the house at some certainty ; we called on the captain to animate his soldiers , for we understood ( we told him ) his charret wheels began to drive very heavy , and were in danger to fall off , and that was all the violence we offered to our countrymen in this their so eager an assalt , though we heard the captain in the beginning of it , give strict charge to the souldiers that they should not let one escape alive , but to put all to the sword , thinking the fire would have taken , and so we have been a prey for them : but however we discharged not a peece against them , being loth to spill the blood of our countrymen , though to the hazard of our own lives , yet were we well provided and could easily have done them much hurt ; only stood upon our defence so , as they durst not make entry upon us : afterwhich assalt they sent back into the massachusets for more ayd : but in the mean time another parley was procured wherein we consented to go down into the massachusets upon composition to prevent the spilling of blood , which we could no longer refrain in the defence of our selves , they having approached so neer unto us ; the condition whereof was this , that we should goe along with them , as free men , and neighbours , as though such passages had never been betwixt us , which the captain and his company consenting unto , beat up the drum , and gathered his souldiers together , seeming joyfull that things were so concluded ; whereupon the captaine desired to see our house , which request we lovingly imbraced , thinking he intended to refresh him selfe and his souldiers with such provisions as we had , before we set upon our journey towards the massachusets ; but no sooner was he come into the house , but contrary to the articles of out agreement , he seized upon our armes , using us as captives , and presently carried us away , not suffering us to dispose of any of our goods , that were in or about our houses , having not so much as a servant left behind , and so left them all as pillage to the indians , x the captain giving charge unto the souldiers , that if any of us spake a word in our journey , to give any of them discontent , that they should presently knock us downe , and if they saw any of us step aside , out of the place designed unto us , that they should run us through , and he would beare them out , in that their action : and withall they drove away our cattle into the massachusets , dividing and disposing of them amongst themselves ; only some of them they had disposed of to such of their subjects , as lived near unto us , who had been instruments and assistants unto them , to bring about and effect this worke . the number of ●attle which they took from us was foure-score head , or thereabouts , besides swine and goats , which they , and the indians , lived upon during the time of their siege , also breaking violently into our houses , taking away our corne with other provisions provided for our families to live upon . here followeth an other testimony , of divers of the men of providence , given under their hands , set downe here verbatim , for the clearing of these matters , which writing is extant . providence this present ianuary the .th . . we whose names are here under written , inhabitants of the town of providence in the nanhyganset - bay in new-england , being requested by samuel gorton , randal houlden ▪ john wickes , and john warner , with divers others of our countrey men , to testifie what we know concerning their late sufferings , from the bay of the massachusets , we take our selves bound in conscience , to answer their request , and in a word of truth , impartially to witnesse . first , that our ▪ countrey-men aforesaid , were peaceably possessed of a plantation , at shaw-omet , amongst the natives , some ten or a dozen miles beyond this towne of providence . secondly , that the bay of massachusets , sent up through this towne of providence , one captain cooke , and his company , in warlike manner , who actually assaulted , and besieged our foresaid countrey-men , who stood upon their own defence . thirdly , that the wives and children , of our fore-said countrey-men upon these hostile courses were affrighted and scattered in great extremities , and divers since are dead . fourthly , the said captaine cooke and his company , carried captive our fore-said countrey-men through this towne of providence , to the bay of massachusets . fifthly , their goods , cattle , houses , and plantations were seized upon , by the fore-said captain , and his company ; their cattle were part killed by the souldiers , and the rest by agents from the bay disposed of , and driven away to the said bay of massachusets . richard scot. william harris . william field . stutley wastcote . hugh bewit . thomas harris . william barrowes . ioshua winssor . iohn field . thomas angel. william reighnalds . adam goodwin . now as we passed along on the way to the massachusets , which was about three-score , or three-score and ten miles , in the common account of men , from our plantation at shaw-omet , after they were come into the townes within their own jurisdictions , in some townes their minister which the souldiers brought along with them against us , gathered the people together , in the open street went to prayers , that the people might take notice , what they had done , was done in a holy manner , and in the name of the lord ; and when they came to dorchester , there being many people gathered together , with divers of their ministers , as master cotton , and master mather , &c. there they placed us at their pleasure , as they thought fit to have us stand ; and made vollies of shot over our heads in signe of victory , [ z ] and when we were come to boston , and brought before the governours doore , the souldiers placing themselves and us , as they thought fit , and orderly ; the governour comming forth , walking throughout , all the company of souldiers blessed them ; the word which he used as he still passed along was this , god blesse you , and prosper you : god blesse and prosper you ; y when this was done , we were brought into the governors hall , before the governor , mr. iohn winthrope , unto whom we complained , how the captain had used us , contrary to our articles ; but he told us , what ever the captain might expresse unto us , his intent was to have us as captives , and their captives now we were ; and unto the common goale we must goe , without either baile or mainprize , where we continued untill the court sate , and the countrey comming in on every side , to understand the cause , why they had so proceeded against us ; and they labouring to give the countrey satisfaction , rehearsed in the ears of the people , divers grosse opinions , which they had compiled together , out of our writing , which we abhorred : as that we should deny the humane nature of christ , which they gathered from this , that we professed his death to be effectuall to the fathers , before the time of his incarnation in the wombe of the virgin ; also that we denyed all the churches of jesus christ , because we could not joyne with them in that way of church order which they had established amongst them ; againe , that we denyed all the holy ordinances of christ , because we could not joyn with them in their way of administration ; as also , that we denyed all civill magistracie , because we could not yeeld to their authority , to be exercised in those parts where we lived , ( that place being above foure and twenty miles out of their bounds ) which we should not once have questioned , if we had beene within the compasse of their jurisdictions , as it well appeared by our carriage , all the time we were amongst them , as also by our sundry appeals unto this state , which have been denyed unto us ; yea , and since that great favour granted , and given unto that people of providence plantations , in a late charter of civill government , from this state , our humble respects unto al such authority , hath been made manifest to all men : not only in our unanimous and joyfull imbracing of it , but also some of us by the generall vote of the whole colonie , have been chosen into the place of judicature , for the orderly execution of the authority of the charter ; yea , some of us that are now here present , at the publication hereof : now when we desired liberty to speak in the court , to answer to such things as were alleaged , and read in the ears of the people , such as is above , with divers more to the number of about six and twenty , all drawn from our writing formerly mentioned in this treatise , we denyed that we either held , or had writ any such thing ▪ and desired our writing might be read in open court , that it might appear what was in it , which was denyed unto us ; only their charges must appeare , by the affirmation of the bench ; for no other man nor woman appeared to testifie a word against us ; and when wee continued to deny the constructions they had given of our writings , and abstracted from them , denying them to be ours , we were commanded silence ; master thomas dudley , one of the bench , standing up , charging us to be silent , and told us if we were not , they would lay irons upon our legs , and upon our hands , and also upon our necks ; whereupon the court for that time was dissolved , no man objecting against us in the least , in any wrong or injury betwixt man and man ; neither at that time , nor in any time of all our tryall amongst them . after which they brought us forth divers times before their court , which then sate more privately in a chamber , the door being kept very carefully , that none should enter , but only whom they thought fit to permit , their court then consisting of about a dozin magistrates , and about fortie deputies chosen out of severall towns , as were thought fit , and many of their ministers usually present with them to assist in the worke ; they then questioned , and examined us apart ▪ to the uttermost they could , to get some matter against us from our owne mouths , and also usually sending their agents as elders , z and members of their churches , a unto us in prison , frequently putting questions unto us to get occasion against us ; thus continuing for the space of two or three weeks together , during which time master wilson ordinarily in his sermons , pressed the magistrates and the people to take away our lives , from that text of the king of israel letting benhadad goe , applying it unto them ; that if they let us escape with life , their life should then goe for our life , and their people for our people , urging them from that of samuel and agag , to hew and cut us in peeces ; master cotton also in his sermons , incouraged the people in the lawfulnesse of their dealings with us , from that in the revelations , where it is said , the kingdoms of this world are the kingdoms of the lord , and his christs , whence he observed , that they being the kingdom of christ , they were bound to goe out against all people , to subdue all such unto themselves as are weaker then they ; otherwise they might stay at home within themselves , and serve god with all their hearts ; but they could not serve him with all their might , unlesse they went out to subdue others , and so would be guilty of the breach of that command , viz. thou shalt serve the lord thy god with all thy strength . now after our many consultations , and debating of matters with the magistrates and ministers , not only in the court , sometimes one of us answering and declaring of his mind , only in matters of religion a whole day together , yea part by candle-light , besides all their more private conferences in the prison , and at other houses , where we vvere put apart , in custody one from an another in the time of our examination : at the last the court sent for s. gorton , out of prison , to appeare before them ; and when he came before them , the governour told him , he heard there was exception taken , that there should be a rumour , that it was for some civill things they had so proceeded against us , and yet no man appeared to object the least against us , in any civill respect ; unto which the governour himselfe gave ansvver ( not expecting an ansvver from gorton ) that they had set their subjects the indians in their own land , and that was all they looked after in that respect , but they never questioned in publicke , whether it was right or wrong , to take it from us , only had privately called one of us , which was one of the interpreters , at the buying of it , and the indians their subjects together , to see what could be said in it , and found the indians by their own confession , to make things so clear on our behalfe , that they thought it not fit to bring it into publick scanning of the matter . the governour then told gorton , he was now to answer some things that should be propounded unto him upon his life , for it was upon his life that now he was to answer ; unto which gorton made answer , that he was to shew unto them all dutifull subjection that might be , being under the government of their jurisdiction , as he had done since his comming amongst them , to give them their due honour and respect to the utmost , which he could not doe but as he looked upon them with relation unto the state of old england ; by vertue of which power , they sate there , as executioners of justice , unlesse he looked at them , and carried himselfe towards them , as they had respect unto that state , ( from whom what power they had was derived ) else he could not give them their due honour and respect ; for it could no way appeare to be such , but as it was derived from that noble state of old england ; and therefore , however he had according to what they had demanded , for the clearing of any thing , been free to answer unto them : so now if it was his life that they would now put him upon , he did as freely , and in the presence of them all , appeale to the state of old england for his tryall in that point , by vertue of which state only he conceived they sate there as ministers of justice ; and therefore might not deny unto him his just appeale ( understanding that the deniall of an appeale , must either presuppose a superiority in them that deny it , or an equality at the least , with the ●tate appealed unto ) unto which the governour made answer ▪ as also master iohn indicote , deputy governour , and bad gorton never dream , or think of any such thing , for no appeale should be granted unto him . now the ministers and magistrates , having weighed better our writings , our examinations in court , answers to questions more privately , with any thing , spoken in the prison amongst our selves , which daily ear was lent unto , or our carriage and demeanure in any respect ; they had now summed up , and drawn all into four questions , which were now to be answered in case of life and death . the questions were these that here follow , not a word varying in any one of them . . q. whether the fathers , who dyed before christ was born of the virgin mary , were justified and saved only by the blood which he shed , and the death which he suffered after his incarnation . . q. whether the only price of our redemption , were not the death of christ upon the crosse , with the rest of his sufferings , and obediences in the time of his life here after he was borne of the virgin mary . . q. who is that god whom he thinks we serve . . q. what he means , when he saith , we worship the star of our god remphan , chion , molech . to these four questions the court told gorton he must answer speedily upon life and death , and that under his hand writing ; he told them he was not willing to answer in any thing but as before he had done ; they told him he must give in speedy answer under his hand writing ; he asked what time he must have for the answer of them ; they told him a quarter of an houre ; he told them he could answer them in so short a time , but he knew not whether it could give them satisfaction ; for it was as much as for a man to describe iesus christ what he is , and the way of autichrist also , which might be done in few words ; but not to be clear to every man ; for a man may describe the whole world in these words ; in the beginning god created heaven and earth , and the earth was without forme and void , and darkenesse was upon the face of the deep , and the spirit of god moved upon the face of the waters ; all the whole worke of creation is in this masse or heape ; but to set out the glory and beauty that comes out of this , needs many phrases to expresse it ; even so it is in the description of the son of god , iesus christ , borne of the virgin , it may be done in few words ; but to lay out the nature , benefit , and glory of it , no smalspeech , or time can serve to expresse : and therefore desired in word ( as before he had manifested his mind unto them ) so he might give that present answer which god gave unto him in this point also ; but they told him it must be done in writing , and so commanded the go●ler to convey him to an other room to dispatch the same ; but as he was going out from them , they called unto him , and told him he should have the liberty of halfe an hours time to performe i● in ; when he was come into an other room , pen , inke and paper being brought unto him , as he was going to write , word was sent from the court , that if it was brought in , on the second day in the morning , it should suffice , for the court considering of it , that many of them had farre home , and it being the day of preparation for the sabbath ( for it was now saturday in the afternoon ) and they thought not fit to sit any longer ; so gorton was conveyed againe into the prison to the rest of his friends ; who continued cheerfully together , all the sabbath day , as they had done before in the prison ; only some part of those dayes , they brought us forth unto their congregations , to hear their sermons , of occido and occidio , which was ment not to be digested , but only by the heart or stomacke of an ostrich : but upon the munday morning , gorton tooke pen and inke , and writ in answer to every one of the four questions given unto him , as here followeth . this is a true copie of answers , given to the court of the massachusets to the four questions , which they required to be answered in writing upon life , and death , in case of blasphemy , which we were charged with , and sentence so farre passed , as to take away our lives by the sword , in case of not disclayming of our religion , or erroneous opinions , as they were pleased to call them ; the answers are truly set down , verbatim . to the first question we answer affirmatively ( only assuming the l●berty of our explanation ) namely , the fathers who dyed before christ was borne of the virgin mary , were justified and saved , only by the blood which he shed , and the death which he suffered , b in and after his incarnation ( that is on this wise ; that the guilt and stain of man is not , but with respect unto the holy word of god , the disobedience whereof , by eating the forbidden fruit , breeds an infinit distance , between god and his owne worke , without the least defect or blame to be found or imputed unto the word of god , but the sole defect and blame is in the creature , even in man himselfe , yet could he in no case be so miserable , but with respect unto the holy word ; even so the justification and salvation of the fathers , was by the holy word of god , not but with respect and relation unto the seed of abraham , and the son of david , ( conceived and borne of the virgin mary ) in whom they were justified and saved , and yet no vertue nor power , arising out of any thing that is humane ; m●n therefore is a sinner of infinit guilt , with respect unto that word , which was before all time , and no fault to be found in the word at all ; the word of god is a saviour of infinit value , with respect unto the seed of the virgin mary , borne , suffering , dying , and rising againe in the fulnesse of time , and yet no vertue in that seed at all , unto whom all the prophets bear witnesse , having an eye unto him in all their holy writings , and the faith of the fathers comprehending christ , both in the one , and in the other respect , were justified and saved by him alone , his death being reall and actuall unto faith , god having the same coexistance with the creature in all ages , though the creature cannot have the same with him but in time . to the second question depending upon , or rather involved in the former we answer . mans rejection of the word of god , being his sinne and separation from god , is the only forfeiture of himselfe , which could not be , but with respect unto the word of eternity ; even so gods righteousnesse revealed by taking man into unitie with himselfe , is the only price of our redemption , with respect unto the death of christ upon the crosse , with the rest of his sufferings , and obedience , from the time of his incarnation , in the womb of the virgin mary , to his ascention into heaven , without which there is no price of our redemption . to the third question , who we thinke that god is , that men serve , that are not of the faith above said : we answer that all mens hearts are awed ( by the true god ) to bow in worship : therefore when the apostle looking upon the inscription upon the altar at athens , it is said , he beheld their devotion ( or as the word is ) the god which they worshipped , though ignorantly , yet it was he only that he declared unto them : so the apostle iames , thou beleevest , that there is one god , thou doest well , the devils also beleeve and tremble . the fourth question therfore is the explanation of the third , namely what we mean by molech , and the star of that god remphan : to which we answer , that the scripture alluded unto , * makes difference between those gain-sayers of the fathers which fell in the wildernesse , and those of the true seed , that gave faithfull testimony unto the oracle of god ; the rebels of the sons of levy , would not take up , nor beare the arke of god , as their duty was , nor give the light and lustre of a star in the tabernacle , when it was pitched ( for the seven stars are the seven angels : ) but as they had the power of a worldly ruler , or governour to defend them in their worke , and to subdue all that were not of their mind under them : therefore they tooke up the tabernacle of molech , or bore the booth of the king , and gave the light of remphan ( alluding unto rapha , who in davids dayes had four sonnes , were mighty gyants , warring only by the strength of the arme of flesh ) so that they would not give testimony unto the holy way of god ; but as they had a king set over them , besides moses , to defend them , when as a greater then moses was there : and in this they turned backe in their hearts , unto aegypt , looking unto the way of pharaoh , that would subdue all that were not of his own way , and be a defence unto his wise men in what ever they wrought ; but the faithfull seed of abraham , had the tabernacle of witnesse , or witnessed unto the tabernacle , even in the wildernesse , where there was no worldly governour to defend them , but all came out against them , ammon and amaleck , balack , ogg , and sihon , and the rest ; in the which condition stephen perceived himselfe , when he witnessed unto the word of truth , in alleadging that place of the prophet * . samuel gorton . upon the finishing of these answers on the munday morning , the court sent for s. gorton to come before them ; and when he was come , the governor asked him , whether he had brought in his ansvver to the questions propounded unto him ( at their last sitting ) in writing , he answered he had brought them ; then the governor asked him , whether he had put his hand unto them , he answered he had not , not thinking it would be required , else he had done it ; the governour called for pen and inke , and caused him to put his hand unto them , and then demanded them of him , gorton desired he might have liberty ▪ to read them first in the court , that he might pronounce the phrases and words according to the true meaning , and intent , having had experience of wrong done , in reading ( in way of pronunciation of things not plainly ) before , to the giving of true intelligence to the hearers , when the answers were read in the audience of the court , the court paused , and no man said any thing unto them , only bade gorton with-draw , which being done , they hade some consulta●ion among themselvs , and shortly after called for gorton to be brought in again : master saltingstone found fault , that it was written in the answer , what is the star of ( that ) god remphan , whereas it was in the writing ( your , god remphan ) gorton answered , the phrase was only changed for modesty ; for indeed ( saith he ) it is the phrase of the apostle , your god remphan , and so it rested to clear that scruple . the governour told gorton , that they were one with him , in those answers ; for they held as he did ; gorton answered he was very glad of it , for he loved not differences and divisions amongst men : the governour then asked him whether he would retract the writing that was formerly written unto them ; gorton answered , that nothing was written before , but would suit and agree , with these answers ; so that if there was cause to retract one , there was cause to retract all ; the governour said , no these answers they could agree with him in ; but not in the former writing ; whereupon master dudley stood up , seeming to be much moved , and said he would never consent to it whilst he lived , that they were one with him in those answers ; the governour then asked gorton what faith was : to which he answered , that was nothing that concerned what they had formerly written , and that he and the rest had only undertaken to answer to any thing that was in their writing : the governour told him , he was bound , and ought to be ready to give an answer to any that should aske him a question of the hope that is in him ; gorton made answer , that the difinition which the apostle gives of faith , was sufficient , as he thought to give any man satisfaction ; he asked him what that was , he told him it was this ; that faith is the hypostasis or subsistance of things that are hoped for , and the evidence ( or argument demonstrative ) of things that are not seen , nor demonstrated at all ; the governour told him that was true , but he could say more of faith then so ; gorton told him , it gave him satisfaction , and being an other point then they had had to deale about , since their comming amongst them , and being no question produced from former writings , desired to be spared from any further answer then the plain words of the apostle ; whereupon master broadstreet made answer , that he thought it was not fit to put him upon any new questions , unlesse he were free to speake unto them , and so they dismissed him from the court to the prison againe . shortly after this , there was a day appointed , wherein wee were to receive our sentence from the court , which was to be given in the afternoon , and in the forenoon master cotton preached , having gathered up the minds of the people , in what they had observed , and perceiving the people took notice , that in what we dissented from them , was out of tendernesse of conscience , and were ready to render a reason and ground for what we held and practised , & divers such like things ; to which he answered , that if we had done i● out of ignorance , then there had been hopes of regaining us ▪ but if out of tendern●sse of conscience , and able to render reason for what wee did ( and other things of like nature ) then were we ripened for death , urging them to agree together , and consent in one thing , that so it might be , else would not the angels carry their soules to heaven ; for he was then speaking of the office of the angels in that point ; and when by all their examinations in court , inturgatories put upon us in prison , and publicke preaching , they could find nothing against us , for the transgressing of any of their lawes , they then proceeded to cast a lot for our lives , putting it to the major vote of the court , whether we should live or die , which was so ordered by the providence of god , that the number of two votes carried it on our side ; and whereas both by law , equitie , and act of providence , they ought to have set us forthwith at liberty , yet notwithstanding they proceeded further to censure ; namely , confined us to severall towns , and to wear bolts and irons , and to worke for our livings , though it was i● the extremity of winter , and not to speak of any of those things which they had dealt with us about , and all this during the pleasure of the court , and that upon pain of death . here followeth a true copie of the censure , and of the charg as it was given unto us in writing by the court , being extant , and here set down verbatim , as it was given to samuel gorton , the rest being the same , but onely the change of the names . for samuel gorton . it is ordered that samuel gorton shal be confined to charlstowne , there to be set on worke , and to wear such bolts or irons , as may hinder his escape , and so to continue during the pleasure of the court ; provided , that if he shall break his said confinement , or shall in the meane time , either by speech or writing , publish , declare , or maintaine any of the blasphemous or abominable heresies , wherewith he hath been charged by the generall court , contained in either of the two c books sent unto us by him , or by randall houlden : or shall reproach , or reprove the churches of our lord jesus christ in these united colonies , or the civill government , or the publicke ordinances of god therein ( unlesse it be by answer to some question propounded to him , or conference with any elder , or with any other licensed to speak with him privately , under the hand of one of the assistants ) that immediatly upon accusation of any such writing , or speech , he shall by such assistant , to whom such accusation shall be brought , be committed to prison , till the next court of assistants , then and there to be tryed by a jury , whether ●e ●●th so spoken or written , and upon his conviction thereof , shall be condemned to death , and executed . dated the o. of the o. moneth , . per. cur . increase nowell , secret. a copie of the charge . samuel gorton , being convict as a blasphemous enemy to the true religion of our lord ●esus christ , and all his holy ordinances , and also to all civill authority among the people of god , and particularly in this ●●risdiction , as appeareth by writings and speeches . this charge being laid upon us ▪ ●t the ba●●● before we heard of the censure ( though they came as above in writing to us : ) the governour asked us , whether we bowed under it , and whether we would retract ; we answered and told them ( as in the presence of god ) that the charge neither bowed nor touched us at all , for we were free , and fa●●e from being guilty of any such things , and for our r●tracti●n , we told them we came not there to deny our religion , in any ●oint of it , but to testifie and bear witnesse unto it ; then did they reade our censure , for our confinement , as i● above said ▪ and when the bolts and chains were made ready , they put them upon us , in the prison at boston , that so we might travell in them to the severall towns to which we w●re confined , some of us having fifteen miles , and some thirty to goe from boston ; only we were to stay till master cotten his lecture day , and then were all brought to the congregation in th●t our iron furniture , for the credit of the sanctuary , which had set the sword on work to such good purpose , and after that were with all speed sent away ; yea , some of us among the people that went from the lecture , that so we might be a spectacle unto them . in which condition we continued a whole winter season ; in which time their ministers stirred up the people in their publick sermons to famish us to death , out of that place of the prophet zephany , ● . . . this shall they have for their pride , because they have reproached , and magnified themselves against the people of the lord of hosts ; the lord will be terrible unto them , for he will famish all the gods of the earth , and men shall worship him , every one from his place , even all the isles of the heathen . samuel gorton having intelligence , from boston , to charles-town , to which he was confined ▪ that master cotton preached from that text in the prophecie of zephany , and how he applyed the doctrine from it to have all necessaries with-held from him , telling some eminent members of the church , that i● they either went unto us , to visit us , or sent unto us , to minister to our wants , the curse of god would abide both on them and their posterity , for so doing ; the said gorton hearing of these things , writ a letter to the ruling elder in charles-towne , d a copie whereof ( verbatim ) here followeth , which was consulted upon , by the ministers immediatly , together with the governour , as intelligence was brought unto him , but never answer given unto it , neither by word nor writing . charles-towne , ianuary the . . mr. green for as much as we know that the ruler of the congregation hath power to give utterance , and to authorise speech unto edification , e and that none ought to hinder , where ever or whomsoever he permits or giveth lycense unto , f and in as much as we also professe , that there is one thing that is needfull , and whosoever shall make choise of that , it shall never be taken away from him g , which is to hear the words of christ . neither are we ignorant , that none are truly sensible , o● know the necessity , use , and benefit of hearing the word of christ , but only such as are sensible , and see the necessitie ; ( yea , and that in the same subject ) of speaking and delivering the words of christ h , for the heart of every saint is equally ballanced with these two ; the same necessitie he finds to speak , he also finds to heare ; the same necessity he finds to heare , he finds to speake also the word of god , for faith is in hearing , and hearing is in speaking the word of god i ; ] if we deny either of these unto a christian , we deny him the power of ●aith , which doth consist in them both ; nay , if he want a tongue to speake , or an eare to heare ( and that equally , the one as the other ) we deny him to be compleat in christ k , ] who as he had an ear open to the voice of the father in all things l , ] so had he a tongue to divulge and declare them unto th● world ; m even so with the heart man beleeves unto righteousnesse , n that is , gives credit to that which he hears , to be in another , and with the mouth confession is made to salvation , o that is , preacheth , or professeth that which god hat● made him to be by faith , p therefore if thou shalt confesse with thy mo●th the lord jesus , and beleeve in thine heart that god raised him up from the dead , thou shalt be saved q , ] nor a● i ignorant of the minds of the people , ( amongst whom i now so journe , and am a stranger as all my fathers have bee●● ) r hovv earnest they are i should get my bread vvith ●●●●ile vvorke , or else to have hunger and famine to cleave unto my bonds , vvhich they professe themselves to be very clearly instructed in , though in times past it hath been thought sufficient work for a man to be exercised in ( at one time ) to lie in ●etters and irons amongst strangers , though wife and children were not deprived of all necessaries at home . nor doe i doub● , but they may find a time to alter their judgement ( it may ●e before they are aware ) especially if the bride-groom be at the door ſ , ] and it is well known , that i have not been acc●●●omed to any servile worke in any part of my life till now of l●●e in new-england , where through the kindnesse of my countrey men , in taking from my family the things of this life , ( which god had bestowed on us ) i have been necessitated thereunto ▪ which i am so upbraided with in this place . but it is not grievous unto me , whilest they cannot but see in it ( if god have not blinded th●ir eyes ) the vanity of those idol shepherds of the church of rome * , who cannot speak unto the people , but in a way of so much study and ease ; nor had i ever desire , to be set up in the world , through gatherings and contributions of the people ▪ therefore have these hands ministred to my necessities t . but however i have been exercised about the bread that perisheth u ▪ yet hath it not been but with respect unto that which endureth unto everlasting life w , which i have endeavoured to bre●● x , and faithfully to impart unto my wife , children , and servants , and to any that had an ear open to listen unto that whol●some word of life y , which hath made all other travells or losses , whatever , to be light and easie unto me ( as at this day ) z , which i professe to be the only errant i have to do in this world : and however we do preach the gospel , yet have we nothing to rejoyce in a or to glory and praise our selves for , to lift up our selves above our brethren : for necessity is laid upon me b ; that is , i am in want , and stand in need of all things ; and woe is me if i preach not the gospel : that is , if i receive not this grace from christ , as wel as any other : for the same necessity i have of any other grace , i have of this grace also : for of his fulnesse we all receive , and grace for grace c , for the graces of god are a bundle of life in christ iesus d : so as , that if i reject , or neglect , or put off any one of them to another , as no priviledge or prerogative of mine , i do the like to all : for his seamlesse coat may not be divided , but all goeth by lot or portion the same way e : and in like manner i am destitute of this , i am destitute of all other grace , that proceeds from him : for if i preach the gospel willingly , i have a reward f : that is , if i do it out of any ability , skil , or wi● of my own , gotten and acquired by any pains or industry , as men attain to arts , and trades , wherein they are to be preferred before , and above others , then i have a reward : that is , something is to be attributed and contributed to me for the same , then go i about to deprive my lord of his right , shewing my self an unfaithful steward g ▪ for where an hundreth is due to him , i bid write fifty , that i may take the rest my self to live upon h ; for even as i propound my own deserts , demerits , and eminency unto a people ▪ so do i propound the undeserving estate and condition of my lord ; proclaming his basenesse whil'st i set forth my pains and good-wil in so doing , but if i do it against my wil i : that is , if it be contrary to the mind and wil of all men , to undergo the crosse of christ , to preach the gospel in necessities , reproaches , hard labors , and persecutions k , then is the dispensation committed unto me l : that is , the right of all administrations ( wrapped up in that fountain of dispensing , the gospel ) do of right solely belong unto him , and not unto me in any case , yea , it is the wil and power of another m and not my own , unto whom the praise and glory of right belongeth and wholy appertaineth n , and not unto the wil , ability , or skil of any man whatsoever o : and hence it is that the crosse is easie unto us p , because we know that he , as truly , and totally taketh our reproaches and ●ardships upon himselfe q , which are only due unto us : as he committeth the dispensation of his grace and glory unto us : that is none of ours , but only due and belongs unto himself , so t●at we remember him that suffered such gainsayings of sinners , ●ast we should be weary and faint in our mind r : yea further , there is a necessity of preaching the gospel upon every soul : for as there is not any that can beleeve , for another , unto righteousnesse ſ , the party being destitute of that grace himself , so there i● not any that can preach or confesse for another unto salvation t , the party himself being destitute of that grace of confession or preaching : indeed the saints communicate in these graces one with an other , as all of them being heirs and inheritors of the same grace i● christ u , but one cannot perform any office for another ▪ ●s for such as are destitute of the same grace and office themselve ▪ w : for that were instead of a girdle arent x : therefore the preaching of the gospel is the discovering of what men are in christ iesus , and not only what they may or shal be y , also what men are under ▪ the wrath of god that abides upon them , being out of christ z and not only what they shal be : so that every christian having received this ( as an ingrafted word a growing up together with it ) that is , that i may be mutually edified and comforted by the communicacation of your faith & mine b , he grows up in this also , namely , that i may be mutually edified and comforted by the communication of your preaching and mine , for i● the day of the lord which is the day of salvation , and behold no● the accepted time , behold now the day of salvation c wherein we give no offence , or lay not any stumbling block before our brethren d ; we villifie not that sacrifice once offered up for all e . that our ministery may not be reprehended f . or that our ministery be not blemished , for so ●he word is ( momo● ) that is we can acknowledge no sacrifice , but onely that which is without ●ither superfluity or defect ; and in that day the feeblest i● ierusalem , is as davi● g ; a king h , a leader i , a valiant warri●r , k a sweet finger in israel l , and the house of david as god , ●r as the mighties ( for the word is plurall ) yea as the angel of th● lord before them ; m every one is as the angel or messenger of the lord , before the rest of the congregation , or as the angel of the lord before ( him ) as the word will also beare , that is to say , as the messenger of the lord , like unto his servant iohn , to prepare or make ready his way before him l forthe messenger of the lord , and he onely knows how to bring down the highest mountain , and how to lift up the lowest valley , and that only is a high way for the royalty of our king to passe upon m in the wildernesse . and this is a glory that the world cannot receive , neither can it give it n : and it is our rejoycing that we borrow nothing from the world , nor stand in need of any thing it hath , to make the gospel of god glorious , for it were better for us to die , then that any man should make our rejoycing vain , or emptie o . for it were not full in christ , if we borrowed any thing of the world , which were death to us to think of ; what is our rejoycing then , or our reward , when as the whole world affordeth nothing at all unto us ? verily this that when we preach the gospel , we make it free , p which could not be , if it laid claim to any thing the world hath in the publication of it self ; for then by the law of relations , the world might lay claim unto , and challenge something from ( it ) which were to bring the gospel into bondage , but as the lord jesus wrought that great work of reconcilia●ion freely , so as the world could challenge nothing of it at his hands at all , so is that word of reconciliation , to whomsoever it is committed q , published freely , so as the world can challenge nothing of them at all r ; so that the servant of the lord is free from all men , though he makes himself servant unto all , that he might gain the more . s thence it is that he abuseth not his authority in the gospel but keeps his power unspotted t , when the world can require nothing at his hands ; hereby shewing also the transcendencie of that kingdome , wherein his authority is exercised , beyond the kingdoms of this world which must borrow one of another , else cannot any be glorious in the height of glory concerning the things of this life ; therefore had solomon himself gold , silver , ivory , apes , and peacocks , brought from other nations to augment his glory u , but he that is greater then solomon x beautifieth himself with none of the things of this life y , though he had right to them all , z that so he might make it manifest that his kingdome is not of this world ; a therefore gives charge unto his disciples , that as they had freely received , so they should freely give : b for by how much we injoyn people to contribute unto us for preaching the gospell , by so ●●ch we proclaim , that we have given unto god for what we have received of him , c and teach others : so to do ▪ d namely to bring some preparations , operation , or fitnesse to receive his grace ▪ which is as far from man to attain unto , as it was to prepare and fit himself for his creation at the first , e so that the benevolence of the saints in communicating of the things of this life , is ●o part of the glory or beautifying of the house of god ; for then a wicked man might adde somewhat thereunto , no● shall the glory in the least measure be diminished , when these things s●all have an end . but it is a declaration of their vilification of the things of this present life , as things of no account or reckoning , when they come into competition with the well being of the saints ; and as these things are consumed , and turned into ●shes , upon that golden altar , f so doth there ascend up a perfumatory sacrifice of sweet savour unto the lord , g for according to our vilification of the things of this life , so is our valuation of the lord iesus , who is either all or none at all in our estimation and account , and if he be all h , then he that gathereth much of the things according unto man hath nothing over , i or above him that hath the least , and he that gathereth little hath no la●k k or falls short of him that hath the most , for the one , and the other consume them in the act of the present supply of their necessity , knowing that if they keep them , in making any accoun● o● reckoning of them , for the time to come , they presently putrifie and corrupt l . learn this parable therefore , that there is ●hat in the heavenly manna that the rebells may eat in the wilderness and die eternally m , as wel as that which whosoever ●a●eth sha● never die , but live for ever n , yea there is a seed to be sown in giving away to another , as well as food to receive for the nourishing of our selves ; and he that sows sparingly in that shall reap sparingly o , yea he that knows not how to minister carnall things , cannot have spirituall things ministred unto him p , no m●●●●h●n ● man can keep his sinne , and have the righteousnesse of christ also . q those onely therefore that in giving and receiving know how to perform all in the same act ▪ as the woman in casting her two mites into the treasury , r and out of deep povertie can see the abounding of the riches of liberality ſ ; such can perform an acceptable service to the lord ; but such as onely exercise themselves in piece mealing of the things of god , and the things of man , to serve at times and turns , for advantage , and reserve the rest , this is as the cutting off of a dogs head , or the offering of swines blood in the house of god t how ever else where they may be done without any such abomination , the saints therefore depend not upon neither desire the worlds benevolence , knowing wel what their mercies are in the winding up , u nor can they expect from them ought else , but bonds , imprisonments , x and spoyling of their goods y ( which through the secret supplies their master makes unto them ) they suffer joyfully , z not looking for so much as a shoe latchet from the king of sodom to enrich themselves with all a knowing that the blessing of the lord upon their indevours b shall yield sufficient to convey them through this valley of bac● c which indevours , god directeth unto times and seasons to use according to strength , and constitution , without any to lay tasks upon them , d even as he teacheth the husbandman when to throw in the cummin , and the fitches e , though they know ( notwithstanding ) what it is to have power , not to work , and to lead about a wife , that is a sister as well as others . f but i am longer in my introduction , then i did intend , my question therefore in short is this , namely whether i may have liberty to speak and expresse the word of the lord in the publick congregation freely without interruption , either on the lords day , or the ordinary lecture , now whilst i am kept from my family , and friends , with whom i have been formerly exercised : for seeing our dayes as a shadow decline , g and we are presently withered as grasse , h when in a moment we go hence , and are no more i : we are earnest therefore to expresse the word of life that fadeth not , nor waxeth old as doth a garment , k that gods memoriall may abide with our posterity l when we are gone the way of all the earth , m and that you shall not need to feare my touching upon any of those things which it seems are to lie sealed as in the grave for the present , n i shall tell you vvhat scripture urgeth my heart for the present to impart , of god lead not into another , o before the opportunity be attained , for we cannot treasure up to bring forth at our pleasure unto profit , no more then vve can fetch down at our pleasure for our supply , but onely as our god performeth , both the one and the other , p for vve depend not upon baal o both as saul did , q but upon the lord iehovah as david did . r the scripture intended is the founding of the fifth trumpet , revel . , out of vvhich i ●esire ( as god shall assist ) to open and declare these points follovving . what the sound of the trumpet is , ● who the angel is , why the fifth . what that starre is that falls from heaven to the earth , what the fall of it is , how it falls from heaven unto the earth . what the key of the bottomlesse pit is . to whom it is given the manner how it is given . how the pit is opened . how it can be said to be bottomlesse , seeing nothing can be without banks and bottome but the lord himself . what the smoke of the bottomlesse pit is . the cause and manner of its rise , even as the smoke of a great furnace . what the sunne and the aire are ▪ how they are darkened by the smoke of the pit . what those locusts are that come ou● of the smoke . the nature of their power , as the scorpions of the earth have power , how this power is given unto them , seeing that all power is of god. what the injunctions are , that are laid upon the locusts . the rise of those injunctions : the exercise of them : the extent of them . what the nature and property of the locusts are , declared by the severall formes ascribed unto them , furniture , ornaments , and their carriage in them . what their king is , as he is described , ● by his office assigned , by his titles given unto him . how ●e is a king , seeing the locusts are said to have no king over them ▪ what that woe is , that i● said to ●e past , and how it can be said to ●e past , seeing there is ever wo to the wicked . what the two woes are , which are to come , and how they can be said to come hereafter , seeng the wrath of god abides upon him already , that believes not . thus you have my question , both with its introduction and sequel , and i attend your answer , which i hope will not onely be speedy in respect of time , but speeches also in regard of matter , to the satisfying and fulfilling of my desi●es , per me samuel gorton . now during the time of our confinement , being dispersed abroad into severall towns in the countrey , the people came to be informed of the truth of proceedings , whereupon they were much unsatisfied with what they had done against us , which being perceived , they called a generall court , and without any appearance , or questioning any of us , concluded upon our release sending us a writing of it , together with a further banishment , not onely out of all their own jurisdictions , but also that we should not come in , nor near providence , nor our own plantations at shawomet , with other parts thereto adjoyning , out of all which places we were to depart within the space of fourteen dayes , and that upon pain of death , which were places out of all their jurisdictions , as master iohn indicote ( at that time deputy governor ) confessed , standing up in publick court , and professed that god had stirred them up to go out of their own iurisdictions , to fetch us from our own places unto them . here followeth a true copie of our release and banishment , sent to us from the generall court , set down verbatim , and is extant under their hands . at a generall court at boston the th of the first moneth or . it is ordered that samuel gorton and the rest of that company , who now stand confined , shall be set at liberty , provided that if they or any of them , shall after fourteen dayes after such inlargement , come within any part of our jurisdiction , either in the massachusets , or in , or near providence , or any of the lands of pumhom , or soccononocco* or elsewhere , within our jurisdiction , then such person , or persons , sh●ll be apprehended wheresoever they may be taken , and shall suffer death by course of law ; provided al●o thus during all their contiuance in our bounds inhabiting for the said time of fourteene dayes , they shall be still bound , to the rest of the articles o● their former confinement , upon the penalty therein expressed per c●● . increase nowel secret. when this order of the court wa● presented to samuel gorton , by the constable of charles town , bringing a smith with him , to file off his bolts , he told the constable he was not willing to part with his irons on these termes , but expected other news in fairer termes of release , then were therein expressed , desiring him to go to master nowel who lived in that town , and declare so much unto him . in short time , the constable returned , bringing divers of the chief men in the town with him , and commanded the smith to fall to work to file off his bolts , who did accordingly , and so took them from him , leaving the said gorton either to walk abroad , on such conditions , or else to stay at his perill . now two or three dayes after our release , some of us being returned to boston , desiring to stay for the rest of our friends , that we might return together , accompanying each other in our journey , the people shewing themselves joyfull to see us at liberty , and entertaining us kindly into their houses , which the governor perceiving presently sent out his warrant , with strict charge to depart from the town , within the space of two hours , ( it being about ten of the clock in the forenoon when the warrant came unto us ) otherwise further penalty should be laid upon us . this is a true copie of the governors warrant extant still under his hand , word for word . to the marshall or his deputie , i am informed that samuel gorton , and his company are now abiding in the town , and go to divers houses , giving offence thereby , and cause of suspicion , of attempting to seduce some of our people ; you are therefore to command them to depart ou● of the town , b●fore noon this day , upon pain of being apprehended and futher proceeded with , according to their deservings . ( i ) . — . iohn winthrop ▪ governour . now although by the generall court , we had fourteen dayes allowed u●●o us to inhabit within their jurisdictions , not limited to any place , nor excluded from any place for the space of so long time yet notwithstanding upon notice given unto us by this warrant we presently departed the town* though upon a sudden when we were unprovided for victuals & other provisions for our journy , & being there was no place inhabited by the english near the place where our wives and children were scattered , out of which they had not expelled us , but onely a little island , called road island , situate in the nanhyganset bay , upon which we arrived , within the time limited unto us , but the night before we came to road island we lodged at shawomet in our own houses there , and considering of the act of their court in our expelling and banishment out of those parts , we observed that they had not expressed our land at shawomet , but onely named the lands of pumhom ▪ and soccononocco , ( the indians whom they claimed as subjects ) we thought good therefore to write unto them for a further explanation of the courts act ▪ that so we might understand their true intent being very unwilling to discover their dealings towards us in seeking redresse , if we could but see a way , that through our hard labours , our wives and little ones might find a way to subsist ▪ here followeth a true copie of the letter sent unto the governour of the massachusets , verbatim , as it is still extant under the hands of the witnesse● , which were taken , lest they should put us off , and not make answer to our letter . shawomet , march the . . the order of your court last held , made concerning us , being darke and obscure , which beseems not a matter of that concernment , which you h●ve now entred upon , and made some short progresse therein ; the issues whereof are pressing on unto perfection , whose arri●all is waited for , with that hope that never makes ashamed , we may not therefore forbeare to require an explanation of what you intend , by the lands of pumhom and soccononocco , for we know none they have , or ever had within your jurisdiction ; if you should therefore , so farre forget your selfe , as to intend thereby our land lawfully bought , and now in our possession , and inhabited by us , called shaw-omet , together with other parts near adjoyning : give us your minds , and meaning in plaine terms , under your hands : and whereas you conclude , for such our lawfull aboad , and residence , to prosecute against us by course of law unto death ; we resolve upon your answer , with all expedition , to wage law with you , and try to the uttermost , what right or interest you can shew to lay claime , either to our lands or our lives ; and shall take it as your own act , urging us and constraining us thereunto , to look● after our right , in the havock and spoyls , you have already made among us , which otherwise god hath taught us , to suffer joyfully the robbing and spoyling of our goods , if you did not necessitate us to look after recompence from you : we expect your answer by this bearer , and in case you returne it not speedily , we conclude your order of court to intend no such thing , as to drive us from our lawfull possessions , as above-said , but that you used such te●mes , as scar-crows , imagining you had children to deale with , or as a starting hole to evade part of that danger that may insue : nor can you put us off for answer , till the court sit againe , being a generall act , and you but one ; now to answer , for we know you may better open unto us the in●●nt of the court for our satisfaction , then you could expell us out of any part of your jurisdiction , before the time set by the court , contrary to the liberty it had given unto us . by the order or government of shaw-omet , john warner , secretary . sufficient witnesse being taken of our plaine and man-like dealing with you herein . a true copie of a letter sent to the government , and governour of the massachusets , the day and year above said : in witnesse of , or in presence of ralph earle . john anthony . here followeth a true copie of the governours answer to our letter above-said , set downe here verbatim , and is extant under his own hand . to samuel gorton , john warner , and the rest of that company . for satisfaction of what you require , by your writing of march , , . this is to let you know , that the expression and intent of the order of our last generall court , concerning your comming within any part of our jurisdiction , doth comprehend all the lands of pumhom , and soccononocco , and in the same are included the lands which you pretended to have purchased , upon part whereof you had built some houses , ( be the place called shaw-omet or otherwise ) so as you are not to come there upon perill of your lives . this i testifie to you ▪ boston . ( i ) iohn winthrope . you must know withall , that the c●urt did not intend their order should be a scar-crow ( as you ●●●i●● ) for you will find it reall , and effectuall , if you shall tr●●sgress● it ▪ thus far the governors letter , written with his own hand . now upon our comming to road-iland , the indians of that great countrey of the nanhyganset●earing ●earing of our return without the losse of our lives , they won●red , having observed the causelesse cruelty they had offe●●d unto us , some of them being within the hearing of the sho● of the guns , whilst they lay intrenched against us , as also ●ow we were used in the massachusets , and the constant report , whilst we lay amongst them , that some of our lives should be taken away , or else kept as slaves so long as we lived ; considering these and the like things they marvelled much at our deliverance and release , from amongst them : now our countrey men having given out formerly , amongst the indians , that ●● were not english men , to encourage them against us ( b●●ause the awe of the english , hath been much upon them ) ●nd being they could not father the name of any sectary , or sect upon us , but we could clearly demonstrate , we were no such opi●ionated persons , they then called us gortoneans , and told the indians we were such kind of men , not english : now the indians calling the english in their language watta●onoges , they now called us gortonoges , and being they had heard a rumour of great war to be in old-england , and that it was a land s● furnished with multitudes of people , they presently framed unto themselves a cause of our deliveranc● , im●gining that there were two kinds of people in old-england , the one calle● by the name of english men , and the other gortonoges ; and concluded that the gortonoges were a mightier people ●he● the english , whom they call wattaconoges ; and therefore the massachusets thought it not safe to take away our liv●s , b●cause how ever there were but a few of us in new-england , in comparison of those that came out against us , yet that g●●at people , that were in old-england would come over , and p●t them to death , that should take away our lives from us , without a just cause . whereupon the sachims of the nanbyganset cons●lting together , presently sent messengers unto us , to come and speake with them , and being they were those of whom wee had bought our land ( which now the massachusets had taken away from us , ) as all that inhabite upon that bay have done ) they being very importunate to have us to come over to speak with them , we not knowing what the occasion was , yeelded unto their request , a matter of halfe a dozin , or seven of us took boat to goe over the bay to them , they seeing the vessell come ▪ newes was brought to the sachim , who sent aband of lusty well armed men , who met us , as soon as we were come to land , to conduct us to old sachim conaunicus his house , multitudes of indians , as we passed along , coming forth , and seemed joyfull , which we taking notice of , ( neither the one nor the other being usuall amongst them ) some of us began to be a little jealous ▪ that the agents of the mssachusets , who lived near unto us , had gone about to betray us into their hands , upon some false suggestion concerning the death of their sachim myantonomy , who lost his life immediatly before the massachusets came against us ; and however he was suddenly sl●ine by an indian coming behind him , as he marched upon the way , yet there were english present at the doing of the act , which we were a little jealous , the above-said agents might have suggested , that we might be consenting thereunto , which all the indians tooke for a most injurious act , not onely because he was so famous a prince amongst them , but also how ever he was taken in a stratagem of warre by the indians , yet a great ransome was paid for his redemption , and his life taken away also , and they are very consciencious , to recompense the shedding of blood , ( especially of such personages ) with blood againe : but when wee were come to the old sachims house , we were courteously entertained , and from thence conducted to the house of sachim pessecus , brother , and successor in government to the late myantonomy , when we were there , divers sachims , and their chiefe counsellors , took us aside to consult with us , and asked what we intended to doe , or how we could live , seeing the massachusets had not onely taken our estates from us in goods and ●hattels , but also our houses , lands and labours , where we should raise more , for the preservation of our families , and with●ll , told us that their condition , might ( in great measure ) he paraleld with ours , else they would willingly have done any thing for our helpe , in regard that our land was bought of the● , and we had faithfully paid them for it , according to our co●tract : but they told us , they had not only lost their sachim , so beloved amongst them , and such an instrument of their publick good ; but had also utterly impoverished themselves , by paying such a ransome for his life , ( as they then made u● an account of ) notwithstanding , his life taken away , and that detaine also ; we made answer unto them , that for our p●●ts , we were not discouraged , in any thing that had b●faln● us , for we were subjects to such a noble state in old-england , that however we were farre off from our king and stat● , yet we doubted not but in due time , we should have redresse ▪ and in the mean time we were resolved , to undergoe it with patience , and in what way we could , labor with our hands , for the preservation of our wives and children : the answer that they made unto us was this , that they thought we belonged to a better master then the massachusets did : whereupon , desiring our stay , they called a generall assembly , to make known th●ir minds , and to see the minds of their people , and with j●y●t and unanimous consent , concluded to become subjects to the state and government of old-england , in case they might be accepted of ; we told them , we could promise them nothing , nor take any ingagements upon us , not knowing the minds of that honourable state ; but if they would volunt●rily make tender of themselves , as they themselves thought ▪ meet , we would endeavour to convey it safely ( in case we went over about our own occasions ) and bring them word what was the pleasure of the state therein ; whereupon they chose four of us , as commissioners in trust for the safe custody , and conveyance of their act and deed unto the state of old-england . the act and deed of the voluntary and free submission of the chiefe sachim , and the rest of the princes , with the whole people of the n●n●ygansets , unto the government and protection of that honourable state of old-england , se● down here verbatim , the deed it selfe being extant . know all men , colonies , peoples and nations , unto whom the fame hereof shall come ; that we the chiefe sachims , princes or governours of the nanhyganset ( in that part of america , now called new-england ) together with the joynt and unanimous consent of all our people and subjects , inhabitants thereof , do upon serious consideration , mature and deliberate advise and counsell , great and weighty grounds and reasons moving us thereunto , vvhereof one most effectuall unto us , is , that noble fame vve have heard of that great and mighty prince , charles , king of great britain , in that honorable and princely care he hath of all his servants , and true and loyall subjects ; the consideration vvhereof moveth & bendeth our hearts vvith one consent , freely , voluntarily , and most humbly , to submit , subject , and give over our selves , peoples , lands , rights , inheritances , and possessions whatsoever , in our selves and our heires , succ●ssively for ever , unto the protection , care , and government of that worthy and royall prince , charles ▪ king of great britain and ireland , his heirs and successors for ever , to be ruled and governed according to those ancient and honourable lawes , and customs established in that so renovvned realme and kingdome of old-england ; vve doe therefore by these presents confesse , and most vvillingly , and submissively acknovvledge our selves to be the humble , loving , and obedient servants , and subjects of his majesty to be ruled , ordered , and disposed of , in our sel●es and ours , according to his princely vvisdom , counsel , a●d l●vves of ●hat honourable state of old-england , upon condition of his maiestie● roy●●e protection , and righting of us in what wrong is , or may be done unto us , according to his honourable lavves and customs , exercised amongst his subjects , in their preservation and safety , and in the defeating , and overthrow of h●● , and their enemies ; not that we find our selves necessitated hereunto , in respect of our relation , or occasion we have or may have with any of the natives in these parts , knowing our selves sufficient defence , and able to judge in any matter o● cause in that respect , but have just cause of jealousie and suspicion , of some of his majesties pretended subjects : therefore our desire is to have our matters and causes heard , and tried according to his just and equal laws in that way , and order his highnes●e shal please to appoint ; nor can we y●●●d over our selves unto any , that are subiects themselves in any case , having ourselvs bin the chiefe sachims , or princes successively , of the countrey , time out of mind , and for our present , & lawful enacting hereof , being so farre remote from his majestie , we have by joynt consent made choyse of four of his loyall and loving subjects , our trusty and well beloved friends , samuel gorton , iohn wickes , randall ho●lden , and ioh● warner , whom we have deputed , and made our lawfull a●●●rnies , or commissioners , not only for the acting and performing of this our deed , in the behalfe of his highnesse : but also for the safe custody , carefull conveyance , and declar●tion ●●ereof unto his grace , being done upon the lands of the nanhyganset , ●t a court or generall assembly called and assemble● together of purpose , for the publick enacting , and manifest●●ion hereof : and for the further confirmation , and establishing of this our act and deed , we the above-said sachims , or princes , have according to that commendable custome of english-men , subscribed our names , and set our seales hereunto , as so many testimonies of our faith and truth , our love and loyaltie to that our dread soveraigne , and that according to the english mens account . dated the nineteenth day of aprill , one thousand six hundred forty foure . pessicus his marke , chiefe sachim and successor of that late deceased myantonomy . the marke of that ancient conaunicus , protector of that late deceased myantonomy , during the time of his nonage . the marke of mixan , son and heir of that above-said conaunicus . indians witnessed by two of the chiefe counsellors to sachim pessicus . a●washo●sse his mark tomanick his mark sealed and delivered in the presence of these persons english christopher helme . robert potter . richard c●rder . here followeth a copie of a letter sent to the massachusets ▪ by the sachi●ns of the nanhygansets ( shortly after their subjection to the state and government of old-england ) they being sent unto by the massachusets , to make their appearance at their generall cour● , th●n approaching . we understand your desire is , that we should come downe into the massachusets , at the time of your court now approaching ; our occasions at this time are v●●y great , and the more , because of the losse ( in that m●nner ) of our late deceased brother , upon which occasion , if we should not stirre our selves , to give testimony of our faithfulnesse unto the cause , of that our so unjust deprivation of such an instrument , as he was amongst us , for our common good , we should feare his blood would lie upon our selves ; so that we desire of you , being wee take you for a wise people , to let us know your reasons why you seeme to advise us as you doe , not to g●e out against our so inhumane , and cruell adversary , who too●e so great a ransome to release him ▪ and his life also , when that was done . our brother was willing to stirre much abroad to converse with men ; and wee see a sad event at the last the●eupon : take it not ill therefore , though we resolve to keepe at home ( unlesse some great necessitie call us out ) and so at t●is time doe not repaire unto you , according to your request : and the rather because we have subjected our selves , our land● and possessions , with all the right and inheritances of us and our people , either by conquest ▪ voluntary subjection , or otherwise , unto that famous and honourable government , of that royall king charles , and that state of old-england , to be ordered and governed according to the laws and customs thereof ; not doubting of the continuance of tha● former love that hath been betwixt you and us , but rather to have it increased hereby , being subjects now , ( and that with joynt and voluntary consent ) unto the same king and state your selves are : so that if any small thing of difference should fall out betwixt us , only the sending of a messenger may bring it to right againe ; but if any great matter should fall ( which we hope and desire will not , nor may not ) then neither your selves nor we are to be judges , but both of us are to have recourse , and repaire unto that honourable and just government ; and for the passage of u● or our men , to and againe amongst you , about ours or their own occasions , to have comerse with you , we desire and hope they shall have no worse dealing or entertainment then formerly we have had amongst you , and do resolve accordingly to give no worse respect to you or yours , then formerly you have found amongst us , according to the condition and manner of our countrey . nanhyganset this present , may the . . pessicvs his marke . conavnicvs his marke . now before the assembling of the next generall court , in regard the indians had expressed themselves as above we heard , there were feares and jealousies raised up in the minds of the people , of the massachusets , and other of their united colonies , as though there was some danger of the nanhygansets comming against them to doe some hurt unto them : so that when we heard their court was assembled , we writ unto them , a● follows . a true copie of a letter sent to the m●ss●chus●ts , at a generall court held shortly after the submission of the people of the nanhygansets , unto the state of old-england , by the commissioners put in trust , for the further publication of their solemne act. these are to let you understand , tha● since you expelled us out of your coasts , the sachims of the nanhyganset have sent for certaine men of the kings majesties subjects , and upon advised counsell amongst themselves ( a generall assembly being called of purpose for that end ) they have joyntly voluntarily , and with unanimous consent , submitted and subjected themselves , with their lands and possessions inherited by lineall discent , voluntary subjection , right of conquest , purchase or otherwise , what ever lands or priviledges appertain and belong unto them , unto that honourab●e and famous prince charles , king of great britain , and ireland , in that renowned state and government of old-england , to be ruled and ordered , according to those honourable laws and customs , in themselves and their successors for eve● , which is performed and done , in that solemn , durable , and commendable custome of record , under divers and severall han●● and seals , witnessed sufficiently , both by the natives and english , solemnly delivered and received on his majesties behalfe ▪ holding correspondencie with the laws and customs of th●● honourable state of old-england in all points : we thought good therefore to give notice hereof , at your generall court now assembled , that it may serve to informe your selves , and all your united colonies , of the performance of this act done , without any further pains or trouble , that so not our selves only , that are eye and ear witnesses hereof ( but you also ) may follow our occasions and imployments , without any extraordinar ▪ care , or feare of the people above-said , to offer to make a●y in-road , or give any assault upon us : but with that indigni●y offered and done unto their soveraign , which cannot be borne , nor put up , without a sharpe and princely revenge ; nor may we upon the like penalty , offer to disturbe them in their bounds and territories , in their ordinary and accustomed imployments among themselves , or with any of their neighbouring natives , whose grounds of proceed causes and occasions are better known unto themselves , then we can be able to judge of . but if either you or we find any thing amongst them too grievous to be borne ; they not making any violent assault upon us ▪ we know whither , and to whom we are to repaire , and have recourse for redresse , as we tender our allegeance and subjection unto our king and state , unto which they are become fellow subjects with our selves ; and therefore of necessity his majesties princely care must reach unto them . furthermore , that it may appeare , that our dealings towards you , and all men , have been , and shall prove just , and true , whatever your dealings may , or have manifested themselves to be towards us : know therefore , that being abroad of late about our occasions , we fell to be where one of the sachims of that great people of the maukquogges was , with some of his men , whom we perceive are the most fierce and warlike people in the countrey , or continent where we are , furnished with . guns , men expert in the use of them , plenty of powder and shot , with furniture for their bodies in time of warre , for their safety , which other natives have not ; we understand that of late they have slain a hundred french , with many indians , which were in league with the french , putting many of them to cruell tortures , and have but lost two of their own men ; these being as we understand deeply affected with the nanhygansets ▪ in the losse of their late sachim , unjust detaining also of so great a ransome , given and received for his life ▪ and else , are resolved ( that if any people offer to assault them in their accustomed courses amongst the natives , or seeking after their ancient rights and priviledges , not offering wrong to any of his majesties subjects , nor violating their subjection to that noble state , which they seem to respect , and much to adore ) to wage warre with them unto the uttermost , which it seems is the very spirit of that people to be exercised that way , which as we desire to make use of it our selves , so doe we hereby give no●ice to you also , to make the best use of it unto your selves in all your colonies united . june the th , . by ●● the true and lawfull owners of shaw-omet . john warner secret. these things being done , we residin● upon aquethneck ▪ alias , road-iland , hiring houses and grounds to plan● upon , for the preservation of our families : the governour of the massachusets perceiving that we still aboad among the english , and were not gone to the dutch as others formerly did , he then writ a letter privately to some in the iland , whom he thought they had interest in , being he continued a member of their church , however removed from them , telling him , that if he and others ( who were in like relation unto them ) could worke the people of the iland to deliver ●s ●p into their hands again ( at least some of us ) it would not only be acceptable unto the court then sitting , but unto most of the people in generall ; the people of the iland having notice of this letter , did altogether dislike and detest any such course to be held with us , knowing very well what they had already done , and how causelesly ; so that we abode still upon ●he iland , and followed our imployments , untill such time as there appeared amongst us a ●harter of civill government , granted by the state of old england , for the orderly ▪ quiet , and peaceable government of the people inhabiting in those parts of the countrey , called providence plantations , in the nanhyganset bay , which charter being joyfully imbraced ▪ and with all expedition , an orderly and joynt course was h●●d for the investing of the people into the power and liberties thereof unanimously , for the exercise of the authority , in the execution of lawes , for the good and quiet of the people , which thing gave great incouragement unto the planters , to goe on in their imployments , hoping to enjoy their lawfull ●●ghts and priviledges without disturbance , which the massac●usets , together with plymouth understanding , they go about by all means to discourage the people , by their endeavouring to weaken , and invalid the authority of the charter , in the eyes of the countrey , intrenching upon those places , to frustrate and make void the charter , as by maintaining their co●djutors , as aforesaid in opposing of us , giving them order to set up writs upon our houses , where formerly we lived , prohibiting all men for entermedling with those houses , lands , peoples , either english or indians ( which they call their own people ) without their consent and approbation in those parts , which all plainly fall within the confines of the fore-named charter , and far out of all their jurisdictions . here followeth a true copie of a warrant set upon our houses at shaw-omet verbatim , being extant , which was done after the charter appeared amongst us . whereas we understand that some of our countrey men about providence , or those parts , doe intend to sit down upon our lands at show-omet , or those parts : this is therefore to give notice to any such , that they forbear , without license from us , to attempt the same , or to meddle with any of our people there , either english or indians ; for let them be assured , that we resolve to maintain our just rights . given at the court at boston , the th . of the th . m o , ann. . by me increase nowell , secret. after this they ceased not to send out their warrants amongst us , after the charter was established amongst us , sending divers , and serving them upon the men of providence , expresly commanding their appearance at their courts in the massachusets ▪ a copie of one of their warrants to the men of providence here followeth● word for word , and is extant under their hand . to the executors of franci● weston . you are required to take notice of an attachment against the lands of francis weston , so as to bind you to be responsall , at the next court at beston , to answer the complaint of william arnald , * for withholding a debt of thirty shillings due to him , and hereof not to faile at your perill . dated the . ( ) . per cur . william aspinwall . and as they thus goe beyond their bounds , not only to intrench upon the liberties and labours of their countrey men , ( but also upon that authority transferred upon that people by the state of old-england , for the quiet and peaceable ordering and government of themselves ) not only in ●rovidence and shaw-omet , but like wise upon road-iland , both in portsmouth , and newport , specified in the charter ; the colonie of plimouth joyned in league with the massachusets , to such ends and purposes , sent their messengers to road-iland , as namely , one master john brown , an assistant in government amongst them there , who went from house to house ( b●th in portsmouth and newport ) discouraging the people for yeelding any obedience unto the authority of the charter , giving them warning ( as from the court of plimouth ) not to su●mit unto any government that was established by vertue of a late pretended charter , ( as he very presumptuously called it ) nor unto any other authoritie , or government , but only such as was allowed and approved of by them , although formerly they have many times confessed and acknowledged both by word and writing , that it was out of their jurisdictions ▪ without which acknowledgement , the people would never have adventured to lay out their estates , and to have planted themselves and families in those parts , some of them having too great and costly experience of plimouths dealings with their countrey men , to be such as may be fitly ▪ paraleld with the dealings of the massachusets , and their practise springing from the same spirit , hath brought them into league and band , when they were clearly manifested each to other , who before at the time of their first neighbour-hood there , they were at a distance , and stood aloof , one from the other , as each thinking i am holier then thou , the men of plimouth , comming thither from amsterdam , and the other out of hot persecutions of the bishops in old england . now that these men doe not onely intrench causelesly upon their countrey-men , but also upon the poore indians , inhabiting in those parts , it is very plaine by their proceedings against that people of the nanhyganset ▪ whose countrey fals within the confines of the charter , which people only going about to right themselves upon such indians as they conceive have mightily wronged them in taking away the life of their prince , after so great a ransome given , and received for his rescue ; this they make their occasion to go out against them to cut them off , and so to take their countrey into their own jurisdiction ; whereas the indians , of our knowledge hold themselves bound , to revenge the blood of their prince , it being so unlawfully ( in their eyes ) taken away ; nay , they are not quiet in themselves , unlesse they doe revenge it , or else spill their own , in their endeavours thereafter ; in the mean time they are in a continued act of mourning , as we know , for the space of one whole year , and an halfe , they mourned continually , not only by blacking their faces , in token thereof ; but every day their mourning women , morning and evening upon their knees , with lamentations , and many tears along time together , as our selves have been eye-witnesses , when we have had occasions amongst them , and in houses that were more publick , where the wife and children of the diseased prince were , there did a man continue a speech ( during the time of the womens praying , sighing and lamenting with abundance of tears ) declaring what their losse was in being deprived of such a sachim , and how wrongfully it was done by the enemy , as also how they were all of them ingaged to revenge his blood , else would it so lie upon their own heads , as to bring more miseries , and evils upon them : now for this their proceeding against their adversary the indian , that thus deprived them of their sachim , and so wrongfully ( as they conceive ) the massachusets , and plimouth have offered to goe out against the people of the nanhyganset , to cut them off by the sword , sending word to providence plantations , that if they should stand as neuters , and not goe out with them in th●● worke , they would make plunder of them : so captain stan●ish sent word in the name of plymouth ( now since we cam● out of those parts ) unto the men of providence , as wee are credibly informed by letters from divers hands , as also by word of mouth from persons of good note , who were in the countrey there present amongst them , when these things were done , informing us of many passages , of the proceedings of the massachusets , and plymouth , both towards the people of providence plantations , as also the indians of that countrey of the nanhygansets ; only one letter that concernes the i●dians , wee desire to set down , ●o give further intelligence t● the reader of these mens dealings , who seemed so meelt , and so mild in their native countrey , old ▪ england , in the time of their aboad there , as though they could not heave a h●nd , or wag a tongue against any thing but a bishops ceremony , that being onely offensive unto them . here followeth a true copie of a letter s●nt unto us since our coming from those parts of america called new england . we are all in health at this present and chearfull , ( the greatest want is your company ) though men generally more invective then ever , the bay had provided an army to go against the nanhygansets , had they not been prevented in the very interim thus , captain harding informed the court of the difficulty of the enterprise upon which the court employed him , & mr. wylbour , to go to nanhyganset and take benedick * to interpret ; when they came to benedick he refused to go without a hundred men in arms , onely to possesse them with danger , to effect his bloody plot , upon whi●h mr. williams being sent for to nanhyganset , and also my ●ell , to inquire of us , what the minds of these mad people were to kill men for nothing ; upon which i went to providence a , thinking to go with master williams , but , when i came there , he was gon , with the captai● & master wylbour , upon benedicks refusall ; i stayed their return , and their agreement was to have pessecus a go into the bay , and master williams was necessitated to put himself hostage till his return ; this news coming into the bay did so vex the ministers , that master cotton preached upon it , that it being so wicked an act to take master williams with them , being one cast out of the church , it was all one as to ask counsell of a witch , and that those that did it , were worthy to die ; upon which master wylbour was ready to die , for feare he should be hanged ; so then the indians went down , ●nd they compelled them to cease warres with unkas b and to pay them five hundred pounds for charges of court , and provision for souldiers c , and to leave foure of the chief sachims children , till the money be paid , and to leave foure of his chief men till the children came , and ●● promise them not to sell any land ▪ without their consent : d this being done they came home again , and sent a man ●o ●ell me what was done , telling me that if the lords in england help them not , they are like to suffer at present , ou● still they say they are not afraid of them , but onely giv● them their demands , rather then to war , before the lords hear of i● , that all may see they mean no hurt to english , but will submit to the lawes of england , concluding it is but ●ent ▪ it will come home with advantage both to their wisdome and profit . pessecus hath been often with me to desire me to inform you of these things with great desire to see you again . thus in haste i rest . your ever loving friend j. w. this th of november . thus have we given a true report ▪ and made a faithfull relation , as briefly as we could , of what passages have fallen out betwixt the people of providence plantations , and the rest of our countreymen inhabiting about them , which we have sensibly fel● , and our families are now pressed under , laying it unto heart , and seriously taking it into con●●deration , hath not onely occasioned , but necessitated some of u● to be here at this present with the consent of many others , according to our bou●den duty , and allegeance , to present the truth hereof to this state. london the th of ia●●ary . here cometh a letter to hand , was wri●ten in th● time of our confinement , & lying in bolts , & irons in the massachusets , occasioned by one of our wives , she hearing doctrine delivered ( in that part of the countrey where she was d●iven with her children ) questioning the truth of it , writ to ●er husband to desire his thoughts of it ; i● was gathered from mat. . . & ●lluding also to hob. . . . for the explication of it , the substance of the doctrine was , that such a time of reformation , & restauration of the church of god , here on eart● ▪ was coming , the glory vvhereof should darken the sun and moon , & cause the stars to fall from heaven , that is , saith he , make the apostles doctrine & order of the churches in those dayes to appeare as darknes in comparison of that light vvhich should now appeare , shewing also , that the ministery of the apostles vvas that vvhich might & should be removed , that a more excellent glory might be brought in , and remain , concluding that the ministery of the apostles , was but a ministery of witness● , but one should hereafter appeare having the presence and ●●ality of that which they but onely witnessed , and gave testimony unto . here followeth a true copy of the answer given unto the things propounded as above , in way of satisfaction , how we are to think of such kind of doctrine , which the world is so taken up with , and see●s to stand in such expectation and hopes of . concerning that point you wri● fr●m mat. the . as also heb. the . ▪ . n●m●●● , that the apostles ministery , was a ministery of witnesse , ●●●●●dily grant ; but that it was no more then a ministery of witnesse , we utterly deny , for it had not onely witnesse , but judgement also of condemnation and absolution in it , therefore the apostle saith , god shall judge you according to my gospel ; for the apostles are not , but through the spirit of the sonne , who is that faithfull and true witnesse , yea , and the judge of all , also ; and higher then his ministration ( who comes out of the bosome of the father ) we look nor nor ever desire to go , therefore we onely confesse him , who is , and who was , and who is to come , and therefore reject such a gospell as professeth such persons , times , and ministrations past , as never shall come again , and such persons , times and ministrations to come as yet never were , as a cunning device and sleight of sathan to beguile the soules of men , either to stand in expectation of things to come ▪ or else in admiration of things past , whiles in the mean time they are kept void of faith , which gives being unto the things , yea even at the present time ; otherwise it is but to know persons and things after the flesh , but henceforth know we no man after the flesh , no though we have known christ iesus after the flesh , yet henceforth know we him no more . and for the sun being darkened , to be the ministery of the apo●tles becoming dark in respect of a greater light appearing , we may in no case allow ; for the sunne there spoken of , is that sunne of righteousnesse , a greater then which shall never appear , but when the crosse of christ ( spoken of in that chapter ) is evidently set forth , and declared to be that which indeed it is ; then is that sunne of righteousnesse , that is light in it self , turned into darknesse , in all the men of the world , even as the saints , which are darknesse in themselves , become light in the lord ; for as the wicked turn the truth of god into a lie , which is truth in it self , and ever will be , so they transform the light of the lord into darknesse , which in it self is light and can never be darknesse : the moon also , whose time is to appeare , and her place to have dominion in the night , shall not give her light ▪ she shall fail in her office to shine , waxe , waine , and ●o set bounds to times and seasons , that is , the wicked shall see themselves deprived of all hope to attain to a change , time or season , which shall alter their wofull condition , or remove the wrath of the lord from them , yea in their looking back to the changes of their life before , wherein they have thought themselves so well exercised ▪ the moon in that respect shall be turned into blood ( as ioel speaks in the same case ) all times shall affor● them no hing else but to see how they have been practising the shedding of that innocent blood , even from the blood of abe ▪ , whom his brother slew ●n the field , where they were exercised in ordinary imployments , in the things of this life , unto the blood of zacharias slaine ( between ) or in the middle of the temple and the altar , ●●en in the very height of their worship and ordinances , so much stood for at this day . nothing but such manner of light , or such a time or season ( shall that light of heaven ) the times and changes which they have passed through afford unto them ▪ ye● the starres shall fall from heaven , even cease to afford their various glories and lights , yea that day starre shall never give notice of that day springing from on high to visit them , or the rise of that sunne of righteousnesse , with healing under his wings , nor shall their severall operations , and vertues yield any refreshment unto these terrene & sublunary things , that is , all those ●everall glories , and various vertues and operations that are in that bright morning star the lord iesus , and in those seven sta●rres which he holds in his right hand , they shall all fall off , and lose th●ir lustre , light , and influence , in and towards the earthly sonnes of adam , as though they had never been ; for as t●e rejoycing of the lamp of the righteous is a putting out and cess●tion of all sinne and sorrow , even so the putting out of the candle of the wicked , is a cessation , and utter de●olishing of all the ●ertues and excellencies of christ unto them , as though they were not at all , nay more then so , for as the sinne and miseries which non are by nature subject unto , are made througe the wisdome of god , a meanes whereby we see the height and depth , yea all the dimensions of the love of god do appear unto us , so are the excellencies that are in jesus christ , made ( through the wisdom of that serpent ) means of torture & torment to the wicked for ●ver , even as the excellencies of these visible heaven● would be a greater torture to man to lose them then if he had never seen or enjoyed them ; and thence it is , that the powers of heaven are shaken or the dominions of heaven ; for every thing in the heavens hath its lordship , the sunne hath dominion of the day , the moone and the starres ; the dominion of the night ; the su●ne hath lordship in shining , when the moon hides her face ; but not in setting bounds to times and seasons ; for the moon hath lordship in that , but not in affording vertue and influence ●o herbs & plants , for the stars have power and dominion in that , yea every starre hath its particular power and vertue , yet can they not water the earth . the clouds have their dominion in that , yet cannot they serve man to breathe in ; the aire bath dominion in that ; so it is in the heavenly powers of our lord christ , whatsoever is in him hath its dominion , so as all the rest have not their glorie without it , so that whatsoever is declared in the kingdome of heaven it is the first and the chief , and all the rest do serve to make up all its power or chief●ie , so as all the elders cast down their crownes before ●t ; all the excellencies that are in christ jesus , as love , wisdom , righteousnes , holines power & glory , all things in him have dominion and power , & all these heavenly powers whatsoever are shaken , that is removed out of their places , not to appeare in them any more , for the place wherein god declared his image at the first , in the beginning was man ; but when the crosse of christ is truly declared , then are all these heavenly powers shaken out of man , yea , removed out of that proper place given unto them in the beginning ; therfore it is said , immediately after these tribulations , or immediately with these tribulations , ( as the word wil also beare ) that is , the preaching of the crosse and thse things are inseparable ; no marvell therefore , that when ever the crosse is preached , the champions of that man of sinne come out against it , striving to retain their god ; for ●s it would be to nature in things of this life to see all chief powers and heavenly bodies so shaken , as to remove them out of their place for ever ; the very thoughts whereof are dismal to the mind of man ; so , & infinitely more is it to the soul of a man to have the excellencies & noble powers and dominions of god removed out of his heart where he placed them in the act of his first creation , are so that the exellencies of christ , are ever shaking and ever removing out of their place in the wicked , that the heig●● of their torment may ever appear and remain : for these things are shaken and removed in them , through the wisdom of the serpent , that those things that cannot be shaken , namely , the wrath and vengeance of god may remain ; even so it is in the godly , their sins and miseries are ever shaking and removing out of their proper place , that those things that cannot be shaken , namely , the grace and righteousnesse of christ may rema●● for ever ; therefore the voice o● the gospel shakes both heave● and earth , in that place alluded unto in your letter hebr. ▪ ● . . alluding both to mount sinai , and mount sion , so th●● the word yet once more declares a double removall , yea , and that of things that are made ; for man was made in the image of god , yet the wisdome of the serpent removed this image , that mans righteousnesse which is nothing but abomination in the sight of god , might ever remain , so also christ was made sin , but the wisdome of god removed this sin in the very act of his being made so that the righteousnesse of god might remain and abide for ever ; and then , and then onely shall or doth appear the signe , or the miracle or wonder of the sonne of man in h●aven , in those clouds of , witnesse ▪ or in that cloud of witnesses with power and great glory ▪ so as all earthly kindreds shall mourn and wail before him , even so ame● ▪ now the signe or wonder of the son of man is this , that god made him a wo●ld of life at the f●●st , for he breathed into his face , the breath of lifes , ( as the word i● ) for the life of all the world was in him ; and yet thi● world of life is become nothing else but a world of death in ●●e wicked , and no life of god found in them at all ; so is that son of man in the second adam made a world of sinne and death , and yet this world of sinne and death is become a world of righteousnesse and life unto the godly , and no sin nor unrighteousnesse of man found in them , for never was guile ●ound in his ●outh , even so . amen , and this is the signe or miracle of the son of man , which the world knowes not of , and therefore ●●th so many empty conj●ctures what it may be thought to be , g●●i●g up into heaven after it : when as it is come down unto us , and they know it not . rom . . . thus have i given you my thoughts as brief as i could concerning what you propounded unto me , and blesse the lord that you ministred occasion to look into the text . however we are set apart as a forlorn people in the eyes of , & by the world , yet doubt i not , but our god hath singled us out for other ends and uses , who hath put us into the isle of p●●mos , or among the nation of the dead , or deadly , ( as the word signifies ) to reveal unto us the great mysteries of his kingdome , that we may declare unto those that now be h●re , how to have their hope in god , & that it may be told unto our childrens children that noble work that he hath wrought for us in our lord christ , who is over all , god blessed for ever amen . your loving husband in bonds , and yet free , samuel gorton . a post script . divers letters were written to friends in answer to questions , and resolution of scripture● , which now are not at hand ; otherwi●e we are very free to publish them to be seen of ●●l , that the wise hearted might iudge of what our spirits and practises rellish●d , and how they were imployed in the time of our durance amongst these men , that were so eagerly minded to make us blasphemers , that so they might take away our lives , as a part of the glory , and beautification of their religion . only we desire the readers p●ins to take a view of one other letter , in answer to a friend , who seemed to be troubled about that scripture , in iohn . . verse , what the meaning of it might be , desiring resolution thereit , since we arived in england . the words are these . then iesus said unto them , verily , verily , i say unto you , except ye eat the flesh of the sonne of man , and drinke his blood , ye have no life in you . in these words consider , first the occasion of them . secondly , the summe of them , and thirdly the parts . first for the summe , it is a divine sentence exclusive , of all men , from the life and spirit of god , save only such as doe eat the flesh of the sonne of man , and drinke his blood . secondly , the parts of them for order sake are foure . first the occasion of this sentence , in these words , then jesus said unto them ; secondly , the confirmation of this sentence , laid down in these words , verily , verily ; thirdly , the manner of the sentence , contained in these words , i say unto you , fourthly , the sentence it selfe , excluding all from the life of god , such only excepted as doe eat the flesh of the sonne of man , and drinke his blood . for the first , which is the occasion of this divine sentence ; that is , the reasonings within themselves , which the jewes had in the operations of their naturall hearts , upon the delivering of this manner of doctrine unto them , even by the sonne of god himselfe , implyed in this word ( then ) looking back upon the verse immediatly going before , from which christ takes occasion to utter this sentence ; whence we observe , that the word of god takes occasion , to utter and make it selfe manifest , even from the naturall reasonings , and argumentations framed in mens minds ; though they are not the cause , yet they are the occasion of the manifestation of it , even as the truth , righteousnesse , power , and authority that is in god , breedeth occasionally , feare , terrour , jealousie , and wrath , in mens hearts and minds , though these excellencies that are in god , are no proper cause hereof , but onely an occasion , without which they would not be ; for if there were no iudge , the malefactor would not have terrour ; even so , the very naturall reasonings of mens hearts , are the occasions of the manifestation of the word of god in us , but no proper cause of it , for the cause is only in god himselfe ; but without such reasonings , and characteristicall impressions in mans mind , the word of god could never have been implanted , written , or translated in us whereby we come to have the argumentations , and conclusions of sonnes of god , and not simply , or meerly of creatures in our minds , being once inlightned by him who is god , and the father of lights , where ever it appeareth : so that the soule of man is of farre greater sublimitie , and naturall excellencie in its creation , then any other creature under heaven ever had vouchsafed unto it ; so that there is an utter impossibility that any creature should receive the impressions of god , but man alone . this is a large field to walk in , for according to the variety of the reasonings of the mind of man by nature , which is set forth in all those wayes , wherein men have walked , and manifested themselves in this present world , such it that wonderfull epistle of iesus christ , in the various writing and expression of it in the souls , hearts , and lives of the saints that are in light through iesus christ ; instance in one for all , the spirit of a naturall father reasons thus , if my child ask bread ( to supply nature in the suppressing of hunger ) i cannot put a stone into his mouth , ( that were cruelty ) but bread ; if so be that i have it or can procure it ; if the child ack fish , the father cannot put a serpent into his bosome to bide and sting him , but somewhat to cure and refresh him , if he have it . now do but change this argument into the way of christ , and let god be the father , and my self the child , and then is god , not man , the father ; the bread heavenly and not from the earth ; the writing , reasoning or argument , divine and eternall , not humane and temporary ; and so the reasnings and dictates of our spirits are translated into the arguments and dictates of the spirit of god , and the arguments and dictates of the spirit of god are translated into a mind and spirit that speaks the very same things naturally in it self , though onely in a way of death , through its naturall ignorance , that now it speaketh in that way of life , through that light and knowledge that is in the lord ; and thus , christ by sinne condemnes sin in the flesh : for by those reasonings wherewith we justifie our selves naturally , through that ignorance that naturally is in us , by the very same arguments and reasonings we condemn our selves , and justifie the lord , through that light and knowledge we have in him by iesus christ . the second thing to be observed , is the certainty of this sentence laid down in the form o● an oath , verily , verily , that is , so it is or so it shall be , as if he should say amen , amen , so it is and so it shall be without alteration or change , and in that the word is doubled , it is for the certainty of the thing , as ioseph said of pharaohs dreame , and of no lesse certainty is all true exposition and interpretation of holy scripture , whatever men may dream as pharaoh did and knew not the meaning of it , and speak at uncertainties ▪ not being resolved whether things may come to passe now or then , or fall out to be thus , or so in the things of god ; for the same spirit of truth and certainty , that gives the prophesie , proverbe , parable , and advise , that records the history , or gives sentence divine , must also interpret , expound , and declare the meaning thereof ; else is the booke shut and sealed up unto us ; great folly therefore to conclude of certaintie of scripture , and of no infallibility in the interpretation thereof ; for no more then we know the truth of an interpretation , no more doe we know the truth and certainty of any history , prophesie , proverbe , or parable , which is propounded unto us , but take things upon repo●t , as we doe other chronologies of this world , having only the traditions of men for the ground of our worship of god. the third thing , is the manner of pronunciation of the sentence , i say unto you , or as the word is , i say ( in ) you ; the word used here , translated ( i say ) signifies such a saying as a iudge speaks upon the bench , when he gives sentence in a cause , upon due proofe and evidence , which stands fast in law , being irrevocable ; such is the saying and speech of christ , the truth whereof can never be altered ; and whereas he saith , i say unto you , or as the word is , i say ( in ) you , it signifies that what ever the saints utter in point of religion , it is , and must be , the voice of the sonne of god , and not of themselves ; so that as he suffereth in them , else can hee have no death at all , and then no saviour ; even so he speaks in them , or else hath no voice , nor language at all ; and therefore without them , no revealer of the will of his father ; for where christ is silent , there can be no revelation ▪ therefore is he the word , or expression of the father ; and what he saith of him , he saith it in them : therefore he saith , i say in you , as in that very epistle , or writing , wherein i expresse my selfe in the father unto the world , for my father and i are one . the fourth thing to be observed , is the sentence it selfe , excluding all from the life of god , such only excepted at doe eat the flesh of the sonne of man , and drinke his blood ; wherein observe five things briefly , first why he is called the sonne o● man , secondly , what is meant by his flesh and blood in this place ; thirdly , what we are to understand by eating and drinking ; fourthly , what is meant by life in this place ; and fifthly how we are to understand , that exception or limitation , seeing that of our selves we are n●● able to thinke a good thought , how can we then performe such a weighty worthy , and unknown action , that is no lesse then life it selfe , in the doing of it . for the first , viz. why he is called the sonne of man ? answ . not only , nor properly , because he had a soule and a body as all men have , which indeed was good in the creation , and so man is called the sonne of god : but he is called the son of man , because he is so produced and brought forth , as none can be , but such as proceed of man alone : nor can he be a saviour , but in way of such production and son-ship , for christ in respect of his death ( with●ut which no saviour ) is brought forth and produced no other way , but only in , and by man ; for there is no death to be heard of in god , nor can he bring forth or produce of himselfe , any thing that is deadly , for he is that fountaine of life ; yea , life it selfe , in the abstract ; nor can it be proper , or competible ●o the sonne of god , to be brought forth in his death , in any , no , nor in all other creatures in the world , but only in man ; for as no other creature in the creation was made in the image of god , but man alone , so no other creature in regard of degeneration , can beare the image of death and hell b●● man alone : therefore it is that christ is said , to descend into the lower-most parts of the earth for our redemption , or in our redemption , which is wrought in us , or in our nature only ; therefore he saith , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , neither wilt thou suffer thine holy one to see corruption ; therefore of necessitie must he be brought forth , in respect of his death by man alone . the second thing to be observed , i● , what is meant by flesh and blood ? answ . by flesh in scripture , sometimes is meant , that which our lord , or any of his were never nourished , nor in the least refreshed by , and that is the ●●●me of flesh , which is a curse to all them that strengthen themselvs by it in the things of god ; for in that sense , shall flesh and blood never inherit the kingdome of god ; nay adde further , in that sence it is true , that if you live after the flesh , it is death , which is to live according to the wisdome , skill , strength , study , and fore-cast , about the things of god , that a creature ( meerly as he is a creature ) is able to produce and bring forth , which is to live according to the wealth , power , and honour of the creature ; whose goodlinesse is as the flower of grasse that withereth , consumeth , and is brought to nought ; for the best thing that is in it ( which is his wisdom ) is emnitie with god , for it is not subject to the law of god , neither indeed can be . but secondly , we are to understand by flesh , that weaknesse , frailty , and imbecillity of man , when he is deprived , and laid waste in himselfe , of all created glory , which is only then ; when the spirit of the lord blowes , or breathes upon him ; and so becoms nothing in himselfe but weaknesse and infirmity : and in this sense the prophet saith ; now the aegyptians are men , and not god , their horses flesh , and not spirit : so saith the psalmist in the same sence , my flesh also resteth in hope , that is my weaknesse , and tired out condition , hath rest , and strength in an other , though not in my selfe ; for hope that is seen is no hope , so that my nature affords no such thing , but only that nature to which i am united : and in an other place , thou art a god that heareth prayers , and unto thee shall all flesh come , that is ▪ thou art strength , and able to supply abundantly in all things , for thou art god , and we bring nothing but weaknesse and infirmitie unto thee , for unto thee nothing but flesh comes ; and so the sonne of god is truly said , to be made flesh , that is weak and ●rayle , in regard of our nature which he tooke , or ( as a continued act ) takes upon himselfe . againe , by blood is here meant the life , spirit , and power of the sonne of god , as he descends from the father , even as the vigour , life and spirit of the creature runs in the blood , in the heat thereof : such is the life , spirit , power , vertue , and vigor of the sonne of man , as he is of the life , descent , and power of the father from above , and so is god blessed for ever amen ; and in this sence is blood taken by our apostle , where he saith , this is he that came by water and blood , that is , by weaknesse and strength , not by water only , but by water and blood ; that is , not by weaknesse only , but by weaknesse and strength , that is , weaknesse in us , or in our nature , but power in god , or in that nature divine ; so is he said in the like sense , to be crucified in the flesh , but quickned in the spirit ; and so is it also said , that what the law could not doe , i● that it was weake concerning the flesh , yet the sonne of god taking upon him that similitude , and by sinne condemned sinne in the flesh , that the righteousnesse of the law might be fulfilled in us , that is , even as he became flesh in us , so doe we become spirit , and life in him , which is the fulfilling and perfection of the law. the third thing observed is , what it is to eat this flesh , and to drinke this blood ? answ . is that as it is in the body of a man naturally in that respect , even so also it is in that mysticall body of christ spiritually ; for if a man should eat , or communicate in ( as the meaning is ) only in food for the body , and not take in moysture , or drinke , for the digestion thereof , it is the destruction of the body , because moysture , as well as heat , must be maintained , those being the two radicall humours ; else doth the lampe goe out , and is extinct ; yea , meate without moysture doth suffocate , and choak the spirits , to the surfetting of the body , and so becomes the over-throw of it , which otherwise would maintaine and uphold it . againe , if wee should take in only drinke , without meat , upon which it operateth , and worketh , then doth the moysture presently overflow to the quenching of the heat , and so breedeth either some dropsie in the body , to the sinking and overthrow of it in that way , or else it ●umeth up into the head , and breeds madnesse , and giddinesse in the brain , unto all foolish , wanton , and lascivious wickednesse : even so it is in that mysticall body of christ : and hence it is said ( by an ●legant allusion ) to eating and drinking naturally ) that we eat the flesh of the sonne of man , and drinke his blood ; that is , if we ●●● or communicate with that weaknesse and frailty which i● naturally in man , and which the sonne of god assumed and tooke into unity with himselfe , without alike drinking in , or communication with , that spirit and life wherein he visits us , and comes into our nature from on high ( even out of the bosome of the father ) then doe we surfeit , & suffocate the spirit , and die in our selves , and in our sinnes ; and so also , if we neglect that weaknesse that is in us ( as though no such thing were ) and dream of a high and spirituall estate , which doth not arise out of , and is the result , ( through the wisdom of god ) of that weaknesse that is in us , then doe we either sinke in our folly , and become sottish in the things of god , being drunke up only with the things of this naturall life , else are we puffed up , and become giddy in our selves , thinking we know something , when as indeed we know nothing as we ought to know , but are meerly , and vainly puft up in a carnall , aspiring , proud , vaine-glorious , and fleshly mind . so that to eat the flesh , and drinke the blood of the son of man , is to communicate in the things that are of jesus christ , both as he is god , and as he is man , and to hold the unity of strength and weaknesse ; that is , how he is made weak in taking our nature , and so carries and bears our infirmities away for ever ( he being that scape-goat , whose office it is so to doe : ) and also , how our nature is , thereby made strong and mighty , througth that strength of the sonne of god , in whom we find no infirmity , but are furnished with his power everlastingly , so that death which is naturally in us ( as we are the sonnes of men ) is swallowed up of that victory and life , which is in him , as he is that victorious , and eternall sonne of god , and without a sutable correspondent , and hermonious feeding of these two , as in one individuall subsistance , we cannot have life in us , no more then our bodies can be sustained by meat without drinke , or by drinke only without meat : and that is the fourth particular , else we cannot have life in us , that is , we can have no life , spirit , or breathings of the sonne of that living god in us : for as the body without the soule is dead , so also the soule without the life , and spirit of the lord iesus is dead , and as the body lives not without meat and drink , heate and moysture , so the soule lives not without communicating alike ▪ in this strength and weaknesse , or in this life and death , which is in the sonne of god , who dies concerning the flesh , but is quickned in the spirit , and the spirit of god proceeds ever from these two , when ever it uttereth it selfe , in that lively oracle or speech from off the covering mercy-seat , it is ever from between these two cherubims , and never speaks evidently , what perillous times are in the last dayes , but only as it proceeds from these twain , that is , from a dying unto the flesh ; and a being quickned in , and living unto the spirit , by which life , spirit , or breath it ever preacheth , from the dayes of noah , even untill now , both in our selves , and by our selves to others ; for as it is a maxim , that the spirit proceedeth both from the father and the son ; so is it here , for the flesh , or infirmity of christ is the father , & the spirit or power is the son , as he is brought forth in that way of his death , without which he had never been a saviour , and the spirit or power is the father , and the flesh is the son , in as much as he brings forth life in this death , without which he had never been as he is man , in respect of that life , by which hee liveth the life of god , never to dye any more , so have we eating and drinking made one in that way of the faith of the son of god , without which we cannot live the life of that saint or holy one of israel . the fifth particular in this point is , how it can be said , that we eat this flesh of the son of man , and drink his blood ; in which consider two things , first who are meant in that he speaks plurally , except ye eat , &c. secondly , how we can be said to eat and drink in such a high nature , seeing that we of our selves cannot thinke a good thought , much lesse performe such an act as this . for the first , who are meant in that he speaks in the second person plurall , ye . answ . it is not properly to be understood , as being meant of man and man , no not as of saint and saint , but of one saint as he consists of a two-fold nature , according to that faith of the sonne of god ; so is it , yee , that is , every one that is in christ , and so through those precious promises , or gracious covenant , is made partaker of that nature divine ; ye● , who ever is one of those children that have flesh and blood , of which the sonne of god also tooke part with them , namely , they that are partakers of those two natures by faith , that are in jesus christ , to every one of those this is spoken , as to such as are eaters , and drinkers in this case ; for christ as he is god , feeds upon nothing but our infirmities ; that is , strengthens himselfe in point of our salvation , with nothing but our frailties and imperfections , and so of weak becoms strong , yea of an abject , the lord of all , for he in no case taketh hold on angels , that is , of any power or excellency in the creature to deliver us thereby , but only on the seed of abraham ( a pilgrim and stranger in the land ) he taketh hold ; that is , on our weaknesses , and imperfections , and out of them he brings his owne power and strength and other food the sonne of god never tooke into unitie , nor digested , to gather strength unto himselfe by . againe , as he is man he drinketh the blood , that is , takes in , or receives that blood , life , spirit , and power of god , whereby he is inabled to doe all things , according to the purpose of his will , and other drinke he never drunke , as he is man ; for our poor nature is of that vast emptinesse , that nothing but the fulnesse and power of an infinit and al-sufficient god , can possibly supply and perfect it , and so there is a compleat eating and drinking , which is that full satisfaction and nourishment , that can be found in none , save only in the sonne of god himselfe , for it is a weaknesse of that nature and latitude , that nothing can supply and make up but god himselfe ; and it is a power of that fulnesse and perfection that can take nothing into unitie with it selfe that may be thought to adde any thing ( no not in the least ) unto that strength and vigour that is in god ; for then it were not an almighty power of god that saves us . and so it is ( we ) that eat and drinke , that is , we , humane nature and divine ; for in eating , the word eats up , and consumes our infirmities , and so there is a plurality in the act , not only of natures in that one act , but of eating also in sundry kinds and wayes ; for as our infirmities are multiplyed , and that aptitude that is in us to fall , such is the multiplication of that restoration which is in that good word of god ; it is ( we ) also in drinking , that is , our vast emptinesse , drinks and takes in that fulnesse , power , and spirit that is in the word of god , in which we are expressed and made manifest to be the sonnes and daughters of god , and in that mutuall eating and drinking our life , strength , and comfort doth consist . the fifth particular , how it is said ( that we doe eat ) that are not able to doe any thing ; alike answer is to be given to this as to the former , when he saith , yee , he means not only divers men , but he meaneth every one as considered , in him , who is not only of man , but also of god ; so that if we speak of man separated from the word of god ( which hath sufficient power in it selfe ) we misse of the meaning , and of the mind of god , and so of that communion or eating that is in the faith of jesus christ ; and if we speak of god divided and separated from man , we commit the like errour , and are in the same default ; but we must hold and maintain the unity of them both , in that way of faith in the sonne of man , then is there power and ability , both to eat and to drink , even as there is power and ability in the heavens and the earth , united in their operations , to bring forth fruit plentifully , which worke cannot be done , if either of them were set apart , and separated one from the other : so that the word of god is made strong through our weaknesse , that so it may appeare and make manifest it selfe : and our weaknesse appears , and is acknowledged through that word of god , that so all may be given unto god , and he may be all in all ; so that it is ( yee ) as man considered , in and with the power and spirit of god , in which he is inabled to doe all things , and not ( yee ) as considered one man , in and with an other , for so all flesh is grasse , surely in that respect the people is vanity . s. g. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * hence doth arise the way of solomons harlot , set out in the way of this woman , gen. . prov. . who may not speake in the church , but usurpeth . tim. . * the serpents voyce transm●●ts into new england , speaking there in way of ministry , as at the beginning . * in this woman is set out the way of king lemuels mother , that teacheth prophesie , rev. prov. . who may pray and prophecy in the church without usurpation . cor. * for the one betakes it self to heaven , the other to the wilderness . * he ever puts off the day of the lord as not yet time to build the temple , but would live in his own seiled ( or artificial ) house of his own framing and device . ** though he desired to be with jesus , yet jesus understanding his desire to be but nature ( that is ) to injoy him , according to the flesh , denies him that , that so he might be with him according to the spirit . mat. . . * for so the word decapolis signifies ten cities . g see isa . . . and . . * see isa . . . and . . . * books so intituled written upon uncertain reports , tales , & conjectures to cure the church . * a meer hunting of men to worry your own kind ; ( or rather that hind of the morning , see psa ▪ . in the title ) thirsting after the precious life . compare g●n . . , . with jer. . . notes for div a -e rahab is egypt . isa . . . notes for div a -e * as you may see in the following treatise . * this speech of robert cole was uttered before many who can witnesse it . * pautuxet is a placeneer providence , where one or two of these their subjects had built houses & at their pleasure were both in providence and also in pautuxet , having houses & land in both . old m. oliver a irregular becaus it went beyond their bounds and jurisdictions limited unto them . b that is the wisdom of the flesh conver●ant about the thing● of god brings forth unto cruelty all them in whom it is found so exercised . c jer. . . d by d●ssembling the caus of their proceeding against us to be another th●ng then indeed it was , even as adam laid the fault upon the woman , wheras indeed she came out of his own side & was confessed to be flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone . e rev. . . f joh. . . g but only among themselves , within the bounds of their own jurisdictions , as they affirme them to be though without any ground or rule of true government . h the tree of the knowledg of good & evil paralell'd with the wisdom of man exercising it selfe in the things of god. i that is , the spirit of painted hypocrisie . k the sin being stil continued in . l that is , the mark which was worn to proclame it to all . m that is , in not receiving them into the operations of that boyling church-fellowship again , wherein they stil walked . n rom. . . o joh. . , . p that is , carefully labor to pay wages to the minister for that end either in way of contribution or else . q that is the ministers and magistrates study , teach , and execute to attain such ends . r that is the wisdom of the flesh exercised in the things of god. ſ heb. . . t malach. . . james . . u heb. . . w job . . ioh. . . x gal. . . y psa . . . z tim. . . a that is their subjects so far fetcht who lived among us . b psa . . . c isai . . . d cor. . . e heb. . : f num. . , . g arnalds son benedick being interpreter between the indians about us , & the massachusets , seeking to get some advantage against us by the indians to blind the country , as though they had a just quarrel , we seeing and knowing the falsity thereof , do apply the thing to their spiritual course they walk in . h hosea . . & . . i as robert cole did , their subject now since that time so made . k the indians denying at that time a perfect & full purchase of that place where these their subjects had built houses , called pautuxet . l alluding to the harlot spoken of in the proverbs whose practise is such in spiritual things , as wel as there is a literal sence of it . prov. . . to . m exod. . , . nehem. . . n psa . . . o rom. ● . . p ps . . . q psa . . , . r rev. . . for there was nothing done to these men that seemed to shelter themselves under the massachusets , but only opening the word of god amongst them , which is the revelation of the face or presence of the lamb of god jesus christ . ſ pro . . t psa . . . gal. . , . u alluding to the tabernacle which it covered , and so applyed spiritually in the way of christ . w heb. . . x ps . . . y rom. . . z zeph. . , . a meaning christ , & not our selves , to set up flesh . luk. . . b cant. . , . c that is , all kind of incombrances they meet with in this life , isaiah . . d malachi . , . e heb. . . f by alluding to that bodily nakedness of the indians , whom they disarmed , shewing that spiritual nakedness which the works of the law or levitical priesthood brings men under , who ever they be that are exercised in such wayes . g exod. . h for in pharaohs edict and herods also they were slain before they were born . i collos . . . k phil. . , rom. . . l that is , the authority of that wicked herod . act. . chap. throughout . m psa . : , . n ioh. . . ●● . o jude . v● p revel . ●● : zach : . q that is , by what light they find in other mens works . r jsai . ▪ ●● ſ which comprehend his kingdom and priesthood set forth unto us in joshua the high priest & z●●●●●bel in their 〈◊〉 out of babylon to re-edifie the temple ; as in zechary the third and fourth chapters . t cor. . ● u zech. . , , w isa . ▪ . x which signifies either opened or shut , as in numb . . , . y isa . . , . z revel . . . a num. . . . that is before balam , so that the beast and balam have the same light & look . b ge● . . . c joh. . , , d revel . . . e being one of the two witnesses before noted , or his power and kingly authority . f kings . chron. . . g psal . , . h which is his priesthood , wherein he deprives himselfe of all power of man , or strength of the aime of flesh : i psalme , k revel . . , , l that is , if the power of god , and the weaknesse & frailty of man should not be so slaine , as to be stil kept as dead in sight of all , then could not the power and glory of the creature , ( as visegerent , unto the power and glory of god in his absence ) be seen set up , and made known . m gen , n revel . . , , , . o ephes . , , , . rom. . . to . p matt. . . q matt. . . to . r m●● . . , . ſ psal . . t psal . . . u hebr. . w psal . : . x ezekiel . , , . y isaiah . . z ephes . . . a as the word signifies . b heb. . . c revel . . . d sam. . . e john . . f matt. . g as the word signifies , given in the chaldean tongue for devil . * understand these things according to the true intent , that is , any officer that layes claime to the things of the kingdom of god , by vertue of that , his office in that sence the truth of these things stand firme and good , and doth not deny or disallow any humane ordinance of man in this world , so it be kept in its bounds and proper place , for he that is a captaine of the temple , that is , exerciseth force of armes , for the helpe of the house of god , wil ever with the priests and souldiers , lay hands on peter and john , to put them in hold , at the least if they preach christ . but cornelius is no captain of that kind or kindred , for he is a gentile of caesarea , and of the band called the italian band. h psal . . i isay . k acts . , l acts . m as they in the massachusets had lately done , to condemne the innocent , and justifie such who otherwise had been proved guilty of felonious acts , even these their new made subjects , whose shame they would not permit to appeare , but rather deprive sufficient witnesse of their testimony , at the guilty pers●ns request . n that is to their courts in the massachusets , to imploy them about any matters of ours living peaceably together so farre remote from them , out of all their jurisdictions . o that is , man of shame . p mouth of shame . q luke . , , , . r that is , as the word signifies confusion . ſ mat. . . to . matt. . . , . t isay . . . & ● . . psal . . , . u isay . . w psal . . x knowing our selves to be free subiects to the laws and government of our native countrey , and not unto any government extended out of its bounds and jurisdiction . y ge●● , , . jer. . . z psal . ●● , . a psal . . , , . b genesis . . for he that assumeth a title unto himselfe , without respect unto christ , in whom the whole glory therof consists such mind and disposition prosecuted & followed to its height , according to the rise thereof , sets it selfe in direct terme of opposition against christ and hath the spirit of the god of this world . c mat. . d co● . e marke . f matt. . ● . luke . . g that is , his scepter , rod ▪ staffe , or tribe h psal . . . i the word aelein signifies dumbnesse , so that the phrase is , doe ye indeed , do dumb justice , o congregation ? and so describes such persons what they are that speake not a word of righteousnesse in their acts and executions , which psalme shewed unto us the spirit , practise and successe of our adversaries . * these being the purchasers of shawo met the sachim , myantonomy , as he sold it to . men , so his price was that every man should pay . fatham of wamppum peage , that is , . fatham , as our deed , which he made unt : us being extant , witnesseth to be paid unto him . k as mr cobbe● who cryed out against gorton that arch heretick , who ( saith he ) would have al men to be preachers . but if he had turned his speech against moses , who wished that al the lords people were prophets , he had far more plainly expressed the bent of his spirit , & what manner of zeal he had . l they having banished some of us five or six years before , and threatning , that if some of us were amongst them we should hardly see the place of our aboad any more . m that is , their united body which they so much delight , and glory in , consists by their owne confession of such mixture of members , as that part are heathens by their owne report . n this letter doth plainly declare , the proper intent of the massachusets in sending out this band of souldiers against us , namely in the falsifying of our faith to god , to subject our selves unto them , ( who never named the least word unto us , as though they came against us in the name of the king , and state of old england , but in the name of the government of the massachusets ) or else to pay the tribute of our lives unto them , in the utter ruine of our wives and children , which these men having received in commission , together with instruction how to accomplish and effect the same , from those that sent them , count it their glory to reveal , and make manifest the same , which the massachusets had so long gone about to hide , under the colour of some civil miscarriage in our course of walking towards men , in regard themselves had professed , to remove into those parts meerly for the liberty of conscience , which now they so zealously deny unto their neighbours . o as the wife of jo. green , as also the wife of robert potter , other women miscarrying to the losse of their children . so also francis weston , through cold and hardship in prison , fell into a consumption , and in short time after dyed of it . p the wife of s. gorton , and some of her children , she being ready to lie downe in child bed , was so dealt with by the souldiers , the boat hasting off for feare , if one of her sonnes could not have swimmed , had been left behind her , so was glad to betake himselfe to the water , though young to recover the boat. q they had so animated , and incouraged the souldiers , yea , so incensed them against us , that they were loth to entertaine speech or parley , though they say in their last writing they came to examine cases of right and wrong which could not appeare without parley , nay some of their souldiers , picked out to be at the parley , professed to some of us , when they came to visit us as we lay in bolts and irons amongst them , comming in the night , not daring to see us in the day , professed in these words ; when we came first to the ground we were ma●● to ●ight , and to fal upon you without speech or parley , but after we saw you , and heard you speake , many of us had rather have been on your side , then for the cause we came , and the captaine seeing some of us discouraged to fight , would not permit us to discourse with any of providence men , ●est they should speake on your behalfe ; and this we know , that some that did signifie unto them any small thing concerning the equity of our cause the captaine seized on them for prisoners , and kept them in bonds , during the time of their aboad there , and much adoe to release them , that they had not taken them downe into the massachusets , to undergoe further punishments . r which was only words expressed in their paper formerly sent unto us ▪ ſ fearing lest the true and naturall prince of these their indian subjects should shew them their folly in this their subjection , and to win them again unto himselfe , and thereby leave them without this colour and pretence to worke out their own ends upon us . t behold here their guilt , in that they had unjustly drawn by insinuation the indians from their lawfull prince , as also that subtill wrong they did to us , suggesting secretly unto the people , as though there were feare of some combination between the indians and us , to stir up souldiers by that means to come out against us . u behold how these men can evade all faire propositions to prosecute , and bring forth their own spirit ; yea , even to the death of their countrey men , if it be but by casting aspersions upon those that hold not just length and breadth in religion with them . x which they had promised to do as they came on the way towards us to incourage the indians to come with them against us , in the hearing of some of our friends ▪ x a great triumph for a whole countrey , to carry away eleven men ( and that upon faire composition also , if they had kept touch with us ; for one of us , that is sampson shotton , was dead before by hardship , which some of their spirit had put him upon ) and but ten of us that handled arms . y we thought he did it to imitate melchisedeck , comming out to blesse abraham , when he came from the slaughter of the kings , in the rescue of lot , he did it so gravelyand solemnly , only the captain wanted the spirit of abraham for all his good successe , yet we thought he was not uncapable to communicate , in that prayer or blessing of the governour ; for his errand to us was , to utter and exerciss the spirit of the government in his commission made manifest ▪ z old m. ward once lecturer at s. michael in corne-hill , london , came to the prison window , and called to him one of our society , namely richard carder who had once lived near together in essex , mr ▪ ward seemed to be much affected , being a man knows how to put himselfe into passion , desired the said richard , that if he had done or said any thing that he could with good conscience renounce , he desired him to recant it , and he hoped the cour would be very mercifull ▪ and saith he , it shal be no disparagement unto you , for here is our reverend elder , mr. cotton who ordinarily preacheth that publickly one year , that the next year he publickly repent ▪ of , and shews himselfe very sorrowful for it to the congregation , so that ( saith he ) it wil be no disgrace for you to recant in such a case . a vsually comming to us into the prison , many of them together ; as also , when we were put apart in the time of our examination , one of the members of the church of boston , telling some of us in his own house , that he was perswaded , that we did not worship the true god ; for , saith he then , he would not have permitted you to be brought down from your own plantation amongst us ; for ( saith he ) i am perswaded , that our churches shal not be over-come by any people that should come out against them ; his wife standing by , being an ingenuous woman , made answer to our content , before we could speak ; husband ( saith she ) pray doe not b●ast before the victory be known , it may be the battle is not yet ended . b note , that in this answer there is a word added to their question , which was done of purpose ( knowing how they looked ) to regulate them , it if were possible , as it was declared unto them , in the first reading of the answer , how they fell short in it , which they yeelded unto ; they say , the death which he suffered ( after ) his incarnation , the answer saith ( in ) and after his incarnation . for to speake of the sufferings of christ , after his incarnation , without respect unto that which was before , we may as well spe●ke of his sufferings before his incarnation , without respect to that which is after ; for the crosse of christ is not , but with respect , both to humane nature and divine , and we cannot know the two natures in christ , what they are distinctly in themselves , to give each its proper due , and what they are joyntly united in one , no otherwise , but as they are considered in the very act of incarnation , in which appears the sufferer , and that which is suffered , the sufferer is the son of god made man , the creator becoms a creature ; the thing suffered , is to be made a curse , that is to be made such a thing as is in it selfe , by nature accursed , and so christ ▪ was made a curse ▪ the sufferings of christ then , and the shedding of his blood ( as he is known after the spirit ) are properly in that one act of his incarnation , which is the proper act of the humiliation of the son of god , so that to spe●k of his sufferings after ●is incarnation , you may as well speake of his sufferings before his incarnation , for it is no suffering of christ , but with respect , both to the one , and the other , and only in the act of incarnation they are made one ; and to speake of the sufferings of christ visibly , in his humane nature , in the dayes of herod , to be the proper sufferings of the son of god , any further , but as a true doctrine ( as in all other holy writ ) to teach what that suffering is , in the act of his incarnation , you may as well speak of sufferings of christ invisibly , before that act of his incarnation , for the crosse of christ is not , but with respect , both to divine and humane nature ; nor can it be said to be in time , no more then it may be said to be before al time ; for the humiliation of the son of god , admits not of any bounds or limi●s , for then were it not of infinit value ; and if not of infinit value and vertue , then not the humiliation of the son of god , nor could it be said to be the blood of god , as the apostle cals it ; so that as he himselfe is not , but as the first and the last become one , even so his sufferings are not , but in that one act , of the curse and blessing , being made one . this being premised which ▪ was signified unto them by word of mouth , the answer runs clear , to understand christ according to the spirit , otherwise a man may carnalize the answer unto himselfe as he knows christ after the flesh , as the world doth the whole word of god , so also the seed of abraham , is to be understood as abraham himselfe is ; abraham is the father of christ , as in the genealogy it appears ; so saith david in the person of christ , our fathers trusted in thee , meaning abraham for one , and christ also is the father of abraham , therefore hee is called the everlasting father ; and christ himselfe saith , before abraham was i am , such also is the seed of abraham , it produceth and brings forth the son of god , and the son of god produceth and brings forth it ; so is it with the virgin , she is the mother that gives form , and being to jesus christ , he also gives form and being unto her ; therefore she cals him her lord and saviour ; the woman brings forth the man , a virgin conceives and bears a son ; the man brings forth the woman , made of a rib , out of his innocent side ; so that the man is not without the woman , nor the woman without the man in the lord ; these two being separated , the contract is broken , the devorce is made , and not being rightly united , the word is adulterated , we are in our sin . the mysterie of this answer then lies in this , ( which pharasies understand not , if christ be the virgin maries son , conceived in her womb , and born of her , how doth the virgin mary in ▪ spirit call him her lord god , and saviour ? act. . . amos . . c whereas they name two books written unto them , there was an other writing sent unto them by us , but it was no ground of any of their proceedings against us , therefore we thought it not ●it to bring it into this treatise ; for they had concluded upon , what they would doe unto us , and were gone out for execution before that writing came unto them for it onely met the souldiers on the way towards us , with commission to put us to the sword ; we shall desire to publish it by it selfe ; for we are willing to have it known , and we made answer to any thing in it , they could seem to object , when wee were amongst them . the massachusets promised the people , that however they might not hear our writings read then among them , yet they should see them shortly in print , but they put us to the labour and cost of it ; else they cannot be content to have them lie buried , but render them , and their dealings with us , in all places wher they come , to be other things then indeed they are . d we had liberty to speak or write to elders , or such as the magistrates lycensed to speake with us , in way of question , whom they tho●ght were fi●test to insn●●e us , so that this writing is but a question , only it hath a large preface . e psal . . ii . mat. . ● , . . f act. . . : g luk. . . h cor. . . i rom. . ● . k . cor. . . collos . . . l psal . . . m ioh. . . n rom. . . o rom. , . p psal . . . q rom , . r psal , . . ſ mat. . . * wheresoever the doctrine , spirit , & power of it doth appear . t cor. . , . acts . . u joh. . . w joh. . . . ● . x acts . . y joh. ▪ , z mat. . ● , . a cor. b ibid. c john . . d sam . cant. . . e math ▪ . f cor. . . g luke ● . . h luke . , , , . i cor. ● ▪ ▪ k cor , ● , to . l cor. . m rom. . . n psa . . . o iames . . iohn . . p math. . . q math. . r heb. . . ſ rom. . . t ibid. u rom . . w cor. . x isa . . . y iohn . z iohn . . a iames . b ●om . . . c cor. . . d cor. . e heb. . . . f cor. . . g zech. . h psal . . . i psal . . . ▪ . k sam. . . sam. . l sam. . . m zech. . l mal. . . mat. . . m luk. . . luk. . . . n iohn . . . iohn . . o cor. . . p cor. . . q cor. . . cor. . . . r mat. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. t cor. . . u kin. . . chr. . ▪ x mat. . . y mat. . isa . . . z rom. . . gal. . . a iohn . b mat. . c iob. . . d mat. . . e gen. . . f levit. . . g phil. . h col. . . ephes . . . i cor. . . k cor. . . l exod. . . . m john . . n john . . o cor. . p rom. . . q cor. . . . r luk . . . ſ . cor. . . t isa . ● . . u prov. . x acts . . . y heb. . . z isa . . . a gen. . . . . b prov. . . c psal ● . . . d exod. . . to . e isa . . . . . . f cor. . . . . . g psal . . . h psal . . . i psal . . . : k psal ▪ ● . . l psal . . m kings . . . n mat. . . . o dan. . . . p iohn . . q sam . . r psal . . . point . . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . p. . these were there two indian subjects lately enti●ed to renounce their own prince , there ▪ by to finde a way to subject us unto their own wills , or else to execute death upon . as we passed along the way a matter of three ▪ or foure miles from boston , we cam● to some ▪ indian wig . wammes , the sachim being the prime sachim , that lives neare them , and familiar among them , we came into his wigwam accidentally , and he having taken notice of us amongst them how we had been dealt with , as soon as we came in , called some of us by our names ) his name being c●shanakin , we a●ked him whether captain cook were a good captain , he answered i cannot tell , but indians account of those as good captains , when a few dare stand out against many . one of their now coyned subjects amongst us . * one of their aforesaid subects or agents dwelling in providence . a chief sachimof the nanhyganset b that is , the the indian who slew their sachim myantonomy , when he had received a ransom for his life . c the court called to consult how to cut them off , and souldiers they had raised up for that purpose . d thus to get interest in their land , either to people it with whom they please , or else to get occasion to go out against them again . tears of repentance: or, a further narrative of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new-england: setting forth, not only their present state and condition, but sundry confessions of sin by diverse of the said indians, wrought upon by the saving power of the gospel; together with the manifestation of their faith and hope in jesus christ, and the work of grace upon their hearts. related by mr. eliot and mr. mayhew, two faithful laborers in that work of the lord. published by the corporation for propagating the gospel there, for the satisfaction and comfort of such as wish well thereunto. eliot, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) tears of repentance: or, a further narrative of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new-england: setting forth, not only their present state and condition, but sundry confessions of sin by diverse of the said indians, wrought upon by the saving power of the gospel; together with the manifestation of their faith and hope in jesus christ, and the work of grace upon their hearts. related by mr. eliot and mr. mayhew, two faithful laborers in that work of the lord. published by the corporation for propagating the gospel there, for the satisfaction and comfort of such as wish well thereunto. eliot, john, - . mayhew, thomas. mather, richard, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by peter cole in leaden-hall, and are to sold [sic] at his shop, at the sign of the printing-press in cornhil, near the royal exchange., london : . includes a preface signed: rich. mather. the seventh of a series of pamphlets, commonly known as the "eliot tracts," published in london from to . signatures a and l are cancellans. original a began "to his excellency the lord general cromwel·'; original k has advertisement after "finis." on bottom half of page. annotation on thomason copy: "may. .". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng indians of north america -- massachusetts -- early works to . missions -- america -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no tears of repentance: or, a further narrative of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new-england:: setting forth, not only the eliot, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tears of repentance : or , a further narrative of the progress of the gospel amongst the indians in new-england : setting forth , not only their present state and condition , but sundry confessions of sin by diverse of the said indians , wrought upon by the saving power of the gospel ; together with the manifestation of their faith and hope in jesus christ , and the work of grace upon their hearts . related by mr. eliot and mr. mayhew , two faithful laborers in that work of the lord . published by the corporation for propagating the gospel there , for the satisfaction and comfort of such as wish well thereunto . isay , . . a bruised reed shall be not break , and the smoaking flax , shall be not quench . london : printed by peter cole in leaden-hall , and are to sold at his shop , at the sign of the printing-press in cornhil , near the royal exchange . . to his excellency the lord general cromwel . what the jews once said of their centurion , he loved our nation , and built us a synagogue , the same may we affirm upon a more noble accompt of your lordship , and of those faithful centurions and soldiers under your conduct ; by how much the adventure of your lives in the cause of god , for the good of your country , is a more infallible demonstration of your love to it : forasmuch as the king of saints , is also king of nations , and when he shall be the desire of all nations , will prove their safest interest . vpon consideration whereof , it was but equal that mr. eliot a faithful laborer of christ in spreading the everlasting gospel to the poor indians , should prefix your lordships name to his relation of the progress of divine grace amongst them : and with his judgment , we of the corporation , who are subordinately intrusted , do so far concur , especially moved thereunto by that liberal and exemplary contribution to this glorious work lately promoted by your lordship , and your officers with the army , that we thought not fit either to sever that narrative , and this of mr. mayhew's , or to send them abroad under any other name to the publick view . coopers-hall , london , march , . . signed in the name , and by the appointment of the said corporation , by william steel , president . to the much honored corporation in london , chosen to place of publick trust for the promoting of the work of the lord among the indians in new-england . worthy sirs , it hath not been from any disrespect to your selves , that i have not formerly directed to your presence , and presented into your hand , what have already been let go , which made relation of the work of god among the indians in this island ( commonly called martins vineyard ) this year there was an opportunity not to be refused , of certifying the right worshipful john endicot esquire , governor of the massachussets in new-england of what i had to communicate concerning the indians , from whose hand also you will receive it ; but yet i may not for several causes , neglect the writing to your selves the same things , with more particulars since adjoyned , in the conclusion to accompany the former unto your pious and prudent consideration , to which they are committed to be ( as i have received them from god ) the tokens of more grace in store to be bestowed on indian souls . highly esteemed in the lord jesus , when the lord first brought me to these poor indians on the vinyard , they were mighty zealous and earnest in the worship of false gods , and devils ; their false gods were many , both of things in heaven , earth , and sea : and there they had their men-gods , women-gods , and children-gods , their companies , and fellowships of gods , or divine powers , guiding things amongst men , besides innumerable more feigned gods belonging to many creatures , to their corn , and every colour of it : the devil also with his angels had his kingdom among them , in them ; account him they did , the terror of the living , the god of the dead , under whose cruel power and into whose deformed likeness they conceived themselves to be translated when they died ; for the same word they have for devil , they use also for a dead man , in their language : by him they were often hurt in their bodies , distracted in their minds , wherefore they had many meetings with their pawwaws ( who usually had a hand in their hurt ) to pacifie the devil by their sacrifice , and get deliverance from their evil ; i have sometimes marvelled to see the vehemency of their spirits , which they acted with no less bodily violence therein . the pawwaws counted their imps their preservers , had them treasured up in their bodies , which they brought forth to hurt their enemies , and heal their friends ; who when they had done some notable cure , would shew the imp in the palm of his hand to the indians , who with much amazement looking on it , deified them , then at all times seeking to them for cure in all sicknesses , and counsel in all cases : this diabolical way they were in , giving heed to a multitude of heathen traditions of their gods , and many other things , under the observation whereof , they with much slavery were held , and abounding with sins , having only an obscure notion of a good greater than all , which they call mannit , but they knew not what he was , and therefore had no way to worship him . what an entrance i had at first amongst these miserable heathen , how called thereunto , and what success god blessed us with , hath been in some measure already published , which will i hope through the dew of gods blessing from heaven , have such a gracious increase , that the blossoming and budding time shal at least be acknowledged , and by many more god blessed for it , in the growth of the fruit to more maturity ; since it hath pleased god to send his word to these poor captivated men ( bondslaves to sin and satan ) he hath through mercy brought two hundred eighty three indians ( not counting yong children in the number ) to renounce their false gods , devils , and pawwaws , and publickly in set meetings , before many witnesses , have they disclaimed the divinity of their formerly adored multitude , defied their tyrannical destroyer the devil , and utterly refused the help of the pawwaws in any case ; neither have they at any time , either by threatnings or flatteries been drawn thereto , although their lives have been in hazard ; yea , eight of their pawwaws have forsaken their devillish craft , and profitable trade as they accounted it , for to embrace the word and way of god . the indians which do pray to god , were not compelled thereto by power , neither also could they be allured by gifts , who received nothing for about seven years time , much less that which counterpoyse their troubles , and exceed to the drawing of them from the beloved waies of their own worships : surely it were great uncharitableness , and derogatory from the glory of god , to think that none of these are truly changed , and that god himself by his word and spirit , hath not in mercy prevailed in their hearts against these evils ; nay , may we not hope and be perswaded by this , and some other appearances of god amongst them , that some of them are truly turned to god from idols , to serve the living and true god ? serve him , through mercy they do in some hopeful reformations , walking inoffensively and diligently in their way , which i hope will more plainly appear when they are in a way more hopeful ( by the blessing of god to their further well-being ) which i hope will be in the best time . i cannot but take notice of this good providence of god by the way , that he hath mercifully preserved all the indians which call upon his name ( from the begining of the work unto this day ) from all extraordinary evil , whereby the devil and witches use to torment the bodies and minds of men , not one of them or their children ( as i know ) or have heard have been touched by them in this kind ( only a pawwaw or two , have not been delivered from his imps presently after his renouncing of them , but for some time have had the sence of them in his body with much pain : ) the mischief that the pawwaws and devils usually do to the common indian this way , is both by outward and bodily hurt , or inward pain , torture , and distraction of mind , both which i have seen my self : to accomplish the first , the devil doth abuse the real body of a serpent , which comes directly towards the man in the house or in the field , looming or having a shadow about him like a man , and do shoot a bone ( as they say ) into the indians body , which sometimes killeth him . an instance whereof i can give , whereby it may the more plainly appear , that it is a great mercy to be delivered therefrom ; and it is of a youth , who living with his parents upon a neck of land , they did not pray unto jehovah , yet their neighbors who lived there with them , did ; this youth was hurt after the same manner , and then presently his parents pulled down the house they lived in , and fled to an island near by , where i saw the indian thus hurt in his thigh , he was grievously tormented , and his kindred about him mourning , not knowing where to find any comfort , or help , for cure could not be had from their gods or pawwaws : i then took the opportunity to reason with them about their way , with the best wisdom god gave me , but all in vain , for they would not hear to seek the true god , notwithstanding he had shewn his displeasure so apparantly against them for their former refusing of him , but they still followed on their wonted serpentine machinations : the pawwaws , and their devillish train , with their horrible outcries , hollow bleatings , painful wrestlings , and smiting their own bodies , sought deliverance , but all in vain , for he died miserably . hereby , and by several other things , i perceive that they are not ( in a manner ) indifferent , whether they serve their own gods or not , or change them ( as some think ) for they are naturally like the heathens of chittim and kedar , which would not change their gods , which yet are no gods ; when god blames his people for changing their glory for that which doth not profit ; i hope therefore that it is something of grace , that many chuse to worship the true god . but touching the former vexing mischiefs , a sachem , and no good friend to the work , could not but acknowledg the blessing of god among the praying indians ; when i came over ( said he ) at the further end of the island , there was a storm ( mentioning the aforesaid evils , with some more ) but when i came to this end i found a calm , the praying indians were all well , they arose in the morning , prayed to god , and went about their business , and they are not hurt nor troubled like the other indians : and the pawwaws themselves , some of them do say , that they cannot make their power seize on any of them : questionless they have tried their skill , and satan hath not been wanting to assist them , who is so unwilling to fall down from his rule , and to be driven from his old possessions . a pawwaw told me , who was of no small note among the heathen formerly , and also with the best , now he hath forsaken his pawwawing , that after he had been brought by the word of god to hate the devil , and to renounce his imps ( which he did publickly ) that yet his imps remained still in him for some months tormenting of his flesh , and troubling of his mind , that he could never be at rest , either sleeping or waking : at length one time when i went down to keep the farthest lecture about seven miles off , he asked me some questions , whereof this was one , viz. that if a pawwaw had his imps gone from him , what he should have instead of them to preserve him ? whereunto it was answered , that if he did beleeve in christ jesus , he should have the spirit of christ dwelling in him , which is a good and a strong spirit , and will keep him so safe , that all the devils in hell , and pawwaws on earth , should not be able to do him any hurt ; and that if he did set himself against his imps , by the strength of god they should all flee away like muskeetoes : he told me , that he did much desire the lord , it might be so with him . he further said , that ever since that very time god hath in mercy delivered him from them , he is not troubled with any pain ( as formerly ) in his bed , nor dreadful visions of the night , but through the blessing of god , he doth lie down in ease , sleeps quietly , wakes in peace , and walks in safety , for which he is very glad , and praises god . this last spring , the indians of their own accord made a motion to me they might have some way ordered amongst them , as a means whereby they might walk in good subjection to the law of god , wherunto they desired to enter into covenant ; they told me that they were very desirous to have their sins suppressed which god did forbid , and the duties performed , which he hath commanded in his word ; and thereunto they desired me to inform them , what punishment the lord did appoint to be inflicted on those which did break any part of his law , for they were very willing to submit themselves to what the will of the lord is in this kind . i was not willing on the sudden to draw forth in writing an answer to their desire , but rather chose to take a longer time of consideration in a work of so great concernment , and refer them to the word of god , shewing them many places for their information , most whereof they had heard of formerly : they also further desired , that they might have some men chosen amongst them with my father and my self , to see that the indians did walk orderly , and that such might be incouraged , but that those which did not , might be dealt with acording to the word of the lord ; i could not but approve and incourage the motion , seeing they spake not as those in psal. . . let us break their bands asunder and cast away their cords from us , but sought totall subjection and strict obedience to god : yet i told them that it was a matter of great weight , shewing them many things which i thought necessary for them to know , but needless now to relate . a day of fasting and prayer to repent of our sins , and seek the gracious help of our god for christ jesus sake , we appointed ; and another shortly after to finish the work in : some of the indians spake somthing for their benefit ; and about ten , or twelve of them prayed , not with any set form like children , but like men indued with a good measure of the knowledg of god , their own wants , and the wants of others , with much affection , and many spiritual petitions , savoring of a heavenly mind ; and so are they streitned in respect of help from man , that it appears the more plainly to be the dictates of gods spirit . a platform of the covenant in answer to their desires , i drew forth the same morning in the indian language , which i have here sent in english . wee the distressed indians of the vineyard ( or nope , the indian name of the island ) that beyond all memory have been without the true god , without a teacher , and without a law , the very servants of sin and satan , and without peace , for god did justly vex us for our sins ; having lately through his mercy heard of the name of the true god , the name of his son christ jesus , with the holy ghost , the comforter , three persons , but one most glorious god , whose name is jehovah : we do praise his glorious greatness , and in the sorrow of our hearts , and shame of our faces , we do acknowledg and renounce our great and many sins , that we and our fathers have lived in , do run unto him for mercy , and pardon for christ jesus sake ; and we do this day through the blessing of god upon us , and trusting to his gracious help , give up our selves in this covenant , wee , our wives , and children , to serve jehovah : and we do this day chuse jehovah to be our god in christ jesus , our teacher , our law-giver in his word , our king , our judg , our ruler by his magistrates and ministers ; to fear god himself , and to trust in him alone for salvation , both of soul and body , in this present life , and the everlasting life to come , through his mercy in christ jesus our savior , and redeemer , and by the might of his holy spirit ; to whom with the father and son , be all glory everlasting . amen . after i had often read this covenant and expounded it unto them , they all with free consent willingly and thankfully joyned therein , and desired jehovah his blessing for jesus christ his sake , the lord be gracious to our beginnings . within two or three weeks there came an indian to me in business , and by the way he told me , that some indians had lately kept a day of repentance to humble themselves before god in prayer , and that the word of god which one of them spake unto , for their instruction , was psal. . . he ruleth by his power for ever , his eyes behold the nations , let not the rebellious exalt themselves . i asked him what their end was in keeping such a day ? he told me those six things : first , they desired , that god would slay the rebellion of their hearts . secondly , that they might love god , and one another . thirdly , that they might withstand the evil words and temptations of wicked men , and not to be drawn back from god . fourthly , that they might be obedient to the good words and commands of their rulers . fiftly , that they might have their sins done away by the redemption of jesus christ . and lastly , that they might walk in christs way . now for the state of things with us , we are by the help of god about to begin a town that they may cohabit and carry on things in a civil and religious way the better ; the praying indians are constant attenders to the word of the lord , and some of them ( i hope ) conscionable seekers after the knowledg of god , and themselves , and not without obtaining ( by the grace of god ) some saving benefit to their own souls , which will by his own blessing , in the best time , more plainly appear . about . indian children are now at school , which began the eleventh day of the eleventh month . . they are apt to learn , and more and more are now sending in unto them . the barbarous indians , both men and women , do often come on the lecture dayes , and complaining of their ignorance , disliking their sinful liberty , and refusing the helps , and hopes of their own power , seek subjection to jehovah , to be taught , governed , and saved by him , for jesus christs sake . the name of the lord alone be praised for what is begun ; what is further needfull , i earnestly desire may be fervently prayed for , and expected by faith , to be effected , and finished by the gracious hand of god , who have laid the foundation , and will not leave his own works unperfect , which is the comfort of an unworthy laborer in the lords vinyard , and an earnest desirer to be remembred at the throne of grace . having a little more liberty , i shall certifie you of somthing more , which i have taken notice of amongst the poor indians . i observed that the indians when they chose their rulers , made choyce of such as were best approved for their godliness , and most likely to suppress sin , and encourage holiness , and since they have been forward upon all occasions , to shew their earnest desire thereof . there was an indian that was well approved for his reformation , that was suspected to have told a plain lye for his gain ; the business was brought to the publick meeting , and there it was notably sifted with zeal and good affection ; but at length the indian defending himself with great disdain , and hatred of such an evil , proved himself clear , and praised god for it . the same indian was a little before , very sick , and he told me that when he thought he should die , he did so love god , that he was not unwilling to die , and leave his wife , and children , or any thing else , but that he was only desirous to live for this cause , that he might be more taught by the word of god , and be helpful to teach the indians the way of god . i have also observed how god is pleased to uphold some of these poor indians against opposition . i was once down towards the further end of the island , and lodged at an indians house , who was accounted a great man among the islanders , being the friend of a great sachem on the mayn ; this sachem is a great enemy to our reformation on the island : at this mans house when i had sate a while , his son being about thirty years old , earnestly desired me in his language , to relate unto him some of the ancient stories of god ; i then spent a great part of the night ( in such discourse as i thought fittest for them ) as i usually do when i lodg in their houses , what he then heard ( as he expressed ) did much affect him : and shortly after he came and desired to joyn with the praying indians to serve jehovah , but it was to the great discontentment of the sachems on the mayn , and those indians about him : news was often brought to him that his life was laid in wait for , by those that would surely take it from him , they desired him therfore with speed to turn back again ; the man came to me once or twice , and i perceived that he was troubled , he asked my counsel about removing his habitation , yet told me , that if they should stand with a sharp weapon against his breast , and tell him that they would kill him presently , if he did not turn to them , but if he would , they would love him , yet he had rather lose his life than keep it on such terms ; for ( said he ) when i look back on my life as it was before i did pray to god , i see it to be wholly naught , and do wholly dislike it , and hate those naughty waies ; but when i look on that way which god doth teach me in his word , i see it to be wholly good ; and do wholly love it . blessed be god that he is not overcome by these temptations . the next thing i judg also worthy to be observed , my father and i were lately talking with an indian , who had not long before almost lost his life by a wound his enemies gave him in a secret hidden way , the mark whereof , he had upon him , and will carry it to his grave : this man understanding of a secret plot that was to take away his enemies life , told my father and i , that he did freely forgive him for the sake of god , and did tell this plot to us that the mans life might be preserved : this is a singular thing , and who among the heathen will do so ? i observe also that the indians themselves do indeavor to propagate the knowledg of god , to the glory of god and the good of others : i heard an indian ( after i had some discourse with the indians in the night ) ask the sachem , and many others together , how they did like that counsel they heard from the word of god : they answered , very wel ; then said he , why do you not take it ? why do you not do according to it ? he further added , i can tell you why it is , because you do not see your sins , and because you do love your sins ; for as long as it was so with me , i did not care for the way of god ; but when god did shew me my sins , and made me hate them , then i was glad to take gods counsel : this i remember he spake , with some other things , with such gravity and truth , that the sachem and all the company was not able to gain-say . myoxeo also lately met with an indian , which came from the mayn who was of some note among them ; i heard that he told them of the great things of god , and of christ jesus , the sinfulness and folly of the indians , the pardon of sin by christ , and of a good life ; and so were they both affected , that they continued this discourse two half nights , and a day , until their strength was spent : he told him in particular , how a beleever did live above the world , that he did keep worldly things alwaies at his feet ( as he shewed him by a sign ) that when they were deminished , or increased , it was neither the cause of his sorrow , or joy , that he should stoop to regard them , but he stood upright with his heart heavenward , and his whol desire was after god , and his joy in him . now much honored in the lord , and all that love christ jesus in truth , let me prevail with you that we may be presented by you at the throne of grace in his worthiness to obtain those blessings , that concerns his kingdom and glory ; our comfort and salvation : and you are , and shall also be , ever humbly so prayed for , by him , who is from the vinyard the . of october , . yours obliged , and ever to be commanded in the work of the lord jesus thomas mayhew . to his excellency , the lord general cromwel ; grace , mercy , and peace be multiplied . right honorable , envy it self cannot deny that the lord hath raised and improved you in an eminent manner to overthrow antichrist , and to accomplish , in part , the prophesies and promises of the churches deliverance from that bondage : in all which service , the lord hath not only kept your honor unsteined , but also caused the lustre of those precious graces of humility , faith , love of truth , and love to the saints , &c. with which , through his free grace , he hath enriched you , to shine forth abundantly beyond all exception of any that are , or have been adversaries to your proceedings . now as the design of christ in these daies is double , namely , first , to overthrow antichrist by the wars of the lamb ; and secondly , to raise up his own kingdom in the room of all earthly powers which he doth cast down , and to bring all the world subject to be ruled in all things by the word of his mouth . and as the lord hath raised and improved you , to accomplish ( so far as the work hath proceeded ) the first part of his design , so i trust that the lord will yet further improve you , to set upon the accomplishment of the second part of the design of christ ; not only by indeavoring to put government into the hands of saints , which the lord hath made you eminently careful to do , but also by promoting scripture government and laws , that so the word of christ might rule all . in which great services unto the name of christ , i doubt not , but it will be some comfort to your heart to see the kingdom of christ rising up in these western parts of the world ; and some confirmation it will be , that the lords time is come to advance and spread his blessed kingdom , which shall ( in his season ) fill all the earth : and some incouragement to your heart , to prosecute that part of the design of christ , namely , that christ might reign . such considerations , together with the favorable respect you have alwaies shewed to poor new-england , hath imboldned me to present unto your hand , these first confessions of that grace which the lord hath bestowed upon these poor natives , and to publish them under the protection of your name , begging earnestly the continuance of your prayers for the further proceeding of this gracious work : and so committing your honor to the lord , and to the word of his grace , and all your weighty affairs to his heavenly direction , i rest your honors to serve you , in the service of christ john eliot . to the reader . christian reader , i know thy soul longeth to hear tydings of gods grace powred out upon these goings down of the sun , because the spirit of god by the word of prophesie , useth to raise up and draw forth such actings of faith , as accord with the accomplishment of those prophesies , when the time of their accomplishment is come . when israel was to return from babylon , the spirit by the word of prophesie , raised up such actings of faith , as were put forth in the exercise of all gifts necessary for the accomplishment thereof . daniel prayeth . zerubbabel hath a spirit of ruling , the peoples affections are loose from their dwellings , and have a spirit of traveling . ezra , nehemiah , and all the rest of the worthies of the lord , are raised at that time to accomplish what is prophesied . in these times the prophesies of antichrist his down fall are accomplishing . and do we not see that the spirit of the lord , by the word of prophesie , hath raised up men , instruments in the lord hand , to accomplish what is written herein . and the spirit of prayer , and expectation of faith is raised generally in all saints , by the same word of prophesie . in like manner the lord having said , that the gospel shall spread over all the earth , even to all the ends of the earth ; and from the riseing to the setting sun ; all nations shal become the nations , and kingdoms of the lord and of his christ . such words of prophesie hath the spirit used to stir up the servants of the lord to make out after the accomplishment thereof : and hath stirred up a mighty spirit of prayer , and expectation of faith for the conversion both of the jewes , ( yea all israel ) and of the gentiles also , over all the world . for this cause i know every beleeving heart , awakened by such scriptures , longeth to hear of the conversion of our poor indians , whereby such prophesies are in part begun to be accomplished . yea , the design of christ being to erect his own kingdom , in the room of all those dominions , which he doth , and is about to overturn : you shall see a spirit by such words of prophesie powred forth upon the saints ( into whose hands christ will commit the manageing of his kingdom on earth ) that shall carry them forth to advance christ to rule over men in all affairs , by the word of his mouth , and make him their only law-giver , and supream judge , and king . it is a day of small things with us : and that is gods season to make the single beauty of his humbling grace , to shine in them , that are the veriest ruines of mankind that are known on earth ; as mr. hooker was wont to describe the forlorn condition of these poor indians . i see evident demonstrations that gods spirit by his word hath taught them , because their expressions , both in prayer , and in the confessions which i have now published , are far more , and more full , and spiritual , and various , then ever i was able to express unto them ; in that poor broken manner of teaching which i have used among them . thēir turning doctrins into their own experience , which you may observe in their confessions , doth also demonstrate the teachings of gods spirit , whose first special work is application . their different gifts likewise , is a thing observable in their confessions , wherein it is not to be expected that they should be all eminent , it is not so in any society of men ; but in that there be some among them that are more eminent , it is a sign of gods favor , who is raising up among themselves , such as shall be his instruments to conveigh a blessing unto the rest . their frequent phrase of praying to god , is not to be understood of that ordinance and duty of prayer only , but of all religion , and comprehendeth the same meaning , with them , as the word [ religion ] doth with us : and it is observable , because it seemeth to me , that the lord will make them a praying people : and indeed , there is a great spirit of prayer powred out upon them , to my wonderment ; and you may easily apprehend , that they who are assisted to express such confessions before men , are not without a good measure of inlargement of spirit before the lord . the points of doctrine that are here and there dropped in their confessions , may suffice at present for a little taste to the godly discerning saints , that they are in some measure instructed in the chief points of salvation , though there be no doctrinal confession on purpose set down to declare what they have learned , and do beleeve . if any should conceive that that word which they so often use [ i thought , or i think ] should need explication , as a godly brother did intimate to me on the fast day , let this suffice , that it is to be construed by the present matter : for sometimes it is a thought of faith ; sometime of fear ; sometime of vnbelief ; sometime of carnal reason ; and sometime of ignorance . lastly , it is plainly to be observed , that one end of gods sending so many saints to new-england , was the conversion of these indians . for the godly counsels , and examples they have had in all our christian families , have been of great use , both to prepare them for the gospel , and also to further the lords work in them , as you may evidently discern in most of their confessions . beloved reader , i have no more to say as necessary to prepare for the following matter , only to beg , yea earnestly to beg the continuance of all your prayers ; by the power whereof ( through the grace and intercession of christ ) i beleeve this wheele of conversion of these indians , is turned : and my heart hath been alwayes thereby encouraged , to follow on to do that poor little i can , to help forward this blessed work of spreading and exalting the kingdom of our dear savior jesus christ , under the direction and protection of whose word and grace , by faith committing you ; i rest , your unworthy brother , in our dear savior , john eliot . to the christian reader . the amplitude , and large extent of the kingdom of jesus christ upon earth , when the heathen shall be his inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the earth his possession ; and when all kings shall fall down unto him , and all nations do him service , all contrary kingdoms and powers being broken in pieces and destroyed , is a thing plainly and plentifully foretold and promised in the holy scriptures ; psal. . . and . . and . . and . . dan. . . , . and . , . zech. . . and although as yet our eyes have never seen it so , nor our fathers afore us , many nations and people having hitherto been overspread , and overwhelmed in pagan blindness and ignorance , having scarce ever heard of christ , or of his name ; and many others that in some sort have heard of him , having no more grace but to make and maintain opposition against him , and against his kingdom , some more professedly , and others more covertly and under fairer pretence , as in the great dominions of the turk , and of the pope , is apparent ; yet the time is coming , when things shall not thus continue , but be greatly changed and altered , because the lord hath spoken this word , and it cannot be that his word should not take effect : and if the lord have spoken it , his people have good ground and reason to beleeve it , and to say as the holy apostle in another case , i beleeve god that it shall be even as it was told me , act. . . yea , to beleeve it and wait for it , as for that which in gods appointed and due time shall surely come to pass , and not fail , as hab. . . and not only so , but heartily to desire it , and fervently to pray for it , as a thing wherein the glory of god , and of jesus christ is not a little concerned and interessed ; for if the multitude of people be the kings honor , prov. . . it must needs be the honor of christ jesus the king of sion , when multitudes of people do submit unto him as to their king ; and therfore it should be earnestly craved of god by all his saints in their prayers , that so it may be , according as the sanctifying of gods name , and the coming of his kingdom are the two first petitions in that rule and pattern of prayer commanded , and taught by our savior to his disciples , matth. . , . and no man needs to doubt but that those things which are matter for faith and prayer to be exercised about their accomplishment , are matters of thanksgiving when once they come to pass . which being so , the godly christian , who shall read or hear this ensuing relation concerning the workings of gods grace towards these indians in new-england , and the confessions of sundry amongst them , will , i doubt not , see abundant cause of thanksgiving to the lord therein . for hereby it will appear , that the kingdom of the lord jesus which every faithful soul , doth so much desire to see enlarged , is now beginning to be set up where it never was before , even amongst a poor people , forlorn kind of creatures in times past , who have been without christ , and without god in the world , they and their fathers , for i know not how many generations ; yea , so far from knowing and acknowledging god in christ , that they have been little better than the beasts that perish . but now they that were far off , the lord is at work to make them neer unto himself by the blood of jesus , as eph. . . that they which in time past were not a people , might ere long become the people of god ; and they be called beloved , which were not beloved ; and in the place where it was said unto them , ye are not my people ▪ that there ere long , they might be called , the children of the living god , as pet. . . rom. . , . which is the lords doing , and it ought to be marvelous in our eyes . and the truth is , there are many marvels in it ; marvelous free-grace , and riches thereof , to look upon a people so wretched and unworthy ; yea , it were marvelous grace so much as once to offer the salvation of god in christ to any such as they are , being not only the poor and maimed , halt and blind , but also , as it is in luk , . . ranging and roving in the high-waies , and hedges ; and yet behold , even these are not only invited , but their hearts inclined to come in . mavelous wisdom and power is in it also , that of matter so rugged , and unlikely the lord should ever frame and fashion any gracious and holy building to himself , which i hope he is now a doing . and to say no more , his mervelous soveraignty and liberty is therein to be observed also , who till now of late hath seen meet never to look after this people , but hath suffered them all this while to walk in their own waies , waies of sin , and waies of death : yea , and though there hath been plantations of the english in the country now . years and more , yea , some a matter of . years , or thereabout , yet of all this time ( except some little workings in a few ) no considerable work of grace hath appeared amongst the indians till now of late ; so true is that saying , the times and seasons , the father hath put them in his own power , act. . . if any shall say , oh but , we are doubtful whether any sound and saving work be yet wrought in them or no : such an one i would wish seriously to weigh and consider the ensuing confessions , and then perhaps he will be better satisfied touching this point ; for there he shall find many expressions savoring of their clear sight and sence of sin , and that not only of gross and external sins , but also of such as are more inward in the heart and soul : also he shall find expressions tending to shew their expecting all righteousness and salvation by christ alone . now considering how the work of the spirit of god is said by christ himself to consist in great part in convincing of sin , and of righteousness ; of sin in mens selves , and of righteousness in christ , joh. . . and considering also , how the least beginnings of grace are accepted of him that would not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flax , matth. . . and lastly , considering how it were not reasonable to expect such ripeness in these people , as might be expected and found in others , who have had more time and means , and better help and breeding than these have had : if these things i say be considered , it may be an inducement to hope the best in charity concerning the work of grace in their souls , as charity hopeth all things , beleeveth all things , cor. . but thus much at the least i conceive is cleer , and cannot be denied that since the word of god hath been taught and preached among them , the spirit of the lord hath been working thereby in the hearts of many of them such illumination , such conviction , &c. as may justly be looked at ( if not as a full and through conversion , yet ) as an hopeful beginning and preparation thereto , if the lord be pleased to go on with what he hath begun , as i hope he will . and if there were no more but only an hopeful beginning , and preparative to conversion , yet even this were matter of much comfort to the saints , and of thanksgiving to the lord ; as it was in israel at the building of the temple , when no more was yet done , but only the foundation laid , ezr. . , . yet even then they sung for joy , giving praise and thanksgiving to the lord : how much more should it be so , if the work of regeneration be already truly wrought in any of them , as i hope it is in sundry ; in such case , how ever it be with men on earth , sure there is joy in heaven amongst the angels of god , when there is so much as one sinner that is truly brought home to god by repentance , luke . . . but how shall we know that the confessions here related , being spoken in their tongue , were indeed uttered by them in such words , as have the same signification and meaning with these that are here expressed , for we have only the testimony of one man to assure us of it ? it is true , we have only the testimony of one man for it ; but yet it is such an one , as is unwillingly alone in this matter , having seriously endeavored to have had divers other interpreters present at natick that day , but could not obtain what he did desire and endeavor herein ; a man whose pious and painful labors amongst this people , have rendred him approved and highly honored in the eyes of his brethren about him , for indefatigable diligence , and earnest love to the lord jesus , and their poor souls ; a man whose integrity and faithfulness is so well known in these parts , as giveth sufficient satisfaction to beleev that he would not wittingly utter a falshood in any matter whatever , and much less so many falshoods , & that in such a publick manner , in the view of god & the world , as he must needs have done if he have coyned these confessions of his own head , and have not to his best understanding truly related them in our tongue , according as they were uttered by them in theirs . if any shall then ask , if there be such a work of god amongst them , why were they not combined and united into church-estate , when there was that great assembly at natick , on the thirteenth of octob. last ? such an one may do well to consider , that the material temple was many yeers in building , even in the daies of solomon , who wanted no helps and furtherances thereunto , but was abundantly furnished therewith , and longer in re-edifying after the captivity ; and therefore no marvel if the building of a spiritual temple , an holy church to christ , and a church out of such rubbish as amongst indians , be not begun and ended on a sudden ; it is rather to be wondered at , that in so short a time , the thing is in so much forwardness as it is . besides , it is a greater matter to have indians accepted and owned as a church amongst themselves , and so to be invested with all church-power as a church , when yet they are not furnished with any to be an able pastor and elder over them , by whom they might be directed and guided in all the affairs of the church , and administrations of the house of god : this i conceive is a far greater matter than the admitting of them as members into any church or churches of the english already so furnished ; which latter ( for ought i know ) might speedily be done , and with much satisfaction , if it were suitable in regard of their different language , and the remoteness of their habitations , whereas to the former there seems to be a great necessity , or expediency at the least , that they should first be provided of some to be afterward set over them in the lord . even amongst the english , when any company amongst us have united themselves into church-estate , it hath been usual that they have had one or other amongst them upon whom their eyes have been set , as intending them to be pastors or teachers to them ; afterward , when once they should be combined as a church , and where it hath so been , they have found the comfort and benefit of it ; whereas those few that have proceeded otherwise , have found trouble and inconveniency therein . and if it be so amongst the english , who usually have better abilities , how much more amongst the indians , whose knowledg and parts must needs be far less ? not to insist upon the rehearsal of those two reasons mentioned by the reverend author of this relation , viz. the shortness of the time to furnish the work that day , and the want of interpreters , of whom there was not any present himself . concerning which reasons , i can freely ad my testimony , that those two were the principal , if not the only reasons which that day were insisted on , and publickly rendred for deferring the inchurching of them to another time . it may be some have thought , and i hear some have spoken little less , that this whol business of the indians , of which there have been so many speeches in old england and new , is but a devise and design to get money , and that there is indeed no such matter as any work of gods grace amongst that people . but if there were any truth in this saying or surmise , i marvel why the magistrates and elders then present at natick , did upon the reasons rendred , advise the deferring of the inchurching of the indians that day , and why they did not rather hasten forward the work without any more ado , or longer delay . for the report of a church of indians would in all likelihood have more prevailed for the end alledged , than all that hath been reported hitherto but our attending in this business to the honor of jesus christ , and the good of this poor peoples souls , and so to that which rule and right reason required , rather than to what might seem conducible for wordly advantage , may be a sufficient witness of our sincerity , contrary to the conceit and surmise afore mentioned , and a sufficient confutation of it . and yet though they be not combined into church-estate , there is so much of gods work amongst them , as that i cannot but count it a great evil , yea , a great injury to god and his goodness for any to make light or nothing of it . to see and to hear indians opening their mouths , and lifting up their hands and their eyes in solemn prayer to the living god , calling on him by his name jehovah , in the mediation of jesus christ , and this for a good while together ; to see and hear them exhorting one another from the word of god ; to see them and hear them confessing the name of christ jesus , and their own sinfulness , sure this is more than usual . and though they spake in a language , of which many of us understood but little , yet we that were present that day , we saw them , and we heard them perform the duties mentioned , with such grave and sober countenances , with such comely reverence in gesture , and their whol carriage , and with such plenty of tears trickling down the cheeks of some of them , as did argue to us that they spake with much good affection , and holy fear of god , and it much affected our hearts . nor is it credible to me , nor for ought i know to any that was present that day , that in these things they were acted and led by that spirit which is wont to breath amongst indians , the spirit of satan , or of corrupt nature , but that herein they had with them another spirit . but if there be any work of grace amongst them , it would surely bring forth , and be accompanied with the reformation of their disordered lives , as in other things , so in their neglect of labor , and their living in idleness and pleasure . i confess the allegation is weighty , and i deny not but some sober and godly persons , who do heartily wish well to this work , have been as much troubled in their minds touching this particular as any that i know of . but yet somthing may be said in answer therto , & chiefly this , that since the word of god came amongst them , and that they have attended thereto , they have more applied themselves unto labor than formerly : for evidence whereof , appeal my be made to what was seen at natick that day , and is still to be seen in that place , i mean the grounds that they have fenced in , and clawed and broken up , and especially their capacious meeting-house , the dimensions whereof are expressed in the relation : little did i think when i saw that fabrick , but that some english carpenter or other had had the chief hand in the framing and erecting of it ; and that more hands than indians , yea , and more english than one had been employed about it . but now understanding that the indians alone were the builders of it , it is a good testimony to me both of their industry , and likewise of their skill ; for where these are utterly wanting , yea , where there is not some good measure of them , such a building i conceive could never be raised . it is true , that considering the manner of their bringing up , being little accustomed to labor , but the contrary , it is not much to be marveled if they be not comparable therein to some english , who from their child-hood have been trained up thereto ; yet we see they are coming to it , and i hope will fall to it more and more ; let all that love their souls , pray for them that they may , yea , let all that love the lord jesus christ pray for them , that the work of god may still prosper amongst them , that many more of them may be turned from darkness to light , and from the power of satan unto god ; and that being converted they may be preserved in christ , and be built up in him to further growth and perfection , from day to day . and let unfeigned thanksgiving be rendred to the lord by his saints for all that is already wrought amongst them : and oh , let the english take heed , both in our dear native country , and here , lest for our unthankfulness , and many other sins , the lord should take the gospel from us , and bestow our mercy therein upon them , as upon a nation that would yeeld the fruits thereof in better sort than many of us have done . the sins of the jewish nation to whom the gospel was first preached , provoked god to take his kingdom from them , and to call in the gentils : yet it appeareth by rom. . . . . that this mercy vouchsafed to the gentiles , shall in time provoke the jews to an holy jealousie , and emulation , to look after that mercy again that once they refused , that so through the mercy bestowed on the gentiles , they ( i mean the jews ) might at last again obtain mercy . happy were the english if we could yeeld the fruits of gods gospel , that it might not be taken from us ; and happy also if the mercy coming to these indians ( though not yet taken from us ) might provoke us so to do , that so the kingdom of god , the gospel of salvation , being not taken from us , and given to them , but though given to them , yet might still continue with us , and with our posterity from generation to generation . dorchester in new-england this th of ber . rich. mather . a brief relation of the proceedings of the lords work among the indians , in reference unto their church-estate ; the reasons of the not accomplishing thereof at present : with some of their confessions ; whereby it may be discerned in some measure , how far the lord hath prepared among them fit matter for a church . these indians ( the better and wiser sort of them ) have for some years inquired after church-estate , baptism , and the rest of the ordinances of god , in the observation whereof they see the godly english to walk . i have from time to time , delayed them upon this point , that until they were come up unto civil cohabitation , government , and labor , which a fixed condition of life will put them upon , they were not so capable to be betrusted with that treasure of christ , lest they should scandalize the same , and make it of none effect , because if any should through temptation fall under censure , he could easily run away ( as some have done ) and would be tempted so to do , unless he were fixed in an habitation , and had some means of livelihood to lose , and leave behind him : such reasons have satisfied them hitherunto . but now being come under civil order , and fixing themselves in habitations , and bending themselves to labor , as doth appear by their works of fencings , buildings &c. and especially in building , without any english workmans help , or direction , a very sufficient meeting-house , of fifty foot long twenty five foot broad , neer twelve foot high betwixt the joynts , wel sawen , and framed ( which is a specimen , not only of their singular ingenuity , and dexerity , but also of some industry ) i say this being so , now my argument of delaying them from entering into church-estate , was taken away . therefore in way of preparation of them thereunto , i did this summer call forth sundry of them in the dayes of our publick assemblies in gods worship ; somtimes on the sabbath when i could be with them , and sometimes on lecture daies , to make confession before the lord of their former sins , and of their present knowledg of christ , and experience of his grace ; which they solemnly doing , i wrote down their confessions : which having done , and being in my own heart hopeful that there was among them fit matter for a church , i did request all the elders about us to hear them reade , that so they might give me advice what to do in this great , and solemn business ; which being done on a day appointed for the purpose , it pleased god to give their confessions such acceptance in their hearts , as that they saw nothing to hinder their proceeding , to try how the lord would appear therein . whereupon , after a day of fasting and prayer among our selves , to seek the lord in that behalf , there was another day of fasting and prayer appointed , and publick notice thereof , and of the names of indians were to confess , and enter into covenant that day , was given to all the churches about us , to seek the lord yet further herein , and to make solemn confessions of christ his truth and grace , and further to try whether the lord would vouchsafe such grace unto them , as to give them acceptance among the saints , into the fellowship of church-estate , and enjoyment of those ordinances which the lord hath betrusted his churches withal . that day was the thirteenth of the eighth month . when the assembly was met , the first part of the day was spent in prayer unto god , and exercise in the word of god ; in which , my self first ; and after that , two of the indians did exercise ; and so the time was spent till after ten , or near eleven of the clock . then addressing our selves unto the further work of the day , i first requested the reverend elders ( many being present ) that they would ask them questions touching the fundamental points of religion , that thereby they might have some tryal of their knowledg , and better that way , than if themselves should of themselves declare what they beleeve , or than if i should ask them questions in these matters : after a little conference hereabout , it was concluded , that they should first make confession of their experience in the lords work upon their hearts , because in so doing , it is like something will be discerned of their knowledg in the doctrines of religion : and if after those confessions there should yet be cause to inquire further touching any point of religion it might be fitly done at last . whereupon we so proceeded , and called them forth in order to make confession . it was moved in the assembly by reverend mr. wilson , that their former confessions also , as well as these which they made at present , might be read unto the assembly , because it was evident that they were daunted much to speak before so great and grave an assembly as that was , but time did not permit it so to be then : yet now in my writing of their confessions i will take that course , that so it may appear what encouragement there was to proceed so far as we did ; and that such as may reade these their confessions , may the better discern of the reality of the grace of christ in them . the first which was called forth is named totherswamp , whose former confession read before the elders , was as followeth : before i prayed unto god , the english , when i came unto their houses , often said unto me , pray to god ; but i having many friends who loved me , and i loved them , and they cared not for praying to god , and therefore i did not : but i thought in my heart , that if my friends should die , and i live , i then would pray to god ; soon after , god so wrought , that they did almost all die , few of them left ; and then my heart feared , and i thought , that now i will pray unto god , and yet i was ashamed to pray ; and if i eat and did not pray , i was ashamed of that also ; so that i had a double shame upon me : then you came unto us , and taught us , and said unto us , pray unto god ; and after that , my heart grew strong , and i was no more ashamed to pray , but i did take up praying to god ; yet at first i did not think of god , and eternal life , but only that the english should love me , and i loved them : but after i came to learn what sin was , by the commandements of god , and then i saw all my sins , lust , gaming , &c. ( he named more . ) you taught , that christ knoweth all our hearts , and seeth what is in them , if humility , or anger , or evil thoughts , christ seeth all that is in the heart ; then my heart feared greatly , because god was angry for all my sins ; yea , now my heart is full of evil thoughts , and my heart runs away from god , therefore my heart feareth and mourneth . every day i see sin in my heart ; one man brought sin into the world , and i am full of that sin , and i break gods word every day . i see i deserve not pardon , for the first mans sinning ; i can do no good , for i am like the devil , nothing but evil thoughts , and words , and works . i have lost all likeness to god , and goodness , and therefore every day i sin against god , and i deserve death and damnation : the first man brought sin first , and i do every day ad to that sin , more sins ; but christ hath done for us all righteousness , and died for us because of our sins , and christ teacheth us , that if we cast away our sins , and trust in christ , then god will pardon all our sins ; this i beleeve christ hath done , i can do no righteousness , but christ hath done it for me ; this i beleeve , and therefore i do hope for pardon . when i first heard the commandements , i then took up praying to god , and cast off sin . again , when i heard , and understood redemption by christ , then i beleeved jesus christ to take away my sins : every commandement taught me sin , and my duty to god . when you ask me , why do i love god ? i answer , because he giveth me all outward blessings , as food , clothing , children , all gifts of strength , speech , hearing ; especially that he giveth us a minister to teach us , and giveth us government ; and my heart feareth lest government should reprove me : but the greatest mercy of all is christ , to give us pardon and life . totherswamp the confession which he made on the fast day before the great assembly , was as followeth : i confess in the presence of the lord , before i prayed , many were my sins , not one good word did i speak , not one good thought did i think , not one good action did i doe : i did act all sins , and full was my heart of evil thoughts : when the english did tell me of god , i cared not for it . i thought it enough if they loved me : i had many friends that loved me , and i thought if they died , i would pray to god : and afterward it so came to pass ; then was my heart ashamed , to pray i was ashamed , & if i prayed not , i was ashamed ; a double shame was upon me : when god by you taught us , very much ashamed was my heart ; then you taught us that christ knoweth all our harts : therefore truly he saw my thoughts , and i had thought , if my kindred should die i would pray to god ; therfore they dying , i must now pray to god : and therefore my heart feared , for i thought christ knew my thoughts : then i heard you teach , the first man god made was named adam , & god made a covenant with him , do and live , thou and thy children ; if thou do not thou must die , thou and thy children ; and we are children of adam poor sinners , therefore we all have sinned , for we have broke gods covenant , therefore evil is my heart therefore god is very angry with me , we sin against him every day ; but this great mercy god hath given us , he hath given us his only son , and promiseth , that whosoever beleeveth in christ shall be saved : for christ hath dyed for us in our stead , for our sins , and he hath done for us all the words of god , for i can do no good act , only christ can , and only christ hath done all for us ; christ have deserved pardon for us , and risen again , he hath ascended to god , and doth ever pray for us ; therefore all beleevers souls shall goe to heaven to christ . but when i heard that word of christ , christ said repent and beleeve , and christ seeth who repenteth , then i said , dark and weak is my soul , and i am one in darkness , i am a very sinful man , and now i pray to christ for life . hearing you teach that word that the scribes and pharisees said why do thy disciples break the tradition of the fathers ? christ answered , why do ye make void the commandements of god ? then my heart feared that i do so , when i teach the indians , because i cannot teach them right , and thereby make the word of god vain . again , christ said if the blind lead the blind they will both fall into the ditch ; therfore i feared that i am one blind , and when i teach other indians i shal caus them to fall into the ditch . this is the love of god to me , that he giveth me all mercy in this world , and for them al i am thankfull ; but i confess i deserve hell ; i cannot deliver my self , but i give my soul and my flesh to christ and i trust my soul with him for he is my redeemer , and i desire to call upon him while i live . this was his confession which ended , mr. allin further demanded of him this question , how he found his heart , now in the matter of repentance his answer was ; i am ashamed of all my sins , my heart is broken for them and melteth in me , i am angry with my self for my sins , and i pray to christ to take away my sins , and i desire that they may be pardoned . but it was desired that further question might be forborn , lest time would be wanting to here them all speak . then waban was called forth , whose confession was as followeth ; no former confession of his being read unto the elders . before i heard of god , and before the english came into this country , many evil things my heart did work , many thoughts i had in my heart ; i wished for riches , i wished to be a witch , i wished to be a sachem ; and many such other evils were in my heart : then when the english came , still my heart did the same things ; when the english taught me of god ( i coming to their houses ) i would go out of their doors , and many years i knew nothing ; when the english taught me i was angry with them : but a little while agoe after the great sikness , i considered what the english do , and i had some desire to do as they do ; and after that i began to work as they work ; and then i wondered how the english come to be so strong to labor ; then i thought i shall quickly die , and i feared lest i should die before i prayed to god ; then i thought , if i prayed to god in our language , whether could god understand my prayers in our language ; therefore i did ask mr. jackson , and mr. mahu , if god understood prayers in our language ? they answered me , god doth understand all languages in the world . but i do not know how to confess , and little do i know of christ ; i fear i shall not beleeve a great while , and very slowly ; i do not know what grace is in my heart , there is but little good in me ; but this i know , that christ hath kept all gods commandements for us , and that christ doth know all our hearts ; and now i desire to repent of all my sins : i neither have done , nor can do the commandements of the lord , but i am ashamed of all i do , and i do repent of all my sins , even of all that i do know of : i desire that i may be converted from all my sins , and that i might beleeve in christ , and i desire him ; i dislike my sins , yet i do not truly pray to god in my heart : no matter for good words , all is the true heart ; and this day i do not so much desire good words , as throughly to open my heart : i confess i can do nothing , but deserve damnation ; only christ can help me and do for me . but i have nothing to say for my self that is good ; i judg that i am a sinner , and cannot repent , but christ hath deserved pardon for us . this confession being not so satisfactory as was desired , mr. wilson testified , that he spake these latter expressions with tears , which i observed not , because i attended to writing ; but i gave this testimony of him , that his conversation was without offence to the english , so far as i knew , and among the indians , it was exemplar : his gift is not so much in expressing himself this way , but in other respects useful and eminent ; it being demanded in what respect , i answered to this purpose , that his gift lay in ruling , judging of cases , wherein he is patient , constant , and prudent , insomuch that he is much respected among them , for they have chosen him a ruler of fifty , and he ruleth well according to his measure . it was further said , they thought he had been a great drawer on to religion ; i replyed , so he was in his way , and did prevail with many ; and so it rested . the next that was called , was william of sudbury , his indian name is nataôus ; his former confession read before the elders , was as followeth : i confess that before i prayed , i committed all manner of sins , and served many gods : when the english came first , i going to their houses , they spake to me of your god , but when i heard of god , my heart hated it ; but when they said the devil was my god , i was angry , because i was proud : when i came to their houses i hated to hear of god , i loved lust in my own house and not god , i loved to pray to many gods . five years ago , i going to english houses , and they speaking of god , i did a little like of it , yet when i went again to my own house , i did all manner of sins , and in my heart i did act all sins , though i would not be seen by man . then going to your house , i more desired to hear of god ; and my heart said , i will pray to god so long as i live : then i went to the minister mr. browns house , and told him i would pray as long as i lived ; but he said i did not say it from my heart , and i beleeve it . when wahan spake to me that i should pray to god , i did so . but i had greatly sinned against god , and had not beleeved the word , but was proud : but then i was angry with my self , and loathed my self , and thought god will not forgive me my sins . for when i had been abroad in the woods i would be very angry , and would lye unto men , and i could not find the way how to be a good man : then i beleeved your teaching , that when good men die , the angels carry their souls to god ; but evil men dying , they go to hell , and perish for ever . i thought this a true saying , and i promised to god , to pray to god as long as i live . i had a little grief in my heart five years ago for my sins : but many were my prides ; somtime i was angry with my self , and pityed my self ; but i thought god would not pardon such a proud heart as mine is : i beleeve that christ would have me to forsake my anger ; i beleeve that christ hath redeemed us , and i am glad to hear those words of god ; and i desire that i might do al the good waies of god , and that i might truly pray unto god : i do now want graces , and these christ only teacheth us , and only christ hath wrought our redemption , and he procureth our pardon for all our sins ; and i beleeve that when beleevers dy , gods angels carry them to heaven : but i want faith to beleeve the word of god , and to open my eyes , and to help me to cast away all sins ; and christ hath deserved for me eternall life : i have deserved nothing my self ; christ hath deserved all , and giveth me faith to beleeve it . willam of sudbury : his indian name is nataÔus . the confession which he made on the fast day before the great assembly was as followeth . before i prayed to god , i commited all sins ; and serving many gods . i much despised praying unto god , for i beleeved the devil , and he did dayly teach me to sin , and i did them : somtimes hearing of god my heart did hate it , and went to my own house , because i did love to commit all sin there . about six years ago , a little i liked to hear of god , and yet i hated that which was good : hearing that cutshamoquin prayed , then i thought i will pray also : a year after , i heard of praying to god , and i went to mr. browns house and told him i will pray to god as long as live ; he said , i doubt of it , and bid me cut off my hair , and i did so presently ; and then i desired to be like god , and jesus christ , and to call on him , but i found it very hard to beleeve ; yet i thought , i wil pray as long as i live . hearing that word , that christ dyed for us , was buried & rose again , and hearing of that word also , seek peace & imbrace the word : then i began to beleeve that christ died for us , for sin ; and i saw my heart very full of sin . and hearing that word , that christ went to the mount olives , and ascended , i beleeved and thought , oh that god would pardon me ; but i fear he will not , because i have been so long time a sinner . somtime i am angry with my self , for my many evil thoughts in my heart ; and to this day i want grace , and cannot confess , because i have been so great a sinner : and this day i confess , a little i pray , and that i can pray but a little and weakly . when i heard that word of god , that all from the rising to the setting sun shall pray i first under stood it it not , and wondered how it should be : after i saw that when they beleeve and obey god , then he will teach them to do right things , and god will teach us to do al things for god , sleeping and waking to be with god . but still do foolishly , and not according to my prayer : i cannot get pardon of my sins , for my sins are great in thought , word , and deed : and no man can cast off his own sins , but that is the work of christ only to work it in us ; a man cannot make a right prayer but when christ assisteth him ; then we shall do all things well . i beleeve that christ is god , and the son of god because when he dyed , he rose again , and he dyed for our sins ; and i beleeve he is in heaven and ever prayeth for us , and sendeth his gospel unto us : and i am angry with my self , because i do not beleeve the word of god , and gospel of jesus christ . the next which was called forth was monequassun , who is our school-master ; whose former confession , read before the elders , was as followeth . i confess my sorrow for all my sins against god , and before men : when i first heard instruction , i beleeved not , but laughed at it , and scorned praying to god ; afterward , when we were taught at cohannet ( that is the place where he lived ) i still hated praying , and i did think of running away , because i cared not for praying to god ; but afterwards , because i loved to dwell at that place , i would not leave the place , and therefore i thought i will pray to god , because i would still stay at that place , therefore i prayed not for the love of god , but for love of the place i lived in ; after that i desired a little to learn the catechisme on the lecture daies , and i did learn the ten commandements , and after that , all the points in the catechisme ; yet afterwards i cast them all away again , then was my heart filled with folly , and my sins great sins ; afterwards by hearing , i began to fear , because of my many sins , lest the wise men should come to know them , and punish me for them ; and then again i thought of running away because of my many sins : but after that i thought i would pray rightly to god , and cast away my sins ; then i saw my hypocricy , because i did ask some questions , but did not do that which i knew : afterward i considered of my question , and thought i would pray to god , and would consider of some other question , and i asked this , question , how should i get wisdom ? and the answer to it did a little turn my heart from sin , to seek after god ; and i then considered that the word of god was good ; then i prayed to god because of the word of god . the next lecture day you taught that word of god , if any man lack wisdom , let him ask it of god , who giveth freely to them that ask him , and upbraideth no man , james , . . then again a little my heart was turned after god , the word also said , repent , mourn , and beleeve in jesus christ : this also helped me on . then you taught , that he that beleeveth not christ , and repenteth not of sin , they are foolish and wicked ; and because they beleeve not , they shall perish : then i thought my self a fool , because i beleeved not christ , but sinned every day , and after i heard the word , i greatly broke the word . but afterward i heard this promise of god , who ever repenteth and beleeveth in christ , god will forgive him all his sins , he shall not perish ; then i thought , that as yet , i do not repent , and beleeve in christ : then i prayed to god , because of this his promise ; and then i prayed to god , for god and for christ his sake : after that again i did a little break the word of christ . and then i heard some other words of god , which shewed me my sins , and my breakings of gods word ; and sometimes i thought god and christ would forgive me , because of the promise to them that beleeve in christ , and repent of sin , i thought i did that which god spake in the promise . then being called to confess , to prepare to make a church at natick , i loved cohannet ; but after hearing this instruction , that we should not only be hearers , but doers of the word , then my heart did fear . and afterward hearing that in matthew , christ saw two brethren mending their nets , he said , follow me and i will make you fishers of men , presently they followed christ ; and when i heard this , i feared , because i was not willing to follow christ to natick ; they followed christ at his word , but i did not , for now christ saith to us , follow me : then i was much troubled , and considered of this word of god . afterward i heard another word , the blind men cryed after christ and said , have mercy on us thou son of david , but after they came to christ , he called them , and asked them , what shall i do for you ? they said , lord open our eyes ; then christ had pity on them , and opened their eyes , and they followed christ ; when i heard this , my heart was troubled , then i prayed to god and christ , to open mine eyes , and if christ open my eyes , then i shall rejoyce to follow christ : then i considered of both these scriptures , and i a little saw that i must follow christ . and now my heart desireth to make confession of what i know of god , and of my self , and of christ : i beleeve that there is only one god , and that he made and ruleth all the world , and that he the lord , giveth us al good things : i know that god giveth every day all good mercies , life , and health , and all ; i have not one good thing , but god it is that giveth it me , i beleeve that god at first made man like god , holy , wise , righteous ; but the first man sinned , for god promised him , if thou do my commandements , thou shalt live , and thy children ; but if thou sin , thou shalt die , thou and thy children ; this covenant god made with the first man . but the first man did not do the commandements of god , he did break gods word , he beleeved satan ; and now i am full of sin , because the first man brought sin ; dayly i am full of sin in my heart : i do not dayly rejoyce in repentance , because satan worketh dayly in my heart , and opposeth repentance , and all good works ; day and night my heart is full of sin . i beleeve that jesus christ was born of the virgin mary ; god promised her she should bear a son , and his name should be jesus , because he shall deliver his people from their sins : and when christ came to preach , he said , repent , because the kingdom of heaven is at hand ; again christ taught , except ye repent and become as a little child , ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven ; therefore humble your selves like one of these little children , and great shall be your kingdom in heaven . again christ said , come unto me all ye that are weary and heavy laden with sin , and i will give you rest : take up my cross , and yoak , learn of me , for i am meek , and ye shall find rest to your souls , for my yoak is easie , and burden light : these are the words of christ , and i know christ he is good , but my works are evil : christ his words are good , but i am not humble ; but if we be humble and beleeving in christ , he pardons all our sins . i now desire to beleeve in jesus christ , because of the word of christ , that i may be converted and become as a little child . i confess my sins before god , and before jesus christ this day ; now i desire all my sins may be pardoned ; i now desire repentance in my heart , and ever to beleeve in christ ; now i lift up my heart to christ , and trust him with it , because i beleeve christ died for us , for all our sins , and deserved for us eternal life in heaven , and deserved pardon for all our sins . and now i give my soul to christ because he hath redeemed : i do greatly love , and like repentance in my heart , and i love to beleeve in jesus christ , and my heart is broken by repentance : al these things i do like wel of , that they may be in my heart , but because christ hath all these to give , i ask them of him that he may give me repentance , and faith in christ , and therefore i pray and beseech christ dayly for repentance and faith ; and other good waies i beg of christ dayly to give me : and i pray to christ for al these gifts and graces to put them in my heart : and now i greatly thank christ for all these good gifts which he hath given me . i know not any thing , nor can do any thing that is a good work : even my heart is dark dayly in what i should do , and my soul dyeth because of my sins , and therefore i give my soul to christ , because i know my soul is dead in sin , and dayly doth commit sin ; in my heart i sin , and all the members of my body are sinful . i beleeve jesus christ is ascended to heaven through the clouds , and he will come again from heaven : many saw christ go up to heaven , and the angels said , even so he will come again to judg all the world ; and therefore i beleeve gods promise , that all men shall rise again when christ cometh again , then all shall rise , and all their souls comes again because christ is trusted with them , and keeps their souls , therefore i desire my sins may be pardoned ; and i beleeve in christ ; and ever so long as i live , i will pray to god , and do all the good waies he commandeth . monequassun , the confession which he made on the fast day before the great assembly was as followeth i confess my sins before the lord , and before men this day : a little while since i did commit many sins , both in my hands and heart ; lusts thefts , and many other sins , and that every day : and after i heard of praying to god , and that others prayed to god , my heart did not like it , but hated it , yea and mocked at it ; and after they prayed at cohannet i stil hated it , and when i heard the word i did not like of it , but thought of running away , because i loved sin : but i loved the place of my dwelling , and therfore i thought i wil rather pray to god , and began to do it ; a little i desired to learn the ten commandements of god , and other points of catechisme ; and then a little i repented , but i was quickly weary of repentance , and fell again to sin , and full of evil thoughts was my heart : and then i played the hypocrite , and my heart was full of sin : i learned some things , but did not do what god commanded , but i sinned and playd the hypocrite ; some things i did before man , but not before god . but afterward i feared because of my sins , and feared punishment for my sins , therefore i thought again i would run away ; yet again i loving the place , would not run away , but would pray to god : and i asked a question at the lecture ▪ which was this , how i should get wisdom ? the answer made me a little to understand : but afterward i heard the word if any man lack wisdom , let him ask it of god , who giveth liberally to all that ask , and upbraideth none . but then i did fear gods anger , because of all my sins , because they were great . afterward hearing that word , that christ is named jesus , because he redeemeth us from all our sins : i thought christ would not save me , because i repent not , for he saveth only penitent beleevers ; but i am not such an one , but still a dayly sinner . afterward hearing that word , blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness , for they shall be filled : then i thought i am a poor sinner , and poor is my heart : then i prayed to god to teach me to do that which he requireth , and to pray aright . afterward hearing that word , who ever looks upon a woman to lust after her , hath already committed adultry with her in his heart ; then i thought i had done all manner of sins in the sight of god , because he seeth lust in the heart , and knoweth all the evil thoughts of my heart ; and then i did pray unto god , oh! give me repentance and pardon . afterwards when i did teach among the indians , i was much humbled because i could not reade right , and that i sinned in it ; for i saw that when i thought to do a good work , i sinned in doing it , for i knew not what was right , nor how to do it . in the night i was considering of my sins , and could not find what to do : three nights i considered what to do , and at last god shewed me mercy , and shewed me what i should do . and then i desired to learn to read gods word , and hearing that if we ask wisdom of god , he will give it , then i did much pray to god , that he would teach me to reade . after a years time , i thought i did not rightly seek , and i thought i sinned , because i did not rightly desire to read gods word , and i thought my praying was sinful , and i feared , how should i , my wife , and child be cloathed , if i spend my time in learning to reade ; but then god was merciful to me , and shewed me that word , say not , what shall i eat , or drink , or wherewith shall i be cloathed , wicked men seek after these ; but first seek the kingdom of heaven , and these things shall be added to you ; then i pr●yed god to teach me this word , and that i might do it : and then i desired to read gods word , what ever i wanted . afterward hearing that we must make a town , and gather a church at natick , my heart disliked that place ; but hearing that word , that christ met two fishers , and said , follow me , and i will make you fishers of men , and they presently left all and followed him ; hearing this , i was much troubled , because i had not beleeved christ , for i would not follow him to make a church , nor had i done what he commanded me , and then i was troubled for all my sins . again hearing that word , that the blind man called after christ , saying , thou son of david have mercy on me ; christ asked him what he would have him do , he said , lord open my eyes ; and presently christ gave him sight , and he followed christ : then again my heart was troubled , for i thought i still beleeve not , because i do not follow christ , nor hath he yet opened mine eyes : then i prayed to christ to open mine eyes , that i might see what to do , because i am blind and cannot see how to follow christ , and do what he commandeth , and i prayed to christ , teach me lord what to do , and to do what thou sayest ; and i prayed that i might follow christ : and then i thought i will follow christ to make a church . all this trouble i had to be brought to be willing to make a church : and quickly after , god laid upon me more trouble , by sickness and death ; and then i much prayed to god for life , for we were all sick , and then god would not hear me , to give us life ; but first one of my children died , and after that my wife ; then i was in great sorrow , because i thought god would no hear me , and i thought it was because i would not follow him , therefore he hears not me : then i found this sin in my heart , that i was angry at the punishment of god : but afterward i considered , i was a poor sinner , i have nothing , nor child , nor wife , i deserve that god should take away all mercies from me ; and then i repented of my sins , and did much pray , and i remembred the promise to follow christ , and my heart said , i had in this sinned , that followed not christ , and therefore i cryed for pardon of this sin : and then hearing of this word , who ever beleeveth in christ , his sins are pardoned , he beleeving that christ died for us ; and i beleeved . again hearing that word , if ye be not converted , and become as a little child , you cannot go to heaven ; then my heart thought , i do not this , but i deserve hell fire for ever ; and then i prayed christ , oh! turn me from my sin , and teach me to hear thy word ; and i prayed to my father in heaven : and after this , i beleeved in christ for pardon . afterward i heard that word , that it is a shame for a man to wear long hair , and that there was no such custom in the churches : at first i thought i loved not long hair , but i did , and found it very hard to cut it off ; and then i prayed god to pardon that sin also : afterward i thought my heart cared not for the word of god : but then i thought i would give my self up unto the lord , to do all his word . afterward i heard that word , if thy right foot offend thee , cut it off , or thy right hand , or thy right eye ; its better to go to heaven with one foot , or hand , or eye , than having both to go to hell ; then i thought my hair had been a stumbling to me , therefore i cut it off , and grieved for this fin , and prayed for pardon . after hearing that word , come unto me all ye that are weary and heavie laden with your sins , and i will give rest to your souls ; then my heart thought that i do dayly hate my sins , oh! that i could go to christ ! and christ looketh i should come unto him , therfore i will go unto him , and therfore then i prayed , oh! christ help me to come unto thee : and i prayed because of all my sins that they may be pardoned . for the first man was made like god in holiness , and righteousness , and god gave him his covenant ; but adam sinned , beleeving the devil , therefore god was angry , and therefore all we children of adam are like the devil , and dayly sin , and break every law of god , full of evil thoughts , words , and works , and only christ can deliver us from our sins , and he that beleeveth in christ is pardoned ; but my heart of my self cannot beleeve : satan hath power in me , but i cry to god , oh! give me faith , and pardon my sin , because christ alone can deliver me from hell ; therefore i pray , oh! jesus christ deliver me . christ hath provided the new covenant to save beleevers in christ , therefore i desire to give my soul to christ , for pardon of all my sins : the first covenant is broke by sin , and we deserve hell ; but christ keepeth for us the new covenant , and therfore i betrust my soul with christ . again , i desire to beleeve in christ , because christ will come to judgment , and all shall rise again , and all beleevers in this life shall then be saved ; therefore i desire to beleeve christ , and mortifie sin as long as i live ; and i pray christ to help me to beleeve : and i thank god for all his mercies every day : and now i confess before god that i loath my self for my sins and beg pardon . thus far he went in his confession ; but they being slow of speech , time was far spent and a great assembly of english understanding nothing he said , only waiting for my interpretation , many of them went forth , others whispered , and a great confusion was in the house and abroad : and i perceived that the graver sort thought the time long , therfore knowing he had spoken enough unto satisfaction ( at least as i judged ) i here took him off . then one of the elders asked , if i took him off , or whether had he finished ? i answered , that i took him off . so after my reading what he had said , we called another . the next who was called forth was ponampam , who had formerly twice made confession , and both read before the elders . his first confession was as followeth . vvhen god first had mercy on us , when they first prayed at noonanetam , i heard of it , and the first word that i heard was , that all from the rising of the sun to the going down thereof , shall pray unto god ; and i thought , oh! let it be so . after i considered what the word may be , and understood by it , that god was mercyfull ; afterwards when you alwayes came to us , i only heard the word , i did not understand it , nor meditate on it , yet i found that al my doings were sins against god ; then i prayed unto god . afterwards i heard , that god would pardon all that beleeve in christ ! and quickly after i saw my sins to be very many ; i saw that in every thing i did , i sinned : & when i saw these my sins against god , i was weary of my self , & angry with my self in my heart ; but the free mercy of god , caused me to hear his word , and then i feared because every day sin was in my heart , and i thought in vain i looked to christ : then hearing this word of christ , that christ taught through every town , and village , repent and beleeve . if any one repent , and mourn , and beleeve , i will pardon him ; then my heart thought i will pray to god as long as i live : but somtimes my heart was ashamed , and somtimes my heart was strong , and god seeth my heart : i now desire to repent , and beleeve in christ , and that christ will pardon me , and shew mercy to us all . ponampam , his second confession was as followeth : when i prayed not unto god i ever sinned every day : but when noonanetam indians first prayed , i heard of it , and three nights i considered whether i should pray or no , but i found not how to pray unto god , but how not to pray : but then i heard gods free mercy in his word , call all to pray , from the rising of the sun to the going down thereof ; yet presently i lost that word , and sinned again , and committed many sins . then gods free mercy shewed me in the catechism , that god made all the world , yet my heart did not beleeve , because i knew i sprung from my father and mother : i did alwaies act many sins , because i was born in sin , and in vain i heard gods word . then i heard gods word , that christ was made man , yet i did but hear it , though i thought it might be true : i thought i would cast off all sin , but then i found that i loved them very much . i heard gods promise to abraham , to increase his children as the stars for number , but i beleeved not , because he had but one son : and thus i cast off the word , and committed sins . i heard also from the word , that all men are not alike to god , some are first to god , [ or preferred before other ; ] but i did not beleeve it because all men die alike ; therefore they are not the sons of god , and god is not their father : so still i beleeved not the word , but broke gods word dayly , and in vain i heard gods word . afterward i heard that word of god to moses , i 'le be with thy mouth , for who maketh the seeing eye , or hearing ear , is it not i ? saith the lord : then i understood a little of god , and of his word ; but still i acted much sin . afterward i heard that word of free-grace , repent , and beleeve the gospel , and who ever beleeve shall be saved ; then my heart beleeved , then i saw i had prayed but afore man , & so was my hearing , or any other duty ; and i saw other of my sins against god ; and then i saw that my heart did not beleev as it should , & i desired to be open in my doings ; i saw i brake every command of god : yet presently i lost this , and the word of christ was of little worth unto me ; and i saw i loved sin very much . then again i heard that word , that all shall pray from the rising to the sitting sun ; then i thought i will pray to god , and yet only my tongue prayed . then again i heard the catechism , that god made adam and eve , and al the world , and a little i beleeved that word . afterward i heard another word , that they are bastards , not sons , whom god afflicts not : i did a little think this to be a truth , and then i prayed more unto god , and yet i saw i feared man more than god : but notwithstanding , i have prayed unto god from that day unto this day ; yet i see i sin every day . when i heard that word that god spake to moses in the mount by a trumpet , and said , thou shalt not have any other god , thou shalt not lust , nor lye , nor kill , &c. i saw all these i had broken ; i heard the word , but sinned in what i heard : i heard that my heart must break and melt for sin , and beleeve in christ , and that we should try our hearts if it be so ; yet i could try but little , nor find but little , but still i sinned much . i heard that word , that they which cast off god , god will cast off them ; and i feared lest god should cast me away , because of my sins : i was ashamed of my sins , and my heart melted , and i thought i wil give my self to god , and to christ , and do what he will for ever ; and because of this promise of pardon to al that repent and beleeve , my heart desireth to pray to god as long as i live . ponampam ; the confession he made on the fast day , before the great assembly was as followeth : before i prayed unto god , i committed all manner of sins ; and when i heard the catechism , that god made me , i did not beleeve it , because i knew i sprang from my father and mother , and therefore i despised the word , and therefore again i did act all sins , and i did love them . then god was merciful to me , to let me hear that word , that al shal pray from the rising to the s●●ting sun ; and then i considered whether i should pray , but i found not in my heart that all should pray : but then i considered of praying , and what would become of me if i did not pray , and what would become of me , if i did pray ; but i thought if i did pray , the sacbems would be angry , because they did not say , pray to god , and therefore i did not yet pray ; but considering of that word , that all shall pray , i was troubled , and i found in my heart that i would pray unto god ; and yet i feared that others would laugh at me , and therefore i did not yet pray . afterward god was yet merciful to me , and i heard that god made the world , and the first man , and i thought it was true , and therefore i would pray to god , because he hath made all ; and yet when i did pray , i thought i prayed not aright , because i prayed for the sake of man , and i thought this to be a great sin . but then i wondered at gods free mercy to me , for i saw god made me , and giveth me all mercies : and then was i troubled , and saw that many were my sins , and that i do not yet beleeve ; then i prayed , yet my heart sinned , for i prayed only with my mouth : and then i repented of my sins , and then a little i considered and remembred gods love unto us : but i was a sinner , and many were my sins , and a little i repented of them ; and yet again i sinned , and quickly was my heart full of sin : then again was my heart angry with my self , and often i lost all this again , and fell into sin . then i heard that word , that god sent moses to egypt , and promised i will be with thee ; that promise i considered , but i thought that in vain i did seek , and i was ashamed that i did so : and i prayed , oh god teach me truly to pray , not only before man , but before god , and pardon al these my sins . again i heard that word , that christ taught through every town and village , repent and beleeve , and be saved , and a little i beleeved this word , and i loved it , and then i saw all my sins , and prayed for pardon . again i heard that word , he that casteth off god , him will god cast off ; and i found in my heart , that i had done this , and i feared because of this my sin , lest god should cast me off , and that i should for ever perish in hell , because god hath cast me off , i having cast of god : then i was troubled about hell , and what shall i do if i be damned ! then i heard that word , if ye repent and beleeve , god pardons all sins ; then i thought , oh that i had this , i desired to repent and beleeve , and i begged of god , oh give me repentance and faith , freely do it for me ; and i saw god was merciful to do it , but i did not attend the lord , only sometimes ; and i now confess i am ashamed of my sins , my heart is broken , and melteth in me ; i am angry at my self ; i desire pardon in christ ; i betrust my soul with christ , that he may do it for me . by such time as this man had finished , the time was far spent , and he was the fift in number , their speeches being slow , and they were the more slow at my request , that i might write what they said ; & oft i was forced to inquire of my interpreter ( who sat by me ) because i did not perfectly understand some sentences , especially of some of them : these things did make the work long-som , considering the inlargement of spirit god gave some of them ; and should we have proceeded further , it would have been sun-set before the confessions in likelyhood would have been finished , besides all the rest of the work that was to be done to finish so solemn a work ; and the place being remote in the woods , the nights long and cold and people not fitted to lie abroad , and no competant lodgings in the place for such persons , and the work of such moment as wonld not admit an hudling up in hast . and besides all this , though i had fully used all fit means , to have all the interpreters present that i could , that so the intetpretation might not depend upon my single testemony , yet so it was that they all failed , and i was alone ( as i have been wont to be in this work ) which providence of god was not to be neglected in so solemn a business . wherfore the magistrates , elders , and grave men present , advised together what to do , and the conclusion was , not to proceed any further at present , yet so to carry the matter , as that the indians might in no wise be discouraged , but encouraged ; to which end , one of the elders was requested to speak unto the english , the two above said reasons , viz. the want of interpreters , and want of time , to finish at this time so solemn a work ; but to refer it to a more fitting time . and i was desired to declare it to the indians , which i did to this purpose , that the magistrates , elders , and other christian people present , did much rejoyce to hear their confessions , and advised them to go on in that good way ; but as for the gathering a church among them this day , it could not be ; partly , because neither mr. mayhew , nor mr. leveridg . nor any interpreter was here ( for whom they knew i had sent , some of themselves being the messengers to carry letters time enough ) and it was gods ordinance , that when any were to judg a case , though they could beleeve one witness , yet they could not judg under two or three . also i told them , that themselves might easily see there was not time enough to finish so solemn a work this day ; therefore they advised , and god called to refer it to a fitter season ; in which advice they rested : and so was the work of that day , with prayers unto god , finished ; the accomplishment being referred to a fitter season . as for my self , the lord put it into the hearts of the elders , to speak unto me words of comfort , and acceptance of my poor labor , expressing their loving fear , lest i should be discouraged by this disappointment : i shall therefore nakedly declare , and open my very heart in this matter . the lord he knoweth , that with much fear , and care i went about this work , even unto the sensible wasting , and weakning of my natural strength , knowing that the investing these young babee in christ , with the highest , and all the external priviledges of the church , the spouse of jesus christ on earth , would have drawn upon me much more labor and care , lest they should in any wise scandalize the same ; unto which i have now more time assigned me by the lord to prepare them , yea , and a greater advantage than i had before , because this dispensation of the lord , doth give me occasion to instruct them of their need to be filled with deeper apprehensions of the weight and solemnity of that great work , though it is most true , that they also came on unto it with many fears , and questions , what they should do when they should be a church : when therefore i saw the lord by the counsel of his servants ( which is an holy reverend ordinance of christ ) and by his providence denying me the help of all interpreters , having many witnesses how much care and pains i took every way i knew , to be supplied therein ; and that the work it self was extended by the lords gracious inlarging them in their confessions , so that the day was not sufficient to accomplish it ; i say , when i saw the lord speaking that delatory word , i cannot express what a load it took off my heart , and i did gladly follow the lord therein , yea , and i bless the lord for that day , that it was carried so far as it was , for the cause of christ hath many waies gained by it , many hundreds of the precious saints , being much comforted and confirmed in their hopes of this work of christ among them , and their faith and prayers much quickned by what they heard and saw . and because all witnesses failed me , let me say but this , i began , and have followed this work for the lord according to the poor measure of grace received , & not for base ends . i have been true & faithful unto their souls , and in writing and reading their confessions , i have not knowingly , or willingly made them better , than the lord helped themselves to make them , but am verily perswaded on good grounds , that i have rather rendered them weaker ( for the most part ) than they delivered them ; partly by missing some words of weight in some sentences , partly by my short and curt touches of what they more fully spake , and partly by reason of the different idioms of their language and ours . now follow those preparitory confessions , which were read before the elders , most of them . the first that made a publick confession , and was took in writing , was peter , a ruler of ten among them , a godly man , who quickly after he had made this confession , fell sick , and died , and now injoyeth the fruit of his faith , the end of his hope , the salvaion of his soul , among the blessed ; where i am perswaded he shall be found in the great day . his confession was as followeth . vvhen i first prayed to god , i did not fear god , but i feared perdition , because the english had told me , that all should be damned , that call not upon god . but now i know that god made all the world , and i fear him ; now i beleeve that which you teach is true ; now i beleeve that god calleth us to natik , that here we may be ruled by god , and gather a church ; now i beleeve that it is gods command , that we should labor six dayes , and keep the sabbath on the seventh day : now my heart is greatly abased for all my sins ; for we see though we pray to god we are ready to offend each other , and be angry with each other , and that we love not each other as we should do ; and for this i grieve & my heart crieth : now i remember that god saith thou shalt not lust , but before i prayed to god i was full of lusts . god saith , we must have but one wife , and at first did make but one man and one woman ; but i followed many women . god saith , remember to keep the sabbath day holy ; but i did hunt , or shoot , or any thing on the sabbath day : many other sins i committed ; but now i see them , and wil cast them away because they are vile , and god forbiddeth them : when i prayed first my sins were not pardoned , for my praying is worth nothing : now i am humbled , and mourn for my sins and yet cannot deliver my self nor get pardon , therfore i trust christ with my soul . the next confession was made by john speene , as followeth . his first confession was this , when i first prayed to god , i did not pray for my soul but only i did as my friends did , because i loved them ; and though i prayed to god , yet i did not fear sin , nor was i troubled at it . i heard that when good men die , their souls go to god , and are there happy , but i cannot say that i beleeved it . afterward my heart run away into the country , after our old wayes , and i did almost cast off praying to god . a little while after that , i saw that i had greatly sinned , and then i saw all my sins , afore i prayed to god , and since i prayed to god , and i saw that god was greatly angry for them , and that i cannot get pardon for them ; but yet my heart saith i will pray to god as long as i live : i thought god would not pardon me , and yet i would cast away my sins . i did greatly love hunting , and hated labor : but now i beleeve that word of god , which saith , six dayes thou shalt labor . and god doth make my body strong to labor . john speene , this confession being short in some main points , he afterward made confession as followeth . when i first prayed i prayed not for my soul , but for the sake of men , i loved men , and for their sakes i prayed to god . before i prayed many were my sins , and my heart was heaped full , and ran over in all manner of lusts and sins . after i heard of praying to god , i let it fall and regarded it not ; after i came to hear the word , i sometimes feared , but soon lost it again . then my heart ran away after our former courses , and then what ever i heard i lost , because my heart was run away ; and many were my sins , and therfore i could not get pardon , because my heart run away , and many were my sins , and i did indeed go into the country . but afterwards , i hearing the catechism , i desired to learn it , and then i beleeved that when beleevers die , their souls go to god , and are ever happy ; when sinners die , their souls go to hel and are ever tormented ; and that when christ judges the world , our bodies rise again , and then we shall receive the judgment of christ ; the good shal stand at his right hand , the bad at his left : this i beleeved was true , and then i saw all my great follies and evils : and now my heart desired to lay by hunting , and to work every day ; and this is gods command , and therfore a good way ; god said , thou shalt work six daies , and if thou work , thou shalt eat ; therfore i beleeve it , and my heart promiseth that i will this do as long as i live . now i see i did great folly , for now i hear that god saith work ; and now i fear because god hath afflicted me , in taking away my brother a ruler : now i am troubled , i fear i sinned in not beleeving our ruler , because now god hath taken him away ; he taught me good words , but i beleeved them not , and now i repent because christ calleth me to it : great is the punishment of god in taking away our ruler ; and now i pray , and say to christ , oh jesus christ christ i have sinned : i beleeve that if i repent and be humbled , and pray not only outwardly but inwardly , and beleeve in christ , then god will pardon all my sin ; but i cannot get pardon of sin , i cannot deserve pardon , but only christ hath merited pardon for us : i cannot deliver my self from all my sins , but christ redeemeth , and delivereth from all sin : i deserve not one mercy of god , but christ hath merited all mercies for us . the next are the confessions of robin speene , who three several times came forth , and confessed as followeth . his first confession : i was ashamed because you taught to pray to god , and i did not take it up ; i see god is angry with me for all my sins , and he hath afflicted me by the death of three of my children , and i fear god is still angry , because great are my sins , and i fear lest my children be not gone to heaven , because i am a great sinner , yet one of my children prayed to god before it died , and therefore my heart rejoyceth in that . i remember my panwaning [ for he was a panwan ] my lust , my gaming , and all my sins ; i know them by the commandements of god , and god heareth and seeth them all ; i cannot deliver my self from sin , therefore i do need christ , because of all my sins , i desire pardon , and i beleeve that god calls all to come to christ , and that he delivereth us from sin . robin speen , his second confession . i have found out one word more : great are my sins , and i do not know how to repent , nor do i know the evil of my sins ; only this one word , now i confess i want christ , this day i want him ; i do not truly beleeve nor repent : i see my sin , and i need christ , but i desire now to be redeemed : and i now ask you this question , what is redemption ? i answered him , by shewing him our estate by nature , and desert , the price which christ paid for us , and how it is to be applied to every particular person ; which done , he proceeded in his confession thus : i yet cannot tell whether god hath pardoned my sins , i forget the word of god ; but this i desire , that my sins may de pardoned , but my heart is foolish , and a great part of the word stayeth not in my heart strongly . i desire to cast all my sins out of my heart : but i remember my sins , that i may get them pardoned , i think god doth not yet hear my prayers in this , because i cannot keep the word of god , only i desire to hear the word , and that god would hear me . robin speen , his third confession . one word more i cal to mind , great is my sin ! this saith my heart , i have found this sin , when i first heard you teach , that all the world from the rising to the sitting sun should pray to god , i then wondered a● it , and thought , i being a great sinner , how shal i pray to god ; and when i saw many come to the meeting , i wondred at it : but now i do not wonder at that work of god , and therefore i think that i do now greatly sin : and now i desire again to wonder at gods works , and i desire to rejoyce in gods good waies . now i am much ashamed , and fear because i have deserved eternal wrath by my sins : my heart is evil , my heart doth contrary to god : and this i desire , that i may be redeemed , for i cannot help my self , but only jesus christ hath done al this for me , and i deserve no good , but i beleeve christ hath deserved all for us ; and i give my self unto christ , that he may save me , because he knoweth eternal life , and can give it ; i cannot give it to my self , therefore i need jesus christ , my heart is full of evil thoughts ; and christ only can keep my soul from them , because he hath paid for my deliverance from them . the next are the confessions of nishohkou ; who twice made preparitory confessions ; the first of which only , was read before the elders . god in heaven is merciful , and i am sinful : when i first heard the word of god , i neither saw nor understood ; but after , when you taught these words , be wise , oh all ye people , and beleeve in jesus christ , then i prayed unto god ; yet afterwards i sinned , and almost forsook praying to god . afterward i understood , that god who made all the world was merciful to sinners : and truly i saw my heart very sinful , because i promised god to pray as long as i live , but my heart hath not so done . again i promised god i will follow christ in al things , and now i find my heart backward , and not so forward to make a church . god promiseth , if foolish ones pray to god for wisdom he will give it : this promise i beleeve , but i find my heart full of temptations ; but now i promise god , as in the psalm , * all my works shal be done in wisdom , for i confess al my works and words , have been foolish . god is wise and good , but i am foolish . god who hath made the world , sent his own son jesus : and jesus christ hath died for us , and deserved for us , pardon and life , this is true ; and he hath done for me all gods commandements , for i can do nothing , because i am very sinful . god in heaven is very merciful , and therfore hath called me to pray unto god . god hath promised to pardon al their sins , who pray unto god , and beleeve in the promise of christ , and christ can give me to beleeve in him . when he had made this confession , he was much abashed , for he is a bashful man ; many things he spoke that i missed , for want of through understanding some words and sentences : therfore before the fast day he made another confession , which was not read before the elders ; which was as followeth . nishohkou i am dead in sin , oh! that my sins might die , for they cannot give life , because they be dead : before i prayed to god , i did commit all filthynesse , i prayed to many gods , i was proud , full of lusts , adulteries , and all others sins , and therefore this is my first confession , that god is mercifull , and i am a sinner , for god have given unto me instruction and causeth me to pray unto god , but i only pray words ; when i prayed , i somtimes wondered , and thought true it is that god made the world , and me : and then i thought i knew god , because i saw these his works , and then i was glad somtimes , and gave thanks ; yet presently again i did not rejoyce in it . again somtimes i thought , now i do wel because i pray , and work not on the sabbath daies , but come to the meetings , and hear the word of god : but afterward again , i thought i do not wel , because true it is , that yet i do not truly pray ; for now i see i sin when i pray , because there is nothing but sin in my mouth , or hand , or heart , and all sins are there , for of these my sins my heart is full , because my heart doth sometimes lust , and steal , and the like . again , i was not only proud before i prayed , but now i am proud . again , sometimes my heart is humbled , and then i pray , oh god have mercy on me , and pardon these my sins ; yet sometimes i know not whether god did either hear my prayer , or pardon my sins . again , afterwards i thought i had greatly sinned , because i heard of the good way of praying unto god , but i do wickedly because i pray not truly , yea , sometimes i have much ado to pray with my mouth , and therfore i sin . i heard of that good way , to keep the sabbath , and not to work on that day , and i did so : but yet again i sinned in it , because i did not reverence the word of god ; yea , and sometimes i thought that working on the sabbath was no great matter . again , i heard it was a good way to come to the meetings , and hear the word of god , and i desired to do it ; but in this also i sinned , because i did not truly hear : yea , sometimes i thought it no great matter if i heard not , and cared not to come to hear , and still i so sinned . then i thought god was angry , because i have greatly sinned ; desiring to do well , and yet again to sin . when i desired to do well , then i sinned , and in all things i sinned . but afterward i was angry with my self , and thought i will not sin again ; and what god saith , is good , but i am sinful because i have done all these evils . again , sometimes my heart is humbled , and then i repent , and say , oh god and jesus christ , have mercy on me , and pardon my sins . now i desire truly to pray ; now i desire to reverence the word every sabbath day : now i desire to hear the word of god truly ; now i desire to bend my heart to pray , and it may be god will hear me : but quickly after a temptation cometh to my heart , and i did not desire it . again , sometimes i did think , true it is i can do nothing of my self , but jesus christ must have mercy on me , because christ hath done for me all gods commandements and good works , therfore my heart saith , oh jesus give me desires after thee : sometimes i think it is true , i have greatly sinned against god , but great are his mercies : sometimes i hear the word on the sabbath day , and he giveth it me , [ that is , maketh it my own ] sometimes i say the great and mighty god is in heaven , but these are but words , because i do not fear this great and mighty god ; and i sometimes regard not gods word , and make it of none effect , because i do not that which is good , but commit sin : sometimes i say i know christ , because i know he died for us , and hath redeemed us , and procured pardon for us : yet again i say i sin , because i beleeve not christ , for that only is right to beleeve in christ , and do what he saith ; but i think i do this in vain , because i yet do not truly beleeve in jesus christ , nor do what he commandeth , and therefore my heart plays the hypocrite ; and now i know what is hypocrisie , namely , when i know what i should do , and yet do it not . sometimes i think i am like unto satan , because i do al these sins , and sin in all things i do ; if i pray i sin , if i keep sabbath i sin , if i hear gods word i sin , therefore i am like the devil . now i know i deserve to go to hell , because all these sins i have committed : then my heart is troubled , and i say , oh god and christ pardon all my sin , for i cannot pardon my sins my self ; for the first man brought sin into the world , and therfore i am sinful , therfore i pray thee o lord pardon all the sins which i have done . again , sometimes my heart is humbled , and i desire to fear god , because he is a great god , and i desire to do what he saith , and now i desire to do the right way , and now i desire to beleeve jesus christ ; and sometimes i think it may be god will hear me , it may be he will pardon me , yet again i think i cannot be ashamed of sin ; but now i am ashamed of all my sins , and my heart is broken , and all these my sins i cast off , and take heed of : yet then again i sometimes say to god , i cannot my self be humbled , or break my heart , or cast off sin , but i pray thee o jesus help me to do it . again , sometimes i confess this is true , i cannot redeem my self , nor deliver my self , because of all these my many sins ; truly , full is my heart of sin in every thing , all my thoughts , my words , my looks , my works are full of sin ; true 〈◊〉 therefore i cannot deliver my self from sin ; oh redeem thou my soul from hel and torment , for i like not to do it with my own hand , therfore i desire jesus christ , that i may delight in him ; take thou me and my soul , because thou hast done gods word , and all good works for me , and hast procured pardon for all my sins , and hast prepared pardon in heaven , therfore i desire , oh i desire pardon : but i somtimes think christ doth not delight in me because i do much play the hypocrite , but if i truly beleeve then he will pardon , but true faith i cannot work ; oh jesus christ help me , and give it me . another who made confession , is named magus ; which is as followeth : heretofore i beleeved not , that god made the world , but i thought the world was of it self , and all people grew up in the world of themselves . when any bid me pray to god , i said i cannot , and none of our rulers beleeve or pray to god ; yet i went about to seek how to pray to god . i told the wise men , i seek how to pray to god , and all of them could not find how to pray to god . afterward i had a desire to pray god , lest i should lose my soul , but my heart run away , and i could not find how to pray to god , and therefore i thought of going away ; yet i also thought if i do go away , i shall lose my ground . but after this i heard of gods anger against me , and i beleeved it ; for god made the first man good , and told him if he did well he should live , and this day i beleeve all men should do so : and then i thought i will pray as long as i live , and i will labor , because gods promise is , if we labor we shall eat ; and i see that that is a true word ; for they that do labor do eat [ that is , have wherewith to be fed ] i see that sin alwaies hath continued , from the beginning of the world . i beleeve that word which god told eve , that in sorrow she should bring forth children , and i see it dayly to be true . i beleeve that word of god , that sin brings misery , and all shall die , because by sin , we break all the commands of god : i have been full of lusts , and thefts , &c. all my life , and all the time i have lived . i have done contrary to the command of god . and i am now grieved , now i hear of all my sins : i beleeve christ doth convert me to god , and he calleth children , and old men , and all men to turn unto god , and from their sins ; he calleth to sorrow and repentance , and ever to beleeve in christ ; and who ever doth this , shall be ever blessed in heaven ; but if he do it not , he perisheth : if he turn not from sin , dying , he shall go to hell for ever . i think also , that so long as i live , god doth give me life . i beleeve that we ought to gather into a church , to serve god as long as we live . but i do not know whether yet god hath pardoned my sins , or not ; but i know christ , and i know he hath already dyed for me , because i cannot redeem my self . another who made confession , was named poquanum ; which was as followeth . his first confession . a great while ago the english would tell me of god but i hated it , and would go out of doors , when they so spake unto me , and i murmured at it . when the indians first prayed to god , i did not think there was a god , or that the bible was gods book , but that wise men made it : when some prayed to god , i went with them , but i did not know god . afterward my mind was changed thus far , that i desired to be wise , as others were , but yet i knew nothing of god ; yea , after i prayed to god . i still did think there was no god . afterward i found this in my heart , that we pray to god for our souls , then i thought all my praying was nothing , because i was so foolish that i never thought of dying : but after , i learned , that all must die , and good mens souls go to heaven ; and then i thought of dying , and of my soul : but then i thought we prayed for nothing but that our souls might go to heaven ; i knew nothing of christ . but after , when the children were catechised , and taught the ten commandements , i hearkned , and by them i came to know that there was a god , and that there was sin against god ; and hereby god made me to see all my sins , both before i prayed to god , and since ; and i saw gods anger against me for my sins , before , and since i prayed , because sometimes i came not to the meeting ; brake my word , regarded not my children , and i see sin in me , and therfore i do greatly fear gods anger . poquanum ; his second confession was as followeth : before i prayed unto god , i greatly sinned , i prayed to many gods , and used panwaning , adultery , lust , lying , and al other sins , and many were my sins , evil thoughts , evil words , and nothing else but evil , hatred , and pride , and all sins against god , coveting other mens goods ; when i stole , i added lying to it when i had done ; i was very proud , i much hatred many men , and loved them not because i was angry with them ; and thus i did every day : i would slander my neighbors , great was my pride , i was dayly angry with my neighbors , my heart was alwaies full of such waies . when the english said , pray to god , i cared not for god , because i loved sin , nor did i desire that god should forgive my sin . afterward i heard the word , that if we truly pray , mourn for sin , cast off sin ; desire to hear the word , and beleeve in christ , god will then pardon , and when he dieth christ will lead him to heaven : i much rejoyced to hear of this pardon , but i must truly beleeve in christ , else i shal not have pardon ; and first i thought god will not pardon me , because i still sinned . but afterward i heard , that though we should pray as long as we live , and never sin more , yet that was of no value ; but we must beleeve in christ , else there is no pardon ; and this i rejoyced at . another who made confession , is named nookau , which is as followeth . his first confession . five years ago , before i prayed i was sick , i thought i should die ; at which i was much troubled , and knew not what to do ; then i thought , if there be a god above , and he give life again , then i shall beleeve there is a god above , and god did give me life : and after that i took up praying to god . now i beleeve god , one god that made all the world , and governeth it , yet this i only said with my mouth , i did not truly beleeve it in my heart . then i understood , that god made the first man good , and like god , but he sinned , and we have lost gods image , and are like the devil , and deserve hell and damnation : this i now know , and see that i am foolish , and sometime think not of god in an whol day , sometime i do think of god every day ; sometime my heart greatly sinneth , then sometime i presently fear , but again sometimes i am slow to fear ; i am very foolish because i do not understand the word , but break the word of god . i beleeve the catechism we learn to be according to the word of god ; but the writings of the bible are the very words of god , and the spirit of god is the word , and that god giveth all things that are good : i now see my sins before i prayed unto god , and since , and i beleeve that god seeth them all : and my heart feareth , because i do not yet forsake my sins , and i think god will not forgive me : because my heart is wicked ; i know not when christ forgiveth my sins , others may know , but i desire that my sins may be pardoned for christ his sake . nookau , his second confession . before i prayed to god , i greatly sinned every day , i was proud , and lived in adultery , lying , &c. and my heart alwaies full of evil thoughts , and when the english would instruct me , i then thought my waies evil , but the business of praying to god , good ; then i did think , if i could first understand , then i would pray to god , and i was glad to hear of any that did pray to god . when i heard that word at cohannet , who ever lacketh wisdom , let him ask it of god ; let fools pray to god , and he will give them wisdom : i thought i was a fool , and i beleeved that word of god . i heard that word of the dry bones , god bid them hear , and promised to put flesh , and sinews , and skin upon them , and make them live ; therefore i desired to hear , because i beleeved the dry bones , and that i was one that did not know god : afterward i was glad of praying to god . sometimes i beleeved not god , and god will not look on such , alwaies i thought god will not forgive me . i wondred at all that prayed to god , because i thought god had given them wisdom : then i thought i am glad i pray to god . sometime my heart is broken because i shall lose all in this world , and lose my soul also , because i beleeve not , for all the words of god are true which he hath taught me . now this day i think i will confess the truth ; because i have sinned , i want jesus christ : and i will truly confess god , because of that word of christ , he that confesseth me before men , him will i confess before my father : i wonder at this instruction , i desire to confess my heart . another who made his confession is named antony , upon whom the lord was pleased the last winter to lay an heavy stroke ; for he and another indian being at work sawing of board , and finishing the peece , they laid it so short , and the rowl not so stedfast , insomuch that this man being in the pit directing to lay the piece , and the other above ordering thereof , it slipped down into the pit upon this mans head , brake his neather chap in two , and cracked his skull , insomuch that he was taken up half dead , and almost strangled with blood ; and being the last day of the week at night i had no word until the sabbath day , then i presently sent a chyrurgion , who took a discreet order with him ; and god so blessed his indeavors , as that he is now well again , blessed be the lord : and whereas i did fear that such a blow in their labor might discourage them from labor , i have found it by gods blessing otherwise ; yea , this man hath performed a great part of the sawing of our meeting-house , and is now fawing upon the school-house , and his recovery is an establishment of them to go on ; yea , and god blessed this blow , to help on the work of grace in his soul ; as you shall see in his confession , which followeth . before i prayed to god i alwaies committed sin , but i do not know all my sins , i know but a little of the sins i have committed , therefore i thought i could not pray to god , because i knew not al my sins before i prayed to god , and since i heard of praying to god : formerly when the english did bid me pray unto god i hated it , and would go out of their houses , when they spake of such things to me . i had no delight to hear any thing of gods word , but in every thing i sinned ; in my speeches i sinned , and every day i broke the commands of god . after i heard of praying to god , that waban and my two brothers prayed to god , yet then i desired it not , but did think of running away ; yet i feared if i did run away some wicked men would kill me , but i did not fear god . after when you said unto me , pray , my heart thought , i will pray ; yet again i thought , i cannot pray with my heart , and no matter for praying with words only : but when i did pray , i saw more of my sins ; yet i did but only see them , i could not be aware of them , but still i did commit them : and after i prayed to god , i was still full of lust , and then a little i feared . sometimes i was sick , and then i thought god was angry , and then i saw that i did commit all sins : then one of my brothers died , and then my heart was broken , and after him another friend , and again my heart was broken : and yet after all this i broke my praying to god , and put away god , and then i thought i shall never pray to god : but after this i was afraid of the lord , because i alwaies broke my praying to god , and then my heart said , god doth nor hear my prayer . when i was sick , and recovered again , i thought then that god was merciful unto me . hearing that word of god , if you hear the word of god , and be forgetful hearers , you sin against god ; then i thought god will not pardon such a sinner as i , who dayly did so , and broke my praying to god . when i heard the commandements , i desired to learn them , and other points of catechism , but my desires were but small , and i soon lost it , because i did not desire to beleeve : then sometimes i feared gods anger because of al my sins ; i heard the word and understood only this word , all you that hear this day , it may be you shall quickly die , and then i quickly saw that god was very angry with me . then god brake my head , and by that i saw gods anger ; and then i thought that the true god in heaven is angry with me for my sin , even for al my sins , which every day i live , i do . when i was almost dead , some body bid me now beleeve , because it may be i shal quickly die , and i thought i did beleeve , but i did not know right beleeving in christ : then i prayed unto god to restore my health . then i beleeved that word , that we must shortly appear before jesus christ ; then i did greatly fear lest if i beleeved not , i should perish for ever . when i was neer death , i prayed unto god , oh lord give me life , and i will pray to god so long as i live , and i said , i will give my self , soul , and body to christ : after this , god gave me health , and then i thought , truly , god in heaven is merciful ; then i much grieved , that i knew so little of gods word . and now sometimes i am angry , and then i fear because i know god seeth it : and i fear , because i promised god when i was almost dead , that if he giveth me life , i will pray so long as i live ; i fear lest i should break this promise to god . now i desire the pardon of all my sins , and i beg faith in christ , and i desire to live unto god , so long as i live ; i cannot my self get pardon , but i dayly commit sin , and break gods word , but i look to christ for pardon . another who made his confession is named owussumag ; which is as followeth : when i first heard that waban prayed to god , and after that many more prayed . i first feared praying to god , and instruction , and i hated instruction by the word of god , and alwaies i laughed at them who prayed to god ; and i alwaies thought i will yet more commit sin : and i went into the country , and there i acted much lust , adultry , and the like , and all my neighbors , we did together seek after wickedness , and every day i was proud , and of high or open eyes . when some of my neighbors began to pray , i went away into the country , but i could find no place where i was beloved . then i heard , that when beleevers die , they go to heaven , when sinners die they go to hel ; and my heart considered , what good will it be if my soul go to heaven ? but two years ago , i began to think , i had sinned against god ; and then somtimes i feared , yet again sinned ; but my fear was of man , not of god : then ever my heart said i should be better , if i would pray to god , and somtimes i beleeved that which i was taught , yet again , last year , i sought to go away afar off , but i could think of no place , but i should be in danger to be killed . then again i much remembred my sins : and again i thought , what will become of me , if i die in my sins ? and then i thought it was good for me to pray unto god so long as i live ; and then my heart turned to praying unto god , and i did pray , and my heart feared when i heard the word read and taught , and i was glad to hear the word of god ; and then i purposed to pray as long as i live . sometime i did dayly see my sins , and fear , for i cannot get pardon , only in jesus christ . then i heard that word , i thank thee oh heavenly father , that thou hast revealed these things to babes ; and that word , that we must forgive each other : then i saw that i beleeved not one word from christ , not any word of god ; and dayly my heart wept , that christ might pardon all my sins against god and christ : and now unto this day my heart saith ▪ i desire the good waies of praying to god , but i cannot know them of my self , but jesus christ must teach me them . when i heard , that only christ must teach me them . when i heard , that only christ must pardon our sins , and that for christ god will pardon our sins , this day i rejoyce to hear that word of god , and all that christ hath taught me : and now i purpose , that while i live , i will pray unto god , and jesus christ only : and this day i see i cannot know how to find good thoughts ; but this day i desire pardon for all my sins , and to cast them away . another who made confession , is named ephraim , his indian name i have forgotten . it is as followeth : all the daies i have lived , i have been in a poor foolish condition , i cannot tell all my sins , all my great sins , i do not see them . when i first heard of praying to god , i could not sleep quietly , i was so troubled , ever i thought i would forsake the place because of praying to god , my life hath been like as if i had been a mad man . last yeer i thought i would leave all my sins , yet i see i do not leave off sinning to this day ; i now think i shall never be able to forsake my sins . i think sometimes the word of god is false , yet i see there is no giving over that i might follow sin , i must pray to god ; i do not truly in my heart repent , and i think that god wil not forgive me my sins ; every day my heart sinneth , and how will christ forgive such an one ? i pray but outwardly with my mouth , not with my heart ; i cannot of my self obtain pardon of my sins ▪ i cannot tell all the sins that i have done if i should tell you an whol day together : i do every morning desire that my sins may be pardoned by jesus christ ; this my heart saith , but yet i fear i cannot forsake my sins , because i cannot see all my sins : i hear , that if we repent and beleeve in christ , all our sins shall be pardoned , therefore i desire to leave off my sins . this poor publican was the l●st which made his confession before i read them unto the elders , and the last of them i shall now publish . i will shut up these confessions with the confession ( if i may so call it ) or rather with the expression , and manifestation of saith , by two little infants , of two yeers old , and upward , under three yeers of age when the died and departed out of this world . the story is this , this spring , in the beginning of the yeer , . the lord was pleased to afflict sundry of our praying indians with that grievous disease of the bloody-flux , whereof some with great torments in their bowels died ; among which were two little children of the age above-said , and at that time both in one house , being together taken with that disease . the first of these children in the extremities of its torments , lay crying to god in these words , god and jesus christ , god and jesus christ help me ; and when they gave it any thing to eat , it would greedily take it ( as it is usual at the approach of death ) but first it would cry to god , oh god and jesus christ , bless it , and then it would take it : and in this manner it lay calling upon god and jesus christ untill it died : the mother of this child also died of that disease , at that time . the father of the child told me this story , with great wonderment at the grace of god , in teaching his child so to call upon god . the name of the father is nishohkou , whose confession you have before . three or four daies after , another child in the same house , sick of the same disease , was ( by a divine hand doubtless ) sensible of the approach of death , ( an unusual thing at that age ) and called to its father , and said , father , i am going to god , several times repeating it , i am going to god ▪ the mother ( as other mothers use to do ) had made for the child a little basket , a little spoon , and a little tray : these things the child was wont to be greatly delighted withal ( as all children will ) therefore in the extremity of the torments , they set those things before it , a little to divert the mind , and cheer the spirit : but now , the child takes the basket , and puts it away , and said , i will leave my basket behind me , for i am going to god , i will leave my spoon and tray behind me ( putting them away ) for i am going to god : and with these kind of expressions , the same night , finished its course , and died . the father of this child is named robin speen , whose confessions you have before , and in one of them he maketh mention of this child that died in faith . when he related this story to me , he said , he could not tell whether the sorrow for the death of his child , or the joy for its faith were greater , when it died . these examples are a testimony , that they teach their children the knowledg and fear of god , whom they now call upon ; and also that the spirit of god co-worketh with their instructions , who teacheth by man , more than man is able to do . i have now finished all that i purpose to publish at this time ; the lord give them acceptance in the hearts of his saints , to engage them the more to pray for them ; and oh! that their judgings of themselves , and breathings after christ , might move others ( that have more means than they have , but as yet regard it not ) to do the like , and much more abundantly . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * psalm , . . nevv englands prospect· a true, lively, and experimentall description of that part of america, commonly called nevv england: discovering the state of that countrie, both as it stands to our new-come english planters; and to the old native inhabitants. laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the mind-travelling reader, or benefit the future voyager. by william wood. wood, william, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) nevv englands prospect· a true, lively, and experimentall description of that part of america, commonly called nevv england: discovering the state of that countrie, both as it stands to our new-come english planters; and to the old native inhabitants. laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the mind-travelling reader, or benefit the future voyager. by william wood. wood, william, fl. - . [ ], , [ ] p., plate : map (woodcut) by tho. cotes, for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop, at the three golden lyons in corne-hill, neere the royall exchange, printed at london : . includes a glossary of the massachuset language. the map has caption title: the south part of new-england, as it is planted this yeare, . reproduction of a photostat of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books 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were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng massachuset indians -- early works to . massachuset language -- glossaries, vocabularies, etc. -- early works to . new england -- description and travel -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevv englands prospect . a true , lively , and experimentall description of that part of america , commonly called nevv england : discovering the state of that countrie , both as it stands to our new-come english planters ; and to the old native inhabitants . laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the mind-travelling reader , or benefit the future voyager . by william wood. printed at london by tho. cotes , for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop , at the three golden lyons in corne-hill , neere the royall exchange . . to the right worshipfull , my much honored friend , sir william armyne , knight and baronet . noble sir. the good assurance of your native worth , and thrice generous disposition , as also the continuall manifestation of your bounteous favour , and love towards my selfe in particular , hath so bound my thankfull acknowledgement , that i count it the least part of my service to present the first fruites of my farre-fetcht experience , to the kinde acceptance of your charitable hands : well knowing that though this my worke , owne not worth enough to deserve your patronage , yet such is your benigne humanity , that i am confident you will daigne it your protection , under which it willingly shrowdes it selfe . and as it is reported of that man whose name was alexander , being a cowardly milke-sop by nature , yet hearing of the valiant courage of that magnificent hero , alexander the great , whose name hee bore , he thenceforth became stout and valorous ; and as he was animated by having the very name of puissant alexander ; so shall these my weake and feble labours , receive life and courage by the patronage of your much esteemed selfe ; whereby they shall bee able to out-face the keenest fanges of a blacke mouth'd momus . for from hence the world may conclude , that either there was some worth in the booke , that caused so wise a person to looke upon it , and to vouchsafe to owne it ; or else if they suppose that in charity he fosterd it , as being a poore helpelesse brat , they may thence learne to do so likewise . if here i should take upon me the usuall straine of a soothing epistolizer , i should ( though upon better grounds than many ) sound forth a full mouth'd encomiasticke of your incomparable worth : but though your deserts may justly challenge it , yet i know your vertuous modesty would not thanke me for it ; and indeed your owne actions are the best heralds of your owne praise , which in spite of envy it selfe must speake you wise , and truly noble : and i for my part , if i may but present any thing , which either for its profit or delight may obtaine your favourable approbation , i have already reaped the harvest of my expectation ; onely i must desire you to pardon my bold presumption , as thus to make your well deserving name , the frontispeece to so rude and ill deserving frame . thus wishing a confluence of all blessings both of the throne , and foot-stoole , to be multiplied upon your selfe , and your vertuous consort , my very good lady , together with all the stemmes of your noble family , i take my leave and rest , your worships to serve and be commanded , w. w. to the reader . courteous reader , though i will promise thee no such voluminous discourse , as many have made upon a scanter subject , ( though they have travailed no further than the smoake of their owne native chimnies ) yet dare i presume to present thee with the true , and faithfull relation of some few yeares travels and experience , wherein i would be loath to broach any thing which may puzzle thy beleefe , and so justly draw upon my selfe , that unjust aspersion commonly laid on travailers ; of whom many say , they may lye by authority , because none can controule them ; which proverbe had surely his originall from the sleepy beleefe of many a home-bred dormouse , who comprehends not either the raritie or possibility of those things he sees not , to whom the most classicke relations seeme riddles , and paradoxes : of whom it may be said as once of diogenes , that because he circled himselfe in the circumference of a tubbe , he therefore contemned the port and pallace of alexander , which he knew not . so there is many a tub-brain'd cyn●cke , who because any thing stranger than ordinary , is too large for the straite hoopes of his apprehension , he peremptorily concludes it is a lye : but i decline this sort of thicke-witted readers , and dedicate the mite of my endeavours to my more credulous , ingenious , and lesse censorious country-men , for whose sake i undertooke this worke ; and i did it the rather , because there hath some relations heretofore past the presse , which have beene very imperfect ; as also because there hath beene many scandalous and false reports past upon the country , even from the sulphurious breath of every base ballad-monger : wherefore to perfect the one , and take off the other , i have laid downe the nature of the country , without any partiall respect unto it , as being my dwelling place where i have lived these foure yeares , and intend god willing to returne shortly againe ; but my conscience i● to me a thousand witnesses , that what i speake is the very truth , and this will informe thee almost as fully concerning it , as if thou wentest over to see it . now whereas i have written the latter part of this relation concerning the indians , in a more light and facetious stile , than the former ; because their carriage and behaviour hath afforded more matter of mirth , and laughter , than gravity and wisedome ; and therefore i have inserted many passages of mirth concerning them , to spice the rest of my more serious discourse , and to make it more pleasant . thus thou mayest in two or three houres travaile over a few leaves , see and know that , which cost him that writ it , yeares and travaile , over sea and land before he knew it ; and therefore i hope thou wilt accept it ; which shall be my full reward , as it was my whole ambition , and so i rest , thine bound in what i may , w. w. to the author , his singular good friend , mr. william wood. thanks to thy travell , and thy selfe , who hast much knowledge in so small roome , comptly plac't● and thine experience thus amount do'st make , from whence we may new englands prospect take , though many thousands distant : wherefore thou thy selfe shalt sit upon mount prais● her brow . for if the man that shall the short cut find vnto the indies , shall for that be shrin'd ; sure thou deservest then no small prayse , who , so short cut to new england here dost show ; and if then this small thankes , thou getst no more , of thankes i then will say the world 's growne poore . s. w. the table . part. . chap. . of the situation , b●yes , havens , and inlets . page . chap. . of the seasons of the yeare , winter and summer , together with the heat , cold , snow , raine , and the effects of it . page . chap. ▪ of the 〈◊〉 , length , and shortnesse of day and night , with the suiteablenesse of it to english bodies for health and sicknesse . page . chap. . of the nature of the soyle . page . chap. . of the hearbs , fruits , woods , waters , and minerals . page . chap. . of the beasts that live on the land . page . chap. . beasts living in the water . page . chap. . of the birds and fowles both of land and water . page . chap. . of fish. page . chap. . of the severall plantations in particular . page . chap. . of the evils , and such things as are hurtful in the plantation . page . chap. . what provision is to be made for a iourney at sea , and what to carry with us for our use at land. page . part. . chap. . of the connect●cuts , mowhacks , or such indians as are west-ward . page . chap. . of the tarrenteenes or the indians inhabiting e●st ward . page . ● chap. of the pequants and narragan●ets , inhabiting south-ward . page . chap . of the aberginians or indians north-ward● page . chap. . of their apparell , ornaments , paintings , &c. page . chap. . of their diet , cookery , &c. page . chap. . of their dispositions and good qualifications , as friendship , &c. page . chap. . of their hardinesse . page . chap. . of their wondring at the first view of any strange invention . page . chap. . of their kings governement , and subiects obedience . page . chap. . of their mariages , page . chap. . of their worship , &c. page . chap. . of their warres . page . chap. . their games , sports , &c. page . chap. . of their huntings . page . chap. . of their fishings . page . chap. . of their arts , &c. page . chap. . of their language . page . chap. . of their deaths , &c. page . chap. . of their women , &c. page . finis . errata . page , . line . for squno●ersquashes reade isqu●utersquashes , p. . l. . he , they , l. . his , their . l. . spoiling , spoile . p . l. . mast , masts p. . l. . boates , bolles p. . l. . us , up p. . l. an . ● . p. . l. . humiliters , humilitees l. . million , millions . p. . l. . ●ide , tides p. . l. . those , their . p l. . hage , haicke . p. . l. . clarly , c●arles p. . l. . land , inland . p. . . stone , stop . l. . lands , ponds . l. . breach , beach . p . l. . house , horse . p. . l. lyd , lie . l. . by , her . l. . a ( le●t out ; ) l. . musketor , m●●keto● . p. . l. . fen ( left o●● ) p . l. . it ( left out , ) p . l. . handsome , handie . l. . c●ntrie , g●n●rie p . l . many ▪ if any . l. . he , they . p. . l. . here , there . p. . l. placed , placing ● . . hath ( too much , ) p. . l. ● . warme . worme . p. . l. . obiect , subiect . p. . l. . english ans , english mans . the south part of new-england , as it is planted this yeare , . nevv englands prospect . chap. i. of the situation , bayes , havens , and inlets . for as much as the kings most excellent majesty hath beene graciously pleasd by the grant of his letters patents , at first to give life to the plantations of new england , and hath dayly likewise by his favours and royall protection cherished their growing hopes ; whereby many of his majesties faithfull subiects haue beene imboldned to venture persons , states , and indeavours , to the inlargement of his dominions in that westerne continent : wherefore i thought fit ( for the further encouragement of those that hereafter , either by purse , or person shall helpe forward the plantation , ) to set forth these few observations out of my personall and experiment●ll knowledge . the place whereon the english have built their colonies , is judged by those who have best skill in discovery , either to be an iland , surrounded on the north side with the spacious river cannada , and on the south with hudsons river , or else a peninsula , these two rivers overlapping one another , having their rise from the great lakes which are not farre off one another , as the indians doe certainely informe us . but it is not my intent to wander far from our patent ; wherefore i referre you to the thrice memorable discoverer of those parts , captaine smith , who hath likewise fully described the southerne and north-east part of new england , with the noted head-lands , capes , harbours , rivers , ponds , and lakes , with the nature of the soyle , and commodities both by sea and land , &c. within the degrees of fourty one and fourty five . the bay of massachusets lyeth under the degree of fourty two and fourty three , bearing south-west from the lands end of england : at the bottome whereof are situated most of the english plantations : this bay is both safe , spacious , and deepe , free from such cockling seas as runne upon the coast of ireland , and in the channels of england : there be no stiffe running currents , or rockes , shelves , barres , quicksands . the mariners having sayled two or three leagues towards the bottome , may behold the two capes embracing their welcome ships in their armes , which thrust themselves out into the sea in forme of a halfe-moone , the surrounding shore being high , and shewing many white cliffes in a most pleasant prospect with divers places of low land , out of which divers riuers vent themselves into the ocean , with many openings , where is good harbouring for ships of any burthen ; so that if an unexpected storme or crosse winde should barre the marriner from recovering his desired port , he may reach other harbours , as plimmouth , cape , ann , salom , marvill head ; all which afford good ground for anchorage , being likewise land-lockt from winde and seas . the chiefe and usuall harbour , is the still bay of massachusets , which is close aboard the plantations , in which most of our ships come to anchor , being the nearest their mart , and usuall place of landing of passengers ; it is a safe and pleasant harbour within , having but one common and safe entrance , and that not very broad , there scarce being roome for . ships to come in board and board at a time , but being once within , there is roome for the anchorage of . ships . this harbour is made by a great company of ilands , whose high cliffes shoulder out the boistrous seas , yet may easily deceiue any unskilfull pilote ; presenting many faire openings and broad sounds , which afford too shallow waters for any ships , though navigable for boates and small pinnaces . the entrance into the great haven is called nantascot ; which is two leagues from boston ; this place of it selfe is a very good haven , where ships commonly cast anchor , untill winde and tyde serve them for other places ; from hence they may sayle to the river of wessaguscus , naponset , charles river , and misticke river , on which rivers bee seated many townes . in any of these fore-named harbours , the sea-men having spent their old store of wood and water , may haue fresh supplies from the adjacent ilands , with good timber to repaire their weather-beaten ships ▪ here likewise may be had masts or yards , being store of such trees as are usefull for the same purpose . chap. ii. of the seasons of the yeare , winter and summer , together with the heate , cold , snow , raine , and the effects of it . for that part of the countrey wherein most of the english have their habitations : it is for certaine the best ground and sweetest climate in all those parts , bearing the name of new england , agreeing well with the temper of our english bodies , being high land , and sharpe ayre , and though most of our english townes border upon the sea-coast , yet are they not often troubled with mists , or unwholesome fogges , or cold weather from the sea , which lies east and south from the land. and whereas in england most of the cold windes and weathers come from the sea , and those situations are counted most unwholesome , that are neare the sea-coast , in that countrey it is not so , but otherwise ; for in the extremity of winter , the north-east and south winde comming from the sea , produceth warme weather , and bringing in the warme-working waters of the sea , loosneth the frozen bayes , carrying away their ice with thei● tides , melting the snow , and thawing the ground ; onely the north-west winde comming over the land , is the cause of extreame cold weather , being alwaies accompanied with deepe snowes and bittter frost , so that in two or three dayes the rivers are passable for horse and man. but as it is an axiome in nature , nullum viole● tum est perpetuum , no extreames last long , so this cold winde blowes seldome above three dayes together , after which the weather is more tollerable , the aire being nothing so sharpe , but peradventure in foure or five dayes after this cold m●ssenger will blow a fresh , commanding every man to his house , forbidding any to out-face him without prejudice to their noses : but it may be objected that it is too cold a countrey for our english men , who have beene accustomed to a warmer climate , to which it may be answered , ( igne levatur hyems ) there is wood good store , and better cheape to build warme houses , and make good fires , which makes the winter lesse tedious : and moreover , the extremity of this cold weather lasteth but for two moneths or ten weekes , beginning in december , and breaking up the tenth day of february ; which hath beene a passage very remarkeable , that for ten or a dozen yeares the weather hath held himselfe to his day , unlooking his ycie bayes and rivers , which are never frozen againe the same yeare , except there be some small frost untill the middle of march. it is observed by the indians that every tenth yeare th●re is little or no winter , which hath beene twice observed of the english ; the yeare of new plimouth mens arrivall was no winter in comparison ; and in the tenth yeare after likewise when the great company set led themselves in massachusets bay , was a very milde season , little frost , and lesse snow , but cleare serene weather , few north-west winds , which was a great mercy to the english comming over so rawly and uncomfortably provided , wanting all utensils and provisions which belonged to the well being of planters : and whereas many died at the beginning of the plantations , it was not because the country was unhealthfull , but because their bodies were corrupted with sea-diet , which was naught , their beefe and porke being tainted , their butter and cheese corrupted , their fish rotten , & voyage long , by reason of crosse windes , so that winter approaching before they could get warme houses , and the searching sharpnes of that purer climate , creeping in at the crannies of their crazed bodies , caused death and sicknesse ; but their harmes having taught future voyagers more wisedome , in shipping good provision for sea , and finding warme houses at landing , finde health in both . it hath bin observed , that of five or sixe hundred passengers in one yeare , not above three have died at sea , having their health likewise at land. but to returne to the matter in hand dayly observations makes it apparant , that the peircing cold of that country produceth not so many noysome effects , as the raw winters of england . in publike assemblies it is strange to heare a man sneeze or cough as ordinarily they doe in old england ; yet not to smother any thing , lest you judge me too partiall in reciting good of the countrey , and not bad ; true it is , that some venturing too nakedly in extreamity of cold , being more foole hardy than wise , have for a time lost the use of their feete , others the use of their fingers ; but time and surgery afterwards recovered them : some haue had their over-growne beards so frozen together , that they could not get their strong water-bottells into their mouthes ; i never heard of any that utterly perished at land with cold , saving one english man and an indian , who going together a fowling , the morning being faire at their setting out , afterward a terrible storme arising , they intended to returne home ; but the storme being in their faces , and they not able to with-stand it , were frozen to death , the indian having gained three slight-shot more of his journey homewa●d , was found reared up against a tree with his aqua-vitae bottle at his 〈◊〉 secōd passage ( concerning which many thinke hardly of the ●ountry in regard of his cold ) was the miscarriage of a boate at sea , certaine men having intended a voyage to new plimouth , se●●ing sayle towards night , they wanted time to fetch it , being constrained to put into another harbour , where being negligent of the well mooring of their boate , a strong winde comming from the shore in the night , loosned their killocke , and drove them to sea , without sight of land , before they had awaked out of sleepe ; but seeing the eminent danger , such as were not benummed with cold , shipt out their oares , shaping their course for cape cod , where the indians met them , who buried the dead , and carryed the boate with the living to plimouth , where some of them died , and some recovered . these things may fright some , but being that there hath beene many passages of the like nature in our english climate , it cannot dishearten such as seriously consider it , seeing likewise that their owne ruines sprung from their owne negligence . the countrey is not so extreamely cold , unlesse it be when the north-west winde is high , at other times it is ordinary for fishermen to goe to sea in ianuary and february , in which time they get more fish , and better than in summer , onely observing to reach some good harbours before night , where by good fires they sleepe as well and quietly , ( having their mayne sayle tented at their backes , to shelter them from the winde ) as if they were at home . to relate how some english bodies have borne out cold , will ( it may be ) startle beleife of some , it being so strange , yet not so strange as true . a certaine man being something distracted , broke away from his keeper , and running into the wood , could not bee found with much seeking after ; but foure dayes being expired , he returned , to appearance as well in body , as at his egresse , and in minde much better : for a mad man to hit home through the unbeaten woods , was strange , but to live without meate or drinke in the deepe of winter , stranger , and yet returne home bettered , was most strange : but if truth may gaine beleefe , you may behold a more superlative strangenesse . a certaine maide in the extreamity of cold weather , ( as it fell out ) tooke an uncertaine journey , in her intent short , not above foure miles , yet long in event ; for losing her way , shee wandred sixe or seaven dayes in most bitter weather , not having one bit of bread to strengthen her , sometimes a fresh spring quenched her thirst , which was all the refreshment she had ; the snow being upon the ground at first , shee might have trackt her owne foot-steps backe againe , but wanting that understanding , shee wandred , till god by his speciall providence brought her to the place shee went from , where she lives to this day . the hard winters are commonly the fore-runners of pleasant spring-times , and fertile summers , being iudged likewise to make much for the health of our english bodies : it is found to be more healthfull for such as shall adventure thither , to come towards winter , than the hot summer ; the climate in winter is commonly cold and dry , the snow lies long , which is ●hought to be no small nourishing to the ground . for the indians bur●ing it to suppresse the under-wood , which else wou●d grow all over the countrey , the snow falling not long after , keepes the ground warme , and with his melting conve●ghs the ashes into the pores of the earth , which doth fatten it . it hath beene observed , that english wheate and rye proves better , which is winter sowne , and is kept warme by the snow , than that which is sowne in the spring . the summers be hotter than in england ; because of their more southerne latitude , yet are they tollerable ; being often cooled with fresh blowing windes , it seldome being so hot as men are driven from their labours , especially such whose imployments are within doores , or under the coole shade : servants have hitherto beene priviledged to rest from their labours in extreame hot weather , from ten of the clocke till two , which they regaine by their early rising in the morning , and double diligence in coole weather . the summers are commonly hot and dry , there being seldome any raines ; i have knowne it sixe or seaven weekes , before one shower hath moystened the plowmans labour , yet the harvest hath beene very good , the indian corne requiring more heate than wet ; for the english corne , it is refresht with the nightly dewes , till it grow vp to shade his roots with his owne substance from the parching sunne . in former times the raine came seldome , but very violently , continuing his drops , ( which were great and many ) sometimes foure and twenty houres together ; sometimes eight and fourty , which watered the ground for a long time afrer ; but of late the seasons be much altered , the raine comming oftner , but more moderately , with lesse thunder and lightnings , and suddaine gusts of winde . i dare be bold to affirme it , that i saw not so much raine , raw colds , and misty fogges in foure yeares in those parts , as was in england in the space of foure moneths the last winter ; yet no man at the yeares end , complained of too much drought , or too little raine . the times of most raine , are in the beginning of aprill , and at michaelmas . the early springs and long summers make but short autumnes and winters . in the spring when the grasse beginnes to put forth , it growes apace , so that where it was all blacke by reason of winters burnings , in a fortnight there will be grasse a foote high . chap. iii. of the climate , length , and shortnesse of day and night , with the suiteablenesse of it to english bodies for health and sicknesse . the countrey being nearer the equinoctiall than england , the dayes and nights be more equally divided . in summer the dayes be two houres shorter , and likewise in winter two houres longer than in england . in a word , both summer and winter is more commended of the english there , than the summer winters , and winter summers of england ; and who is there that could not wish , that englands climate were as it hath b●ene in quondam times , colder in winter , and hotter in summer ? or who will condemne that which is as england hath beene ? virginia having no winter to speake of , but extreame ho● summers , hath dried up much english blood , and by pest●ferous diseases swept away many lusty bodies , changing their complexion not into swarthinesse , but into palenesse ; so that when as they come for trading into our parts , wee can know many of them by their faces . this alteration certainely comes not from any want of victuals or necessary foode , for their soyle is very fertile and pleasant , yeelding both corne and cattle plenty , but rather from the climate , which indeede is found to be hotter than is suiteable to an ordinary english constitution . in new england both men and women keepe their naturall complexions , in so much as sea men wonder when they arrive in those parts , to see their countrey-men so fresh and ruddy : if the sunne doth tanne any , yet the winters cold restores them to their former complexion ; and as it is for the outward complexion , so it is for the inward constitution ; not very many being troubled with inflammations , or such diseases as are encreased by too much heate : and whereas i say , not very many , yet dare i not exclude any ; for death being certaine to all , in all nations there must be something tending to death of like certainty . the soundest bodies are mortall and subject to change , therefore fall into diseases , and from diseases to death . now the two chiefe messengers of mortality , be feavers and callentures ; but they be easily helpt , if taken in time , and as easily prevented of any that will not prove a meere foole to his body . for the common diseases of england , they be strangers to the english now in that strange land. to my knowledge i never knew any that had the poxe , measels , greene-sicknesse , head-aches , stone , or consumptions , &c. many that have come infirme out of england , retaine their old grievances still , and some that were long troubled with lingering diseases , as coughs of the lungs , consumptions , &c. haue beene restored by that medicineable climate to their former strength and health . god hath beene pleased so to blesse men in the health of their bodies , that i dare confidently say it , out of that towne from whence i c●●e , in three yeares and a halfe , there dyed but three , one of which was crazed before he came into the land ; the other were two children borne at one birth before their time , the mother being accidentally hurt . to make good which losses , i have seene foure children baptized at a time , which wipes away tha● common aspersion , that women have no children , b●ing a ●eere fals●ty , there being as sweete lusty children as many other nation , and reckoning so many for so many , more double births than in england ; the women likewise having a more speedy recovery , and gathering of strength after their delivery than in england . the last argument to confirme the healthfulnesse of the countrey , shall be from mine owne experience , who although in england i was brought up tenderly under the carefull hatching of my dearest friends , yet scarce could i be acquainted with health , having beene ●et blood sixe times for the pleurisie before i went ; likewise being assailed with other weakning diseases ; but being planted in that new soyle and healthfull ayre , which was more correspondent to my nature , ( i speake it with praise to the mercifull god ) though my occasions have beene to passe thorow heate and cold , wet , and dry , by sea and land , in winter and summer , day by day , for foure yeares together , yet scarce did i know what belonged to a dayes sicknesse . chap. iiii. of the nature of the soyle . the soyle is for the generall a warme kinde of earth , there being little cold-spewing and , no morish fennes , no quagmires , the lowest grounds be the marshes , over which every full and change the sea flowes : these marshes be rich ground , and bring plenty of hay , of which the cattle feed and like , as if they were fed with the best up-land hay in new england ; of which likewise there is great store which growes commonly betweene the marshes and the woods . this medow ground lies higher than the marshes , whereby it is freed from the over-flowing of the seas ; and besides this , in many places where the tre● grow thinne , there is good fodder to be got amongst the woods . there be likewise in divers places neare the plantations great broad medowes , wherein grow neither shrub nor tree , lying low , in which plaines growes as much grasse , as may be throwne out with a sithe , thicke and long , as high as a mans middle ; some as high as the shoulders , so that a good mower may cut three loads in a day . but many obiect , this is but a course fodder : true it is , that it is not so fine to 〈◊〉 eye as english grasse , but it is not sowre , though it grow thus ranke ; but being made into hay , the cattle eate it as well as it were lea-hay and like as well with it ; i doe not thinke england can shew , fairer cattle either in winter , or summer , than is in those parts both winter and summer ; being generally larger and better of milch , and bring forth young as ordinarily as cattle doe in england , and have hitherto beene free from many diseases that are incident to cattle in england . to returne to the subject in hand , there is so much hay-ground in the countrey , as the richest voyagers that shall venture thither , neede not feare want of fodder , though his heard increase into thousands , there being thousands of acres that yet was never medled with . and whereas it hath beene reported , that some hath mowne a day for halfe of a loade of hay : i doe not say , but it may be true , a man may doe as much , and get as little in england , on salisbury plaine , or in other places where grasse cannot be expected : so hay-ground is not in all places in new england : wherefore it shall behoue every man according to his calling , and estate , to looke for a fit situation at the first ; and if hee be one that intends to live on his stocke , to choose the grassie vallies before the woody mountaines . furthermore , whereas it hath beene generally reported in many places of england , that the grasse growes not in those places where it was cut the fore-going yeares , it is a meere falshood ; for it growes as well the ensuing spring as it did before , and is more spiery and thicke , like our english grasse : and in such places where the cattle use to graze , the ground is much improved in the woods , growing more grassie , and lesse weedy . the worst that can be sayd against the meddow-grounds , is because there is little edish , or after-pasture , which may proceede from the late mowing , more than from any thing else ; but though the edish be not worth much , yet is there such plenty of other grasse and feeding , that there is no want of winter-fodder till december , at which time men beginne to house their milch-cattle and calves : some , notwithstanding the cold of the winter , have their young cattle without doores , giving them meate at morning and evening . for the more upland grounds , there be different kinds , in some places clay , some gravell , some a red sand ; all which are covered with a black mould , in some places above a foote deepe , in other places not so deepe . there be very few that have the experience of the ground , that can condemne it of barrennesse ; although many deeme it barren , because the english use to manure their land with fish , which they doe not because the land could not bring corne without it , but because it brings more with it ; the land likewise being kept in hart the longer : besides , the plenty of fish which they have for little or nothing , is better so used , than cast away ; but to argue the goodnesse of the ground , the indians who are too lazie to catch fish , plant corne eight or ten yeares in one place without it , having very good crops . such is the rankenesse of the ground that it must bee sowne the first yeare with indian corne , which is a soaking graine , before it will be fit for to receive english seede . in a word , as there is no ground so purely good , as the long forced and improoved grounds of england , so is the●● none so extreamely bad as in many places of england , that as yet have not beene manured and improved ; the woods of new england being accounted better ground than the forrests of england or woodland ground , or heathy plaines . for the naturall soyle , i preferre it before the countrey of surry , or middlesex , which if they were not inriched with continuall manurings , would be lesse fertile than the meanest ground in new england , wherefore it is neyther impossible , nor much improbable , that upon improvements the soile may be as good in time as england . and whereas some gather the ground to be naught , and soone out of hart , because plimouth men remove from their old habitations , i answer , they do no more remove from their habitation , than the citizen which hath one house in the citty & another in the countrey , for his pleasure , health , & profit . for although they have taken new plots of ground , and built houses upon them , yet doe they retaine their old houses still , and repaire to them every sabbath day ; neyther doe they esteeme their old lots worse than when they first tooke them : what if they doe not plant on them every yeare ? i hope it is no ill husbandry to rest the land , nor is alwayes that the worst that lies sometimes f●llow . if any man doubt of the goodnesse of the ground , let him comfort himselfe with the cheapenesse of it ▪ such bad land in england i am sure wil bring in store of good monie . this ground is in some places of a soft mould , and easie to plow ; in other places so tough and hard , that i have seene ten oxen toyled , their iron chaines broken , and their shares and coulters much strained : but after the first bre●king up it is so easie , that two oxen and a horse may plow it ; there hath as good english corne growne there , as could be desired ; especially rie and oates , and barly : there hath beene no great tryall as yet of wheate , and beanes ; onely thus much i affirme , that these two graines grow well in gardens , therefore it is not improbable , but when they can gather seede of that which is sowne in the countrey , it may grow as well as any other graine : but commonly the seede that commeth out of england is heated at sea , and therefore cannot thrive at land . chap. v. of the hearbes , fruites , woods , waters and mineralls . the ground affoards very good kitchin gardens , for turneps , parsnips , carrots , radishes , and p●mpions , muskmillions , squonterquashes , coucumbers , onyons , and whatsoever growes well in england , growes as well there , many things being better and larger : there is likewise growing all manner of hearbes for meate , and medicine , and that not onely in planted gardens , but in the woods , without eyther the art or the helpe of man , as sweet marjoran , purselane , sorrell , peneriall , yarrow , mirtle , saxifarilla , bayes , &c. there is likewise strawberries in abundance , very large ones , some being two inches about ; one may gather halfe a bushell in a forenoone : in other seasons there bee gooseberries , bilberies , resberies , treackleberies , hurtleberries , currants ; which being dryed in the sunne are little inferiour to those that our grocers sell in england : this land likewise affoards hempe and flax , some naturally , and some planted by the english , with rapes if they bee well managed . for such commodities as lie underground , i cannot out of mine owne experience or knowledge say much , having taken no great notice of such things ; but it is certainely reported that there is iron , stone ; and the indians informe us that they can leade us to the mountaines of blacke lead , and have showne us lead ore , if our small judgement in such things doe not deceive us : and though no body dare confidently conclude , yet dare they not utterly deny , but that the spaniards blisse may lye hid in the barren mountaines , such as have coasted the countrey affirme that they know where to fetch seacole if wood were scant ; there is plenty of stone both rough and smooth , usefull for many things , with quarries of slate , out of which they get covering for houses , with good clay , whereof they make tiles and brickes , and pavements for their necessary uses . for the countrey it is as well watered as any land under the sunne , every family , or every two families having a spring of sweet waters betwixt them , which is farre different from the waters of england , being not so sharpe , but of a fatter substance , and of a more jetty colour ; it is thought there can be no better water in the world , yet dare i not preferre it before good beere , as some have done , but any man will choose it before bad beere , wheay , or buttermilke ▪ those that drinke it be as healthfull , fresh , and lustie , as they that drinke beere ; these springs be not onely within land , but likewise bordering upon the sea coasts , so that some times the tides overflow some of them , which is accounted rare in the most parts of england . no man hitherto hath beene constrained to digge deepe for his water , or to fetch it farre , or to fetch of severall waters for severall uses ; one kind of water serving for washing , and brewing and other things . now besides these springs , there be divers spacious ponds in many places of the countrey , out of which runne many sweet streames , which are constant in their course both winter and summer , whereat the cattle quench their thirst , and upon which may be built water mills , as the plantation encreases . the next commoditie the land affords , is good store of woods , & that not onely such as may be needfull for fewell , but likewise for the building of ships , and houses , & mils , and all manner of water-worke about which wood is needefull . the timber of the countrey growes straight , and tall , some trees being twenty , some thirty foot high , before hee spread forth his branches ; generally the trees be not very thicke , though there be many that will serve for mill posts , some beeing three foote and a halfe o're . and whereas it is generally conceived , that the woods grow so thicke , that there is no more cleare ground than is hewed out by labour of man ; it is nothing so ; in many places , divers acres being cleare , so that one may ride a hunting in most places of the land , if he will venture himselfe for being lost : there is no underwood saving in swamps , and low grounds that are wet , in which the english get osiers , and has●es , and such small wood as is for their use . of these swamps , some be ten , some twenty , some thirty miles long , being preserved by the wetnesse of the soile wherein they grow ; for it being the custome of the indians●o ●o burne the wood in november , when the grasse is withered , and leaves dryed , it consumes all the underwood , and rubbish , which otherwise would over grow the country , making it unpassable , and spoyling their much affected hunting : so that by this meanes in those places where the indians inhabit , there is scarce a bush or bramble , or any combersome underwood to bee seene in the more champion ground . small wood growing in these places where the fire could not come , is preserved . in some places where the indians dyed of the plague some foureteene yeares agoe , is much underwood , as in the mid way betwixt wessaguscus and plimouth , because it hath not beene burned ; cer●aine rivers stopping the fire from comming to cleare that place of the countrey , hath made it unusefull and troublesome to travell thorow , in so much that it is called ragged plaine , because it teares and rents the cloathes of them that passe . now because it may be necessary for mechanicall artificers to know what timber , and wood of use is in the countrey , i will recite the most usefull as followeth . trees both in hills and plaines , in plenty be , the long liv'd oake , and mournefull cypris tree , ski● towring pines , and chesnuts coated rough , the lasting cedar , with the walnut tough : the rezin dropping firre for mast in use , the boatmen seeke for oares light , neate , growne sprewse , the brittle ash , the ●ver trembling aspes , the broad-spread elm● , whose concave harbours waspes , the water sp●ngie alder good for nought , small elderne by th' indian fletchers sought , the knottie maple , pallid birtch , hawthornes , the horne bound tree that to be cloven scornes ; which from the tender vine oft takes his spouse , who ●wi●ds imbracing armes about his boughes . within this indian orchard fruites be some , the ruddie cherrie , and the jettie plumbe , snake murthering hazell , with sweet saxaphrage , whose spurnes in beere allayes hot fevers rage . the diars shumach , with more trees there be , that are both good to use , and rare to see . though many of these trees may seeme to have epithites contrary to the nature of them as they grow in england , yet are they agreeable with the trees of that countrie . the chiefe and common timber for ordinary use is oake , and walnut : of oakes there be three kindes , the red oake , white , and blacke ; as these are different in kinde , so are they chosen for such uses as they are most fit for , one kind being more fit for clappboard , others for sawne board , some fitter for shipping , others for houses . these trees affoard much mast for hogges , especially every third yeare , bearing a bigger acorne than our english oake . the wallnut tree is something different from the english wallnut , being a great deale more tough , and more serviceable , and altogether as heavie : and whereas our gunnes that are stocked with english wallnut , are soone broaken and cracked in frost , beeing a brittle wood ; we are driven to stocke them new with the country wallnut , which will indure all blowes , and weather ; lasting time out of minde . these trees beare a very good nut , something smaller , but nothing inferiour in sweetnesse and goodnesse to the english nut , having no bitter pill . there is likewise a tree in some part of the countrey , that beares a nut as bigge as a small peare . the cedar tree is a tree of no great growth , not bearing above a foot and a halfe square at the most , neither is it very high . i suppose they be much inferiour to the cedars of lebanon so much commended in holy writ . this wood is more desired for ornament than substance , being of colour red and white like eugh , smelling as sweete as iuniper ; it is commonly used for seeling of houses , and making of chests , boxes , and staves . the firre and pine bee trees that grow in many places , shooting up exceeding high , especially the pine : they doe afford good masts , good board , rozin and turpentine . out of these pines is gotten the candlewood that is so much spoken of , which may serve for a shift amongst poore folkes ; but i cannot commend it for singular good , because it is something sluttish , dropping a pitchie kinde of substance where it stands . here no doubt might be good done with saw mils ; for i have seene of these stately highgrowne trees , ten miles together close by the river side , from whence by shipping they might be conveyed to any desired port. likewise it is not improbable that pitch and tarre may be forced from these trees , which beare no other kinde of fruite . for that countrey ash , it is much different from the ash of england , being brittle and good for little , so that wallnut is used for it . the horne-bound tree is a tough kind of wood , that requires so much paines in riving as is almost incredible , being the best for to make boates and dishes , not being subject to cracke or leake . this tree growing with broad spread armes , the vines winde their curling branches about them ; which vines affoard great store of grapes , which are very big both for the grape and cluster , sweet and good : these be of two sorts , red and white , there is likewise a smaller kind of grape , which groweth in the islands which is sooner ripe and more delectable ; so that there is no knowne reason why as good wine may not be made in those parts , as well as in burdeuax in france ; being under the same degree . it is great pit●ie no man sets upon such a venture , whereby he might in small time inrich himselfe , and benefit the countrie , i know nothing which doth hinder but want of skilfull men to manage such an imployment : for the countrey is hot enough , the ground good enough , and many convenient hills which lye toward the south sunne , as if they were there placed for the purpose . the cherrie trees yeeld great store of cherries , which grow on clusters like grapes ; they be much smaller than our english cherrie , nothing neare so good if they be not very ripe ▪ they so furre the mouth that the tongue will cleave to the roofe , and the throate wax horse with swallowing those red bullies ( as i may call them , ) being little better in taste . english ordering may bring them to be an english cherrie , but yet they are as wilde as the indians . the plummes of the countrey be better for plummes than the cherries be for cherries , they be blacke and yellow about the bignesse of a damson , of a reasonable good taste . the white thorne affords hawes as bigge as an english cherrie , which is esteemed above a cherrie for his goodnesse and pleasantnesse to the taste . chap. vi. of the beasts that live on the land having related unto you the pleasant situation of the countrey , the healthfulnesse of the climate , the nature of the soile , with his vegetatives , and other commodities ; it will not be amisse to informe you of such irrationall creatures as are daily bred and continually nourished in this countrey , which doe much conduce to the well being of the inhabitants , affording not onely meate for the belly , but cloathing for the backe . the beasts be as followeth . the kingly lyon , and the strong arm'd beare the large lim'd mooses , with the tripping deare , quill darting porcupines , and rackcoones bee , castelld in the hollow of an aged tree ; the skipping squerrell , rabbet , purblinde hare , immured in the selfesame castle are , least red-eyd ferrets , wily foxes should them undermine , if rampird but with mould . the grim fac't ounce , and raven●●● howling woolfe , whose meagre pa●nch suckes like a swallowing gulfe ▪ blacke glistering otters , and rich coated bever , the civet sented musquash smelling ever . concerning lyons , i will not say that i ever saw any my selfe , but some affirme that they have seene a lyon at cape anne which is not above six leagues from boston : some likewise being lost in woods , have heard such terrible roarings , as have made them much agast ; which must eyther be devills or lyons ; there being no other creatures which use to roare saving beares , which have not such a terrible kind of roaring : besides , plimouth men have traded for lyons skinnes in former times . but sure it is that there be lyons on that continent , for the virginians saw an old lyon in their plantation , who having lost his iackall , which was wont to hunt his prey , was brought so poore that he could goe no further . for beares they be common , being a great blacke kind of beare , which be most feirce in strawberry time , at which time they have young ones ; at this time likewise they will goe upright like a man , and clime trees , and swimme to the islands ; which if the indians see , there will be more sportfull beare bayting than paris garden can affoard . for seeing the beares take water , an indian will leape after him , where they goe to water cuffes for bloody noses , and scratched sides ; in the end the man gets the victory , riding the beare over the watery plaine till he can beare him no longer . in the winter they take themselves to the clifts of rockes , and thicke swamps , to shelter them from the cold ; and foode being scant in those cold and hard times , they live onely by sleeping and sucking their pawes , which keepeth them as fat as they are in summer ; there would be more of them if it were not for the woolves , which devoure them ; a kennell of those ravening runnagadoes , setting on a poore single beare , will teare him as a dogge will teare a kid : it would be a good change if the countrey had for every woolfe a beare , upon the condition all the woolves were banished ; so should the inhabitants be not onely rid of their greatest annoyance , but furnished with more store of provisions , beares being accounted very good meate , esteemed of all men above venison ▪ againe they never prey upon the english cattle , or offer to assault the person of any man , unlesse being vexed with a shot , and a man run upon them before they be dead , in which case they will stand in their owne defence , as may appeare by this instance . two men going a fowling , appointed at evening to meete at a certaine pond side , to share equally , and to returne home ; one of these gunners having killed a seale or sea calfe , brought it to the side of the pond where hee was to meete his comrade , afterwards returning to the sea side for more gaine ; and having loaded himselfe with more geese and duckes , he repaired to the pond , where hee saw a great beare feeding on his seale , which caused him to throw downe his loade , and give the beare a salute ; which though it was but with goose shot , yet tumbled him over and over , whereupon the man supposing him to be in a manner dead , ran and beate him with the hand of his gunne ; the beare perceiving him to be such a coward to strike him when he was down , scrambled up , standing at defiance with him , scratching his legges , tearing his cloathes and face , who stood it out till his six foot gunne was broken in the middle , then being deprived of his weapon , he ran up to the shoulders into the pond , where hee remained till the beare was gone , and his mate come in , who accompanied him home . the beast called a moose , is not much unlike red deare , this beast is as bigge as an oxe ; slow of foote , headed like a bucke , with a broade beame , some being two yards wide in the head , their flesh is as good as beefe , their hides good for cloathing ; the english have some thoughts of keeping them tame , and to accustome them to the yoake , which will be a great commoditie : first because they are so fruitfull , bringing forth three at a time , being likewise very uberous . secondly , because they will live in winter without any fodder . there be not many of these in the massachusets bay , but forty miles to the northeast there be great store of them ; these pore beasts likewise are much devoured by the woolves : the ordinary deare be much bigger than the deare of england , of a brighter colour , more inclining to red , with spotted bellies ; the most store of these be in winter , when the more northerne parts of the countrey bee cold for them ; they desire to be neare the sea , so that they may swimme to the islands when they are chased by the woolves : it is not to be thought into what great multitudes they would encrease , were it not for the common devourer the woolfe ; they have generally three at a time , which they hide a mile one from another , giving them sucke by turnes ; thus they doe , that if the woolfe should finde one , he might misse of the other . these deare be fat in the deepe of winter ; in summer it is hard catching of them with the best greyhounds that may be procured , because they bee swift of foote . some credible persons have affirmed , that they have seene a deare leape three score feet at little or no forcement ; besides , there be so many old trees , rotten stumps , and indian barnes , that a dog cannot well run without being shoulder-shot : yet would i not disswade any from carrying good dogges ; for in the winter time they be very usefull ; for when the snow is hard frozen , the deare being heavie , sinkes into the snow , the doggs being light runne upon the top and overtake them , and pull them downe : some by this meanes have gotten twenty buckes and does in a winter , the hornes of these deare grow in such a straight manner , ( overhanging their heads ) that they cannot feede upon such things as grow low , till they have cast their old hornes : of these deare there be a great many , and more in the massachusets bay , than in any other place , which is a great helpe and refreshment to these planters . the porcupine is a small thing not much unlike a hedgehog ; something bigger , who stands upon his guard and proclaimes a noli me tangere , to man and beast , that shall approach too neare him , darting his quills into their legges , and hides . the rack●one is a deepe furred beast , not much unlike a badger , having a tayle like a fox , as good meate as a lambe ; there is one of them in the tower. these beasts in the day time sleepe in hollow trees , in the moone shine night they goe to feede on clammes at a low tide , by the sea side , where the english hunt them with their dogges . the squerrells be of thre● sorts , first the great gray squerrell , which is almost as bigge as an english rabbet ; of these there be the greatest plenty , one may kill a dozen of them in an afternoone , about three of the clocke they begin to walke . the second is a small squerrell , not unlike the english squerrell , which doth much trouble the planters of corne , so that they are constrained to set divers trappes , and to carry their cats into the corne fields , till their corne be three weekes old . the third kind is a flying squerrell , which is not very bigge , slender of body , with a great deale of loose skinne which shee spreads square when shee flyes , which the winde gets , and so wafts her batlike body from place to place ; it is a creature more for sight and wonderment , than eyther pleasure or profit . the rabbets be much like ours in england . the hares be some of them white , and a yard long ; these two harmelesse creatures are glad to shelter themselves from the harmefull foxes , in hollow trees , having a hole at the entrance no bigger than they can creepe in at : if they should make them holes in the ground , as on english rabbets doe , the undermining renoilds would rob them of their lives , and extirpate their generation . the beasts of offence be squunckes , fer●ets , foxes , whose impudence sometimes drives them to the good wives hen roost , to fill their paunch : some of these be blacke ; their furre is of much esteeme . the ounce or the wilde cat , is as big as a mungrell dog , this creature is by nature feirce , and more dangerous to bee met withall than any other creature , not fearing eyther dogge or man ; he useth to kill deare , which hee thus effecteth : knowing the deares tracts , hee will lye lurking in long weedes , the deare passing by he suddenly leapes upon his backe , from thence gets to his necke , and scratcheth out his throate ; he hath likewise a devise to get geese , for being much of the colour of a goose he will place himselfe close by the water , holding us his bob taile , which is like a goose necke ; the geese seeing this counterfet goose , approach nigh to visit him , who with a suddaine jerke apprehends his mistrustlesse prey . the english kill many of these , accounting them very good meate . their skinnes be a very deepe kind of furre , spotted white and black on the belly . the woolves bee in some respect different from them of other countries ; it was never knowne yet that a woolfe ever set upon a man or woman . neyther do they trouble horses or cowes ; but swine , goates and red calves which they take for deare , be often destroyed by them , so that a red calfe is cheaper than a blacke one in that regard ; in autumne and the beginning of the spring , these ravenous rangers doe most frequent our english habitations , following the deare which come downe at that time to those parts . they be made much like a mungrell , being big boned , la●ke paunched , deepe breasted , having a thicke necke , and head , pricke eares , and long snoute , with dangerous teeth , long staring haire , and a great bush taile ; it is thought of many , that our english mastiffes might be too hard for them ; but it is no such matter , for they care no more for an ordinary mastiffe , than an ordinary mastiffe cares for a c●●re ; many good dogges have beene spoyled with them . once a faire grayhound hearing them at their howlings run out to chide them , who was torne in peeces before he could be rescued . one of them makes no more bones to runne away with a pigge , than a dogge to runne away with a marrow ●●ne . it is observed that they have no joynts from the head to the tayle , which prevents them from leaping , or suddaine turning , as may appeare by what i shall shew you . a certaine man having shot an woolfe , as he was feeding upon a swine , breaking his legge onely , hee knew not how to dev●se his death , on a suddaine , the woolfe being a blacke one , he was loath to spoyle his furre with a second shot , his skinne being worth five or sixe pound sterling ; wherefore hee resolved to get him by the tayle , and thrust him into a river that was hard by ; which effected , the woolfe being not able to turne his joyntlesse body to bite him , was taken . that they cannot leape , may appeare by this woolfe , whose mouth watering at a few poore impaled kiddes , would needes leape over a five-foote pale to be at them ; but his foote slipping in the rise , he fell a little short of his desire , and being hung in the carpenters stockes , howled so loud , that he frighted away the kids , and called the english , who killed him . these be killed dayly in some place or other , either by the english , or indian ; who have a certaine rate for every head : yet is there little hope of their utter destruction , the countrey being so spacious , and they so numerous , travelling in the swamps by kennels : sometimes ten or twelve are of a company . late at night , and early in the morning , they set up their howlings , and call their companies together at night to hunt , at morning to sleepe ; in a word they be the greatest inconveniency the countrey hath , both for matter of dammage to private men in particular , and the whole countrey in generall . chap. vii . beasts living in the water . for all creatures that liv'd both by land and water , they be first otters , which be most of them blacke , whose furre is much used for muffes , and are held almost as deare as beaver . the fl●sh of them is none of the best meate , but their oyle is of rare use for many things . secondly , martins , a good furre for their bignesse : thirdly , musquashes , which be much like a beaver for shape , but nothing neare so bigge ; the male hath two stones which smell as sweete as muske , and being killed in winter , never lose their sweete smell : these skinnes are no bigger than a coney-skinne , yet are sold for five shillings a peice , being sent for tokens into england . one good skinne will perfume a whole house-full of cloathes , if it be right and good . fourthly , the beaver , concerning whom if i should at large discourse , according to knowledge or information , i might make a volumne . the wisedome and understanding of this beast , will almost conclude him a reasonable creature : his shape is thicke and short , having likewise short legs , feete like a mole before , and behinde like a goo●● , a broad tayle in forme like a shooe-soale , very tough and strong ; his head is something like an otters head , saving that his teeth before , be placed like the teeth of a rabbet , two above , and two beneath ; sharpe and broad , with which he cuts downe trees as thicke as a mans thigh , afterwards diuiding them into lengths , according to the use they are appointed for . if one bever be too weake to carry the logge , then another helpes him ; if they two be too weake , then multorum manibus grande levatur onus ; foure more adding their helpe , being placed three to three , which set their teeth in one anothers tough tayles , and laying the loade on the two hindermost , they draw the logge to the desired place . that this may not seeme altogether incredible , remember that the like almost may be seene in our ants , which will joyne sometimes seaven or eight together in the carrying of a burthen . these creatures build themselves houses of wood and clay , close by the ponds sides , and knowing the seasons , build them answerable houses , having them three stories high , so that as land-floods are raised by great raines , as the waters arise , they mount higher in their houses ; as they asswage , they descend lower againe . these houses are so strong , that no creature saving an industrious man with his penetrating tooles can prejudice them , their ingresse and egresse being vnder water . these make likewise very good ponds , knowing whence a streame runnes from betweene two rising hils , they will there pitch downe piles of wood , placing smaller rubbish before it with clay and sods , not leaving , till by their art and industry they have made a firme and curious damme-head , which may draw admiration from wise understanding men . these creatures keepe themselves to their owne families , never parting so long as they are able to keepe house together : and it is commonly sayd , if any beaver accidentally light into a strange place , he is made a drudge so long as he lives there , to carry at the greater end of the logge , unlesse he creepe away by stealth . their wisedome secures them from the english , who seldome , or neuer kills any of them , being not patient to lay a long siege , or to be so often deceived by their cunning evasions , so that all the beaver which the english have , comes first from the indians , whose time and experience fits them for that imployment . chap. viii . of the birds and fowles both of land and water . having shewed you the most desireable , usefull , and beneficiall creatures , with the most offensive carrions that belong to our wildernesse , it remaines in the next place , to shew you such kinds of fowle as the countrey affoords : they are many , and we have much variety both at sea and on land ; and such as yeeld us much profit , and honest pleasure , and are these that follow ; as the princely eagle , and the soaring hawke , whom in their unknowne wayes there 's none can chawke : the humberd for some queenes rich cage more fit , than in the vacant wildernesse to sit . the swift wing'd swallow sweeping to and fro , as swift as arrow from tartarian bow. when as aurora's infant day new springs , there th' morning mounting larke her sweete layes sing● . the harmonious thrush , swift pigeon , turtle-dove , who to her mate doth ever constant prove : the turky-phesant , heathcocke , partridge rare , the carrion-tearing crow , and hurtfull stare , the long liv'd raven , th' ominous screech-owle , who tells as old wives say , disasters foule . the drowsie madge that leaves her day-lov'd nest , and loves to roave when day-birds be at rest : th'eele-murthering hearne , and greedy cormorant , that neare the creekes in morish marshes haunt . the bellowing bitterne , with the long-leg'd crane , presaging winters hard , and dearth of graine . the silver swan that tunes her mournefull breath , to sing the dirge of her approaching death . the tatling oldwines , and the cackling geese , the fearefull gull that shunnes the murthering peece , the strong wing'd mallard , with the nimble teale , and ill-shape't loone who his harsh notes doth squeale . there widgins , sheldrackes and humiliteers , snites , doppers , sea-larkes , in whole million flees . the eag●es of the countrey be of two sorts , one like the eagles that be in england , the other is something bigger with a great white head , and white tayle : these bee commonly called gripes ; these prey upon duckes and geese , and such fish as are cast upon the sea-shore . and although an eagle be counted king of that feathered regiment , yet is there a certaine blacke hawke that beates him ; so that hee is oonstrayned to soare so high , till heate expell his adversary ▪ this hawke is much prized of the indians , being accounted a sagamo●es ransome . to speake much of hawkes , were to trespasse upon my owne judgement , and bring upon my selfe a deserved censure , for abusing the faulconers termes : but by relation from those that have more insight into them than my selfe : there be divers kinds of hawkes : their aieries are easie to come by , being in the holes of rockes , neare the shore , so that any who are addicted to that sport , if he will be but at the charge of finding poul●ry for them , may have his desires . we could wish them well mew'd in england ; for they make hauock● of hens , partridges , heathcockes , and duckes ; often hindering the fowler of his long look't for shoote . the humbird is one of the wonders of the countrey , being no bigger than a hornet , yet hath all the demensions of a bird , as bill , and wings , with quills , spider-like legges , small clawes : for colour , she is as glorious as the rai●e-bow ; as she flies , she makes a little humming noise like a humble-bee : wherefore shee is called the humbird . the pigeon of that countrey , is something different from our dove-house pigeons in england , being more like turtles , of the same colour ; but they haue long tayles like a magpie : and they seeme not so bigge , because they carry not so many feathers on their backes as our english doves , yet are they as bigge in body . these birds come into the countrey , to goe to the north parts in the beginning of our spring , at which time ( if i may be counted worthy , to be beleeved in a thing that is not so strange as true ) i have seene them fly as if the ayerie regiment had beene pigeons ; seeing neyther beginning nor ending , length , or breadth of these millions of millions . the shouting of people , the ratling of gunnes , and pelting of small shotte could not drive them out of their course , but so they continued for foure or five houres together : yet it must not be concluded , that it is thus often ; for it is but at the beginning of the spring , and at michaelmas , when they returne backe to the southward ; yet are there some all the yeare long , which are easily attayned by such as looke after them . many of them build amongst the pine-trees , thirty miles to the north-east of our plantations ; joyning nest to nest , and tree to tree by their nests , so that the sunne never sees the ground in that place , from whence the indians fetch whole loades of them . the turky is a very large bird , of a blacke colour , yet white in flesh ; much bigger than our english turky . he hath the use of his long legs so ready , that he can runne as fast as a dogge , and flye as well as a goose : of these sometimes there will be forty , threescore , and a hundred of a flocke , somet●mes more and sometimes lesse ; their feeding is acornes , hawes , and berries , some of them get a haunt to frequent our english corne : in winter when the snow covers the ground , they resort to the sea shore to look for shrimps , & such smal fishes at low tide . such as love turkie hunting , must follow it in winter after a new falne snow , when hee may follow them by their tracts ; some have killed ten or a dozen in halfe a day ; if they can be found towards an evening and watched where they peirch , if one come about ten or eleaven of the clocke he may shoote as often as he will , they will sit , unlesse they be slenderly wounded . these turkies remaine all the yeare long , the price of a good turkie cocke is foure shillings ; and he is well worth it , for he may be in weight forty pound ; a hen two shillings . pheasons bee very rare , but heathcockes , and partridges be common ; he that is a husband , and will be stirring betime , may kill halfe a dozen in a morning . the partridges be bigger than they be in england , the flesh of the heathcockes is red , and the flesh of a partridge white , their price is foure pence a peece . the ravens , and the crowes be much like them of other countries . there are no magpies , iackedawes , coockooes , iayes , sparrows , &c. the stares be bigger than those in england , as blacke as crowes , being the most troublesome , and injurious bird of all others , pulling up the cornes by the roots , when it is young , so that those who plant by reedy and seggy places , where they frequent , are much annoyed with them , they being so audacious that they feare not guns , or their fellowes hung upon poles ; but the corne having a weeke or nine dayes growth is past their spoyling . the owles be of two sorts ; the one being small speckled , like a partridge , with ea●es , the other being a great owle , almost as big as an eagle , his body beeing as good meate as a partridge . cormorants bee as common as other fowles , which destroy abundance of small fish , these are not worth the shooting because they are the worst of fowles for meate , tasting ranke , and fishy : againe , one may shoot twenty times and misse , for seeing the fire in the panne , they dive under the water before the shot comes to the place where they were ; they use to roost upon the tops of trees , and rockes , being a very heavy drowsie creature , so that the indians will goe in their cannowes in the night , and take them from the rockes , as easily as women take a hen from roost ; no ducking ponds can affoard more delight than a lame cormorant , and two or three lusty dogges . the crane although hee bee almost as tall as a man by reason of his long legges , and necke ; yet is his body rounder than other fowles , not much unlike the body of a turkie . i have seene many of these fowles , yet did i never see one that was far , i suppose it is contrary to their nature to grow fat ▪ of these there be many in summer , but none in winter , their price is two shilling . there be likewise many swannes which frequent the fresh ponds and rivers , seldome consorting themselves with duckes and geese ; these bee very good meate , the price of one is six shillings . the geese of the countrey be of three sorts , first a brant goose , which is a goose almost like the wilde goose in england , the price of one of these is six pence . the second kind is a white goose , almost as big as an english tame goose , these come in great flockes about michelmasse , sometimes there will be two or three thousand in a flocke , these continue six weekes , and so flye to the southward , returning in march , and staying six weekes more , returning againe to the northward ; the price of one of these is eight pence . the third kind of geese , is a great gray goose , with a blacke necke , and a blacke and white head , strong of flight ; these bee a great deale bigger than the ordinary geese of england , some very fat , and in the spring so full of feathers , that the shot can scarce peirce them ; most of these geese remaine with us from michelmas to aprill ; they feede on the sea of fish , and in the woods of acornes , having as other foule have , their passe and repasse to the northward and southward : the accurate marksmen kill of these both flying and sitting ; the price of a good gray goose is eighteene pence . the duckes of the countrey be very large ones and in great abundance , so is there of teale likewise ; the price of a ducke is six pence , of a teale three pence . if i should tell you how some have killed a hundred geese in a weeke , . duckes at a shot , . teales at another , it may be counted impossible , though nothing more certaine . the oldwives , be a foule that never leave tatling day or night , something bigger than a ducke . the loone is an ill shap'd thing like a cormorant ; but that he can neyther goe nor flye ; he maketh a noise sometimes like a sowgelders horne . the humilities or simplicities ( as i may rather call them ) bee of two sorts , the biggest being as big as a greene plover , the other as big as birds we call knots in england . such is the simplicity of the smaller sorts of these birds , that one may drive them on a heape like so many sheepe , and seeing a fit time shoot them ; the living seeing the dead , settle themselves on the same place againe , amongst which the fowler discharges againe . i my selfe have killed twelve score at two shootes : these bird are to be had upon sandy brakes at the latter end of summer before the geese come in . thus much have i shewed you as i know to bee true concerning the fowle of the countrey . but me thinkes i heare some say that this is very good if it could be caught , or likely to continue , and that much shooting will fright away the fowles . true it is , that every ones imployment wil not permit him to fowle : what then ? yet those imployments furnish them with silver guns with which they may have it more easie . for the frighting of the fowle , true it is that many goe blurting away their pouder and shot , that have no more skill to kill , or winne a goose , than many in england that have rustie muskets in their houses , knowes what belongs to a souldier , yet are they not much affrighted . i have seene more living and dead the last yeare than i have done in former yeares . chap. ix . of fish. hhving done with these , let me leade you from the land to the sea , to view what commodities may come from thence ; there is no countrey knowne , that yeelds more variety of fish winter and summer : and that not onely for the present spending and sustentation of the plantations , but likewise for trade into other countries , so that those which have had stages & make fishing voyages into those parts , have gained ( it is thought ) more than the new found land iobbers . codfish in these seas are larger than in new found land , six or seaven making a quintall , whereas there they have fifteene to the same weight ; and though this they seeme a base and more contemptible commoditie in the judgement of more neate adventurers , yet it hath bin the enrichment of other nations , and and is likely to prove no small commoditie to the planters , and likewise to england if it were thorowly undertaken . salt may be had from the salt islands , and as is supposed may be made in the countrey . the chiefe fish for trade is cod , but for the use of the countrey , there is all manner of fish as followeth . the king of waters , the sea shouldering whale , the snuffing grampus , with the oyly seale , the storme praesaging porpus , herring-hogge , line shearing sharke , the catfish , and sea dogge , the scale-fenc'd sturgeon , wry mouthd hollibut , the flounsing sammon , codfish , greedigut : cole , haddocke , hag● , the thornebacke , and the scate , whose slimie outside makes him selde in date , the stately basse old neptunes fleeting post , that tides it out and in from sea to coast. consorting herrings , and the bony shad , big bellied alewives , machrills richly clad with rainebow colours , th'frost fish and the smelt , as good as ever lady gustus felt . the spotted lamprons , eeles , the lamperies , that seeke fresh water brookes with argus eyes : these waterie villagers with thousands more , doe passe and repasse neare the verdant shore . kinds of all shel-fish . the luscious lobster , with the crabfish raw , the brinish oister , muscle , periwigge , and tortoise sought for by the indian squaw , which to the flats daunce many a winters iigge , to dive for cocles , and to digge for clamms , whereby her lazie husbands guts s●ee cramms . to omit such of these as are not usefull , therefore not to be spoken of , and onely to certifie you of such as be usefull . first the seale which is that which is called the sea calfe , his skinne is good for divers uses , his body being betweene fish and flesh , it is not very delectable to the pallate , or congruent with the stomack ; his oyle is very good to burne in lampes , of which he affoards a great deale . the sharke is a kinde of fish as bigge as a man , some as bigge as a horse , with three rowes of teeth within his mouth , with which he snaps asunder the fishermans lines , if he be not very circumspect : this fish will leape at a mans hand if it be over board , and with his teeth snap off a mans legge or hand if he be a swimming ; these are often taken , being good for nothing but to put on the ground for manuring of land . the sturgions be all over the countrey , but the best catching of them be upon the shoales of cape codde , and in the river of mirrimacke , where much is taken , pickled and brought for england , some of these be . . . foote long : i set not downe the price of fish there , because it is so cheape , so that one may have as much for two pence , as would give him an angell in england . the sammon is as good as it is in england and in great plenty . the hollibut is not much unlike a pleace or turbut , some being two yards long , and one wide : and a foot thicke ; the plenty of better fish makes these of little esteeme , except the head and finnes , which stewed or baked is very good : these hollibuts be little set by while basse is in season . thornebacke and scates is given to the dogges , being not counted worth the dressing in many places . the basse is one of the best fishes in the countrey , and though men are soone wearied with other fish , yet are they never with basse ; it is a delicate , fine , fat , fast fish , having a bone in his head , which containes a sawcerfull of marrow sweet and good , pleasant to the pallat , and wholsome to the stomack . when there be great store of them , we onely eate the heads , and salt up the bodies for winter , which exceedes ling or haberdine . of these fishes some be three and some foure foot long , some bigger , some lesser : at some tides a man may catch a dozen or twenty of these in three houres , the way to catch them is with hooke and line : the fisherman taking a great cod-line , to which he fastneth a peece of lobster , and throwes it into the sea , the fish biting at it he pulls her to him , and knockes her on the head with a sticke . these are at one time ( when alewives passe up the rivers ) to be catched in rivers , in lobster time at the rockes , in macrill time in the bayes , at michelmas in the seas . when they use to tide it in and out to the rivers and creekes , the english at the top of an high water do crosse the creekes with long scanes or basse netts , which stop in the fish ; and the water ebbing from them they are left on the dry ground , sometimes two or three thousand at a set , which are salted up against winter , or distributed to such as have present occasion either to spend them in their houses , or use them for their ground . the herrings be much like them that be caught on the english coasts . alewives be a kind of fish which is much like a herring , which in the latter end of aprill come up to the fresh rivers to spawne , in such multitudes as is allmost incredible , pressing up in such shallow waters as will scarce permit them to swimme , having likewise such longing desire after the fresh water ponds , that no beatings with poles , or forcive agitations by other devices , will cause them to returne to the sea , till they have cast their spawne . the shaddes be bigger than the english shaddes and fatter . the macrells be of two sorts , in the beginning of the yeare are great ones , which be upon the coast ; some are . inches long . in summer as in may , iune , iuly , and august , come in a smaller kind of them : these macrills are taken with drailes which is a long small line , with a lead and hooke at the end of it , being baited with a peece of red cloath : this kind of fish is counted a leane fish in england , but there it is so fat , that it can scarce be saved against winter without reisting . there be a great store of salt water eeles , especially in such places where grasse growes : for to take these there be certaine eele pots made of osyers , which must be baited with a peece of lobster , into which the eeles entring cannot returne backe againe : some take a bushell in a night in this manner , eating as many as they have neede of for the present , and salt up the rest against winter . these eeles be not of so luscious a tast as they be in england , neyther are they so aguish , but are both wholesome for the body , and delightfull for the taste : lamprons and lampreyes be not much set by ; lobsters be in plenty in most places , very large ones , some being . pound in weight ; these are taken at a low water amongst the rockes , they are very good fish , the small ones being the best , their plenty makes them little esteemed and seldome eaten . the indians get many of them every day for to baite their hookes withall , and to eate when they can get no basse : the oisters be great ones in forme of a shoo horne , some be a foote long , these breede on certaine bankes that are bare every spring tide . this fish without the shell is so big that it must admit of a devision before you can well get it into your mouth . the perewig is a kind of fish that lyeth in the oaze like a head of haire , which being touched conveyes it selfe leaving nothing to bee seene but a small round hole . muscles be in great plenty , left onely for the hogges , which if they were in england would be more esteemed of the poorer sort . clamms or clamps is a shel-fish not much unlike a cockle , it lyeth under the sand , every six or seaven of them having a round hole to take ayre and receive water at . when the tide ebs and flowes , a man running over these clamm bankes will presently be made all wet , by their spouting of water out of those small holes : these fishes be in great plenty in most places of the countrey , which is a great commoditie for the feeding of swine , both in winter , and summer ; for being once used to those places , they will repaire to them as duely every ebbe , as if they were driven to them by keepers : in some places of the countrey there bee clamms as bigge as a pennie white loafe , which are great dainties amongst the natives , and would bee in good esteeme amongst the english , were it not for better fish . chap. x. of the severall plantations in particular . having described the situation of the countrey in generall , with all his commodities arising from land and sea , it may adde to your content and satisfaction to be informed of the situation of every severall plantation , with his conveniences , commodities , and discommodities , &c. where first i will begin with the outmost plantation in the patent to the south ward , which is called wessagutus an indian name : this as yet is but a small village , yet it is very pleasant , and healthfull , very good ground , and is well timbred , and hath good store of hey ground ; it hath a very spacious harbour for shipping before the towne ; the salt water being navigable for boates & pinnaces two leagues . here the inhabitants have good store of fish of all sorts , and swine , having acornes and clamms at the time of yeare ; here is likewise an alewife river . three miles to the north of this is mount walleston , a very fertile soyle , and a place very convenient for farmers houses , there being great store of plaine ground , without trees . this place is called massachusets fields where the greatest sagamore in the countrey lived , before the plague , who caused it to be cleared for himselfe . the greatest inconvenience is , that there is not very many springs , as in other places of the countrey , yet water may bee had for digging : a second inconvenience is , that boates cannot come in at a low water , nor ships ride neare the shore . sixe miles further to the north , lieth dorchester ; which is the greatest towne in new england ; well woodded and watered ; very good arable grounds , and hay-ground , faire corne-fields , and pleasan● gardens , with kitchin-gardens . in this plantation is a great many cattle , as kine , goats , and swine . this plantation hath a reasonable harbour for ships : here is no alewife-river , which is a great inconvenience . the inhabitants of this towne , were the first that set upon the trade of fishing in the bay , who received so much fruite of their labours , that they encouraged others to the same undertakings . a mile from this towne lieth roxberry , which is a faire and handsome countrey-towne ; the inhabitants of it being all very rich . this towne lieth upon the maine , so that it is well woodded and watered ; having a cleare and fresh brooke running through the towne : vp which although there come no alewiues , yet there is great store of smelts , and therefore it is called smelt-brooke . a quarter of a mile to the north-side of the towne , is another river called stony-river ; upon which is built a water-●●●●ne . here is good ground for corne , and medow for cattle : vp westward from the towne it is something rocky , whence it hath the name of roxberry ; the inhabitants have faire houses , store of cattle , impaled corne-fields , and fruitfull gardens . here is no harbour for ships , because the towne is seated in the bottome of a shallow bay , which is made by the necke of land on which boston is built ; so that they can transport all their goods from the ships in boats from boston , which is the nearest harbour . boston is two miles north-east from roxberry : his situation is very pleasant , being a peninsula , hem'd in on the south-side with the bay of roxberry , on the north-side with gla●ly-river , the marshes on the backe-side , being not halfe a quarter of a mile over ; so that a little fencing will secure their cattle from the woolues . their greatest wants be wood , and medow-ground , which never were in that place ; being constrayned to fetch their building-timber , and fire-wood from the ilands in boates , and their hay in loyters : it being a necke and bare of wood : they are not troubled with three great annoyances , of woolves , rattle-snakes , and musketoes . these that live here upon their cattle , must be constrayned to take farmes in the countrey , or else they cannot subsist ; the place being too small to containe many , and fittest for such as can trade into england , for such commodities as the countrey wants , being the chiefe place for shipping and merchandize . this necke of land is not above foure miles in compasse , in forme almost squ●re , having on the south-side at one corner , a great broad hill , whereon is planted a fort , which can command any ship as shee say●es into any harbour within the still bay. on the north-side is another hill , equall in bignesse , whereon stands a winde-mill . to the north-west is a high mountaine with three little rising hils on the top of it , wherefore it is called the tramount . from the top of this mountaine a man may over-looke all the ilands which lie before the bay , and discry such ships as are upon the sea-coast . this towne although it be neither the greatest , nor the richest , yet it is the most noted and fr●quented , being the center of the plantations where the monthly courts are kept . here like●●●● dwe●ls the governour : this place hath very good land , affording rich corne-fields , and fruitefull gardens ; having likewise sweete and pleasant springs . the inhabitants of this place for their enlargement , have taken to themselves farme-houses , in a place called muddy-river , two miles from their towne ; where is good ground , large timber , and store of marsh-land , and medow . in this place they keepe their swine and other cattle in the summer , whilst the corne is on the ground at boston , and bring them to the towne in winter . on the north-side of charles river is charles towne , which is another necke of land , on whose north-side runs misticke-river . this towne for all things , may be well paralel'd with her neighbour boston , being in the same fashion with her bare necke , and constrained to borrow conveniences from the maine , and to provide for themselves farmes in the countrey for their better subsistance . at this towne there is kept a ferry-boate , to conveigh passengers over charles river , which betweene the two townes is a quarter of a mile over , being a very deepe channell . here may ride forty ships at a time . vp higher it is a broad bay , being above two miles betweene the shores , into which runnes stony-river , and muddy-river . towards the south-west in the middle of this bay , is a great oyster-banke : towards the north-west of this bay is a great creeke , upon whose shore is situated the village of medford , a very fertile and pleasant place , and fit for more inhabitants than are yet in it . this towne is a mile and a halfe from charles towne , and at the bottome of this bay the river beginnes to be narrower , being but halfe a quarter of a mile broad . by the side of this river is built new-towne , which is three miles by land from charles towne , and a league and a halfe by water . this place was first intended for a city , but upon more serious considerations it was not thought so fit , being too farre from the sea ; being the greatest inconvenience it hath . this is one of the nearest and best compacted townes in new england , having many faire structures , with many handsome contrived streets . the inhabitants most of them are very rich , and well stored with cattell of all sorts ; having many hundred acres of ground paled in with one generall fence , which is about a mile and a halfe long , which secures all their weaker cattle from the wilde beasts . on the other side of the river lieth all their medow and marsh-ground for hay . halfe a mile westward of this plantation , is water-towne ; a place nothing inferiour for land , wood , medow , and water to new-towne . within halfe a mile of this towne is a great pond , which is divided betweene those two townes , which divides their bounds northward . a mile and a halfe from this towne , is a fall of fresh waters , which conveigh themselves into the ocean through charles river . a little below this fall of waters , the inhabitants of water-towne have built a wayre to catch fish , wherein they take great store of shads and alewives . in two tydes they have gotten one hundred thousand of those fishes : this is no small benefit to the plantation : ships of small burden may come up to these two townes , but the oyster-bankes doe barre out the bigger ships . the next towne is misticke , which is three miles from charles towne by land , and a league and a halfe by water : it is seated by the waters side very pleasantly ; there be not many houses as yet . at the head of this river are great and spacious ponds , whither the alewives preasse to spawne . this being a noted place for that kinde of fish , the english resort thither to take them . on the west side of this river the governour hath a farme , where he keepes most of his cattle . on the east side is maister craddockes plantation , where he hath impaled a parke , where he keepes his cattle , till he can store it with deere : here likewise he is at charges of building ships . the last yeare one was upon the stockes of a hundred tunne , that being finished , they are to build one twice her burden . ships without either ballast or loading , may floate downe this river ; otherwise the oyster-banke would hinder them which crosseth the channell . the last towne in the still bay , is winnisimet ; a very sweet place for situation , and stands very commodiously , being fit to entertaine more planters than are yet seated : it is within a mile of charles towne , the river onely parting them . the chiefe ilands which keepe out the winde and the sea from disturbing the harbours , are first deare iland , which lies wirhin a flight-shot of pullin-point . this iland is so called , because of the deare which often swimme thither from the maine , when they are chased by the woolves : some have killed sixteene deere in a day upon this iland . the opposite shore is called pullin-point , because that is the usuall channel . boats use to passe thorow into the bay ; and the tyde being very strong , they are constrayned to goe ashore , and hale their boats by the sea●ing , or roades , whereupon it was called pullin-point . the next iland of note is long iland , so called from his longitude . divers other ilands be within these : viz. nodles ile , round i le , the governours garden , where is planted an orchard and a vine-yard , with many other conveniences ; and slate-iland , glasse-iland , bird-iland , &c. these iles bound with woods , and water , and medow-ground ; and whatsoever the spacious fertile maine affords . the inhabitants use to put their cattle in these for safety , viz. their rammes , goates , and swine , when their corne is on the ground . those townes that lie without the bay , are a great deale nearer the maine , and reape a greater benefit from the sea , in regard of the plenty both of fish and fowle , which they receive from thence : so that they liue more comfortably , and at lesse charges , than those that are more remote from the sea in the land-plantations . the next plantation is saugus , sixe miles north-east from winnesimet : this towne is pleasant for situation , seated at the bottome of a bay , which is made on the one side with the surrounding shore , and on the other side with a long sandy beach . this sandy beach is two miles long at the end , whereon is a necke of land called nahant : it is sixe miles in circumference ; well woodded with oakes , pines , and cedars : it is beside well watered , having beside the fresh springs , a great pond in the middle ; before which is a spacious marsh. in this necke is store of good ground , fit for the plow ; but for the present it is onely used for to put young cattle in , and weather-goates , and swine , to secure them from the woolues : a few posts and rayles from the low water-markes to the shore , keepes out the woolves , and keepes in the cattle . one blacke william , an indian duke , out of his generosity gave this place in generall to this plantation of saugus , so that no other can appropriate it to himselfe . vpon the south-side of the sandy beach the sea beateth , which is a true prognostication , to presage stormes and foule weather , and the breaking up of the frost : for when a storme hath beene , or is likely to be , it will roare like thunder , being heard sixe miles ; and after stormes casts up great store of great clammes , which the indians taking out of their shels , carry home in baskets . on the north-side of this bay is two great marshes , which are made two by a pleasant river which runnes betweene them . northward up this river , goes great store of alewives , of which they make good red herrings ; in so much that they have beene at charges to make a wayre , and a herringhouse , to dry these herrings in ; the last yeare were dryed some or last for an experiment , which proved very good ; this is like to prove a great inrichment to the land , ( being a staple commoditie in other countries ) for there be such innumerable companies in every river , that i have seene ten thousand taken in two houres by two men , without any weire at all , saving a few stones to stone their passage up the river . there likewise come sto●e of basse , which the indians and english catch with hooke and line , some fifty or threescore at a tide . at the mouth of this river runnes up a great creeke into that great marsh , which is called rumny marsh , which is miles long and a miles broad ; halfe of it being marsh ground and halfe upland grasse , without tree or bush : this marsh is crossed with divers creekes , wherein lye great store of geese , and duckes . there be convenient lands for the planting of duckcoyes . here is likewise belonging to this place divers fresh meddowes , which afford good grasse and foure spacious ponds like little lakes , wherein is store of fresh fish : within a mile of the towne , out of which runnes a curious fresh brooke that is seldome frozen by reason of the warmenesse of the water ; upon this streame is built a water milne , and up this river comes smelts and frost fish much bigger than a gudgion . for wood there is no want , there being store of good oakes , wallnut , caedar , aspe , elme ; the ground is very good , in many places without trees , fit for the plough . in this plantation is more english tillage , than in all new england , and virginia besides ; which proved as well as could bee expected , the corne being very good especially the barly , rye , and oates . the land affordeth the inhabitants as many ratities as any place else , and the sea more : the basse continuing from the middle of aprill to michaelmas , which stayes not above half that time in the bay : besides here is a great deale of rockcod and macrill , insomuch that shoales of basse have driven up shoales of macrill from one end of the sandie brech to the other , which the inhabitants have gathered up in wheel-barrowes . the bay that lyeth before the towne at a low spring tyde , will be all flatts for two miles together , upon which is great store of muscle banckes , and clam bancks , and lobsters amongst the rockes and grassie holes . these flatts make it unnavigable for shippes , yet at high water great boates , loiters , and pinnaces of , and tun , may saile up to the plantation , but they neede have a skilfull pilote , because of many dangerous rockes and foaming breakers , that lye at the mouth of that bay. the very aspect of the place is fortification enough to keepe off an unknowne enemie , yet may it be fortified at a little charge , being but few landing places there about , and those obscure . foure miles northeast from sangus lyeth salem , which stands on the middle of a necke of land very pleasantly , having a south river on the one side , and a north river on the other side : upon this necke where the most of the houses stand is very bad and s●ndie ground , yet for seaven yeares together it hath brought forth exceeding good corne , by being fished but every third yeare ; in some places is very good ground , and very good timber , and divers springs hard by the sea side . here likewise is store of fish , as basses , eeles , lobsters , clammes , &c. although their land be none of the best , yet beyond those rivers is a very good soyle , where they have taken farmes , and get their hay , and plant their corne ; there they crosse these rivers with small cannowes , which are made of whole pine trees , being about two foot & a half over , and . foote long : in these likewise they goe a fowling , sometimes two leagues to sea ; there be more cannowes in this towne than in all the whole patent ; every houshould having a water-house or two . this towne wants an alewife river , which is a great inconvenience ; it hath two good harbours , the one being called winter , and the other summer harbour , which lyeth within derbies fort , which place if it were well fortified , might keepe shippes from landing of forces in any of those two places . marvill head is a place which lyeth miles full south from salem , and is a very convenient place for a plantation , especially for such as will set upon the trade of fishing . there was made here a ships loading of fish the last yeare , where still stands the stages , and drying scaffolds ; here be good harbour for boates , and safe riding for shippes , agowamme is nine miles to the north from salem , which is one of the most spatious places for a plantation , being neare the sea , it aboundeth with fish , and flesh of fowles and beasts , great meads and marshes and plaine plowing grounds , many good rivers and harbours and no rattle snakes . in a word , it is the best place but one , which is merrimacke , lying miles beyond it , where is a river leagues navigable , all along the river side is fresh marshes , in somes places miles broad . in this river is sturgeon , sammon , and basse , and divers other kinds of fish . to conclude , the countrie hath not that which this place cannot yeeld . so that these two places may containe twice as many people as are yet in new england : there being as yet scarce any inhabitants in these two spacious places . three miles beyond the river of merrimacke is the outside of our patent for the massachusetts bay. these be all the townes that were begun , when i came for england , which was the of august . chap. xi . of the evills , and such things as are hurtfull in the plantation . i have informed you of the country in generall and of every plantation in particular , with their commodities and wherein one excelleth another . now that i may be every way faithfull to my reader in this worke , i will as fully and truely relate to you what is evill , and of most annoyance to the inhabitants . first those which bring most prejudice to their estates are the ravenons woolves , which destroy the weaker cattell , but of these you have heard before : that which is most injurious to the person and life of man is a rattle snake which is generally a yard and a halfe long , a● thicke in the middle as the small of a mans legge , she hath a yellow belly , her backe being spotted with blacke , russet , yellow , and greene colours , placed like scales ; at her taile is a rattle , with which she makes a noyse when she is molested , or when she seeth any approach neere her , her necke seemes to be no thicker than a mans thumbe yet can she swallow a squerill , having a great wide mouth , with teeth as sharpe as needles , wherewith she biteth such as tread upon her : her poyson lyeth in her teeth , for she hath no sting . when any man is bitten by any of these creatures , the poyson spreads so suddenly through the veines & so runs to the heart , that in one houre it causeth death , unlesse he hath the antidote to expell the poyson , which is a root called snakeweed , which must be champed , the spittle swallowed , and the root applyed to the sore ; this is present cure against that which would be present death without it : this weed is ranck poyson , if it be taken by any man that is not bitten : whosoever is bittē by these snakes his flesh becomes as spotted as a leaper untill hee be perfectly cured . it is reported that if the party live that is bitten , the snake will dye , and if the partie die , the snake will live . this is a most poysonous and dangerous creature , yet nothing so bad as the report goes of him in england . for whereas he is sayd to kill a man with his breath , and that he can flye , there is no such matter , for he is naturally the most sleepie and unnimble creature that lives , never offering to leape or bite any man , if he be not troden on first , and it is their desire in hot weather to lye in pathes , where the sunne may shine on them , where they will sleepe so soundy that i have knowne foure men stride over one of them , and never awake her : or men have beene bitten by them , which by using of snakeweede were all cured , never any yet losing his life by them . cowes have beene bitten , but being cut in divers places , and this weede thrust into their flesh were cured , i never heard of any beast that was yet lost by any of them , saving one mare . a small switch will easily kill one of these snakes . in many places of the countrie there bee none of them , as at plimouth , newtowne , igowamme , nahant , &c. in some places they will live on one side of the river , and swimming but over the water , as soone as they be come into the woods , they turne up their yellow bellies and dye . vp into the countrey westward from the plantations is a high hill , which is called rattlesnake hill , where there is great store of these poysonous creatures . there be divers other kinde of snakes , one whereof is a great long blacke snake , two yards in length which will glide through the woods very swiftly ; these never doe any hurt , neither doth any other kinde of snakes molest either man or beast . these creatures in the winter time creepe into clifts of rockes and into holes under ground , where they lyd close till may or iune . here likewise bee great store of frogs , which in the spring doe chirpe and whistle like a bird , and at the latter end of summer croake like our english frogges . heere be also toades which will climbe the topes of high trees where they will sit croaking , to the wonderment of such as are not acquainted with them . i never saw any wormes or moles , but pismires and spiders be there . there are likewise troublesome flies . first there is a wilde bee or waspe , which commonly guards the grape , building by cobweb habitation amongst the leaves : secondly a great greene flye , not much unlike our horse flyes in england ; they will nippe so sore that they wil fetch blood either of man or beast , and be most troublesome where most cattle be , which brings them from out of the woods to the houses ; this flye continues but for the moneth of iune . the third is gurnipper which is a small blacke fly no bigger than a flea ; her biting causeth an itching upon the hands or face , which provoketh scratching which is troublesome to some ; this fly is busie but in close mornings or evenings , and continues not above three weekes , the least winde or heate expells them . the fourth is a musketor which is not unlike to our gnats in england ; in places where there is no thicke woods or swampes , there is none or very few . in new plantations they be troublesome for the first yeare , but the wood dec●ying they vanish ● these flies cannot endure winde , heate or cold , so that these are onely troublesome in close thicke weather , and against raine many that be bitten will fall a scratching , whereupon their faces and hands swell . others are never troubled with them at all : those likewise that swell with their biting the first yere , never swell the second : for my owne part i have bin troubled as much with them or some like them , in the country of england as ever i was there : here be the flies that are called c●antharides , so much esteemed of chirurgions , with divers kinds of butterflies . thus have you heard of the worst of the countrey : but some peradventure may say no , and reply that they have heard that the people have beene often driven to great wants and extremities ; to which i answer , it is true that some have lived for a certaine time with a little bread , other without any , yet all this argues nothing against the countrey in it selfe , but condemnes the folly and improvidence of such as would venture into so rude and unmanaged a countrey , without so much provisions as should have comfortably maintained them in health and strength till by their labours they had brought the land to yeeld his fruite . i have my selfe heard some say that they heard it was a rich land , a brave country , but when they came there they could see nothing but a few canvis boothes & old houses , supposing at the first to have found walled townes , fortifications and corne fields , as if townes could have built themselves , or corne fields have growne of themselves , without the husbandrie of man. these men missing of their expectations , returned home and railed against the country . others may object that of late time there hath beene great want ; i denie it not , but looke to the originall , and tell me from whence it came . the roote of their want sprung up in england , for many hundreds hearing of the plenty of the country , were so much their owne foes and countries hindrance , as to come without provision ; which made things both deare and scant : wherefore let none blame the co●ntry so much as condemne the indiscreetnesse of such as will needs runne themselves upon hardship . and i dare further assure any that will carrie provision enough for a yeare and a halfe , shall not neede to feare want , if he either be industrious himselfe , or have industrious agents to mannage his estate and affaires . and whereas many doe disparrage the land saying a man cannot live without labour , in that they more disparage and discredit themselves , in giving the world occasion to take notice of their droanish disposition , that would live of the sweate of another mans browes : surely they were much deceived , or else ill informed , that ventured thither in hope to live in plenty and idlenesse , both at a time : and it is as much pitty as he that can worke and will not , should eate , as it is pitty that he that would worke and cannot , should fast . i condemne not such therefore as are now there , and are not able to worke ; but i advise for the future those men that are of weake constitutions to keepe at home , if their estates cannot maintaine servants . for all new england must be workers in some kinde : and whereas it hath beene formerly reported that boyes of tenne or a twelve yeares of age might doe much more than get their living , that cannot be , for he must have more than a boyes head , and no lesse than a mans strength , that intends to live comfortably ; and hee that hath understanding and industrie , with a stocke of an hundered pound , shall live better there , than he shall doe here of twenty pound per annum . but many i know will say if it be thus , how comes it to passe then that they are so poore ? to which i answere , that they are poore but in comparison , compare them with the rich merchants or great landed men in england , and then i know they will seeme poore . there is no probability they should be exceeding rich , because none of such great estate went over yet ; besides , a man of estate must first scatter before he gather , he must lay out monies for transporting of servants , and cattle and goods , for houses and fences and gardens , &c. this may make his purse seeme light , and to the eye of others seeme a leaking in his estate , whereas these disbursments are for his future enrichments : for he being once well seated and quietly setled , his increase comes in double ; and howsoever they are accounted poore , they are well contented , and looke not so much at abundance , as a competencie ; so little is the poverty of the country , that i am perswaded if many in england which are constrained to begge their bread were there , they would live better than many doe here , that have money to buy it . furthermore when corne is scarse , yet may they have either or flesh for their labour : and surely that place is not miserably poore to them that are there , where foure egges may be had for a penny , and a quart of new milke at the same rate : where butter is sixe-pence a pound , and cheshire-cheese at five pence ; sure middlesex affoords london no better penny-worths . what though there be no such plenty , as to cry these things in the streetes ? yet every day affords these penny-worths to those that neede them in most places . i dare not say in all : can they be very poore , where for foure thousand soules , there are fifteene hundred head of cattle , besides foure thousand goates , and swine innumerable ? in an ill sheepe-yeare i have knowne mutton as deere in old-england , and deerer than goates-flesh is in new-england , which is altogether as good if fancy be set aside . chap. xii . what provision is to be made for a iourney at sea , and and what to carry with us for our use at land. many peradventure at the looking over of these relations , may have inclinations or resolution for the voyage , to whom i wish all prosperity in their undertakings ; although i will use no forcive arguments to perswade any , but leave them to the relation ; yet by way of advice , i would commend to them a few lines from the pen of experience . and because the way to new england is over sea , it will not be amisse to give you directions , what is most necessary to bee carried . many i suppose , know as well , or better than my selfe ; yet all doe not , to those my directions tend ; although every man have ship-provisions allowed him for his five pound a man , which is salt beefe , porke , salt fish , butter , cheese , pease , pottage , water-grewell , and such kinde of victuals , with good biskets , and sixe-shilling beere : yet will it be necessary , to carry some comfortable refreshing of fresh victuall . as first , for such as have ability , some conserved , and good clarret wine to burne at sea : or you may have it by some of your vintners or wine-coopers burned here , & put up into vessels , which will keepe much better than other burnt wine , is a very comfortable thing for the stomacke ; or such as are sea-sicke : sallet-oyle likewise . prunes are good to be stewed ; sugar for many things : white biskets , and egs , and bacon , rice , poultry , and some weather-sheepe to kill aboard the ship ; and fine flowre-baked meates , will keepe about a weeke or nine dayes at sea. iuyce of lemons well put up , is good either to prevent or cure the scurvy . here it must not be forgotten to carry small skillets , or pipkins , and small frying-panns , to dresse their victuals in at sea. for bedding , so it be easie , and cleanely , and warme , it is no matter how old or coarse it be for the use of the sea ; and so likewise for apparrell , the oldest cloathes be the fittest , with a long coarse coate , to keepe better things from the pitched ropes and plankes . whosoever shall put to sea in a stoute and well-conditioned ship , having an honest master , and loving seamen , shall not neede to feare , but he shall finde as good content at sea , as at land. it is too common with many to feare the sea more than they neede , and all such as put to sea , confesse it to be lesse tedious than they either feared or expected . a ship at sea may well be compared to a cradle , rocked by a carefull mothers hand , which though it be moved up and downe , yet is it not in danger of falling : so a ship may often be rocked too and againe upon the troublesome sea , yet seldome doth it sinke or over-turne , because it is kept by that carefull hand of providence by which it is rocked . it was never knowne yet , that any ship in that voyage was cast away , or that ever fell into the enemies hand . for the health of passengers it hath beene observed , that of sixe hundred soules , not above three or foure haue dyed at sea : it is probable in such a company , more might have dyed either by sicknesse or casualities , if they had stayed at home . for women , i see not but that they doe as well as men , and young children as well as either ; having their healths as well a● sea as at land : many likewise which have come with such foule bodies to sea , as did make their dayes uncomfortable at land , have beene so purged and clarified at sea , that they have beene more healthfull for after-times ; their weake appetites being turned to good stomackes , not onely desiring , but likewise disgesting such victuals as the sea affords . secondly , for directions for the countrey , it is not to be feared , but that men of good estates may doe well there ; alwayes provided , that they goe wel accommodated with servants . in which i would not wish them to take over-many : tenne or twelve lusty servants being able to mannage an estate of two or three thousand pound . it is not the multiplicity of many bad servants , ( which presently eates a man out of house and harbour , as lamentable experience hath made manifest ) but the industry of the faithfull and diligent labourer , that enricheth the carefull master ; so that he that hath many dronish servants ▪ shall soone be poore ; and he that hath an industrious family , shall as soone be rich . now for the incouragement of his men , he must not doe as many have done , ( more through ignorance than desire ) carry many mouthes , and no meate ; but rather much meate for a few mouthes . want of due maintenance produceth nothing but a grumbling spirit with a sluggish idlenesse , when as those servants which be well provided for , goe thorough their imployments with speede and cheerefulnesse . for meale , it will be requisite to carry a hogshead and a halfe , for every one that is a labourer , to keepe him till hee may receive the fruite of his owne labours , which will be a yeare and a halfe after his arrivall , if hee land in may or iune . he must likewise carry malt , beefe ▪ butter , cheese , some pease , good wines , vinegar , strong-waters , &c. whosoever transports more of these than he himselfe useth , his over-plus being sold , will yeeld as much profit as any other staple commodity . euery man likewise must carry over good store of apparrell ; for if he come to buy it there , he shall finde it dearer than in england . woollen-cloth is a very good cōmodity , and linnen better ; as holland , lockram , flaxen , hempen , callico stuffes , linsey-woolfies , and blew callicoe , greene sayes for housewives aprons , hats , bootes , shooes , good irish stockings , which if they be good , are much more serviceable than knit-ones . all kind of grocery wares , as sugar , prunes , raisons , currants , honey , nutmegs , clover , &c. sope , candles , and lamps , &c. all manner of houshold stuffe is very good trade there , as pewter and brasse , but great iron-pots be preferred before brasse , for the use of that country . warming-pannes and stewing-pannes bee of necessary use , and good trafficke there . all manner of iron-wares , as all manner of nailes for houses , and all manner of spikes for building of boates , ships , and fishing stages : all manner of tooles for workemen , hoes for planters , broad and narrow for setting and weeding ; with axes both broad an● pitching-axes . all manner of anger 's , piercing bits , whip-saws , two-handed saws , froes , both for the riving of pailes and laths , rings for beetles heads , and iron-wedges ; though all these be made in the countrey : ( there being divers blacke-smiths ) yet being a heavy commodity , and taking but a little stoage , it is cheaper to carry such commodities out of england . glasse ought not to be forgotten of any that desire to benefit themselves , or the countrey : if it be well leaded , and carefully pack't up , i know no commodity better for portage or sayle . here likewise must not be forgotten all vtensils for the sea , as barbels , splitting-knives , leads , and cod-hookes , and lines , machrill-hooks and lines , sharke-hookes , seanes , or basse nets , large and strong ; herring-nets , &c. such as would eate fowle , must not forget their sixe-foote gunnes , their good powder and shot , of all sorts ; a great round shot called bastable-shot , is the best ▪ being made of a blacker lead than ordinary shot : furthermore , good pooldavies to make sayles for boates , roads , and anchors for boates and pinnaces , be good ; sea-coale , iron , lead , and mil-stones , flints , ordonances , and whatsoever a man can conceive is good for the countrey , that will lie a● ballast , he cannot be a loser by it . and lest i should forget a thing of so great importance , no man must neglect to provide for himselfe , or those belonging to him , his munition for the defence of himselfe and the countrey . for there is no man there that beares a head , but that beares military armes ; even boyes of fourteene yeares of age , are practised with men in militarie discipline , every three weeks . who soever shall carrie over drummes and english colours , pattesons , halberds , pickes , muskets , bandelerous , with swords , shall not neede to feare good gaine for them , such things being wanting in the country : likewise whatsoever shall be needefull for fortifications of holds and castles , whereby the common enemy may be kept out in future times , is much desired . they as yet have had no great cause to feare ; but because securitie hath beene the overthrow of many a new plantation , it is their care according to their abilities , to secure themselves by fortifications , as well as they can : thus having shewed what commodities are most usefull , it will not be amisse to shew you what men be most fit for these plantations . first , men of good working , and contriving heads , a well experienced common wealths man for the good of the body politicke in matters of advice and counsell , a well skilled and industrious husbandman , for tillage and improvements of grounds ; an ingenious carpenter , a cunning ioyner , a handsome cooper , such a one as can make strong ware for the use of the countrie , and a good brickmaker , a tyler and a smith , a leather dresser , a gardner , and a taylour : one that hath good skill in the trade of fishing , is of speciall use , and so is a good fowler , if there be any that hath skill in any of these trades , if he can transport himselfe , he needs not feare but he may improve his time and endeavours to his owne benefit , and comfort ; if any cannot transport himselfe , he may provide himselfe of an honest master , and so may doe as well . there is is as much freedome and liberty for servants as in england and more too ; a wronged servant shall have right volens nolens from his injurious master , and a wronged master shall have right of his injurious servant , as well as here : wherefore let no servant be discouraged from the voyage , that intends it . and now whereas it is generally reported , that servants and poore men grow rich , and the masters and gentrie grow poore ; i must needs confesse that ●he diligent hand makes rich , and that labouring men having good store of employments , and as good pay ▪ live well , and contentedly ; but i cannot perceive that those that set them a worke are any way impoverished by them ; peradventure they have lesse monie by reason of them , but never the lesse riches ; a mans worke well done being more beneficiall than his monie , or other dead commodities , which otherwise would lye by him to no purpose . many men be so improvident as to set men about building of castles in the aire , or other unnecessary employments , he may grow poore ; but such as employ labourers about planting of corne , building of houses , fenceing in of ground , fishing , and divers other necessary occasions , shall receive as much or more by poore mens labours , than those that live in england doe from the industrie of such as they hire : wherefore i doe suppose this to be but the surmisings of some that are ignorant of the state of the countrey , or else misinformed by some ill willers to the plantations . many objections i know are daily invented , to hinder the proceedings of these new plantations , which may dampe the unsetled spirits of such as are not greatly affected with those undertakings ; some say the spaniard layes claime to the whole country , being the first discoverer hereof , and that he may make invasion upon those parts as well as he hath done upon s. christophers , and s. martins , and those places : but it doth not follow that because he tooke such places as lay just in his way to the west indies , that hee should come thousands of miles with a great navie to plant●tions , as yet not worth the pillage : and when the plantations are growne noted in the eyes of the common foes for wealth , it is hoped that when the bees have honie in their hives , they will have stings in their tailes . hath not virginia beene planted many yeares which is foure hundred miles nearer the spaniards course , and yet never met with any affrontments ; so that this scruple smells of feare and pusill-animitie . to wipe away all groundlesse calumniations , and to answer to every too too curious objections , and frivolous question ( some so simple as not ashamed to aske whether the sunne shines there or no ) were to run in infinitum ; but i hope that the severall manuscripts and letters , and informations by word of mouth from such of our honest countrimen which daily have recourse unto us , have given full satisfaction to such as are well willers to the plantations : and for such as are estrang●d to it in affection , if every word that hath beene eyther writ or spoken were a forcive argument , yet would it be two little to steddie their beleefe in any one particular concerning the country . some are nimble eared to heare faults , and so ready tongued to publish them , yea often times with strained constructions ; a false asseveration usually winneth more beleefe than two verifying negatives can resettle : some there are who count with claudian that it is an incomparable happinesse to have their birth , life & burying in the same place : these are never likly to remove further than the shell of their owne countrie . but because there are some noble spirits that devote their states , and their persons , to the common good of their king and country , i have therefore for their direction and delight made this relation ▪ for as the end of my travell was observation , so i desire the end of my observation may tend to the information of others : as i have observed what i have seene , and written what i have observed , so doe i desire to publish what i have written , desiring it may be beneficiall to posteritie ; and if any man desire to fill himselfe at that fountaine , from whence this tasting cup was taken , his owne experience shall tell him as much as i have here related , and thus i passe from the country as it stands to the english , and come to discourse how it stands to the old natives , and they to it , as followeth . the second part . of the indians , their persons , cloathings , diet , natures , customes , lawes , mariages , worships , conjurations , warres , games , huntings , fishings , sports , language , death , and burials . chap. i. of the connectacuts , mowhacks , or such indians as are west-ward . the country as it is in relation to the indians , is divided as it were into shires , every severall division being swayde by a severall king . the indians to the east and north east , bearing the name of churchers , and tarrenteenes . these in the southerne parts be called pequants , and narraganssts ; those who are seated west-ward be called connectacuts , and mowhacks : our indians that live to the north-ward of them be called aberginians , who before the sweeping plague , were an inhabitant not fearing , but rather scorning the confrontments of such as now count them but the scumme of the country , and would soone roote them out of their native possessions were it not for the english. these are a cruell bloody people , which were wont to come downe upon their poore neighbours with more than bruitish savagenesse , spoyling of their corne , burning their houses , slaying men , ravishing women , yea very caniballs they were , sometimes eating on a man one part after another before his face , and while yet living ; in so much that the very name of a mowhack would strike the heart of a poore abergenian dead , were here not hopes at hand of releefe from english to succour them : for these inhumane homicides confesse that they dare not meddle with a white faced man , accompanyed with his hot mouth'd weapon . these indians be a people of a tall stature , of long grimme visages , slender wasted , and exceeding great armes and thighes , wherein they say their strength lyeth ; and this i rather beleeve because an honest gentleman told me , upon his knowledge , that he saw one of them with a fillippe with his finger kill a dogge , who afterward ●●●ad him and sod him , and eate him to his dinner . they are so hardie that they can eate such things as would make other indians sicke to looke upon , being destitute of fish and flesh , they suffice hunger and maintaine nature with the use of vegetatives ; but that which they most hunt after , is the flesh of man ; their custome is if they get a stranger neere their habitations , not to butcher him immediately , but keeping him in as good plight as they can , feeding him with the best victualls they have . as a neere neighboaring indian assured me , who found what he had spoke true by a lamentable experience , still wearing the cognizance of their cruelty on his naked arme , who being taken by them eate of their foode , lodged in their beds , nay he was brought forth every day , to be new painted , piped unto , and hem'd in with a ring of bare skinned morris dancers , who presented their antiques before him . in a word , when they had sported enough about this walking maypole , a rough hewne satyre cutteth a gobbit of flesh from his brawnie arme , eating it in his view , searing it with a firebrand , least the blood should be wasted before the morning , at the dawning wherof they told him they would make an end as they had begun ; hee answered that he cared as little for their threats as they did for his life , not fearing death ; wherupon they led him bound into a wigwam , where he sate as a condemned prisoner , grating his teeth for anguish being for the present so hampered , and the next day to be entombed in so many living sepulchers ; he extends his strength to the utmost , breaketh the bands from his hands , and loosing the cords from his feete , thought at once to be revenged for the flesh of his arme , and finding a hatchet , layes one with an arme of revenge to the unliving of ten men at first onset , afterward taking the opportunitie of the dead of night , fled through the woods and came to his native home , where he still lives to rehearse his happie escapall ; of the rest of their inhumane cruelties let the dutchmen , ( who live among them ) testifie , as likewise the cruell manner of leading their prisoners captive , whom they doe not onely pinnion with sharpe thongs , but likewise bore holes through thei● hamstrings , through which they thread a cord coupling ten or a dozen men together . these indians be more desperate in warres than the other indians ; which proceeds not onely from the fiercenesse of their natures , but also in that they know themselves to be better armed and weaponed ; all of them wearing sea horse skinnes and barkes of trees , made by their art as impenitrable it is thought as steele , wearing head peeces of the same , under which thy march securely and undantedly , running , and fiercely crying out , hadree hadree succomee succomee we come we come to sucke your blood , not fearing the feathered shafts of the strong-armed bow-men , but like unruly headstrong stallions beate them downe with their right hand tamahaukes , and left hand iavelins , being all the weapons which they use , counting bowes a cowardly fight . tamahaukes be staves of two foote and a halfe long , and a knob at one end as round and bigge as a footeball : a iavelin is a short speare , headed with sharpe sea-horse teeth ; one blow or thrust with these strange weapons , will not neede a second to hasten death , from a mowhackes arme . i will conclude this discourse concerning the mowhackes , in a tragicall rehearsall of one of their combates . a sagamore inhabibiting neere these canniballs , was so dayly annoyed with their injurious inhumanitie , that he must either become a tributarie subject to their tyrannie , or release himselfe from thraldome by the stroke of warre , which he was unable to wage of himselfe : wherefore with faire entreaties , plausible perswasions , forcive arguments , and rich presents he sent to other sagamores , he procured so many souldiers as summed with his owne , made his forces sixe thousand strong ; with the which he resolutely marched towards his enemies , intending either to win the horse or loose the saddle ; his enemies having heard of his designes , plotted how to confront him in his enterprize , and overthrow him by trecherie ; which they thus attempted ; knowing their enemies were to swimme over a muddie river , they divided their bands lying in ambush on both sides the river , waiting his approach , who suspected no danger looking for nothing but victory ; but immediately they were invyroned with their unexpected foes , in their greatest disadvantage : for being in the water , shoote they could not , for swimming was their action ; and when they came to the side , they could not runne away , for their feete stucke fast in the mudde , and their adversaries impaled them about , clubbing and darting all that attained the shore ; so that all were killed and captived , saving three who swimming further under the waters ( like the ducke that escapeth the spannell by diving ) untill they were out of sight of their blood thirstie foes , recovered the shoare creeping into the thickets , from whence after a little breathing and resting of their weary limbes , they marched through the woods and arrived at their owne homes , relating to their inquisitive survivers the sadde event of their warre , who a long time after deplored the death of their friends , still placed the remembrance of that day in the callender of their mishappes . chap. ii. of the tarrenteenes or the indians inhabiting eastward . the tarrenteenes saving that they eate not mans flesh , are little lesse salvage , and cruell than these canniballs : our indians doe feare them as their deadly enemies ; for so many of them as they meete they kill . about yeares agoe , our indians being busie about their accustomed huntings , not suspecting them so neere their owne liberties , were on the suddaine surprized by them , some being slaine , the rest escaping to their english asylum , whither they durst not pursue them ; their sagamore was wounded by an arrow , but presently cured by english chirurgery . these indians are the more insolent , by reason they have guns which they dayly trade for with the french , ( who will sell his eyes as they say , for beaver : ) but these doe them more credit than service ; for having guns they want powder , or if they have that , they want shot , something or other being alwayes wanting ; so that they use them for little , but to salute coasting boates that come to trade , who no sooner can anchor in any harbour ; but they present them with a vollie of shot , asking for sacke and strong liquors , which they so much love since the english used to trade it with them , that they will scarse trade for any thing else , lashing out into excessive abuse , first taught by the example of some of our english who to uncloathe them of their beaver coates , clad them with the infection of swearing and drinking , which was never in fashion with them before , it being contrary to their nature to guzell downe strong drinke , or use so much as to sippe of strong-waters , vntill our bestiall example and dishonest incitation bath brought them to it ; from which i am sure hath sprung many evill consequents , as disorder , quarrels , wrongs , unconscionable and forcive wresting of beaver and wampompeage : and from over-flowing cups there hath beene a proceeding to revenge , mu●ther and over-flowing of blood . as witnesse maister wayes boate , which they sunke with stones after they had killed his son , with three more : buzzing the english in the eares , that they see it bulged against the rockes , and the men drowned in the beating surges : but afterwards being betrayed , as many as were caught , were hanged . another who was situated on richmonds iland , living as he list amongst them , making his couetous corrupt will his law ; after many abuses , was with his family one evening treacherously murthered , under a faire pretence of trade ; so that these that lived beside the law of god ▪ and their king , and the light of nature , dyed by their hands that car'd neither for god , king , nor nature . take these indians in their owne trimme and naturall disposition , and they be reported to be wise , lofty-spirited , constant in friendship to one another ; true in their promise , and more industrious than many others . chap. iii. of the pequants and narragansets , indians inhabiting southward . the pequants be a stately warlike people , of whom i never heard any misdemeanour ; but that they were iust and equall in their dealings ; not treacherous either to their country-men , or english : requiters of courtesies , affable towards the english. their next neighbours the narragansets , be at this present the most numerous people in those parts , the most rich also , and the most industrious ; being the store-house of all such kind of wild merchandize as is amongst them . these men are ●he most curious minters of their wampompeage and mowhakes , which they forme out of the inmost wreaths of pe●iwinkle-shels . the northerne , easterne , and westerne indians fetch all their coyne from these southerne mint-masters . from hence they have most of their curious pendants & bracelets ; from hence they have their great stonepipes , which wil hold a quarter of an ounce of tobacco , which they make with steele-drils and other instruments ; such is their ingenuity & dexterity , that they can imitate the english mold so accurately , that were it not for matter and colour it were hard to distinguish them ; they make thē of greene , & sometimes of blacke stone ; they be much desired of our english tobaconists , for their rarity , strength , handsomnesse , and coolnesse . hence likewise our indians had their pots wherein they used to seeth their victuals before they knew the use of brasse . since the english came , they have employed most of their time in catching of beavers , otters , and musquashes , which they bring downe into the bay , returning backe loaded with english commodities , of which they make a double profit , by selling them to more remote indians , who are ignorant at what cheape rates they obtaine them , in comparison of what they make them pay , so making their neighbours ignorance their enrichment . although these be populous , yet i never heard they were desirous to take in hand any martiall enterprize , or expose themselves to the uncertaine events of warre : wherefore the pequants call them women-like men ; but being uncapable of a jeare , they rest secure under the conceit of their popularitie , and seeke rather to grow rich by industrie , than famous by deeds of chevalry . but to leave strangers , and come to declare what is experimentally knowne of the indians , amongst whom we live : of whom in the next chapter . chap. iv. of the aberginians or indians northward . first of their stature , most of them being betweene five or six foote high , straight bodied , strongly composed , smooth skinned , merry countenanced , of complexion something more swarthy than spaniards , black hair'd , high foreheaded , blacke ey'd , out-nosed , broad shouldred , brawny arm'd , long and slender handed , out brested , small wasted , lanke bellied , well thighed , flat kneed , handsome growne l●ggs , and small feete : in a word , take them when the blood briskes in their veines , when the flesh is on their backs , and marrow in their bones , when they frolick in their antique deportments and indian postures ; and they are more amiable to behold ( though onely in adams livery ) than many a compounded phantasticke in the newest fashion . it may puzzle beliefe , to conceive how such lustie bodies should have their rise and daily supportment from so slender a fostering ; their houses being meane , their lodging as homely , commons scant , their drinke water , and nature their best cloathing ; in them the old proverbe may well be verified : ( natura paucis contenta ) for though this be their daily portion , they still are healthfull and lusty . i have beene in many places , yet did i never see one that was borne either in redundance or defect a monster , or any that sicknesse had deformed , or casualitie made decrepit , saving one that had a bleared eye , and an other that had a wenne on his cheeke . the reason is rendred why they grow so proportionable , and continue so long in their vigour ( most of them being before a wrinkled brow or gray haire bewray their age ) is because they are not brought downe with suppressing labour , vexed with annoying cares , or drowned in the excessive abuse of overflowing plenty , which oftentimes kils them more than want , as may appeare in them . for when they change their bare indian commons for the plenty of englands fuller diet , it is so contrary to their stomacks , that death or a desperate sicknesse immediately accrews , which makes so few of them desirous to see england . their swarthinesse is the sun's livery , for they are borne faire . their smooth skins proceede from the often anoynting of their bodies with the oyle of fishes , and the fat of eagles , with the grease of rackoones , which they hold in summer , the best antidote to keepe their skinne from blistering with the scorching sunne ; and it is their best armour against the musketoes , the surest expeller of the hairy excrement , and stops the pores of their bodies against the nipping winters cold . their black haire is naturall , yet it is brought to a more jetty colour by oyling , dying , and daily dressing . sometimes they weare it very long , hanging down in a loose dishevel'd womanish manner ; otherwhile tied up hard and short like a horse taile , bound close with a fillet , which they say makes it grow the faster : they are not a little phantasticall or custom-sick in this particular ; their boyes being not permitted to weare their haire long till sixteene yeares of age , and then they must come to it by degrees ; some being cut with a long foretop , a long locke on the crowne , one of each side of his head , the rest of his haire being cut even with the scalpe : the young men and souldiers weare their haire long on the one side , the other side being cut short like a screw ; other cuts they have as their fancie befooles them , which would torture the wits of a curious barber to imitate . but though they be thus wedded to the haire of their head , you cannot wooe them to weare it on their chinnes , where it no sooner growes , but it is stubbed up by the rootes , for they count it as an unusefull , cumbersome , and opprobrious excrement , insomuch as they call him an english mans bastard that hath but the appearance of a beard , which some have growing in a staring fashion , like the beard of a cat , which makes them the more out of love with them , choosing rather to have no beards than such as should make them ridiculous . chap. v. of their apparell , ornaments , paintings , and other artificiall deckings . now these naked bodies may seeme too weake to withstand the assaulting heat of their parching summers , and the piercing cold of the icie winters , or it may be surmised that these earthly fabricks should be wasted to nothing by the tempestuous dashings of wind-driven raines , having neither that which may warme within , or shelter without ; yet these things they looke not after , saving a paire of indian breeches to cover that which modesty commands to be hid , which is but a peece of cloth a yard and a halfe long , put betweene their groinings , tied with a snakes skinne about their middles , one end hanging downe with a flap before , the other like a taile behinde . in the winter time the more aged of them weare leather drawers , in forme like irish trouses , fastned under their girdle with buttons ; they weare shooes likewise of their owne making cut out of a mooses hide , many of them weare skinnes about them , in forme of an irish mantle , and of these some be beares skinnes , mooses skinnes , and beaver skinnes sewed together , otter skinnes , and rackoone skinnes ; most of them in the winter having his deepe furr'd cat skinne , like a long large muffe , which hee shifts to that arme which lieth most exposed to the winde ; thus clad , hee busles better through a world of cold in a frost-paved wildernesse , than the furred citizen in his warmer stoave . if their fancie drive them to trade , they choose rather a good course blanket , thorough which they cannot see , interposing it betweene the sunne and them ; or a piece of broade cloth , which they use for a double end , making it a coate by day , and a covering by night ; they love not to be imprisoned in our english fashion : they love their owne dogge fashion better ( of shaking their eares , and being ready in a moment ) than to spend time in dressing them , though they may as well spare it as any men i know , having little else to doe . but the chiefe reasons they render why they will not conforme to our english apparell , are , because their women cannot wash them when they bee soyled , and their meanes will not reach to buy new when they have done with their old ; and they confidently beleeve , the english will not be so liberall as to furnish them upon gif●ure : therefore they had rather goe naked than be lousie , and bri●g their bodies out of their old tune , making them more tender by a new acquired habit , which poverty would constraine them to leave : although they be thus poore , yet is there in them the sparkes of naturall pride , which appeares in their longing desire after many kinde of ornaments , wearing pendants in their eares , as formes of birds , beasts , and fishes , carved out of bone , shels , and stone , with long bracelets of their curious wrought wampompeage and mowhackees , which they put about their necks and loynes ; these they count a rare kinde of decking ; many of the better sort bearing upon their cheekes certaine pourtraitures of beasts , as beares , deares , mooses , wolves , &c. some of fowls , as of eagles , hawkes , &c. which be not a superficiall painting , but a certaine incision , or else a raising of their skin by a small sharpe instrument , under which they conveigh a certain kind of black unchangeable inke , which makes the desired forme apparent and permanent . others have certaine round impressions downe the outside of their armes and brests , in forme of mullets or spur-rowels , which they imprint by searing irons : whether these be foiles to illustrate their unparalleld beauty ( as they deeme it ) or armes to blazon their antique gentilitie , i cannot easily determine : but a sagamore with a humberd in his eare for a pendant , a black hawke on his occiput for his plume , mowhackees for his gold chaine , good store of wampompeage begi●ting his loynes , his bow in his hand , his quiver at his back . with six naked indian spatterlashes at his heeles for his guard , thinkes himselfe little inferiour to the great cham ; hee will not stick to say , hee is all one with king charles . he thinkes hee can blow downe castles with his breath , and conquer kingdomes with his conceit . this pompey can endure no equall , till one dayes adverse lotterie at their game ( called puimme ) metamorphize him into a codrus , robbing him of his conceited wealth , leaving him in minde and riches equall with his naked attendants , till a new taxation furnish him with a fresh supplie . chap. vi. of their dyet , cookery , meale-times , and hospitality at their kettles . having done with their most needfull cloathings and ornamentall deckings ; may it please you to feast your eyes with their belly-timbers , which i suppose would be but stibium to weake stomacks as they cooke it , though never so good of it selfe . in winter-time they have all manner of fowles of the water and of the land , & beasts of the land and water , pond-fish , with catharres and other rootes , indian beanes and clamms . in the summer they have all manner of sea-fish , with all sorts of berries . for the ordering of their victuals , they boile or roast them , having large kettles which they traded for with the french long since , and doe still buy of the english as their neede requires , before they had substantiall earthen pots of their owne making . their spits are no other than cloven sticks sharped at one end to thrust into the ground ; into these cloven sticks they thrust the flesh or fish they would have rosted , behemming a round fire with a dozen of spits at a time , turning them as they see occasion . some of their scullerie having dressed these homely cates , presents it to his guests , dishing it up in a rude manner , placing it on the verdent carpet of the earth which nature spreads them , without either trenchers napkins , or knives , upon which their hunger-sawced stomacks impatient of delayes , fals aboard without scrupling at unwashed hands , without bread , salt , or beere : lolling on the turkish fashion , not ceasing till their full bellies leave nothing but emptie platters : they seldome or never make bread of their indian corne , but seeth it whole like beanes , eating three or foure cornes with a mouthfull of fish or flesh , sometimes eating meate first , and cornes after , filling chinkes with their broth . in summer , when their corne is spent , isquoutersquashes is their best bread , a fruite like a young pumpion . to say , and to speake paradoxically , they be great eaters , and yet little meate-men ; when they visit our english , being invited to eate , they are very moderate , whether it be to shew their manners , or for shamefastnesse , i know not ; but at home they will eate till their bellies stand south , ready to split with fulnesse ; it being their fashion to eate all at some times , and sometimes nothing at all in two or three dayes , wise providence being a stranger to their wilder wayes : they be right infidels , neither caring for the morrow , or providing for their owne families ; but as all are fellowes at foot-ball , so they all meete friends at the kettle , saving their wives , that dance a spaniell-like attendance at their backes for their bony fragments . if their imperious occasions cause them to travell , the best of their victuals for their journey is nocake , ( as they call it ) which is nothing but indian corne parched in the hot ashes ; the ashes being sifted from it , it is afterward beaten to powder , and put into a long leatherne bag , trussed at their backe like a knapsacke ; out of which they take thrice three spoonefulls a day , dividing it into three meales . if it be in winter , and snow be on the ground , they can eate when they please , stopping snow after their dusty victuals , which otherwise would feed thē little better than a tiburne halter . in sūmer they must stay till they meete with a spring or brooke , where they may have water to prevent the imminent danger of choaking ▪ with this strange viaticum they will travell foure ot five daies together , with loads fitter for elephants than men . but though they can fare so hardly abroad , at home their chaps must walke night and day as long as they have it . they keepe no set meales , their store being spent , they champe on the bit , till they meete with fresh supplies , either from their owne endeavours , or their wives industry , who trudge to the clambankes when all other meanes faile . though they be sometimes scanted , yet are they as free as emperours , both to their country-men and english , be he stranger , or neare acquaintance ; counting it a great discourtesie , not to eate of their high-conceited delicates , and sup of their un-oat-meal'd broth , made thicke with fishes , fowles , and beasts boyled all together ; some remaining raw , the rest converted by over-much seething to a loathed mash , not halfe so good as irish boniclapper . chap. vii . of their dispositions and good qualifications , as friendship , constancy , truth , and affability . to enter into a serious discourse concerning the naturall conditions of these indians , might procure admiration from the people of any civilized nations , in regard of their civility and good natures . if a tree may be judged by his fruite , and dispositions calculated by exteriour actions ; then may it be concluded , that these indians are of affable , courteous , and well disposed natures , ready to communicate the best of their wealth to the mutuall good of one another ; and the lesse abundance they have , to manifest their entire friendship ; so much the more perspicuous is their love , in that they are as willing to part with their mite in poverty , as treasure in plenty . as he that kills a deere , sends for his friends , and eates it merrily : so he that receives but a piece of bread from an english hand , parts it equally betweene himselfe and his comerades and eates it lovingly . in a word , a friend can command his friend , his house , and whatsoever is his , ( saving his wife ) and have it freely : and as they are love-linked thus in common courtesie , so are they no way sooner dis-joynted than by ingratitude ; accounting an ungratefull person a double robber of a man , not onely of his courtesie , but of his thankes which he might receive of another for the same proffered , or received kindnesse . such is their love to one another , that they cannot endure to see their countrey-men wronged , but will stand stiffely in their defence : plead strongly in their behalfe , and justifie one anothers integrities in any warrantable action . if it were possible to recount the courtesies they have shewed the english , since their first arrivall in those parts , it would not onely steddy beleefe , that they are a loving people , but also winne the love of those that never saw them , and wipe off that needelesse feare that is too deepely rooted in the conceits of many , who thinke them envious , and of such rankerous and inhumane dispositions , that they will one day make an end of their english inmates . the worst indeede may be surmised , but the english hitherto have had little cause to suspect them , but rather to be convinced of their trustinesse , seeing they have as yet beene the disclosers of all such treacheries as have bin practised by other indians . and whereas once there was a proffer of an universall league amongst all the indians in those parts , to the intent that they might all joyne in one united force , to extirpiate the english , our indian● refused the motion , replying , they had rather be servants to the english , of whom they were confident to receive no harme , and from whom they had received so many favours , and assured good testimonies of their iove , than equals with them , who would cut their throates upon the least offence , and make them the shambles of their cruelty . furthermore , if any roaving ships be upon the coasts , and chance to harbour either east-ward , north-ward , or south-ward in any unusuall port , they will giue us certaine intelligence of her burthen and forces , describing their men either by language or features ; which is a great priviledge and no small advantage . many wayes hath their advice and endeavour beene advantagious unto us ; they being our first instructers for the planting of their indian corne , by teaching us to cull out the finest seede , to observe the fittest season , to keepe distance for holes , and fit measure for hills , to worme it , and weede it ; to prune it , and dresse it as occasion shall require . these indians be very hospitable , insomuch that when the english have trauelled forty , fifty , or threescore miles into the countrey , they have entertained them into their houses , quartered them by themselves in the best roomes , providing the best victuals they could , expressing their welcome in as good termes as could be expected from their slender breeding ; shewing more love than complement , not grumbling for a fortnights or three weekes tarrying ; but rather caring to provide accommodation correspondent to their english custome . the doubtfull traveller hath oftentimes beene much beholding to them for their guidance thorow the unbeaten wildernesse : my selfe in this particular can doe no lesse in the due acknowledgment of their love , than speake their commendations , who with two more of my associates bending our course to new plimouth , lost our way , being deluded by a misleading path which we still followed , being as we thought too broad for an indian path ( which seldome is broader than a cart's rutte ●●ut that the dayly concourse of indians from the naragansets who traded for shooes , wearing them homewards had made this indian tract like an english walke , and had rear'd up great stickes against the trees , and marked the rest with their h●tchets in the english fashion , which begat in us a security of our wrong way to be right , when indeed there was nothing lesse : the day being gloomy and our compasses at home , we travelled hard till night to lesse purpose than if we had sat still , not gaining an inch of our journey for a dayes travell : but happily wee arrived at an indian wigwamme , where we were informed of our mispris●on , and invited to a homely lodging , feasted with the haunch of a fat beere , and the ensuing morning the son of my naked hoast , for a peece of tobacco , and a foure penny whittle , tooke the clew of his traveling experience , conducting us through the strange labyrinth of unbeaten bushy wayes in the woody wildernesse twentie miles to our desired ha●bour . a second demonstration of their love in this kind may appeare in a passage of the same nature . an unexperienced wood man ranging in the woods for deere , traveled so farre beyond his knowledge , till he could not tell how to get out of the wood for trees , but the more he sought to direct himselfe out , the more he ranne himselfe in , from the home he most desired ; the night came upon him preventing his walking , and the extremitie of cold seasing upon his right foote for want of warming motion , deprived him of the use thereof , so that he could not remoove farther than his snowie bed , but had there ended his dayes , had not sixe commiserating indians , who heard of his wandering , found him out by diligent search , being almost dead with despaire and cold : but after they had conquered his despaire with the assurance of his safe conduction to his habitation , and expelled the cold by the infusion of strong waters which they brought for the same purpose ; they framed a thing like a hand barrow and carryed this selfe-helpelesse person on their bare shoulders twelve miles to his residence : many other wandring benighted coasters have beene kindly entertained into their habitations , where they have rested and reposed themselves more securely than if they had ●●ene in some blind obscure old englands inne , being the next day directed in their right way : many lazie boyes that have runne away from their masters , have beene brought home by these ranging foresters , who are as wel acquainted with the craggy mountaines , and the pleasant vales , the stately woods , and swampie groves , the spacious ponds , and swift running rivers , and can distinguish them by their names as perfectly , and finde them as presently , as the experienced citizen knows how to finde out cheape-side crosse , or london stone . such is the wisedome and pollicie of these poore men , that they will be sure to keepe correspondence with our english magistrates , expressing their love in the execution of any service they command them , so far as lyes in their powre , as may appeare in this one particular . a certaine man having layd himselfe open to the kings lawes , fearing atachment , conviction , and consequently execution : sequestred himselfe from the honest societie of his neighbours , betaking himselfe unto the obscure thickets of the wildernesse , where hee lived for a time undiscovered , till the indians who leave no place unsearched for deere , found out his haunt , and having taken notice by diverse discourses concerning him , how that it was the governers desire to know where he was ; they thought it a part of their service to certifie him where he kept his rendevouze , who thereupon desired if they could to direct men to him for his attachment , but he had shifted his dwelling , and could not be found for the present , yet he was after seene by other indians , but being double pistold , and well sworded , they seared to approach so neere him as to grapple with him : wherefore they let him alone till his owne necessary businesse cast him upon them ; for having occasion to crosse a river , he came to the side thereof , where was an indian cannow ▪ in which the indians were to crosse the river themselves , hee vauntingly commanded waftage ; which they willingly graunted , but withall plotting how they might take him prisoner , which they thus effected ; having placed him in the midship of their ticklish wherrie , they lanched forth into the deepe , causing the capering cannow to cast out her combersome ballast into the liquid water ; which swomme like a stone , and now the water having dank't his pistoles , and lost his spanish progge in the bottome , the indians swomme him out by the chinne to the shore , where having dropt himselfe a little dry , he began to bluster out a storme of rebellious resistance , till they becalmed his pelting chafe with their pelting of pibles at him , afterward leading him as they list to the governour . these people be of a kinde and affable disposition , yet are they very warie with whom they strike hands in friendshippe : nothing is more hatefull to them than a churlish disposition , so likewise is dissimulation : he that speakes seldome , and opportunely , being as good as his word , is the onely man they love . the spaniard they say is all one aramouse ( viz. all one as a dog ) the frenchman hath a good tongue , but a false heart : the english man all one speake , all one heart ; wherefore they more approve of them than of any nation : garrulitie is much condemned of them , for they utter not many words , speake seldome , and then with such gravitie as is pleasing to the eare : such as understand them not , desire yet to heare their emphaticall expressions , and lively action ; such is the milde temper of their spirits that they cannot endure objurgations , or scoldings . an indian sagomore once hearing an english woman scold with her husband , her quicke utterance exceeding his apprehension , her active lungs thundering in his eares , expelled him the house ; from whence he went to the next neighbour , where he related the unseemelinesse of her behaviour ; her language being strange to him , hee expressed it as strangely , telling them how she cryed nannana nannana nannana nan , saying he was a great foole to give her the audience , and no correction for usurping his charter , and abusing him by her tongue . i have beene amongst diverse of them , yet did i never see any falling out amongst them , not so much as crosse words , or reviling speeches , which might provoke to blowes . and whereas it is the custome of many people in their games , if they see the dice runne crosse or their cards not answere their expectations : what cursing and swearing , what imprecations , and raylings , fightings and stabbings oftentimes proceede from their testy spleene . how doe their blustering passions , make the place troublesome to themselves and others ? but i have knowne when foure of these milder spirits have sit downe staking their treasures , where they have plaied foure and twentie houres , neither eating drinking or sleeping in the interim ; nay which is most to be wondered at , not quarreling , but as they came thither in peace so they depart in peace : when he that had lost all his wampompeage , his house , his kettle , his beaver , his batchet , his knife , yea all his little all , having nothing left but his naked selfe , was as merry as they that won it ; so in sports of activitie at footeball though they play never so fiercely to outward appearance , yet angrer-boyling blood never streames in their cooler veines , if any man be throwne he laughes out his foyle , there is no seeking of revenge , no quarreling , no bloody noses , scratched faces , blacke eyes , broken shinnes , no brused members , or crushed ribs , the lamentables effects of rage ; but the goale being wonne , the goods on the one side lost ; friends they were at the footeball , and friends they must meete at the kettle . i never heard yet of that indian that was his neighbours homicide or vexation by his malepart , fancy , or uncivill tongue : laughter in them is not common , seldome exceeding a smile , never breaking out into such a lowd laughter , as doe many of our english. of all things they love not to be laught at upon any occasion ; if a man be in trade with them and the bargaine be almost strucke , if they perceive you laugh , they will scarce proceed , supposing you laugh because you have cheated them : the crocodiles teares may sooner deceive them , than the hienas smiles : although they be not much addicted to laughter , yet are they not of a dumpish sad nature , but rather naturally chearefull : a● i never saw a gigling democrite , so i never saw a teare dropping heraclite ; no disaster being so prevalent as to open the flood-gate of their eyes , saving the death of friends , for whom they lament most exceedingly . chap. viii . of their hardinesse . for their hardinesse it may procure admiration , no ordinary paines making them so much as alter their countenance ; beate them , whip them , pinch them , punch them , if they resolve not to whinch for it , they will not ; whether it be their benummed insensiblenesse of smart , or their hardie resolutions , i cannot tell ; it might be , a perillus his bull , or the disjoynting racke might force a roare from them , but a turkish drubbing would not much molest them , and although they be naturally much affraid of death , yet the unexpected approach of a mortall wound by a bullet , arrow , or sword , strikes no more terrour , causes no more exclamation , no more complaint , or whinching , than if it had beene a shot into the body of a tree : such woun●s as would be suddaine death to an english man , would be nothing to them . some of them having beene shot in at the mouth , and out under the eare , some shot in the breast , some runne thorough the flankes with darts , and other many desperate wounds which eyther by their rare skill in the use of vegitatives , or diabolicall charmes they cure in short time . although their hardinesse beare them out in such things wherein they are sure death will not ensue , yet can it not expell the feare of death , the very name and thoughts of it is so hideous to them , or any thing that presents it , or threatens it , so terrible ; insomuch that a hundred of them will runne from two or three guns , though they know they can but dispatch two or three at a discharge , yet every man fearing it may be his lot to meete with his last , will not come neare that in good earnest , which he dare play withall in jest . to make this good by a passage of experience . three men having occasion of trade amongst the westerne indians , went up with some such commodities as they thought most fit for trade ; to secure their person they tooke a carbine , two pistoles and a sword , which in outward shew was not great resistance to a hundred well skilled bow men : the indians hearing their gunnes making a thundring noyse , desired to finger one of them , & see it discharged into a tree , wondring much at the percussion of the bullet ; but they abiding two or three dayes , the gunnes were forgotten , and they began to looke at the oddes being a hundred to three , whereupon they were animated to worke treason against the lives of these men , and to take away their goods from them by force ; but one of the english understanding their language , smelt out their treachery , and being more fully enformed of their intent by the indian women , who had more pitty , hee steps to their king , and hailing him by the long haire from the rest of his councell , commanded him either to goe before him and guide him home , or else he would there kill him . the sagamore seeing him so rough , had not the courage to resist him , but went with him two miles ; but being exasperated by his men who followed him along , to resist , and goe no further ; in the end hee would not , neither for faire promises nor fierce threatnings , so that they were constrained there to kill him , which struck such an amazement and daunting into the rest of that naked crew , with the sight of the guns , that though they might easily have killed them , yet had they not the power to shoot an arrow , but followed them , yelling and howling for the death of their king forty miles ; his goods being left among them , he sent word by other indians , that unlesse they sent him his goods againe , which hee there left , hee would serve them as hee served their king , whereupon they returned him his commodities , with intreaty of peace , and promises of fairer trade if he came again . if these heartlesse indians were so cowed with so slender an onset on their owne dunghill , when there were scarce six families of ours in the countrie , what need wee now feare them being growne into thousands , and having knowledge of martiall discipline ? in the night they neede not to be feared , for they will not budge from their owne dwellings for feare of their abamacho ( the devill ) whom they much feare , specially in evill enterprizes , they will rather lye by an english fire than goe a quarter of a mile in the darke to their owne dwellings : but they are well freed from this scare-crow since the comming of the english , and lesse care for his delusions ; and whereas it hath beene reported , that there are such horrible apparitions , fearefull roarings , thundering and lightning raised by the devill , to discourage the english in their settling , i for mine owne part never saw or heard of any of these things in the countrie : nor have i heard of any indians that have lately beene put in feare , saving two or three , and they worse scar'd than hurt , who seeing a black-more in the top of a tree , looking out for his way which he had lost , surmised he was abamacho or the devill , deeming all devils that are blacker than themselves ; and being neare to the plantation , they posted to the english , and intreated their aide to conjure this devill to his owne place , who finding him to be a poore wandring black-moore , conducted him to his master . chap. ix . of their wondering at the first view of any strange invention . these indians being strangers to arts and sciences , and being unacquainted with the inventions that are common to a civilized people , are ravisht with admiration at the first view of any such sight : they tooke the first ship they saw for a walking iland , the mast to be a tree , the saile white clouds , and the discharging of ordinance for lightning and thunder , which did much trouble them , but this thunder being over , and this moving iland stedied with an anchor , they manned out their cannowes to goe and picke strawberries there , but being saluted by the way with a broad side , they cried out , what much hoggery , so bigge walke , and so bigge speake , and by and by kill ; which caused them to turne back , not daring to approach till they were sent for . they doe much extoll and wonder at the english for their strange inventions , especially for a wind-mill , which in their esteeme was little lesse than the worlds wonder , for the strangenesse of his whisking motion , and the sharpe teeth biting the corne ( as they terme it ) into such small peeces ; they were loath at the first to come neere to his long armes , or to abide in so tottering a tabernacle , though now they dare goe any where so farre as they have an english guide . the first plow-man was counted little better than a iuggler : the indians seeing the plow teare up more ground in a day , than their clamme shels could scrape up in a month , desired to see the workemanship of it , and viewing well the coulter and share , perceiving it to be iron , told the plow-man , hee was almost abamocho , almost as cunning as the devill ; but the fresh supplies of new and strange objects hath lessen'd their admiration , and quickned their inventions , and desire of practising such things as they see , wherein they expresse no small ingenuitie , and dexterity of wit , being neither furthered by art , or long experience . it is thought they would soon learne any mechanicall trades , having quicke wits , understanding apprehensions , strong memories , with nimble inventions , and a quicke hand in using of the axe or hatchet , or such like tooles ; much good might they receive from the english , and much might they benefit themselves , if they were not strongly fettered in the chaines of idlenesse ; so as that they had rather starve than worke , following no employments , saving such as are sweetned with more pleasures and profit than paines or care , and this is indeede one of the greatest accusations that can be laid against them , which lies but upon the men , ( the women being very industrious ) but it may be hoped that good example , and good instructions may bring them to a more industrious and provident course of life . for already , as they have learned much subtiltie & cunning by bargaining with the english , so have they a little degenerated from some of their lazie customes , and shew themselves more industrious . in a word , to set them out in their best colours , they be wise in their carriage , subtle in their dealings , true in their promise , honest in defraying of their debts , though poverty constraine them to be something long before ; some having died in the english debt , have left beaver by order of will for their satisfaction : they be constant in friendship , merrily conceited in discourse , not luxuriously abounding in youth , nor dotingly froward in old age , many of them being much civilized since the english colonies were planted , though but little edified in religion : they frequent often the english churches , where they will sit soberly , though they understand not such hidden mysteries . they doe easily beleeve some of the history of the bible , as the creation of the world , the making of man , with his fall : but come to tell them of a saviour , with all the passages of the gospell , and it exceeds so farre their indian beleefe , that they will cry out ( pocatnie ) id est , is it possible ? yet such is their conviction of the right way , that when some english have come to their houses , victuals being offered them , forgetting to crave gods blessing upon the creatures received , they have beene reproved by these , which formerly never knew what calling upon god meant : thus farre for their naturall disposition and qualities . chap. x. of their kings government , and subjects obedience . now for the matter of government amongst them : it is the custome for their kings to inherite , the sonne alwayes taking the kingdome after his fathers death . if there be no sonne , then the queene rules ; if no queene , the next to the blood-royall , who com●s in otherwise , is ●ut counted an usurping intruder , and if his faire carriage beare him not out the better , they will soone unscepter him . the kings have no lawes to command by , nor have they any annuall revenewes ; yet commonly are they so either feared or beloved , that halfe their subjects estate is at their service , and their persons at his command ; by which command he is better knowne than by any thing else . for though hee hath no kingly robes , to make him glorious in the view of his subjects , nor dayly guardes to secure his person , or court-like attendance , nor sumptuous pallaces ; yet doe they yeeld all submissive subjection to him , accounting him their soveraigne ; going at his command , and comming at his becke , not so much as expostulating the cause , though it be in matters thwarting their wills ; he being accounted a disloyall subject , that will not effect what his prince commands . whosoever is knowne to plot treason , or to lay violent hands on his lawfull king , is presently executed . once a yeare he takes his progresse , accompanied with a dozen of his best subjects to view his countrey , to recreate himselfe , and establish good order . when he enters into any of their houses , without any more complement , he is desired to sit downe on the ground ; ( for they use neither stooles nor cushions ) and after a little respite , all that be present , come in , and sit downe by him , one of his seniors pronouncing an oration gratulatory to his majesty for his love ; and the many good things they enjoy under his peacefull government . a king of large dominions hath his viceroyes , or inferiour kings under him , to agitate his state-affaires , and keepe his subjects in good decorum . other officers there be , but how to distinguish them by name is some-thing difficult : for their lawes , as their evill courses come short of many other nations , so they have not so many lawes , though they be not without some , which they inflict upon notorious malefactors , as traytors to their prince , inhumane murtherers , and some say for adultery ; but i cannot warrant it for a truth . for theft , as they have nothing to steale worth the life of a man , therefore they have no law to execute for trivialls ; a subject being precious in the eye of his prince , where men are so scarce . a malefactor having deserved death , being apprehended , is brought before the king , and some other of the wisest men , where they enquire out the originall of a thing ; after proceeding by aggravation of circumstances , he is found guilty , and being cast by the iury of their strict inquisition , he is condemned , and executed on this manner : the executioner comes in , who blind-folds the party , sets him in the publike view , and braines him with a tamahauke or club ; which done , his friends bury him . other meanes to restraine abuses they have none , saving admonition or reproofe ; no whippings , no prisons , stockes , bilbowes , or the like . chap. xi . of their marriages . now to speake something of their marriages , the kings or great powwowes , alias conjurers , may have two or three wives , but seldome use it . men of ordinary ranke , having but one ; which disproves the report , that they had eight or tenne wives apeece . when a man hath a desire to marry , he first gets the good-will of the maide or widdow , after , the consent of her friends for her part ; and for himselfe , if he be at his owne disposing , if the king will , the match is made , her dowry of wampompeage payd , the king joynes their hands with their hearts , never to part till death , unlesse shee prove a whore ; for which they may , and some have put away their wives , as may appeare by a story . there was one abamoch married a wife , whom a long time he intirely loved above her deservings , for that shee often in his absence entertained strangers , of which hee was oftentimes informed by his neighbours ; but hee harbouring no sparke of jealousie , beleeved not their false informations ( as he deemed them ) being in a manner angry they should slander his wife , of whose constancy hee was so strongly conceited : a long time did her whorish gloazing and syren-like tongue , with her subtle carriage , establish her in her husbands favour , till fresh complaints caused him to cast about , how to finde out the truth , and to prove his friends lyars , and his wife honest , or her a whore , and his friends true : whereupon hee pretended a long journey to visite his friends , providing all accoutraments for a fortnights journey ; telling his wife it would be so long before she could expect his returne , who outwardly sorrowed for his departure , but inwardly rejoyced , that she should enjoy the society of her old lemman ; whom she sent for with expedition , not suspecting her husbands plot , who lay not many miles off in the woods ; who after their dishonest revelings , when they were in their midnight sleepe , approaches the wiggwamme , enters the doore , which was neither barred nor lockt ; makes a light to discover what hee little suspected ; but finding his friends words to bee true , hee takes a good bastinado in his hand brought for the same purpose , dragging him by the haire from his usurped bed , so lamentably beating him , that his battered bones and bruised flesh made him a fitter object for some skilfull surgeon , than the lovely obiect of a lustfull strumpet ; which done , hee put away his wife , exposing her to the curtesie of strangers for her maintenance , that so curtesan-like had entertained a stranger into her bosome . chap. xii . of their worship , invocations , and conjurations . now of their worships : as it is naturall to all mortals to worship something , so doe these people , but exactly to describe to whom their worship is chiefly bent , is very difficult ; they acknowledge especially two , ketan who is their good god , to whom they sacrifice ( as the ancient heathen did to ceres ) after their garners bee full with a good croppe : upon this god likewise they invocate for faire weather , for raine in time of drought , and for the recovery of their sick ; but if they doe not heare them , then they verifie the old verse , flectere si nequeo superos , acharonta movebo , their pow-wows betaking themselves to their exorcismes and necromanticke charmes , by which they bring to passe strange things , if wee may beleeve the indians , who report of one pissacannawa , that hee can make the water burne , the rocks move , the trees dance , metamorphize himselfe into a flaming man. but it may be objected , this is but deceptio visus . hee will therefore doe more , for in winter , when there is no greene leaves to be got , he will burne an old one to ashes , and putting those into the water , produce a new greene leafe , which you shall not onely see , but substantially handle and carrie away ; and make of a dead snakes skinne a living snake , both to be seene , felt , and heard ; this i write but upon the report of the indians , who confidently affirme stranger things . but to make manifest , that by gods permission , thorough the devils helpe , their charmes are of force to produce effects of wonderment ; an honest gentle-man related a storie to mee , being an eye-witnes of the same : a pow-wow having a patient with the stumpe of some small tree runne thorough his foote , being past the cure of his ordinary surgery , betooke himselfe to his charmes , and being willing to shew his miracle before the english stranger , hee wrapt a piece of cloth about the foote of the lame man ; upon that wrapping a beaver skinne , through which hee laying his mouth to the beaver skinne , by his sucking charmes he brought out the stumpe , which he spat into a tray of water , returning the foote as whole as its fellow in a short time . the manner of their action in their conjuration is thus : the parties that are sick or lame being brought before them , the pow-wow sitting downe , the rest of the indians giving attentive audience to his imprecations and invocations , and after the violent expression of many a hideous bellowing and groaning , he makes a stop , and then all the auditors with one voice utter a short cant● ; which done , the pow-wow still proceeds in his invocations , somtimes roaring like a beare , other times groaning like a dying horse , foaming at the mouth like a chased bore , smiting on his naked brest and thighs with such violence , as if he were madde . thus will hee continue sometimes halfe a day , spending his lungs , sweating out his fat , and tormenting his body in this diabolicall worship ; sometimes the devill for requitall of their worship , recovers the partie , to nuzzle them up in their divellish religion . in former time hee was wont to carrie away their wives and children , because hee would drive them to these mattens , to fetch them again to confirme their beliefe of this his much desired authoritie over them : but since the english frequented those parts , they daily fall from his ●olours , relinquishing their former fopperies , and acknowledge our god to be supreame . they acknowledge the power of the english-ans god , as they call , him , because they could never yet have power by their conjurations to damnifie the english either in body or goods ; and besides , they say hee is a good god that sends them so many good things , so much good corne , so many cattell , temperate raines , faire seasons , which they likewise are the better for since the arrivall of the english ; the times and seasons being much altered in seven or eight yeares , freer from lightning and thunder , long droughts , suddaine and tempestuous dashes of raine , and lamentable cold winters . chap. xiii . of their warres . of their warres : their old souldiers being swept away by the plague , which was very rife amongst them about yeares agoe , and resting themselves secure under the english protection , they doe not now practice any thing in martiall feates worth observation , saving that they make themselves forts to flie into , if the enemies should unexpectedly assaile them . these forts some be fortie or fiftie foote square , erected of young timber trees , ten or twelve foote high , rammed into the ground , with undermining within , the earth being cast up for their shelter against the dischargements of their enemies , having loope-holes to send out their winged messingers , which often deliver their sharpe and bloody embassi●s in the tawnie sides of their naked assailants , who wanting butting rammes and battering ordinances to command at distance , lose their lives by their too neare approachments . these use no other weapons in warre than bowes and arrowes , saving that their captaines have long speares , on which if they returne conquerours they carrie the heads of their chiefe enemies that they slay in the wars : it being the custome to cut off their heads , hands , and feete , to beare home to their wives and children , as true tokens of their renowned victorie . when they goe to their warres , it is their custome t● paint their faces with diversitie of colours , some being all black as ●et , some red , some halfe red ●nd halfe blacke , some blacke and white , others spotted with divers kinds of colours , being all disguised to their enemies , to make them more terrible to their foes , putting on likewise their rich iewels , pendents and wampompeage , to put them in minde they fight not onely for their children , wives , and lives , but likewise for their goods , lands and liberties ; being thus armed with this warlike paint , the antique warriers make towards their enemies in a disordered manner , without any souldier like marching or warlike postures , being deafe to any word of command , ignorant of falling off , or falling on , of doubling rankes or files , but let fly their winged shaftments without eyther feare or wit ; their artillery being spent , he that hath no armes to fight , findes legges to run away . chap. xiiii . their games and sports of activitie . bvt to leave their warres , and to speake of their games in which they are more delighted and better experienced , spending halfe their dayes in gaming and lazing . they have two sorts of games , one called puim , the other hubbub , not much unlike cards and dice , being no other than lotterie . puim is . or . small bents of a foote long which they divide to the number of their gamesters , shuffling them first betweene the palmes of their hands ; he that hath more than his fellow is so much the forwa●der in his game : many other strange whimseyes be in this game ; which would be too long to commit to paper ; hee that is a noted gamster , hath a great hole in his eare wherein hee carries his pu●●is in defiance of his antagonists . hubbub is five small bones in a small smooth tray , t●e bones bee like a die , but something f●atter , blacke on the one side and white on the other , which they place on the ground , against which violentl● themping the platter , the bones mount changi●g colours with the windy whisking of their hands too and fro ; which action in that sport they much use , smiting themselves on the breast , and thighs , crying out , hub , hub , hub ; they may be heard play at this game a quarter of a mile off . the bones being all blacke or white , make a double game ; if three be of a colour and two of another , then they affoard but a single game ; foure of a colour and one differing is nothing ; so long as a man winns , he keepes the tray : but if he loose , the next man takes it . they are so bewitched with these two games , that they will loose sometimes all they have , beaver , moose-skinnes , kettles , wampompeage , mowhackies , hatchets , knives , all is confiscate by these two games . for their sports of activitie they have commonly but three or foure ; as footeball , shooting , running and swimming : when they play country against country , there are rich goales , all behung with wampompeage , mowhackies , beaver skins , and blacke otter skinnes . it would exceede the beleefe of many to relate the worth of one goale , wherefore it shall be namelesse . their goales be a mile long placed on the sands , which are as even as a board ; their ball is no bigger than a hand-ball , which sometimes they mount in the aire with their naked feete , sometimes it is swayed by the multitude ; sometimes also it is two dayes before they get a goale , then they marke the ground they winne , and beginne there the next day . before they come to this sport , they paint themselves , even as when they goe to warre , in pollicie to prevent future mischiefe , because no man should know him that moved his patience or accidentally hurt his person , taking away the occasion of studying revenge . before they begin their armes be disordered , and hung upon some neighbouring tree , after which they make a long scrowle on the sand , over which they shake loving hands , and with laughing hearts scuffle for victorie . while the men play the boyes pipe , and the women dance and sing trophies of their husbands conqu●sts ; all being done a feast summons their departure . it is most delight to see them play , in smaller companies , when men may view their swift footemanship , their curious tossings of their ball , their flouncing into the water , their lubberlike wrestling , having no cunning at all in that kind , one english being able to beate ten indians at footeball . for their shooting they be most desperate marks-men for a point blancke object , and if it may bee possible cornicum oculos configere they will doe it : such is their celerity and dexterity in artillerie , that they can smite the swift running hinde and nimble winked pigeon without a standing paule or left eyed blinking ; they draw their arrowes between the fore fingers and the thumbe ; their bowes be quicke , but not very strong , not killing above six or seaven score . these men shoot at one another , but with swift conveighance shunne the arrow ; this they doe to make them expert against time of warre . it hath beene often admired how they can finde their arrowes , be the weedes as high as themselves , yet they take such perfect notice of the flight and fall that they seldome loose any . they are trained up to their bowes even from their childhood ; little boyes with bowes made of little stickes and arrowes of great bents , will smite downe a peece of tobacco pipe every shoot a good way off : as these indians be good markemen , so are they well experienced where the very life of every creature lyeth , and know where to smite him to make him dye presently . for their swimming it is almost naturall , but much perfected by continuall practise ; their swimming is not after our english fashion of spread armes and legges which they hold too tiresome , but like dogges their armes before them cutting through the liquids with their right shoulder ; in this manner they swimme very swift and farre , either in rough or smooth waters , sometimes for their ease lying as still as a log ; sometimes they will play the dive-doppers , and come up in unexpected places . their children likewise be taught to swimme when they are very yong . for their running it is with much celeritie and continuance , yet i suppose there be many english men who being as lightly clad as they are , would outrun them for a spurt , though not able to continue it for a day or dayes , being they be very strong winded and rightly clad for a race . chap. xv. of their huntings . for their hunting , it is to be noted that they have no swift foote grayhounds , to let slippe at the sight of the deere , no deepe mouthed hounds , or senting beagles , to finde out their desired prey ; themselves are all this , who in that time of the yeere , when the deere comes downe , having certaine hunting houses , in such places where they know the deere usually doth frequent , in which they keep their randevowes , their snares and all their accoutraments for that imployment : when they get sight of a deere , moose or beare , they studie how to get the wind of him , and approaching within shot , stab their marke quite through , if the bones hinder not . the chiefe thing they hunt after is deere , mooses , and beares , it greeves them more to see an english man take one deere , than a thousand acres of land : they hunt likewise after wolves , and wild catts , rackoones , otters , beavers , musquashes , trading both their skinnes and flesh to the english. besides their artillery , they have other devices to kill their game , as sometimes hedges a mile or two miles long , being a mile wide at one end , and made narrower and narrower by degrees , leaving onely a gap of sixe foote long , over against which , in the day time they lye lurking to shoot the deere which come through that narrow gut ; so many as come within the circumference of that hedge , seldome returne backe to leape over , unlesse they be forced by the chasing of some ravenous wolfe , or sight of some accidentatall passinger ; in the night at the gut of this hedge , they set deere traps , which are springes made of young trees , and smooth wrought coards ; so strong as it will tosse a horse if hee be caught in it . an english mare being strayed from her owner , and growne wild by her long sojourning in the woods ranging up and downe with the wilde crew , stumbled into one of these traps which stopt her speed , hanging her like mahomets tombe , betwixt earth and heaven ; the morning b●ing come , the indians went to looke what good successe their venison trappes had brought them , but seeing such a long scutted deere , praunce in their merritotter , they bade her good morrow , crying out , what cheere what cheere englishmans squaw horse ; having no better epithite than to call her a woman horse , but being loath to kill her , and as fearefull to approach neere the friscadoes of her iron heeles , they posted to the english to tell them how the case stood or hung with their squaw horse , who unhorsed their mare , and brought her to her former tamenesse , which since hath brought many a good foale , and performed much good service . in these traps deeres , mooses , beares , wolves , catts , and foxes , are often caught . for their beavers and otters , they have other kinde of trappes , so ponderous as is unsupportable for such creatures , the massie burthen whereof either takes them prisoners , or expells their breath from their squised bodyes . these kinde of creatures would gnaw the other kind of trappes asunder , with their sharpe teeth : these beasts are too cunning for the english , who seldome or never catch any of them , therefore we leave them to those skilfull hunters whose time is not so precious , whose experience bought-skill hath made them practicall and usefull in that particuler . chap. xvi . of their fishings . of their fishing , in this trade they be very expert , being experienced in the knowledge of all baites , fitting sundry baites for severall fishes , and diverse seasons ; being not ignorant likewise of the removall of fishes , knowing when to fish in rivers , and when at rockes , when in baies , and when at seas : since the english came they be furnished with english hookes and lines , before they made them of their owne hempe more curiously wrought , of stronger materials than ours , hooked with bone hookes : but lazinesse drives them to buy more than profit or commendations winnes them to make of their owne ; they make likewise very strong sturgeon nets with which they catch sturgeons of . , and . some . foote long in the day time , in the night time they betake them to their burtchen cannows , in which they carry a forty fathome line , with a sharpe bearded dart , fastned at the end thereof ; then lightning a blazing torch made of burcthen rindes , they weave it too and againe by their cannow side , which the sturgeon much delighted with , comes to them tumbling and playing , turning up his white belly , into which they thrust their launce , his backe being impenetrable ; which done they haile to the shore their strugling prize . they have often recourse unto the rockes whereupon the sea beates , in warme weather to looke out for sleepie seales , whose oyle they much esteeme , using it for divers things . in summer they seldome fish any where but in salt , in winter in the fresh water and ponds ; in frostie weater they cut round holes in the yce , about which they wil sit like so many apes , on their naked breeches upon the congealed yce , catching of pikes , pearches , breames , and other sorts of fresh water fish . chap. xvii . of their arts and manufactures . of their severall arts and imployments , as first in dressing of all manner of skinnes , which they doe by scraping and rubbing , afterwards painting them with antique embroyderings in unchangeable colours , sometimes they take off the haire , especially if it bee not killed in season . their bowes they make of a handsome shape , strung commonly with the sinnewes of mooses ; their arrowes are made of young elderne , feathered with feathers of eagles wings and tailes , headed with brasse in shape of a heart or triangle , fastned in a slender peece of wood sixe or inches long , which is framed to put loose in the pithie elderne , that is bound fast for riving : their arrowes be made in this manner because the arrow might shake from his head and be left behind for their finding , and the pile onely remaine to gaule the wounded beast . their cordage is so even , soft , and smooth , that it lookes more like silke than hempe ; their sturgeon netts be not deepe , nor above . or . foote long , which in ebbing low waters they stake fast to the ground , where they are sure the sturgeon will come , never looking more at it , till the next low water . their cannows be made either of pine-trees , which before they were acquainted with english tooles , they burned hollow , scraping them smooth with clam-shels and oyster-shels , cutting their out-sides with stone-hatchets : these boates be not above a foot and a halfe , or two feete wide , and twenty foote long . their other cannows be made of thinne birch-rines , close-ribbed on the in-side with broad thinne hoopes , like the hoopes of a tub ; these are made very light , a man may carry one of them a mile , being made purposely to carry from river to river , and bay to bay , to shorten land-passages . in these cockling fly-boates , wherein an english man can scarce sit without a fearefull tottering , they will venture to sea , when an english shallope dare not beare a knot of sayle ; scudding ●ver the overgrowne waves as fast as a winde-driven ship , being driven by their padles ; being much like battle doores ; if a crosse wave ( as is seldome ) turne her keele up-side downe , they by swimming free her , and scramble into her againe . chap. xviii . of their language . of their language which is onely peculiar to themselves , not inclining to any of the refined tongues . some have thought they might be of the dispersed iewes , because some of their words be neare unto the hebrew ; but by the same rule they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations , because they have words which sound after the greeke , latine , french , and other tongues : their language is hard to learne ; few of the english being able to speake any of it , or capable of the right pronunciation , which is the chiefe grace of their tongue . they pronounce much after the diphthongs , excluding l and r , which in our english tongue they pronounce with as much difficulty , as most of the dutch doe t and h , calling a lobster a n●bstann . every countrey doe something differ in their speech , even as our northerne people doe from the southerne , and westerne from them ; especially the tarrenteens , whose tongues runne so much upon r , that they wharle much in pronunciation . when any ships come neare the shore , they demand whether they be king charles his torries , with such a rumbling sound , as if one we●e beating an unbrac't drumme . in serious discourse our southerne indians use seldome any short colloquiums , but speake their minds at large , without any interjected interruptions from any : the rest giving diligent audience to his utterance : which done , some or other returnes him as long an answere , they love not to speake multa sed multum , seldome are their words , and their deeds strangers . according to the matter in discourse , so are their acting gestures in their expressions . one of the english preachers in a speciall good intent of doing good to their soules , hath spent much time in attaining to their language , wherein he is so good a proficient , that he can speake to their understanding , and they to his ; much loving and respecting him for his love and counsell . it is hoped that he may be an instrument of good amongst th●m . they love any man that can utter his minde in their words , yet are they not a little proud that they can speake the english tongue , using it as much as their owne , when they meete with such as can understand it , puzling stranger indians , which sometimes visite them from more remote places , with an unheard language . chap. xix . of their deaths , burials , and mourning . although the indians be of lusty and healthfull bodies , not experimentally knowing the catalogue of those health-wasting diseases which are incident to other countries , as feavers , pleurisies , callentures , agues , obstructions , consumptions , subfumigations , convulsions , apoplexies , dropsies , gouts , stones , tooth-aches , pox , measels , or the like , but spinne out the threed of their dayes to a faire length , numbering three-score , foure-score , some a hundred yeares , before the worlds universall summoner 〈◊〉 them to the craving grave : but the date of their life expired , and deaths arestment seazing upon them , all hope of recovery being past , then to behold and heare their throbbing sobs and deepe-fetcht sighes , their griefe-wrung hands , and teare-bedewed cheekes , their dolefull cries , would draw teares from adamantine eyes , that be but spectators of their mournefull obsequies . the glut of their griefe being past , they commit the corpes of their diceased friends to the ground , over whose grave is for a long time spent many a briny teare , deepe groane , and irish-like howlings , continuing annuall mournings with a blacke stiffe paint on their faces : these are the mourners without hope , yet doe they hold the immortality of the never-dying soule , that it shall passe to the south-west elysium , concerning which their indian faith jumps much with the turkish alchoran , holding it to be a kinde of paradise , wherein they shall everlastingly abide , solacing themselves in odoriferous gardens , fruitfull corne-fields , greene medows , bathing their tawny hides in the coole streames of pleasant rivers ▪ and shelter themselves from heate and cold in the sumptuous pallaces framed by the skill of natures curious contrivement ; concluding that neither care nor paine shall molest them , but that natures bounty will administer all things with a voluntary contribution from the overflowing store-house of their elyzian hospitall , at the portall whereof they say , lies a great dogge , whose churlish snarlings deny a pax intrantibus , to unworthy intruders : wherefore it is their custome , to bury with them their bows and arrows , and good store of their wampompeage and mowhackies ; the one to affright that affr●nting c●rberus , the other to purchase more immense prerogatiues in their paradise . for their enemies and loose livers , whō they account unworthy of this imaginary happines , they say , that they passe to the infernall dwellings of abamocho , to be tortured according to the fictions of the ancient heathen ▪ chap. xix . of their women , their dispositions , employments , usage by their husbands , their apparell , and modesty . to satisfie the curious eye of women-readers , who otherwise might thinke their sex forgotten , or not worthy a record , let them peruse these few lines , wherein they may see their owne happinesse , if weighed in the womans ballance of these ruder indians , who scorne the tuterings of their wives , or to admit them as their equals , though their qualities and industrious deservings may justly claime the preheminence , and command better usage and more conjugall esteeme , their persons and features being every way correspondent , their qualifications more excellent , being more loving , pittifull , and modest , milde , provident , and laborious than their lazie husbands . their employments be many : first their building of houses , whose frames are formed like our garden-arbours , something more round , very strong and handsome , covered with close-wrought mats of their owne weaving , which deny entrance to any drop of raine , though it come both fierce and long , neither can the piercing north winde finde a crannie , through which he can conveigh his cooling breath , they be warmer than our english houses ; at the top is a square hole for the smoakes evacuation , which in rainy weather is covered with a pluver ; these bee such smoakie dwellings , that when there is good fires , they are not able to stand upright , but lie all along under the smoake , never using any stooles or chaires , it being as rare to see an indian sit on a stoole at home , as it is strange to see an english man sit on his heeles abroad . their houses are smaller in the summer , when their families be dispersed , by reason of heate and occasions . in winter they make some fiftie or threescore foote long , fortie or fiftie men being inmates under one roofe ; and as is their husbands occasion these poore tectonists are often troubled like snailes , to carrie their houses on their backs sometime to fishing-places , other times to hunting-places , after that to a planting place , where it abides the longest : an other work is their planting of come , wherein they exceede our english husband-men , keeping it so cleare with their clamme shell-hooes , as if it were a garden rather than a corne-field , not suffering a choaking weede to advance his audacious head above their infant corne , or an undermining worme to spoile his spurnes . their corne being ripe , they gather it , and drying it hard in the sunne , conveigh it to their barnes , which be great holes digged in the ground in forme of a brasse pot , seeled with rinds of trees , wherein they put their corne , covering it from the inquisitive search of their gurmandizing husbands , who would eate up both their allowed portion , and reserved seede , if they knew where to finde it . but our hogges having found a way to unhindge their barne doores , and robbe their garners , they are glad to implore their husbands helpe to roule the bodies of trees over their holes , to prevent those pioners , whose theeverie they as much hate as their flesh . an other of their employments is their summer processions to get lobsters for their husbands , wherewith they baite their hookes when they goe a fishing for basse or cod-fish . this is an every dayes walke , be the weather cold or hot , the waters rough or calme , they must dive sometimes over head and eares for a lobster , which often shakes them by their hands with a churlish nippe , and bids them adiew . the tide being spent , they trudge home two or three miles , with a hundred weight of lobsters at their backs , and if none , a hundred scoules meete them at home , and a hungry belly for two dayes after . their husbands having caught any fish , they bring it in their boates as farre as they can by water , and there leave it ; as it was their care to catch it , so it must be their wives paines to fetch it home , or fast : which done , they must dresse it and cooke it , dish it , and present it , see it eaten over their shoulders ; and their loggerships having filled their paunches , their sweete lullabies scramble for their scrappes . in the summer these indian women when lobsters be in their plenty and prime , they drie them to keepe for winter , erecting scaffolds in the hot sun-shine , making fires likewise underneath them , by whose smoake the flies are expelled , till the substance remain hard and drie . in this manner they drie basse and other fishes without salt , cutting them very thinne to dry suddainely , before the flies spoile them , or the raine moist them , having a speciall care to hang them in their smoakie houses , in the night and dankish weather . in summer they gather flagges , of which they make matts for houses , and hempe and rushes , with dying stuffe of which they make curious baskets with intermixed colours and portractures of antique imagerie : these baskets be of all sizes from a quart to a quarter , in which they carry their luggage . in winter time they are their hubands caterers , trudging to the clamm bankes for their belly timber , and their porters to lugge home their venison which their lazinesse exposes to the woolves till they impose it upon their wives shoulders . they likewise sew their husbands shooes , and weave coates of turkie feathers , besides all their ordinary household drudgerie which daily lies upon them , so that a bigge bellie hinders no businesse , nor a childebirth takes much time , but the young infant being greased and sooted , wrapt in a beaver skin , bound to his good behaviour with his feete up to his bumme , upon a board two foote long and one foot broade , his face exposed to all nipping weather ; this little pappouse travells about with his bare footed mother to paddle in the icie clammbankes after three or foure dayes of age have sealed his pass●board and his mothers recoverie . for their carriage it is very civill , smiles being the greatest grace of their mirth ; their musick is lullabies to quiet their children , who generally are as quiet as if they had neither spleene or lungs . to heare one of these indians unseene , a good care might easily mistake their untaught voyce for the warbling of a well tuned instrument . such command have they of their voices . these womens modesty drives them to weare more cloathes than their men , having alwayes a coate of cloath or skinnes wrapt like a blanket about their loynes , reaching downe to their hammes which they never put off in company . if a husband have a minde to sell his wives beaver , petticote , as sometimes he doth , shee will not put it off untill shee have another to put on : commendable is their milde carriage and obedience to their husbands , notwithstanding all this their customarie churlishnesse and salvage inhumanitie , not seeming to delight in frownes or offering to word it with their lords , not presuming to proclaime their female superiority to the usurping of the least title of their husbands charter , but rest themselves content under their helplesse condition , counting it the womans portion : since the english arrivall comparison hath made them miserable , for seeing the kind usage of the english to their wives , they doe as much condemne their husbands for unkindnesse , and commend the english for their love . as their husbands commending themselves for their wit in keeping their wives industrious , doe condemne the english for their folly in spoyling good working creatures . these women resort often to the english houses , where pares cum paribus congregatae , in sex i meane , they do somewhat ease their miserie by complaining and seldome part without a releefe : if her husband come to seeke for his squaw and beginne to bluster , the english woman betakes her to her armes which are the warlike ladle , and the scalding liquors , threatning blistering to the naked runnaway , who is soone expelled by such liquid comminations . in a word to conclude this womans historie , their love to the english hath deserved no small esteeme , ever presenting them some thing that is either rare or desired , as strawberries , hurtleberries , rasberries , gooseberries , cherries , plummes , fish , and other such gifts as their poore treasury yeelds them . but now it may be , that this relation of the churlish and inhumane behaviour of these ruder indians towards their patient wives , may confirme some in the beliefe of an aspersion , which i have often heard men cast upon the english there , as if they should learne of the indians to use their wives in the like manner , and to bring them to the same subjection , as to sit on the lower hand , and to carrie water , and the like drudgerie : but if my owne experience may out-ballance an ill-grounded scandalous rumour , i doe assure you , upon my credit and reputation , that there is no such matter , but the women finde there as much love , respect , and ease , as here in old england . i will not deny , but that some poore people may carrie their owne water , and doe not the poorer sort in england doe the same , witnesse your london tankerd-bearers , and your countrie-cottagers ? but this may well be knowne to be nothing , but the rancerous venome of some that beare no good will to the plantation . for what neede they carrie water , seeing every one hath a spring at his doore , or the sea by his house ? thus much for the satisfaction of women , touching this entrenchment upon their prerogative , as also concerning the relation of these indian squawes . because many have desired to heare some of the natives language , i have here inserted a small nomenclator , with the names of their chiefe kings , rivers , moneths , and dayes , whereby such as have in-sight into the tongues , may know to what language it is most inclining ; and such as desire it as an unknowne language onely , may reape delight , if they can get no profit . a aberginian an indian abbamocho the divell aunum a dogge ausupp a rackoone au so hau naut hoc lobstar assawog will you play a saw upp to morrow ascosc●i greene ausomma petuc quanocke give me some bread appepes naw aug when i see it i will tell you my minde anno ke ●●gge a sieve an nu ocke a bed autchu wompocke to day appause the morne ascom quom pauputchim thankes be given to god. b boquoquo the head bisquant the shoulderbones c chesco kean you lye commouton kean you steale cram to kill chicka chava osculari podicem cowimm● sleepes cocum the navell cos the nailes conomma a spoone cossaquot bow and arrowes cone the sunne cotattup i drinke to you coetop will you drinke tobaco connucke sommona it is almost night connu good night to you cow●mpaum si● god morrow coepot ice d dottaguck the backe bone docke taugh he necke what is your name e et ch●ssucke a knife eat chumnis indian corne eans causuacke fathomes easu tomm●c quocke halfe a skin of beaver epimetsis much good may your meate doe you f is not used . g gettoquaset the great toe genehuncke the fore finger gettoquacke the knees gettoquun the knuckles gettoquan the thumb gegnewaw og let me see h haha yes hoc the body hamucke almost hub hub hub come come come haddo quo du●na moquonash where did you buy that haddogoe weage who lives here i isattonaneise the bread icattop faint with hunger icatto quam very sleepie k kean i keisseanchacke backe of the hand ksitt● it hurts me kawken●g wampompeage let me see money kagmatche● will you eate meate ketott●g a whet stone kenie very sharpe ketto●a●ese lend me monie kekechoi much paine l is not used . m matchet it is nought mat●amoi to die mitchin meat misquanium very angrie mauncheake be gonne matta no meseig haire mamanock the eye brees matchanne the nose mattone the lippes mepeiteis the teeth mattickeis the shoulders mettosowset the little toe metosaunige the little finger misqu●sh the veines mohoc the wast menisowhock the genitals mocossa the black of the naile matchanni very sicke monacus bowes and arrowes manehops sit downe monakinne a coate mawcus sinnus a paire of shooes matchemauquot it stinketh muskana a bone menota a basket meatchis be merrie mawpaw it snowes mawnaucoi very strong mutchecu a very poore man monosketenog what 's this mouskett the breech matchet wequon very blunt ma●●a ka tau caushana will you not trade mowhachei● indian gold n 〈◊〉 a boy nicke squaw a maide nean you nippe water nasamp pottadge no●a sixe nisquan the elbow noenaset the third toe nahenan a blacke bird naw naunidge the middle finger napet the arme nitchicke the hand nottoquap the skinne nogcu● the heart nobpaw nocke the breast bone nequaw the thighes netop a friend nenmia give me noeicantop how doe you n●whaw nissis farewell noei pauketan by and by kill nenelah ha i le fight with you noei comquocke a codfish nepaupe stand by no ot●ut a great journie necautauh han no such matter noewamma he laugheth noeshow a father nitka a mother netchaw a brother not●nquous a kinseman nenomous a kinswoman nau maeu nais my sonne taunais my daughter no einshom give me corne nemnis take it nenimma nequitta ta auchu give me a span of any thing . ne●● nis ca su acke fathome notanumoi a little strong negac●wgh-hi lend me n●b●ks quam adiew n●● wi●yan come in nau● seam much wearie noe wammaw ●use i love you net noe whaw missu . a man of a middle stature o ottucke a deere occone a deere skinne oquan the heele ottump a bow ottommaocke tobacco ottannapeake the chinne occot●●ke the throate occasu halfe a quarter vnquagh saw au you are cunning ontoquos a wolfe p pow-wow a conjurer or wizard petta sinna give me a pipe of tobaco peoke colts-foote pappouse a child petucquanocke bread picke a pipe ponesanto make a fire papowne winter pequas a foxe pausochis a little journie peamissin a little peacumshis worke hard pokitta smoake petogge a bagge paucasu a quarter pausawniscosu halfe a fathome peunct●umocke much pray pesissu a little man pau●●●●ssoi the sunne is rising poucksha● it is broken poebugketaas you burne poussis a big bellied woman q quequas nummos what cheare quequas nim it is almost day quog quosh make haste quenobpuuncke a stoole quenops be quiet r is never used . s sagamore a king sachem idem sannup a man squaw a woman squitta a fire sparke s●ggig a basse seasicke a rattle snake shannucke a squerill skesicos the eyes sickeubecke the necke supskinge the wrist bones socottocanus the breast bone squehincke blood siccaw quant the hammes sis sau causke the shinnes su●piske ancle bones seat the foote seaseap a ducke suckis suacke a clam sequan the summer sockepup he will bite sis come out squi red swanscaw suacko fathomes sawawampeago very weake succomme i will eate you sasketupe a great man t taubut nean he● thankes heartily tantacum beate him tap in goe in titta i cannot tell tahanyah what newes tonagus the eares tannicke a cranie thaw the calfe of the leg tahascat the sole of the foote tasseche quonu●ck the insteppe tonokete naum whither goe you tannissin may which is the way tunketappin where live you tonocco wam where have you bin tasis a paire of stockings tockucke a hatchet towwow a sister tom maushew a husband tookesin enough sleepe titto kean l●atoquam doe you nod and sleepe tau kequam very heavie tauh coi it is very cold v vkepemanous the breast 〈◊〉 vnkesheto will you trucke w wampompeage indian money winnet very good web a wife wigwam a house waw●●●t enough whenan the tongue whanksis a foxe wawpatucke a goose wawpiske the bellie whoe nuncke a ditch wappinne the wind wawtom understand you wompey white wa aoy the sunne is downe wa●coh the day breakes wekemawquot it smells sweete weneikin●e it is very handsome whissu hochuck the kettle boyleth waawnew you have lost your way woenaunta it is a warme summer wompoca to morrow wawmauseu an honest man weneicu a rich man weitagcone a cleere day wawnauco yesterday x never used y yeips sit downe yaus the sides yaugh there yough yough now yoakes lice the number of . a quit nees nis yoaw abbona ocqinta enotta sonaske assaquoquin piocke appon●a qiut apponees apponis appoyoaw apponabonna apponaquinta apponenotta apponsonaske apponasquoquin neeniss●hicke the indians count their time by nights , and not by dayes , as followeth . sawup sleepes isoqu●●ocquock sleepes sucqunnocquocke sleepes yoawqunnocquock sleepes abonetta ta sucqunnocquock sleepes nequitta ta sucqunnocquock sleepes enotta ta sucqunnocquock sleepes soesicta sucqunnocquock sleepes pausa quoquin sucqunnocquock sleepes pawquo qunnocquock sleepes how they call their moneths . a quit-appause moneths neec-appause moneths ni●-appause moneths yoaw appause moneths abonna appause moneths nequit appause moneths e●otta appause moneths sonaske appause moneths assaquoquin appause moneths piocke appause moneths app●na quit appause moneths app●●●ce● appause moneths apponnis appause moneths apponyouw appause moneths nap nappona appause moneths nap napocquint appause moneths nap nap enotta appause moneths napsoe sicke appause moneths nappawsoquoquin appause moneths neesnischicke appause moneths neesnischicke appon a quit appause moneths neesnischicke apponees appause moneths neesnischick apponis appause moneths neesnischick appo yoaw appause moneths the names of the indians as they be divided into severall countries . tarrenteens churchers aberginians narragansets pequants n●pn●ts connectacuts mowhacks the names of sagamores . woenohaquahham anglice king iohn montowompate anglice king iames mausquonomend igowam sagamore chickkatawbut naponset sagamore caroni●●es narraganset sagamore osomeagen sagamore of the pequants kekut petchutacut sagamore nassawwho●an woesemagen two sagamoes of nipust . pissacannua a sagamore and most noted nigromancer . sagamores to the east and north-east , bearing rule amongst the churchers and tarrenteens . nepawhamis asteco assotomowite nannopo●nacund nattonanite . noenotchuo●k the names of the noted habitations . merrimack igowam igoshaum chobocco anglice nahumkeake salem saugus swampscot nahant wìnnisimmet mis●aum mishaumut charles towne massachusets boston mistick pigsgusset water tow napons●t matampan dorchester pawtuxet plymouth wessaguscus conihosset mannimeed soewampse● situate amuskeage pemmiquid saketeho● piscat●qua cannibek penopscot pa●toquid nawquot musketoquid nipnet whawcheusets at what places be rivers of note . cannibeck river merrimacke river t●bobocco river saugus river mistick river mishaum river naponset river wessaguscus river luddams●oard ●oard narragausets river muske toquid river hunniborne river connectacut river finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e wessagustus dorchester . roxberry . boston . charles-towne . medford . new-towne . water-towne . misticke . winnisimet . ilands there saugus . nahant . salem . agowam . merrimack river . hypocrisie unmasked: by a true relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets against samuel gorton (and his accomplices) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last, . together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said gorton, and entituled, simplicities defence against seven-headed policy, &c. discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold blasphemies; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous indians, who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the english in the other plantations. vvhereunto is added a briefe narration (occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of new-england; the president of their churches in the way and worship of god; their communion with the reformed churches; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and church-government. / by edw. winslow. published by authority. winslow, edward, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) hypocrisie unmasked: by a true relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets against samuel gorton (and his accomplices) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last, . together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said gorton, and entituled, simplicities defence against seven-headed policy, &c. discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold blasphemies; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous indians, who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the english in the other plantations. vvhereunto is added a briefe narration (occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of new-england; the president of their churches in the way and worship of god; their communion with the reformed churches; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and church-government. / by edw. winslow. published by authority. winslow, edward, - . gorton, samuel, or - . williams, roger, ?- . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by rich. cotes, for john bellamy at the three golden lions in cornhill, neare the royall exchange, london : [i.e. ?] actual publication date inferred from information in title: "examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last, ."; thomason copy bound with items published in . contains letters from samuel gorton and "his accomplices", a letter from roger williams, and letters from the inhabitants of providence. annotation on thomason copy: "oct. d". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng gorton, samuel, or - . -- simplicities defence against seven-headed policy. church and state -- massachusetts -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hypocrisie vnmasked : by a true relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets against samvel gorton ( and his accomplices ) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof , examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in new-england in november last , . together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders , and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said gorton , and entituled , simplicities defence against seven-headed policy , &c. discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open , his manifold blasphemies ; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous indians , who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the english in the other plantations . vvhereunto is added a briefe narration ( occasioned by certain aspersions ) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of new-england ; the president of their churches in the way and worship of god ; their communion with the reformed churches ; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and church-government . by edw. winslow . psal . . . what shall be given unto thee , or what shall be done unto thee thou false tongue ? vers . . sharpe arrows of the mighty , with coales of juniper . published by authority . london , printed by rich. cotes for john bellamy at the three golden lions in cornhill , neare the royall exchange , . to the right honovrable robert earl of warwick , governour in chiefe , and lord high admirall of all those islands and other plantations of the english in america ; together with the rest of those truly honorable members of both houses of parliament joyned in commission with him for ordering the affaires of the said plantations . right honourable , were not your wisdome and experience in the great and weighty affaires of state so well known , and were yee not so much accustomed to the unjust complaints of clamorous persons ▪ i might be discouraged to appeare in the righteous cause of the united colonies of new-england , and more especially in the behalf of the governour and company of the massachusets , to render a reason of their just and righteous proceedings against samuel gorton and his companions , who however ( where they are unknown ) they goe here under the garbe of a peaceable people ; yet if your honours , and the rest ●f the honourable committee shall be pleased ( when more weighty employments shall give way ) to peruse our just defence against his clamorous complaints , and scandalous treatise , called , simplicities defence against seven-headed policy , &c. i make no question but yee will receive full satisfaction in what we have done , and be ready to justifie our proceedings against them as godly and righteous . the reason wherefore i am forced to appeare in print before i give a particular answer to your honou●s , and the rest of the honourable committee , is , because i find a more grosse deformatory aspersion cast upon the countrey to the publick view of our nation : which as it is deare in our eyes ( witnesse our frequent publick solemn dayes of prayer to the throne of grace for it , together with our private supplications , which the searcher of the heart best knows , sympathizing with it in every condition , to the losse of ships , goods , &c. to the great weakening of our estates ) so wee desire to remove whatsoever may sadden the thoughts of our nation against us ; especially your honours , and all that are godly in christ jesus . what greater wrong can bee done a poore persecuted people that went into the wildernesse to avoid the tyrannicall government of the late hierarchy , and to enjoy the liberties christ jesus hath left unto his churches ( which these blasphemous adversaries of ours , so much sleight and cast off ) then to be accounted persecutors of christ in his saints , yea , to go thither to that end , to become outragiously cruell , barbarously inhumane , uniting together to suck the blood of our country-men , &c. and yet right honorable , it will and doth appear in the following treatise , that samuel gorton was prosecuted against , first , at plymouth as a grosse disturber of the civill peace and quiet of that government , in an open factious and seditious manner . secondly , hee was no lesse troublesome , but much more at roade island , having gotten a strong party to adhere unto him , affronting that government ( as plymouth ) in their publique administration of justice so foully and grossely , as mine eares never heard the like of any ; to which relation in the following discourse i referre your honours , being compiled as briefly as may bee ▪ gorton being there whipt in his person , and thence banished with some of his principall adherents , they went next to providence , where mr. williams , and some others have built a small towne . this people receiving them with all humanity in a cold season , when the former places could no longer beare his insolencies ; hee soone undermined their government , gained a strong party amongst them to his owne , to the great distraction of mr. williams , and the better party there , contending against their laws , and the execution of justice , to the effusion of bloud , which made mr. williams and the rest sadly complaine to the government of the massachusets , and divers of them take the protection of that government , to defend their persons and estates . but when they saw mr. williams resolve rather to lose the benefit of his labours , then to live with such ill-affected people , and the neighbour governments become affected with gortons mis-rule there also , hee ( and his companions in evill ) began then to thinke of buying a place of a great asp●ring sachim , or indian prince , to the wrong of the proper owners , ( two infer●●ur sachims ) who also , as well as divers english of providence , submitted their persons and lands to the government of the massachusets , and desired their protection not onely against the oppressing tyranny of myantonimo the foresaid great sachim , but against gorton and his companions , who intr●ded into their proper right , by unwarrantable meanes , &c. now the government of the massachusets having used all due meanes and none prevailing , but their gentlenesse answered with the greatest contempt that might bee : at the next meeting of the commissioners for the united colonies they complained of gorton and his irregular companions , which the said commissioners tooke into serious consideration , and the more because of gortons , &c. extraordinary familiarity with myantonimo , and the rest of the nanohigganset sachims , who were knowne to bee in a deepe conspiracy against all the english in the land at the same time . and therefore by a solemne act gave liberty to the government of the massachusets to call them to account , and proceed with them so farre as might stand with righteousnesse and justice , which they accordingly did . now these right honourable , &c. are the true causes of all the censures and punishments that befell gorton in the countrey ; onely needlesly in his and their contemptuous answers to the modest and well-ordered writings of the said government of the massachusets , they b●lched forth such horrid blasphemies , not onely against them in particular , and civill government in the generall , but against the received christian religion of all the reformed churches in europe , as well as our selves ; insomuch as many tender consciences , both ministers and others , thought the government did not well in giving him such liberty , whereby hee may and doth ( as is reported ) poyson other persons and places with his corrupt opinions , to the great dishonour of god , and ruine of the soules of his followers , who reject the meanes of grace go● hath sanctified to strengh●hen and build up his people in faith and holinesse . but that i may not bee tedious , i shall presume to preferre these following requests to your honours and the rest of the honoured committee this renowned parliament hath betrusted with the affaires of the forraigne plantatio●s of our nation : the first is to strengthen the ceasure of the massachusets by your favourable approbation , so farre as it shall appeare to bee just and righteous ▪ and then shall the cou●trey bee the more preserved from their feares of the go●tonians desperate close with so dangerous enemies as their malignant neighbours the nanohiggansets ; which i perswade my selfe , if you leisures will suffer you to read the following discourse , you will easily condescend unto ▪ there being nothing ( i thanke god in it ) affirmed by mee , but as it is affirmed hereunto i may safely depose . a second thing is , that yee will never suffer samuel gorton this pestilent disturber of our societies , any more to goe to new-england to disquiet the peace thereof . my third request is , that yee will be pleased to suffer new-plymouth , to enjoy their former liberty in the line of their government , which includeth their very seat , even shawamet it selfe , where gorton and his company dwelt . my fourth request is , to take into your serious consideration , how destructive it will prove to the well-being of our plantations and proceedings there , ( who by gods blessing are growing up into a nation ) here to answer to the complaints of such malignant spirits as shall there bee censured by authority , it being three thousand miles distant , so far as will undoe any to come for justice , utterly disabling them to prove the equity of their cause , unlesse their estate bee very great . my fifth and last request is , that your honours , and the rest of the honoured committee will be pleased to patronize the weake labours of your humble servant , in the just defence hee hath made for new-england , and the severall governments of it ( especially the massachusets ) against the grosse calumnies of the fore-mentioned scandalous treatise published by the said gorton : and herein yee shall not onely oblige our plantations of new-england to continue their daily request to the god of all mercies for a blessing upon this renowned parliament , and your honours , and the rest of this honoured committee in especiall , but to engage with , and for them and you , against all opposers of the state , to the last drop of bloud in our veines ; yea , hereby shall you sweeten the tedious travels , great charges and labours of me their unworthy agent , who doe and shall daily pray to god to recompense your vast hazzards , expenses , studies , and cares , ( to advance the weale publike of this distressed kingdome , and the severall limbs thereof ) with all the blessings of heaven and earth to you and yours to succeeding generations . yours honours humble devoted servant , edvv. winslovv . a trve relation of the proceedings of the governour and company of the massachusets in new-england , against samuel gorton and his accomplices ; with the grounds and reasons thereof , examined and allowed by their generall court holden at boston in november , . samvel gorton lived sometime at plymouth , where his behaviour was so turbulent and offensive both to the magistrates and others , as they were necessitated to drive him out of their jurisdiction . from thence hee went to roade-island , where hee began to raise sedition , and to make a party against the authority there ; for which hee was apprehended and whipped , and so sent away . from thence ( with some others whom hee had gathered to his part ) hee removed to providence , where mr. roger williams then lived . hee ( with some others ) opposed his ●itting down there as an inhabitant , onely in regard of his present distresse , they gave way for his abode for a time . but being once housed , hee soon drew so great a party to him , as it was beyond the power of mr. williams and his party to drive them out , or to rule them there ; so as both parties came armed into the field each against other , and had fought it out , had not mr. williams used meanes for pacification . hereupon many of the chiefe of providence sent messengers with a letter to the governour and councell of the massachusets , desiring aide against gorton and his company ; but they were answered , that not being within our jurisdiction nor consederation we had no ground to interpose in their quarrells . soone after some of those men tendred themselves and their lands to come under our government , and were received . there live neere to providence two small indian sachims called pumham and socononoco , who though they are as free as the great sachim of the nanohigganset : yet myantonimo the then sachim of of nanohigganset ( being a very proud and sterne man ) kept them in great awe . this poore sachim pumham had a large parcell of land neer providence , very convenient for plantation , which gorton and his company ( being now about , or . ) taking notice of , and fearing they should not be able to keep their power long where they were , dealt with myantonimo for this parcell of land , promising him a good parcell of wampam for it . and because they knew that pumham was the true owner of it , they dealt with him also ; but he refusing to sell it ( for hee dwelt upon it , or very neare to it ) they caused myantonimo to send for him , and having drawn a writing purporting the sale thereof for a certaine consideration to bee given to both of them , myantonimo signed it , and hee for feare of myantonimo set his mark to it also , not knowing what it was . but when gorton tendred him the consideration for it , hee utterly refused it , it being the indians manner not to account any thing sold , till the party have received the thing it is sold for . but upon this colourable title gorton and his company enter upon the land , and build some houses , and withall much wrong the indians with their cattle , and having myantonimo their friend , behave themselves very insolently toward the poor indians , who ( having no friends or meanes to relieve themselves ) came and tendred themselves and their lands to the government of the massa●●usets , who ( by order of the court ) gave notice thereof to myantonimo , and appointed him to come or send to the next court at boston , to shew his title or interest ( if hee had any ) to the said pumham and socononoco or their lands . at the time appointed hee came , and pretended that they were his vassalls , but it appeared clearly both by a writing from mr. williams , and the testimony of some other english in those parts , and of divers other indians no way related to them , that they were free sachims ; so as myantonimo having nothing to reply , the court received the two indian sachims with their subjects and lands under the government and protection of the massachusetts ; and upon that writ to our neighbours of providence , intimating the same to them , and advising gorton and his company , that if they had any just title to the lands they possessed , they should come , or send some for them to shew the same to the court , and offered them safe conduct . this letter from the court they tooke in great disdaine , and returned scornfull and menacing answers by word of mouth , and a good time after they wrote a letter to the court full of reproach and blasphemies , not onely against the magistrates , but against the churches and ordinances , as by the copy thereof hereafter following will appeare . notwithstanding these provocations and daily wrongs offered to those few english their neighbours ( who had formerly submitted themselves to our government ) wee sate still neare halfe a yeare , and before we attempted any thing against them , wee advised with the commissioners of the united colonies , who ( upon testimony of their insolent and injurious courses , and perusall of the letter they sent to us ) left them to us to proceed according to justice . whereupon the court sent againe to them by two of their members , who carryed letters ( to require and perswade them to come and give satisfaction , ) and a safe conduct withall ; but they entertained those messengers as they had done the former , threatening to whip one , whom they tooke along with them ; and sent us word , that if wee had any thing to say to them , wee should come to them , and wee should have justice there , and that if wee came with force , they would meet us half the way . our messengers returning with these scornfull answers , the court resolved to send some force to fetch them in ; and in the mean time there came a second letter from them ; ( the copy whereof is hereafter also set downe ) but before wee sent forth our souldiers , wee wrote to them to this effect : viz. that although the injuries and provocations wee had indured from them were very grievous , yet that our justice and moderation might appeare to all men , wee had condescended so farre to their owne proposition , as wee would send some commissioners to them , to heare their answers and allegations , and if thereupon they would give us such satisfaction as should bee just , wee would leave them in peace ; if otherwise , wee would right our selves by force of armes : and signified withall , that wee would send a sufficient guard with our commissioners ; for seeing they would not trust themselves with us upon our safe conduct , wee had no reason to trust any of ours with them upon their bare curtesie . accordingly about a week after wee sent three commissioners , and musqueteers with them , with instructions , first to speak and treate with them , and to require satisfaction according to justice , and if it were denyed , then to take them by force , and bring them prisoners to boston ; and to take withall so much of their substance as should satisfie our charges . by the way as they went they met with another letter from them , letting them know , that they feared them not , but were prepared for them : and accordingly they had fortified themselves in one house ( some of them ) and had lined the walls with earth ( musket proofe ) and had made flanckers , and provided victualls , &c. to indure a siege . so that when our commissioners came to the place , they would admit no parly . but after a while , by the mediation of some of their neighbours , they were content to parley , and offered to referre the cause to arbitrators , so as some of them might bee of providence , or of roade island . our commissioners were content to send to us to know our minds about it , and in the meane time sate still . such of the court as could meet , returned answer that their proposition was neither seasonable nor reasonable , nor could it bee safe or honourable for us to accept thereof : because they would never offer nor hearken to any termes of agreement before our souldiers had them in their power . because the ground of their proposition was false , for wee were not parties ( as they pretended ) but equall judges between the indians and others who were complainants , and themselves , ( and yet in a case of warre , parties may bee judges . ) they were no state , or body politique , but a few fugitives living without law or government , and so not honourable for us to joyne with them in such a way of reference . the parties whom they would referre it unto , were such as had been rejected by us , and all the governments in the country , and so not likely to bee equall to us , nor able to judge of the cause : and their blasphemous and reproachfull writings , &c. were not matters fit to bee composed by arbit●ement , ( being deeply criminall ) but either to bee purged away by repentance and publique satisfaction , or else by publique punishment . for these and other reasons , the commis●●oners were required to pro●●●d according to their instructions . and thereupon they intrenched themselves about the house , and in few dayes forced them to yeeld , and so brought them to boston , where they were kept in prison till the court sate , and had their dyet from the cookes ( as good meat and drinke as the towne afforded . ) the next lords day they refused to goe to the church assembly , except they might have liberty to speake there , as occasion should be . they were answered by some of the magistrates that it appertained to the elders to order the affairs of the church , but they might presuppose they should not bee denyed such liberty , speaking words of truth and sobernesse . so in the afternoon they came , and were placed in a convenient seate before the elders . mr. cotton the teacher taught then ( in his ordinary course ) out of acts . of demetrius speech for diana her silver shrine . after sermon gorton desired leave to speake , which being granted , hee tooke occasion from the sermon to speake to this effect , that in the church now there was nothing but christ , so that all our ordinances , ministers , and sacraments , &c. were but mens inventions , for shew and pomp , and no other then those silver shrines of diana . he said also , that if christ lives eternally , then he died eternally , and other speeches of like kinde . and indeed it appeareth both by his speeches and letters , that it was his opinion , that christ was incarnate in adam , and was that image of god , wherein adam was created ; and that the chiefe worke and merit lay in his inanition , when he became such a thing , so meane , &c. and that his being borne after of the virgin mary , and suffering , &c. was but a manifestation of his suffering , &c. in adam . another of them said that the sabbath was christ , and so was borne of the virgin mary . they called magistracy among christians an idol ; yet they did acknowledge a magistracy in the world to bee subjected to as an ordinance of god , but onely as naturall ; as the father over his wife and children , and an hereditary prince over his subjects . their first appearance before the court was upon the lecture day at boston , before a very great assembly , where first the governour declared the cause and manner of all the proceedings against them , and their letters were openly read , and they had liberty to object , and answers were given , as followeth : first , to their plea , that they were not within our jurisdiction ; it was answered : if they were not within ours , yet they were within the jurisdiction of one of our confederates , who had referred them to us . if they were within no jurisdiction , then was there none to complaine to for redresse of our injuries in way of ordinary justice , and then we had no way of relief but by force of ar●es . secondly , to their plea of persecution for their conscience , &c. it was answered , that wee did not meddle with them for their opinions , otherwise then they had given us occasion , by their owne letters and free speeches amongstus , for wee wrote to them about civill controversies onely , and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphemies and revilings against the ordinances of religion set up with us . thirdly , for their title to the indians lands : wee had divers times desired them to make it appeare ; but they alwayes refused , even to our commissioners , whom ( according to their owne motion ) wee sent last to them : and since they were in prison , wee offered them to send for any witnesses they would name to us for that end , but this also they refused . so that our title ( by the indians surrender ) appeareth good , and having regained possession , we need not question them any further about that . their letters being read and their subscriptions acknowledged , they were demanded severally if they would maintaine those things which were contained therein . their answer was , that they would , in that sense they wrote them , and so were returned to prison . the next day they were brought before the court severally to be examined upon particulars , ( many of the elders being desired to bee present ) because they had said they could give a good interpretation of every part of their letters . but the interpretation they gave being contrary to the words , they were demanded if they would then retract those words , so plainely different from their pretended meanings . but this they refused to doe , saying , that then they should deny the truth ; for instance in one or two . their letters were directed , one of them , to their neighbours of the massachusets : and the other , to the great honoured idoll generall of the massa●●usets , and by a messenger of their owne delivered to our governour , and many passages in both letters particularly applyed to our courts , our magistrates , our elders , &c. and yet upon their examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull passages , they answered that they meant them , of the corrupt estate of mankinde in generall , and not of us . so , whereas in their letter they charged it upon us , as an errour that we teach , that christ dyed actually onely , when he suffered under pontius ●ilate ; and before , onely in types , &c. upon their examination they said , that their meaning was , that his death was actuall to the faith of the fathers under the law , ( which is in effect the same which we hold : ) yet they would not retract their words they had written . the elders conferred many houres with them before the court , and by occasion thereof they discovered divers blasphemous opinions , which they maintained , we will instance one which was mentioned before , delivered by gorton , viz. that the image of god wherein adam was created , was christ ; and adams loosing that image was the death of christ , and the restoring of that image in the regeneration , was the resurrection of christ : and so the death of him that was borne of the virgin mary was but a manifestation of the former . master william tompson one of the elders had spent some time with them before in the prison about the opinions which they held forth , and they had professed their agreement with him ( for substance ) in every point , so as he came to the court with a purpose to speak in their behalf , but when he heard themselves discover thus upon their publique examinations , he shewed how he had beene deluded by them . for they excell the jesuites in the art of equivocation , and regard not how false they speake , to all other mens apprehensions , so they keepe to the rules of their owne secret intentions . being asked why they spake against the ordinances of the ministery , sacraments , &c. seeing the scripture allowes them ? they answered that they were ordained onely for the time of nonage , but after the revelation was written , they were to cease , because we finde no mention of them in that booke . they were unlearned men , the ablest of them could not write true english , no not in common words , yet they would take upon them to interpret the most difficult places of scripture , and wrest them any way to serve their owne turne . as for instance , mr. cotton pressing gorton with that in act. . who can forbid water , why these should not be baptised , &c. he interpreted thus , who can deny but these have beene baptised , seeing they have received the holy ghost , &c. so he allowed them to have beene baptised . this shift ●e was put to , that he might maintaine his opinion , viz : that such as have beene baptized with the holy ghost , need not the baptisme of water . divers dayes were spent both by the court and the elders in labouring to bring them to repentance , but all in vaine . they continued obstinate . whereupon they agreed to sentence them , but first they brought them in publique before a great assembly , and there ( out of their letters and speeches ) they laid upon them this charge , viz. they were found to be blasphemous enemies of the true religion of our lord jesus christ , and of all his holy ordinances , and likewise of all civill government among his people , and particularly within this jurisdiction . then they were demanded , if they did acknowledge this charge to be just , and would submit to it , or what exception they had against it ? they answered , they did not acknowledge it to be just , but they fell into some cavilling speeches , so they were returned unto prison againe . being in prison they behaved themselves insolently towards their keeper , and spake evill of the magistrates , so as the keeper was forced to threaten them with irons , to keepe them quiet . after all meanes used to reclaime them , and not prevailing , they were brought before the court to receive their sentence , which was this . gorton and six more of them , were to be sent to severall townes , there to bee kept to worke for their livings , and to weare an iron chaine upon one leg , and not to depart the limits of the towne , nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blasphemous or wicked errours upon paine of death , except in conference with any of the elders , or any other allowed by some magistrate to conferre with them ; and this to continue during the pleasure of the court. three of the company ( because they had not their hands to the letters ) were set at libertie , two of them upon a small ransome as prisoners taken in warre , and the other , freely , for that he was amongst them in his masters house , where they were taken ; a fourth being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was discharged also , onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our townes , but hee went away and returned no more , contrary to his promise . there were two other who were brought in after ; ( but not by force ) the one of them disclaiming to have any hand in the letters , was discharged presently ; the other was kept a while in prison , and after upon his submission &c. was released . gorton and the other six remained in the severall townes all that winner ; and then in regard of their wives and children ( who were like to be much distressed by their husbands absence ) they were set at liberty , and banished upon paine of death if they were found in any part of our jurisdiction . after the court had passed sentence upon them for their c●●finement , we sent to fetch so many of their cattle , as might defray the charges they had put us to , which amounted to about one hundred and sixty pounds , but the cattle came not to so much , for we left every of them a part for the support of their families , and some of them had no cattle at all . the letters follow . mooshawset novemb : . . to our neighbours of the massachusets . vvhereas we lately received an irregular note , professing its forme from the massachusets , with four mens names subscribed thereunto , as principall authors of it , of the chiefe amongst you ; we could not easily give credit to the truth thereof , not onely because the conveyers of it unto us , are knowne to bee men , whose constant and professed acts are worse , then the counterfeiting of mens hands ; but also , because we thought that men of your parts and profession , would never have prostrated their wisdome to such an act . but considering that causlesse enmity you have against us ; the proofe wherof , every occasion brings forth ; wee cannot but conclude , that no act so ill which that ancient mother will not bring forth her seed unto . for wee know very well , that it is the name of christ called upon us , which you strive against ; thence it is that you stand on tip-toe , to stretch your selves beyond your bounds ; to seeke occasion against us ▪ ( so ) as you might hide your sinne with adam , bearing the world in hand ; it is not your desire to contend with us ; but some civill breach in our courses , which you onely seeke to redresse . whereas neither you , nor any ( in way of truth ) can finde wherewith , to bring us under the censure of a disorderly course of walking amongst men : and as for the way of that ancient spirit of accusation of the brethr●● , we weigh it not , knowing him to be a lyer , ( or in the abstract , a lye ) from the beginning , yea and the father of it als● which thing you cannot know , though it were told unto you . whereas you say , robert cole , william ar●●●ld with others , have put themselves under the government and protection of your jurisdiction which is the occasion you have now got to contend ; we wish your words were verified , that they were not elsewhere to be found , being nothing but the shame of religion , disquiet , and disturbance of the place where they are . for , we know neither the one nor the other , with all their associates and confederates , have power to enlarge the bounds , by kinge charles limited unto you . behold therfore in this your act , a map of your spirituall estate , ( to use your owne phrase ) for we know that the spirituality of your churches , is the civility of your commonweale , and the civility of your comonwealth , is the spirituality of your churches , the wisdome of man , being the whole accomplishment of them both ; of which tree , you delight dayly to eate ( finding it faire and beautifull ) to gaine conformity with your maker . in these your dissembling subjects ; grosly profane amongst us , but full of the spirit of your purity , when they are with you , you may remember the brand your selves have set upon some of them , the cause wherof was never yet removed , though it abide not upon their backe ; nor yet the cause of your commitment of them unto sathan according unto your law , for if that were removed , you should doe them wrong , in not resuming your vomit into its former concoction againe ; nor are we ignorant of those disgracefull tearmes they use , and give out against you , behind your backes , their submission therfore can bee to no other end , but to satisfie their owne lusts , not onely conceived , but in violent motion , against their neighbours , who never offered the least wrong unto them , only the proposition of amity , is object sufficient , for these mens enmitie . even so the passions of sin , which are by the law , having force in your members ; you going about with great labour and industry to satisfie them by your submission unto the word of god , in your fasting , and feasting , in contributing , and treasuring , in retirednesse for study , and bowing of the backes of the poore , going forth in labour to maintaine it , and in the spirit of that hireling , raising up , your whole structure and edifice , in all which you bring forth nothing but fruit unto death , some labouring for a price to give for the keeping of their soules , in peace and safe estate and condition , and some to have their bodies furnished with riches , honour and ease , and further then the lord jesus agrees with these , you mind him not , nay you renounce and reject him , and with these ( according to your acceptation and practice ) he holds no correspondency at all , being the consultation and operation of that his onely adversarie , man being that which you depend uppon , and not the lord , crying out in way of elevation , and aplauding his ministers , when in the meane time , you know not what , nor who they are , professing them under a mediate call of christ , though formerly , they have beene called immediately by him , herby showing your selves to be those , that destroy the sacred ordinance of god : for if you make christ to be that to day , in stateing his ministers ; which he was not yesterday , and that in the tyme of the gospell also , ( to speake acording to your law ) to be found in them both , you therin affirm , that he hath beene that to his ministers , which now he is not , and to make the son of god to have beene that which now he is not , is to make a nullitie of him , not to be at all , for he is the lord that changeth not , no not a shadow therof is found in him , so that you plainely crucifie unto your selves , the lord of glory , and put him to an open shame ; so that as you know not , how christ , conversing with his father in heaven , is found on the earth , amongst the true worshippers , no more do you know , how in his conversing with nicodemus on the earth , he concludes himselfe to be in heaven , with his father . on this foundation hangeth the whole building of your doctrine , concerning the sufferings of christ , you annihilate the cross , then the which , the saints have no other consolation : and prepare no better a place then purgatory , for the honourable fathers of our lord : for you conclude , that christ dyed in the decree , and purpose god , in the time of the law , but actually onely when he hanged on the crosse in the dayes of herod and pontius pilate , that hee was crucified in the types and shadowes of the law , but in the truth , and substance , when hee appeared borne of the virgin mary : so must you also conclude that the fathers under the law , were only saved , in purpose and decree , in type and shadow , but actually and substantially onely at the comming of christ in the flesh : therefore deale plainely with those that depend upon you for instruction ( as your ancestours in the papacie have don ) and proclaime a place of purgatorie , provided for them in them meane , without which , your doctrine hath no foundation . for if you raise up a shaddow , without a substance , and the substance of him that dwelleth in light , without a shaddow , you play the part of wisards , or necromancers , not the part of true naturalists , in the things of the kingdome of god . so that as farre as these men are from beinge honourable and loyall subjects , so farre are you from being voluntaries in the day of gods power , and from yeelding subjection unto the beauties of holiness . such also is your professed rule , and government , in the things that concern the kingdom of our god , they are infinitly beyond , and out of the reach of that spirit which is gone out amongst you , the capacity wherof can no wayes comprehend , the breadth of the land of emanuel , nor en●reth it within the vale , therefore it cannot know those cherubims of glory , neither can it heare the voice of that lively oracle , speaking onely from off the covering mercy-seate , and not elsewhere to be heard ; we speake not but what wee know , these things are out of its jurisdiction ; therfore dumb in telling justice , nor speakes it any of that righteousnesse and glory , comprysed in another circuit , then ever you were yet made lords of : long therfore may you boast , of your jurisdiction before ever you attaine unto a jurisprudentia , in these things . in that you tell us wee offer you wrong , by a pretended purchase : you are as much mistaken in the purchase , as in the wrong , for it is right that we are about to do , neither is our purchase a pretence , but precedentiall , not onely in this civill respect , but may also admonish all men , to take heed , how they depend upon false and self-seeking interpreters , when both themselves , and they that have the vision , are ignorant of the contract , and covenant of god. thence it is , that you teach , that the spouse of christ , upon contract with her lord , may conceive the seed of immortalitie , and bring forth fruit unto god , when as yet the day of mariage , that great feastivitie , and solemnization , of the consolations of god , is not yet comne , witnesse your prorogation thereof , if not to the descension of christ from heaven unto the earth , to raigne certaine years , yet to the calling of the jewes , whom yee your selves are , according to the flesh , and to the destruction of that man of sinn whom yee so stoutly maintain , what is this , but to proclaime unto all the world , that audacious spirit of whoredome , professing conception and bringing forth before the nup●●ll day ? in that you conclude your clyent● right to arise out of foure years possession , wee have no such order , if you meane the right of conquest , ( onely held in that tenure ) the true owners were never yet subdued , for that is the right they expect to injoy by you , for some of them committed part of their supposed right unto us , professing it was , that they might have help , to injoy the rest ; but when they saw , wee would not be abetters unto them without , much lesse contrary unto covenant , then they flye unto you for help , their possession , beeing a meere intrusion , as all the natives know and ever exclaymed against them for the same , and so may our countrymen also , whose eyes are not dazled with envie , and eares open to lyes , as we know yours are , else you had heard both sydes speake , before you had judged . but wee profess right held , according to no such interest , but upon the ground of covenant onely , knowne in its nature ; in the parties 'twixt whom it is plight , in the possesser , and the possessed , with the nature of all fruit arising from their accord and concurrencie , together with their distinct , harmonicall , reciprocall , and joint properties , and operations of them both : such is the tenure wee hould , and maintain , before men and angels , and oppose it against man and divell , not in taking up unto our selves , certaine offices and officers which wee can teach children to bee , and to perform , and from thence presently to conclude , the possession of the kingdome , crying out our peace offerings are upon us , this day we have payd our vowes . but when that dark cloud descended upon the tabernacle , becomes the light , and glory of all israell ( there being nothing acknowledged amongst them , but what ariseth out thence ) then , and then only , are the orders , as also the men of israell , derived from the true fountaine , which no tongue can confess , but it is salvation , and then , not else , is the heritage of our lord in possession , yea , even the wayless wilderness knowes , how to afford them an habitation , which had its being before the hills and mountaines were borne : which men begin to flye unto for refuge , to hide them from the presence of the lamb● this is a possession , which no man can intrude himselfe into : it is onely covenanted with him , thorow and inlightned eye , and boared eare , which man performeth not , nor can it be received from him . for wee know that cloud of thick darknesse , that hides and covers the whole frame and fabrick of the work of god , to be the cleering and evidencing of every point and particular therof● yea to us , it is even that cloud of witness , which testifies unto us , the like workes to appeare , when ever the world hath occasion to make use of us . never doth it shine but in the night , never is it dark to israel but in the day , but in the one , and the other , the only glory and saftie of all the tribes : but how , you know not , nor can you with all your libraries , give the interpretation thereof , but have lost it in the wilderness , and accordingly , have made the whole way , and will of our lord , the ouldnesse of the letter , both to your selves , and to all that have an eare to lissen unto you ; thence it is that the day of lord , is a day of darkness and gloominess unto you , but of joy and gladness unto us ; yea , it lifts up our head onely , and then is our salvation neere ; for wee know the worthies of david doubled about the bed of solomon , which expell all feare in the night , handling the sword with sucess , making the adversaries nothing but meat to feede upon , so that the tyme of your feares is the time of our courage and conquest , for when you feare errour , schisme , rents and confusions in church and state , then do wee know the messenger of the covenant , the lord whom wee seek is speeding his passage into his holy temple : for who ( under the terrors of your spirit ) may abide his coming , hee being like a refiners fire , and fullers sope ? in that you invite us unto your courts to fetch your equall ballanced justice , upon this ground , that you are becomne one with our adversaries , and that , both in what they have , and what they are , and wee know them to bee such , as profess the day of the lord an unhallowed thing . now , if wee have our opponant , to prefer his action against us , and not only so , but to bee our counsell , our jurie , and our judg , for so it must bee , if you bee one with them ( as you affirm ) wee know before hand , how our cause will bee ended , and see the scale of your equall justice turned alreadie , before wee have layd our cause therein , and cannot but admire , to see you caried so contrarie to your owne received principles : for you know not how to finde christ as a ruling and teaching elder both in one person , therfore he is not complete amongst you by your owne law , except in severall persons , and you may thank tradition , else you know no more how to finde both a king and a priest in him , and yet in your way of making tender of your justice unto us you know how to become one with our adversaries ( so ) as if wee deale with them , wee deale with you , and if wee have to doe with you , wee have to doe with them also , yea further , wee know , that the chiefe amongst you , have professed wee are not worthy to live ; and that if some of us were amongst you , wee should hardly see the place of our abode any more ; now that they have brooded upon their law , to take away life , they must much more bring it up , in taking away all means of life , witnes our prohibition , that no powder should be sould unto us for our money , and that in a time when you could not thinke your selves safe , in all your owne , self provision and worldly furniture , except you disarmed a company of poor indians , whom aaron your leviticall sacrificer hath made naked , as hee doth all those which triumph in a calf , though the most costly and beautifull , that the jewells and eare-rings of learning , either in language , or art , can possibly bring forth : your owne amazements upon meer rumors , may testifie the truth hereof ; so then ; wee are judged by your law before our cause bee hard , or our selves brought forth under the liberties of it , which thing is well pleasing unto us , to have our condition conformed unto moses the man of god , who was dead in pharaohs account , before he was brought forth , and so it was with christ our lord , in the dayes of herod also , who is our life ( at which you strike ) and makes all things , yea , death it self , lively , and advantagious unto us . wee cannot but wonder , that you should read the scripture , and not finde them fulfilled , in , and amongst your selves , when as they appeare so apparantly , that he that runs may read them : what think you of herod , when the lord had delivered peter out of prison , and released him of those bonds , and brought him from that thraldom , which he had so cruelly imposed upon him , to gaine the favour of the jewes , and that by a power supereminent , transcending the bounds of his authoritie , and by a wisdom surpassing the depth of his counsell , and policie , to fynd out , together with his souldiers and champions , he presently goes downe to cesarea , and herod is angry with them of tyrus & sidon , ( thumoniachon ) a heavie friend , or hath a secret grudg or perturbation of mind , manifested in an outreaching , and circumventing policie , to subdue them unto himself , that he might rule over them : finding himself fall short of power and policie , to subject the word of god in the messinger of it , to satisfy his owne lusts , in his lordship over it , he pursues with all egarnesse to make himself a god , by raigning over the bodies and estates of men ; yea , though they be but such , as tyrus and sidon , can afford unto him , to make subjects of , and when they come unto him with one accord to make offer of themselves , in yeelding to his affectionate and politicall project , he sitting uppon the judgment seate , in his royall apparell , making his oration , of what power he hath to protect them , what wisdom and counsell , to minister justice and righteousness unto them ( which office belongs only unto the lord ) the people with a shout crying out , the voice of god and not of man , the truth and substance of which cry is , this is the ordinance of god and not of man , immediately the angel of the lord smites him , and hee that ever acknowledged himself , to bee a worme , and no man upon the earth , consumes and eates up all his pomp and glory , even as those , whom you account the shame and contempt of the people , shall ( thorow that angell of the covenant ) waste and bring to nought all those rhetoricall , ( though earthly ) orations that are made amongst you , by your so learned , studious , and experienced clarkes : take for illustration of your estate as above , the speech of your alderman oliver , in case of committing francis hutchinson to prison ; one of your church-members wondering that brother winthrop would do it before the church had dealt with him , brother , saith hee , why ; hee is thy god man. lend your eye yet farther , to parallell your practise personated in pylate and the people , when pylat offereth jesus unto the people to be judged , they profess , they have such a law , as puts no man to death : they are all for mercy and forgiveness , when they are out of the judgment hall , but let pylat enter in thither ; and then , nothing but crucifie him , crucifie him ; be their accusations , and witnesses , never so false : even so , in your dealings with men , in way of your jewish brotherhood , your law is all for mercie , to redress , reform , and for preservation , both of soule and bodie ; do but enter into the common hall , and then , as pylat asked ( am i a jew ? ) so do you , doe i sit , or speake here , as a brother ? i tro not , i am now in a higher sphere , then that ( though they be acknowledged coheirs with christ ) can ataine unto , therfore if witness be brought in , and oath taken , though never so untrue , your consciences are purged by law , and your power must have tribute payd unto it , so far an mens names , to bee branded with infa●●ie , estates , depryving women and children of things necessarie , and precious lives of men can extend themselves , to contribute any thing thereunto ; so that the professed mercie , and clemencie of your law , to exercise censures only for amendment of life , and recoverie , comes unto this issue , as much as in you lies , to send both soule and body downe unto hell for ever without redresse , and all hope of recovery . but your houre , and the power of darknesse , is known what it is , either to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage ; or else , to seek all occasions against them , to brand them with all manner of reproch , and ignominie , but for the truth , taught daily in the temple , y●● know not how to streatch out your hand , or exercise your ministry against it , lest it become leprous , and you take it back again with losse , when it appeares dried and withered . and wherefore reason yee amongst your selves , saying , wee exercise the power of your ministrations against none but such as are delinquents , whereby we cleer the innocent , and establish peace in all our borders ? wee demand , what think you of those two witnesses , prophecying in sackcloth , a thousand two hundreth and threescore dayes : those two olive trees , and two candlestickes , standing before the god of the earth ? are these guiltie and vile persons , out of whose hands ( by the power of your ministries ) you are delivering and releasing the world ? then indeed are your wayes justifiable : but if these bee the just , chosen , and peculiar friends of god , yea such , as without which , his truth and righteousnesse are not justified , his wisdom , and holinesse maintained and upheld in the world , in point of salvation by christ , then are your wayes wicked , and to bee abhorred ; for in your professed course , you are they , by whom these are slaine , and put to death , and all your glory is to keepe their corpes unburied in your streetes , and yet you know not what you are doing , no more then you know what these witnesses are , whom you are altogether ignorant of , for your libraries never saw them , and you see not but by their eyes , for these are two , and never more , nor yet lesse , yea ever the same , they are olive trees , else no witnesses , and also candlesticks , else both the former faile , yea , are not at all . wee must tell you what these are , else wee cannot declare how you kill them , for it is not our intent to open unto you the house of the treasures , the silver and the gold , and the spices , and the precious oyntment , nor the house of our armour , because you take all as execrable , and put all to a profane use that commeth from us ; but these two witnesses are the life and death of our lord jesus ; or , in the true language of heaven also , the strength and the weaknesse of christ , for hee was crucified through weaknesse , but hee liveth by the power of god : this is the word of the lord in zerubbabel , not by an army , nor by power , and so deprives him of all strength , but by a spirit , that the greatest mountaine , or loftiest hill in the world cannot stand before , but becomes a plaine , which with facility and ease hee passeth upon ; thence it is that hee doth not onely lay the top or the head stone of all , but also the lowest 〈◊〉 the foundation , and then onely is the voice of shouting heard , grace , grace in the house for ever ; and then doth the day of small things become the day of joy and triumph , yea , of parting the rich spoiles and prey of all the world , for then hee that doth but turn and lift up his eyes he cannot looke besides that great flying book of the curse that is gone forth over the whole earth . without these two witnesses jointly uttering themselves in every particular scripture undertaken to bee divulged by any , no evidence nor testimony of god is given , or brought in at all , but a meere refuge of lies for the soules of men to betake themselves unto ; without these two pipes of the olive trees emptying themselves into the bowle of the candlesticks , no unction nor oyle at all is found in them , and that being wanting , the light of the sanctuary is gone out ; so that the light appearing amongst you is onely the light of balaam , whose eye was open , which you may read either shethum or sethum , for that opening is nothing else but the shutting up of the holy things of god , so that in seeing you see not , but communicate onely in the light of that beast , who puts the witnesses to death , as balaam did in the sight of that dumbe beast of his whose eyes were opened to see the angel before him ; so that while you thinke it is our wisdome to stoope unto you for light , wee never come amongst you but see our selves in a regiment of grosse and palpable darknesse , and discern you very plainly , how you scrabble upon the wall to finde the doore of lots house , and cannot . as also how you toil your selves to climbe up into the sheep-fold , another , yea , so many other wayes , and have no sight nor discerning of us the door , at all , by the which whosoever entereth , becomes a true seeder of the flock of god ; yea , none entereth in thereat , but the true shepheard himself . most impious it is to put to death two such noble witnesses , that have power to shut heaven that it raine not in the dayes of their prophecying ; to turne the waters into bloud , and to smite the earth with all manner of plagues as oft as they wil , whom that spirit that is amongst you kills on this wise , the life or power of the sonne of god , as above , which is infinite , not admitting of circumsc●iption or containment , for the heaven of heavens cannot containe him , yet have you not dared to graspe and inviron that power in the heavens , and therefore have resolved and concluded that hee onely rules upon the earth in these dayes by his deputies , lievtenants , and vicegerents , whereby you limit , and so destroy the holy one of israel ; for give him that in one time , or place , which afterwards , or elsewhere you deny him , and you make a nullity of him unto your selves , and in so doing , you kill that other witnesse , namely , the death or weaknesse of the lord jesus : for you must have man to bee honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , else they may not rule among you ; yea and these things are of man , and by man , as appeares , in that they onely officiate so , as man may disanull and take it away againe ; witnesse your change of officers , constantly speaking for us herein ; thus have you slaine also the death or the weaknesse of christ , who professeth himselfe to bee a worm and no man , the shame and contempt of the people ; and these faithfull and true witnesses thus slaine , you must of necessity deny buriall , and keep them both in open view in your streets , or otherwise all your pompe and glory falls to the dust whence it came , and on which it feeds . nor can you send your presents one to another of your acts of justice , power to protect , wealth , honour , and friends wherewith you gratifie each other ; and where these are thus slaine , and their corps lie in open view , none of the gentiles , peoples , tongues , and kindreds suffering their carkasses to bee put in graves , there is that great city which spiritually is sodom and egypt , where our lord is crucified ; but after three dayes and an half , the spirit of life from god shall enter into them , and they shal stand up upon their feet to the terrour of you all : nor doe you thinke that wee onely inveigh against the great ones of this world for thus doing , for wee know that the basest peasant hath the same spirit with the greatest princes of this world , and the greatest of the princes of this world , hath the very same spirit wherewith the basest peasant hath laid himselfe open in the view of all men : these wee say , are the two witnesses if you can receive it , and what a dishonour is it to trade so much by meanes of witnesses , and yet not know what a true witnesse is ? which if you did , you durst not attempt the things you doe , whereby you cast reproach upon all the world , in that you professe your selves a choice people pickt out of it , and yet goe on , in such practices as you doe , maintaining them as your onely glory . our lord gives you in charge not to sweare at all , but it is your dignity to bring men to your seates of justice with nothing but oathes in their mouthes , why doe you not ballance the scriptures in this point ? viz. it hath beene said of old , thou shalt not committ adultery , but i say unto you , hee that looketh on a woman to lust after her , hath committed adultery with her in his heart already : so also it hath beene sayd of old , thou shalt not forsweare thy self , but i say unto you , sweare not at all : so that if it be adulterie , to looke to iust , it is also forswearing a mans self , to sweare at all ; if the one be adultery , the other is perjury , if one be admitted in some cases , the other also , so that in preaching the toleration , nay the duty of an oath , you preach the toleration , yea the duty of adulterie it self ; so that our lord plainly evinceth unto all mens consciences , not onely the guilt but the folly and madnesse of the oath of man , shewing how farre it is , either from investing into place , or demonstrating causes , so that hee that concludeth upon honour , and power , received from the oath of man , or upon knowledge and bouldness , to judge in a cause , from that testimony without the which he could not have it , is as vaine in his thoughts , as if hee should herupon conclude , i have now altered the frame of heaven , which is no less stable then the throne of the great god , or demolished the earth , which is as firme as his foot-stoole for ever , or made a fraction in the orders of jerusalem , that choice and peculiar city of the great king , whose institutions no mortall breath can intrench upon , or to professe his authority and skill to be such , whereby he can make a haire of his head blacke or white , cause his age to wax old as doth a garment , or renew it with the eagle at his pleasure , hereby doth man ( in this point of swearing ) professe his folly to bee such , that hee is become not onely vaine in his imaginations , but unto that pride and usurpation therein , as to intrude himselfe into the prerogative royall of his maker . so that however you boast of the ordinances of god , yet he tels you there is no more then yea , yea , and nay , nay , in them , for what is once nay , is ever nay in the ordination of christ , and what is once yea , is ever yea with him , and according to his account however man reckoneth , whose account shall be called over againe , what is once curse , is ever the curse , and what is once the principality and power of christ , is ever the principality and power of christ , as that which is once the principality and power of darkenesse , is ever the same , what hands soever it cometh into for manifestation : measure your kingdome whether it bee eternall , and your jurisdiction whether it bee illimited , for he hath given ( him ) the heathen for his inheritance , the utmost parts of the earth for his possession , and a kingdome of lesse extent hee professeth not , nor can hee approve or acknowledge any that doe , no more then light can approve of darkenesse , or the lord jehovah of the lord baal . bee wise therefore , and be thinke your selves while it is called to day , harden not your hearts , as though you would make your selves meriba , nothing but strife and contention against the lord , rather kisse the sonne ( if it bee possible ) lest his wrath bee kindled and you perish from the way for ever , o blessed onely they , that hope in him . so that hee which professeth on this wise , it is yea , i am a pastour , but it was nay , at such a time i was none , hee renounceth that spirit of the true pastour , yet onely feeder of israel , professing onely that spirit that pusheth the weake with the horne , and pudleth with his feet the waters where the flocke of god should drinke . hee with whom it is yea , i am a ruler , but it was nay when i was none at all , renounceth that spirit of him that rules in righteousnesse , professing the spirit of him that rules according to the god of this world , that prince of the power of the aire , who is now working so effectually in the children of disobedience . so also hee with whom it is yea , i am a captaine , or chiefe slaughter-man , but it was nay , time was i was none at all , renounceth that victorie and slaughter made by the captaine and high-priest of our profession , ( who as hee is a lambe slaine from the beginning , his victory and slaughter must bee of the same antiquity , ) professing himselfe to bee a chiefe slaughter-man , or superfluous giant , made in that hoast of the philistims , standing in readinesse to come out , to defie the hoast of the living god : yea , it is evident , that whatsoever is more then yea , yea , and nay , nay , not settlingeach upon its base , whereon it standeth for ever without controule , but can remove , create , or make void offices and officers at their pleasure , it of that evill , or not of jesus , the salvation of his people , but of shedim that waster and destroyer of mankinde for ever : know therefore that it is the oath of god which confirmes and makes good his covenant and promise unto a thousand generations : and it is the oath of man , which is the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with death and hell for ever ; bee yee assured it is not the tabernacle of witnes which you have amongst you , brought in by jesus into the possession of the gentiles , but it is siccuth your king , or the tabernacle of moleck , the starre of your god remphan , figures which you have made unto your selves , which you have taken up , and are bearing so stoutly upon your shoulders . now to tell you what an oath according to god is , that the scriptures are delivered upon no other ground or termes of certainty , where ever they are divulged , is a thing out of your jurisdiction , you cannot discerne or judge of it , therefore according to our word above , wee leave it as a parable unto you , as all the holy word of our god is , as your conversation in all points , as in this , daily declareth . in a word , when wee have to doe in your jurisdiction , we know what it is to submit to the wise dispensations of our god , when you have to doe amongst us , in the liberties hee hath given unto us , wee doubt not , but you shall finde him judge amongst us , beyond and above any cause or thing you can propose unto us ; and let that suffice you , and know , that you cannot maintaine a jurisdiction , but you must reject all inroades upon other mens priviledges , and so doe wee . in the meane time , wee shall ( as wee thinke good ) bee calling over againe some matters that you have taken up and had the handling of them amongst you , to see what justice or equity wee finde hath beene exercised in them , and redresse them accordingly : for wee professe right unto all men , and not to doe any violence at all , as you in your prescript threaten to doe to us , for wee have learned how to discipline our children , or servants , without offering violence unto them , even so doe w●e know how to deale with our deboist , rude , nay inhumane neighbours , ( or if you will , nabals ) without doing violence , but rather rendring unto them that which is their due . nor shall wee deprive a witnesse of his modest testimony for the out-cries , and clamours of such a one as ill bred apostatized arn●●ld that fellonious hog-killer , being the partie to bee testified against , or for the oath of any interested in the cause , nor shall wee bee forward to come so farre , to finde your worke upon your request , till wee know you to beare another minde , then others of your neighbours doe , with whom wee have had to doe in this country , whose pretended and devised lawes wee have stooped under , to the robbing and spoiling of our goods , the livelyhood of our wives and children , thinking they had laboured , ( though groping in great darkenesse ) to bring forth the truth , in the rights and equity of things , but finding them to bee a company of grosse dissembling hypocrites , that under the pretence of law and religion , have done nothing else , but gone about to establish themselves in wayes to maintaine their owne vicious lusts , wee renounce their diabolicall practice , being such as have denyed in their publique courts , that the lawes of our native country should bee named amongst them , yea those ancient statute lawes , casting us into most base nastie and insufferable places of imprisonment for speaking according to the language of them , in the meane while , breaking open our houses in a violent way of hostilitie ( abusing our wives and our little ones ) to take from us the volumes wherein they are preserved , thinking thereby to keepe us ignorant of the courses they are resolved to run , that so the viciosity of their owne wills might bee a law unto them , yea they have endeavoured , and that in publique expressions , that a man being accused by them , should not have liberty to answer for himselfe in open court. dealings of like nature wee finde in the place whereof you stile us your neighbours , ( on whose unbridled malice , wee finde a higher then you putting a curbe ) and yet in your account and reckoning wee are the parties that still are doing the wrong , and must beare the guilt in your most mature sentence , in whomsoever the spot ariseth and abideth . but the god of vengeance ( unto whom our cause is referred , never having our protector and judge to seeke ) will shew himselfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all , yea all the house of that ishbosheth and mephibosheth , nor will he faile us to utter and make knowne his strength ( wherein wee stand ) to serve in our age , and to minister in our course , to day and to morrow , and on the third day , can none deprive us of perfection , for hee hath taught us to know what it is to walke to day , and to morrow , and the day following also , when a perishing estate cannot arise out of jerusalem , though she be the onely one , ( yea , none but she ) that kills the prophets , and stones them that are sent unto her . behold yee that are looking after , and foretelling so much of the comming of christ , driving the day before you still for certaine yeares , which some ( you say ) shall attaine unto , and unto the day of death for the rest , you blinde guides , as your fathers have ever done , so doe yee . behold wee say , when ever hee appeareth , your house ( which yee so glory in ) shall bee left unto you desolate , it shall be turned into nothing but desolation and confusion , for babel is its name ; nor shall you see him to your comfort in the glory of his kingdome , untill you can say , blessed is hee that commeth in the name of the lord , when the authority and power of man appeares to bee the building of babel unto you , and the name and authority of god onely , to bee that , wherein the blessing consists , and that in such wise also , as is nothing but a way of reproach , in the eyes of all the world , that a king should ride into his chiefe city , so strangely furnished , upon an asse borrowed , her furniture old , overworn garments , and accompanied with none but poore , meane , excommunicated persons , such as your elders , scribes , pharisees , lawyers , and all your credible persons among you , make full account they are not onely accursed by , but also destitute and void of all law , when you can finde hosanna in the highest , arising out of such contempt and shame , then , and then onely shall you sing unto him with comfort . in the meane time acknowledge your portion , which is to trust and stay your selves on the name of man , and in his beautie to delight and glory , which shall fade as a leafe , and like the grasse shall wither when it is fitting it self for the oven , such is man whose breath is in his nostrills , and the sonne of sorrie man , in whom you delight to trust , his power and his policy brings forth nothing else , but as you shall see and heare in the countrey from whence wee are brought . we are not ignorant of those shamefull lies and falsities gone out against us , and the daily wresting of our words , to cast contempt upon us , thinking to bow downe our backs under ignominie and reproach ; neither of those straits & difficulties they have cast us upon , in the things which concerne this present life , to the taking away of the lives of many , if our god had not been seen beyond and above what their thoughts could reach unto ( as their owne confession hath witnessed , ) doing it in such a way of painted hypocrisie and false glosse unto the eye of the world , that wee might seeme unto it self-executioners . we resolve therefore to follow our imployments , and to carry and behave our selves as formerly wee have done ( and no otherwise ) for wee have wronged no man , unlesse with hard labour , to provide for our families , and suffering of grosse , idle , and idol droanes to take our labour out of the mouths , and from off the backs of our little ones , to lordane it over us . so that if any any shall goe about to disturbe or annoy us henceforth in our imployments and liberties , which god hath , or shall put into our hands , that can claime no interest in us but by these courses ; what their businesse is , wee know by proofe sufficient , to bee nothing else but that ancient errand of nimrod , that rebellious hunter after the precious life ; which errand of his shall bee no more delivered unto us in that covert cruelty , and dissembling way of hypocrisie , but in direct and open termes of tyrannie , wee will not bee dealt with as before , wee speake in the name of our god , wee will not ; for if any shall disturb us , as above , secret hypocrites shall become open tyrants , and their lawes appeare to bee nothing else but meer lusts in the eyes of all the world . and wherefore doe you murmure among your selves at this saying , thinking it is not a christian expression ? it is because you are ignorant of the crosse of our lord jesus , not knowing what it is : therefore it is , that while you inveigh against such as set up a statue of wood and stone , to bow downe unto it , and are so vaine , as to crosse the aire , ( to use your owne expression ) upon the face of infants , when they sprinkle them with water to as great purpose : and in the meane time you preach and set up seg●nirim for your crosse , whom you fall downe unto so willingly , and lest you let the word passe without exposition of it unto all , it signifies , horrour and feare , which is the crosse you hold and teach , and by and thorow which you thinke to bee saved , which is a name given by our lord unto the devill himself , as our english translate it , and the lord never gives name , as an empty title , but according to the nature of the thing named ; so that if hee speake , i have said yee are gods , of any besides himselfe , it is to declare , that there is not onely the name , but the very nature of the god of this world , and therefore hee saith , they shall die , even as adam , which aspired and usurped the place of god , and fall also as one of the princes , even as one of those princes of midian , whose carkasses became dung for the earth ; and hee that gives that title unto any but the true god ( that made heaven and earth ) in any other sense but as it declares a flat opposition against god , is re-acting that ancient spirit of the serpent , if yee eate , you shall bee as gods , to judge of good and evill , for which all men are set up in that kinde ; even so , while you tell the people , that by sorrow , compunction , and anxiety , and trouble of minde , they communicate in the sufferings of christ , out of which condition their comfort is to flow , is nothing else but to conclude the sonne of god to be belial , yea , to affirme him to bee seg●nirim himself ; this doth hee receive at your hands in your ministries , for all your ●awning upon him with a kisse ; so that if you will know how farre you are from communicating in the death of christ , take it in this parable , verily , as farre as the weakness of god is stronger then man. country-men , for wee cannot but call you so , though wee finde your carriage towards us to bee so farre worse then these indians , wee advise you to take things together , and what god hath joyned , let none dare to put asunder : so that if you bee ashamed of the crosse in baptisme , bee ashamed of the baptisme also , for such as the crosse is , such is the baptisme , therefore your ancestors goe beyond you in that , to joyne crossing of the aire , and sprinkling with the element of water together , but where ever baptisme according to the word of christ is , there is the crosse of christ also , they can no more bee separated , then his scepter and kingdom can , for where the one is , there is the other also , and as they are co-incident , so are they co-apparant ; so that if ever you see the baptisme of christ truly in use , and exercised upon any , you do as truly see that party partaking and communicating with the crosse and sufferings of the lord jesus christ , and to see persons in such estate , and to conclude that afterwards they may bee worthy of censure , yea possibly unto an anathema maranatha , is nothing else but to conclude a totall and finall falling away from the grace of god , as your fathers have done before you ; for no grace greater then the crosse of our lord jesus . behold therefore you despisers , the vanity and abomination of all your baptismes , how prejudiciall they are to the crosse of christ : bee ashamed and return in time , or hee shall bee a swift witnesse against you for ever , when your repentance shall come too late ; but you thinke the crosse of christ is not , but onely in bowing the back under every burden , and cringing and crouching unto the lust of every man , otherwise his shebett is not fit , nor suiteth it at all with your regiment , unlesse so servile , that every man may serve his owne lusts of him , to get wealth and honour , friends and allies , by setting bounds and limits unto the holy word of god ; some in the way of one device , and some according to another , and he that will not either walk as a dumbe beast , ( worse then balaams asse ) and say nothing , or else give a sense of the holy writings to maintaine the devised platforme , if mercy must bee used , not to hang and burn , yet banishment is ready waiting upon them ; therefore shall you know by the rod of his power that comes out of sion , that hee will bee ruler , even in the midst of his enemies . per us whom you stile your neighbours of providence , you have said it , providence is our hold , the neighbourhood of the samaritan wee professe . and for the lookings on , and turnings aside of your priests and levites , without either unction , or bowells of compassion , all those slaine and wounded in soule amongst you , finding no remedy , doe plainly testifie unto all men the nature of your travailes and neighbourhood what it is , that neither the oyle of those two olive trees , nor the fatnesse of that vine , which maketh glad god and man , is conversant amongst you ; your speech to us in generall , not using our names , whereas wee know , it is particulars you aime at , gives us plainely to see , the word aelem revived and living in you , as it stands with its coherence in psalme . john wickes randall howldon robert potter samuel gorton john greene francis weston richard carder richard waterman nicholas power john warner william waddell the second letter of samuel gorton and his accomplices , from our neck : curo , september . . to the great and honoured idol generall , now set up in the massachusets , whose pretended equity in distribution of justice unto the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a meer device of man , according to the ancient customes & sleights of satan , transforming himself into an angel of light , to subject and make slaves of that species or kinde that god hath honoured with his owne image , read dan. . chap. wherein ( if it be not like lots love unto the sodomites ) you may see , the visage or countenance of the state , for wee know the sound of all the musick , from the highest note of wind-instruments , sounding , or set up by the breath or voices of men , ( to have dominion and rule as though there were no god in heaven or in earth but they , to doe right unto the sonnes of men ) unto the lowest tones of the stringed instruments , subjecting themselves to hand or skill of the devised ministrations of men , as though god had made man to bee a vassall to his owne species or kinde , for hee may as well bee a slave to his belly , and make it his god , as to any thing that man can bring forth , yea , even in his best perfection , who can lay claime to no title or terme of honour but what the dust , rottennesse , and putrefaction can affoord , for that of right belongeth solely to our lord christ . woe therefore unto the world , because of the idols thereof ; for idols must needs be set up , but woe unto them by whom they are erected . out of the abovesaid principles , which is the kindome of darknesse and of the devill ; you have writ another note unto us , to adde to your former pride and folly , telling us againe , you have taken pumham , with others into your jurisdiction and government , and that upon good grounds ( as you say : ) you might have done well to have proved your selfe christians , before you had mingled your selves with the heathen , that so your children might have knowne how to put a distinction betwixt yours and them in after times , but wee perceive that to bee too hard a worke for your selves to performe , even in time present . but if you will communicate justice and government with that indian , wee advise you to keep him amongst your selves , where hee , and you may performe that worthy worke : yet upon a better ground , wee can informe you , that hee may not expect former curtesies from us , for now by your note , wee are resolved of his breach of covenant with us , in this his seeking and subjection unto you , which formerly hee hath alwayes denyed ; let him and you know therefore , that hee is to make other provision for his planting of corne hereafter , than upon mshawomet , for wee will not harbour amongst us any such fawning , lying , and cadaverous person as hee is , after knowledge of him , as now in part you have given unto us , onely hee shall have liberty sufficient to take away his corne , habitation , or any of his implements , so be it hee passe away in peace and quiet , which might in no case bee admitted , if it were so that wee lived by blood , as you doe , either through incision of the nose , division of the eare from the head , stigmatize upon the back , suffocation of the veines , through extremity of cold , by your banishments in the winter , or straugled in the flesh with a halter . but we know our course , professing the kingdome of god and his righteousnesse , renouncing that of darknesse and the devill , wherein you delight to trust , for without the practise of these things , you cannot kisse your hand , blesse the idol , nor professe your vowes and offerings to bee paid and performed . o yee generation of vipers , who hath fore-warned you , or fore-stalled your mindes with this , but satan himselfe , that the practice of these things is to fly from the wrath to come ; whereas the very exercise and performance of them , is nothing else but the vengeance and wrath of god upon you already , in that mankind , so harmonically made in the image of god , is in the exercises of the kingdome , become the torturer and tormentor , yea the executioner of it selfe , whilst those of you that are of the same stock and stem , worke out , yea , and that curiously , through the law of your mindes , the death and destruction of one another ; when as , in the meane time , the same nature or subsistance , in the way of our lord jesus , saves both it selfe and others . you tell us of complaints made by the indians , of unjust dealings and injuries done unto them , why doe they not make them knowne to us , they never complained to us of any thing done unto this day , but they had satisfaction to the full , according to their owne minde , for oft wee know , in what they expresse unto us , although our wrongs insufferable done by them lie still in the deck , for wee know very well , wee have plenty of causelesse adversaries , wanting no malice that satan can inject , therefore wee suffer much , that in the perfection and heighth of their plots , they may receive the greater rebuke and shame for their basenesse , in the eies of all the world . to which end wee have not onely committed our condition unto writings , but them also into the hands and custody of such friends , from whom they shall not bee taken by any , or by all the governments of this country , as formerly they have beene , that so our wrongs might not appeare ; therefore never picke a quarrell against us in these things , for wee know all your stiles and devices , that being you now want such as old malicious arnauld , one of your low stringed instruments , to exercise his fidle amongst us , and wee are void of your benediction also , sprung out of the same stock to make rents and divisions for you to enter to gaine honour unto your selves in having patients to heale , though they lie never so long under your hands , your chirurgerie must bee thought never the worse . wanting these or such like of the english , to betray the liberties , god hath given us into your hands , now you worke by your coadjutors , these accursed indians ; but you are deceived in us , we are not a cope fitted for your so eager appetite , no otherwise , then if you take it downe it shall prove unto you a cope of trembling , either making you vomit out your owne eternall shame , or else to burst in sunder with your fellow confessor for aire , jud●● iscariot . for mr. winthrop and his copartner parker , may not thinke to lay our purchased plantation to their iland so neere adjoyning , for they come too late in that point , though benedick hath reported that myantonimo , one of the sachims , of whom wee bought it , should lose his head for selling his right thereof to us . as also a minister affirmed that mr. winthrop should say to him , that wee should either bee subjected unto you , or else removed hence , though it should cost bloud . know therefore , that our lives are set apart already for the case wee have in hand , so wee will lose nothing but what is put apart aforehand , bethinke your selves therefore what you should gaine by fetching of them , in case it were in your power , for our losse should bee nothing at all . for wee are resolved , that according as you put forth your selves towards us , so shall you finde us transformed to answer you . if you put forth your hand to us as country-men , ours are in readinesse for you : if you exercise the pen , accordingly doe wee become a ready writer ; if your sword bee drawne , ours is girt upon our thigh ; if you present a gun , make haste to give the first fire : for we are come to put fire upon the earth , and it is our desire to have it speedily kindled . for your pursuite of us , still , to come your courts , to receive your parcells of justice , undoubtedly either god hath blinded your eyes that you see not our answer formerly given in that point , or else you are most andacious to urge it upon us againe ; also you may take notice that wee take it in more disdaine then you could doe , in case we should importune you ( yea ) the chiefe amongst you , to come up to us , and bee employed according to our pleasure , in such workes as wee thought good to set you about ; and for your grant of freedome unto us to come downe to you , and returne in safety , wee cannot sufficiently vilifie this your verball and per●unctory offer , knowing very well , according to the verdict of your owne conscience , that what wrongs soever are passed amongst us since our comming into this country , you have beene the violent agents , and wee the patients . to feare therefore to come amongst you as such as have done wrong , the cause vanisheth in us , so must the effect also . and to feare to come unto you as tyrants , which your grant must necessarily implies , wee cannot , knowing that hee which is with us , is stronger then hee which is with you . also the earth is the lords and the fullnesse thereof , and when , and where hee shall call wee will goe , but not at the will and lust of sorry men to play their parts with us at their pleasure , as formerly they have done , and as it is apparant you desire to doe , for if your lusts prevailed not over you in that kinde , you might well thinke that wee have better employments then to trot to the massachusets upon the report of a lying indian , or english either , as your factors and ordinary hacknies doe . but know this oyee — that so long as wee behave our selves as men , walking in the name of our god , where ever wee have occasion to come , if any mortall man whose breath is in his nostrils , dares to call us into question , wee dare to give an answer to him , or them , nor shall wee faile through god , to give testimony even in his conscience of the hope that is in us , whether his question may concerne the rice or succession either of priest or peere . in the meane time we sit in safety under the cloudy pillar , while the nations roare and make a noise about us , and though you may looke upon us with the unopened eye of eliahs servant , thinking us as nothing to those that are against us , yet wherever the cloud rests , wee know the lords returne to the many thousands of israel . in that you say our freedome granted to come to you , takes away all excuse from us , wee freely retort it upon your selves to to make excuses , whose lawes and proceedings with the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a continued art ( like the horse in the mill ) of accusing and excusing , which you doe by circumstances and conjectures , as all the fathers have done before you , the diviners and necromancers of the world , who are gone to their owne place and have their reward ; but for the true nature , rise , and distribution of things as they are indeed and shall remaine and abide as a law firme and stable forever , wee say and can make it good , you know nothing at all , therefore such as can delight themselves in preaching , professing , and executing of such things , as must end as the brute beasts doe , nay take them away for present and they have lost their honour , religion , as also their god ; let such wee say , know themselves to bee that beast and false prophet , no man of god at all . in the meane time wee looke not on the things that are seene , but on the things that are not seene , knowing the one are temporary , the other eternall . nor doe wee thinke the better of any man for being invested into places or things that will in time waxe old as doth a garment , neither judge we the worse of any man for the want of them : for if we should we must condemne the lord christ , as so many doe at this day . wee demand when wee may expect some of you to come to us , to answer and give satisfaction for some of these foule and inhumane wrongs you have done , not to the indians , but to us your country-men : not to bring in a catalogue , as we might , take this one particular abuse you are now acting ; in that you abet , and backe these base indians to abuse us . indeed pumham is an aspiring person , as becomes a prince of his profession , for having crept into one of our neighbours houses , in the absence of the people , and felloniously rifled the same , hee was taken comming out againe at the chimney-top : soccononoco also hath entred in like manner into one of our houses with divers of his companions , and breaking open a chest , did steale out divers parcels of goods , some part whereof , as some of his companions have affirmed , are in his custody at this time . yet we stand still to see to what good issue you will bring your proceedings with these persons , by whom you are so honorably attended in the court generall , as you call it , and would honour us also , to come three or fourescore miles to stand by you and them ; wee could tell you also that it is nothing with these fellowes to send our cattle out of the woods with arrowes in their sides , as at this present it appeares in one even now so come home , and it is well they come home at all , for sometimes their wigwams can receive them , and wee have nothing of them at all ; yea they can domineere over our wives and children in our houses , when wee are abroad about our necessary occasions , sometimes throwing stones , to the endangering of their lives , and sometimes violently taking our goods , making us to runne for it if wee will have it , and if wee speake to them to amend their manners , they can presently vaunt it out , that the massachusets is all one with them , let the villanie they doe bee what it will , they thinke themselves secure , for they looke to bee upheld by you in whatever they doe , if you bee stronger then them which they have to deale withall , and they looke with the same eye your selves doe , thinking the multitude will beare downe all , and perswade themselves ( as well as they may ) that you tolerate and maintaine them in other of their daily practices , as lying , sabbath-breaking , taking of many wives , grosse whoredomes , and fornications , so you will doe also , in their stealing , abusing of our children , and the like , for you have your diligent ledgers amongst them that inculcate daily upon this , how hatefull wee are unto you , calling us by other names of their owne devising , bearing them in hand , wee are not english men , and therefore the object of envy of all that are about us , and that if wee have any thing to doe with you , the very naming our persons shall cast our case bee it what it will , as it is too evident by the case depending betweene william arnauld and john warner , that no sooner was the name of mr. gorton mentioned amongst you , but mr. dudley disdainefully asking , is this one , joyned to gorton , and mr. winthrop unjustly upon the same speech , refused the oath of the witnesse calling him knight of the post : are these the wayes and persons you trade by towards us ? are these the people you honour your selves withall ? the lord shall lay such honour in the dust , and bow downe your backes with shame and sorrow to the grave , and declare such to bee apostatisers from the truth , and falsifiers of the word of god onely to please men , and serve their owne lusts , that can give thankes in their publique congregations for their unity with such grosse abominations as these . wee must needes aske you another question from a sermon now preached amongst you , namely how that bloud relisheth you have sucked formerly from us , by casting us upon straights above our strength , that , have not beene exercised in such kinde of labours , no more then the best of you in former times in removing us from our former conveniences , to the taking away of the lives of some of us , when you are about your dished up dainties , having turned the juice of a poore silly grape that perisheth in the use of it , into the bloud of our lord jesus by the cunning skill of your magicians , which doth make mad and drunke so many in the world , and yet a little sleepe makes them their owne men againe , so can it heale and pacifie the consciences at present , but the least hand of god returnes the feares and terrour againe , let our bloud wee say present it selfe together herewith , you hypocrites when will you answer such cases as these , and wee doe hereby promise unto you , that wee will never looke man in the face if you have not a fairer hearing then ever wee had amongst you , or can ever expect ; and bee it knowne to you all , that wee are your owne country-men , whatever you report of us , though the lord hath taught us a language you never spoake , neither can you heare it , and that is the cause of your alienation from us ; for as you have mouthes and speake not , so have you eares & heare not ; so we leave you to the judgement and arraignment of god almighty . the joynt act , not of the court generall , but of the peculiar fellowship , now abiding upon mshawomet . randall holden . this they owned in court though onely holdens hand were to it . postscriptum . vvee need not put a seale unto this our warrant , no more then you did to yours . the lord hath added one to our hands , in the very conclusion of it , in that effusion of bloud , and horrible massacre , now made at the dutch plantation , of our loving country-men , women , and children , which is nothing else , but the compleate figure in a short epitomie of what wee have writ , summed up in one entire act , and lest you should make it part of your justification , as you do all such like acts , provided they bee not upon your owne backes , concluding them to be greater sinners then your selves , wee tell you ( nay ) but except you repent , you shall likewise perish . for wee aske you who was the cause of mistresse hutchinson her departure from amongst you , was it voluntarie ? no , shee changed her phrases according to the dictates of your tutors , and confessed her mistakes , that so shee might give you content to abide amongst you , yet did you expell her and cast her away ; no lesse are you the originall of her removall from aquethneck , for when shee saw her children could not come downe amongst you , no not to conferre with you in your own way of brotherhood ; but be clapt up , and detained by so long imprisonment , rumors also being noised , that the island should bee brought under your government , which if it should , shee was fearefull of their lives , or else to act against the plaine verdict of their owne conscience , having had so great and apparant proofe of your dealings before , as also the island being at such divisions within it selfe , some earnestly desiring it should bee delivered into your hands , professing their unity with you , others denyed it , professing their dissent and division from you , though for what themselves know not , but onely their abominable pride to exercise the like tyranny . from these and such like workings having their originall in you , shee gathered unto her selfe and tooke up this fiction , ( with the rest of her friends ) that the dutch plantation was the citie of refuge , as shee had gathered like things from your doctrines before , when she seemed to hold out some certaine glimpses or glances of light , more then appeared elsewhere whilst there was such to approve it , in whom there might bee some hope to exalt the instruments thereof , higher then could bee expected from others , but you know very well you could never rest nor bee at quiet , till you had put it under a bushell , idest , bounded and measured the infinite and immense word of god , according to your owne shallow , humane , and carnall capacities , which , howsoever may get the highest seates in your synagogues , synods , and jewish synedrions , yet shall it never enter into the kingdome of god to be a doore-keeper there . do not therefore beguile your selves in crying out against the errours of those so miserably falne , for they are no other things which they held but branches of thesame root your selves so stoutly stand upon , but know this that now the axe is laid to the root of the tree , whereof you are a part , and every tree that brings not forth fruit according to the law of that good things , which the father knowes , how to give to those that aske it , shall bee cut downe , and cast it into the fire : neither doe you fill up your speeches or tales , ( wee meane your sermons ) but that wee affect not the idolizing of words , no more then of persons or places . for your selves know the word is no more but a bruit or talke , as you know also your great and terrible word magistrate , is no more in its originall , then masterly , or masterlesse , which hath no great lustre in our ordinary acceptation . therefore wee looke to finde and injoy the substance , and let the ceremony of these things , like vapour vanish away , though they gather themselves into clouds , without any water at all in them , the lord is in the mean time a dew unto israel , and makes him to grow like a lillie , casting out his roots and branches as lebanon . we say , fill not up your talk as your manner is , crying , that shee went out without ordinances , for god can raise up out of that stone , which you have already rejected , as children , so also ministers and ordinances unto abraham : you may remember also , that every people and poore plantation , formerly fleeced by you , cannot reach unto the hire of one of your levites , nor fetch in , one such dove as you send abroad into our native country , to carry and bring you news . nor can you charge them in that point , for it was for protection or government shee went ; and however , hire , in other respects , yet the price of a wife , and safetie of his owne life adjoyned , carryed a minister along with them of the same rise and breeding together with you● owne , to adde unto the blood so savagely and causelesly spilt , with a company of such as you take pleasure to protect , for they are all of one spirit , if they have not hands in the same act ; we say their death is causelesse , for wee have heard them affirm that shee would never heave up a hand , no nor move a tongue against any that persecuted or troubled them , but onely indeavour to save themselves by flight , not perceiving the nature and end of persecution , neither of that antichristian opposition and tyrannie , the issue whereof declares it self in this so 〈…〉 and lamentable . note , good reader , that i had order to publish these two letters of his , as well literatim as verbatim , but because their orthography was so bad , as it would scarce have been understood , i left it to bee corrected by the printer , but no word to be changed : and the reason of the word here left out , is , because it was worne out , and so soyled in the origina●● 〈◊〉 wee could not read it , and thought good rather to leave it a bl●●●k , then to put in a word of our own that was not theirs . in the next place , i present thee here ●ith certaine observations collected out of both their letters , by a godly and reverend divine , whereby the reader may the better understand them , and indeed try the spirits of these men , whether they be of god or no. now these his observations are ranked into three h●ads : viz. first , their reproachfull and reviling speeches of the government and magistrates of the massachusets , which in gortons booke hee pretends so much to honour , because their government is derived from the state of england ; and therefore i desire thee to take the better notice of it . the second head of his observations directs thee to their reviling language , not onely against that particular government , and the magistrates of it , but against magistracy it selfe , and all civill power . and in his third head ; thou art directed to take notice of their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god. all which because they are of great concernment , i beseech the reader to take a little paines to compare them with mr. gort●ns and his companies letters . certaine observations collected out of both their letters . i. their reproachfull and reviling speeches of the government and magistrates of the massachusets . . they say our magistrates did lay their wisdome prostrate , in sending letters to them , which they scornfully call an irregular note . that they bare them causlesse enmity , the proofe whereof every occasion brings forth . they slily call them the seed of the ancient mother ; i. of the enmity of the devill . that they know it is the name of christ call'd upon them , against which our magistrates doe strive . that they goe about to hide their sin , as adam , bearing the world in hand , that they desire not to contend , but to redresse something in point of civill peace . that they stand on tip-toe to stretch themselves beyond their bounds , to seek occasion against them . that those who accuse them , are accusers of the brethren , satan being a lyer , and the father of it ; which thing our magistrates cannot know though they be told of it . that this act of theirs to treat about their land , is a mappe of their spirituall estate . that they delight daily to eate of the forbidden fruit ( which they call mans wisdome ) out of which our churches and common-wealth is formed ) to gaine conformity with their maker . they scorn at their purity and godlinesse , telling them that cole and arnold their dissembling subjects , are full of the spirit of their purity . they doe not say plainly that our magistrates are dogs , but compare them to dogs in resuming their vomit into its former concoction , by receiving cole and arnold under our jurisdiction . that the whole structure and edifice among us ( i. the churches and common-wealth ) is raised up in the spirit of an hireling , and that by submission to the word of god in fasting , feast-sting , retirednesse for study , contributing , treasuring ( i. for church uses in severall churches ) they doe nothing else but bring forth fruit unto death . that farther then the lord jesus agrees with riches , honour and ease , our magistrates minde him not , nay , renounce , and reject him . that they plainely crucifie christ , and put him to an open shame , which the apostle , hebr. . applies to the worst of men , who commit the unpardonable sin , and for whom men are not to pray . that our magistrates are as farre from yeelding subjection to christ , as cole and arnold from being honourable and loyall subjects , whom they call the shame of religion , the disturbance and disquiet of the place , dissembling subjects , pag. . as also deboist , rude , inhumane nabals , il-bred , apostatised persons , and fellonious , page . with many such like speeches . that the things of gods kingdome are infinitely beyond the reach of their spirit , nor can they heare the lively oracle , and therefore are dumb in telling justice . that the magistrates are jewes according to the flesh , and stout maintainers of the man of sin. that they know our magistrates eyes are dazled with envy , and their ears open to lyes . that they judge them before their cause be heard . that in inviting them to their courts for their equal-ballanced justice ( as they scornfully call it ) they thereby strike at christ their life . that our magistrates are like herod , whom god smote with wormes , for seeking by an out-reaching and circumventing policy to subdue tyrus and sidon , and like pontius pilate , and the people who out of the judgement hall are all for mercy , but in it nothing but crucifie him , crucifie him , bee their accusations , and witnesse never so false , so ( say they ) in your dealings with men in way of the jewish brotherhood , your law is all for mercy , to redresse , reforme , for preservation of soule and body , doe but enter into the common-hall , then if witnesses bee but brought in , and oath taken though never so untrue , your consciences are purged by law , and your power must have tribute paid it , so far as to brand mens names with infamy , and deprive women and children of things necessary . that the professed clemency an● mercy of their law , is as much as in them lyes , to send both soule and body downe to sheol ( i. the grave and hell ) for ever , without redresse and all hope of recovery . that their houre and power of darknesse is knowne , what it is either to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage , or else to seek all occasions against them , with all manner of reproach and ignominie . that their wayes are wicked , and to bee abhorred , because in their professed course the two witnesses are slaine by them , and put to death ; and that all their glory is to keep their corpse unburied ; and these two witnesses are the life and death of the lord jesus . that the light appearing among them , is nothing but the light of balaam , so that in seeing , they see not , but communicate onely in the light of that beast who put the witnesses to death . they tell our magistrates , that they never come amongst them , but they see themselves in a regiment of grosse and palpable darknesse , and discern you to scrabble on the wall for the door of lots house . that they know not what a true witnesse is . that the whole word of god is a parable to them , as their conversation in all points daily declare it . that they will not come neare our magistrates , untill they know they beare another minde from their neighbours , whom they call robbers , grosse dissembling hypocrites , who doe nothing but goe about to establish such wayes as may maintaine their owne vic●ous lusts , whose laws are pretended and devised , and whose practises ( they say ) they renounce as diabolicall . yee blind guides ( say they to our magistrates ) as your fathers have ever done , so do you . you set up segnirim ( i. as themselves interpret ) feare and horrour , or the devill , by , and for the which you hope to bee saved . that their carriage towards them , is farre worse then that of the indians , whom themselves cry out of to bee thieves and robbers ; pag. . that they are despisers ; behold ( say they ) yee despisers , the vanity and abominations of all your baptismes . yee think ( say they ) that the crosse of christ is nothing but bowing down the back to every burden , and cringing and crouching to the lust of every man. they call the generall court , the great idol generall , whose pretended equity in distributing justice is a meer device of man according to the sleights of satan . they tell the court , that out of the kingdome of darknesse and the devill , they had writ another note to adde to their former pride and folly . for taking pumham and sachanonoco ( indian sachims ) under their protection ; they tell the court they might have done well to have proved themselves christians before they had mixt themselves with the heathen ; but this was too hard for them to doe . they advise the court ( in scorn ) to keep the indian with them , where he and they might perform that worthy work of distributing justice . they tell the court that they live by bloud . they tell the court , they renounce the kingdom of darkness , and the devill , wherein the court delights to trust . they call the court , o ye generation of vipers . they tell the court , they are not a cup fit for their appetite , but a cup of trembling either to make them vomit up their owne eternall shame , or else to make them burst asunder with their fellow confessor judas iscariot . that the court is either blind or audacious in desiring them to come for their parcells of justice , and that they disdain to come to them . they professe they cannot sufficiently vilifie the promise of the court , that they shall come down to them and return in safety ; which they call a verball and perfunctory offer . they tell the court , that if their lusts had not prevailed over them , they might thinke they had better employment then to trot to massachusets as their factors , and ordinary hackneys doe . they tell the court that their lawes and proceedings with the soules and bodies of men , is nothing else but a continued act of accusing and excusing ( like the horse in the mill ) which ( say they ) you doe by circumstances and conjectures , as also your fathers have done before you , the diviners and necromancers of this world , who are gone to their owne place , and have their reward . they accuse our magistrates for maintaining indians in their lying , sabbath-breaking , grosse whoredomes , stealing , &c. that they are hypocrites , having eyes and see not , eares and hear not , mouths and speak not . now had these men returned a rationall answer , it might have been meet perhaps by a few marginall notes to have returned some short reply ; but both their ●etters being fraught with little else then meer raylings , and reproachfull language , it may be sufficient thus to present them in one view together , that so the wise and prudent may take a taste of their spirits , and learne from what fire it is that their tongues are thus highly inflamed . if our courts and magistrates had been in any thing to blame , what a faire and easie way had it been to have first convinced them , before they had thus bitterly reviled them ; but thus to cut and shave , and cast all this filth in their faces without proof or reason , argues a bold and insolent spirit f●tted to make combustions and confusions in the place where they live . if indeed the magistrates had given them any sore provocations of returning ill language , there might have been some excuse , but alasse , all the cause that can bee given of most of this ill language , is nothing but writing friendly unto them , to send some from themselves to clear up the differences between them and the indians , and to shew their just title to the land they possessed : if they had kept this flood within their owne bankes , or been but moderate in revilings , it might have been winkt at ; but to fly out into such extremity on so small provocation against their betters , so as to call them idolls , blind-guides , despisers , generation of vipers , such as crucifie christ , men that serve their owne lusts , hypocrites , the seed of the devill , necromancers , judasses , men that live by bloud , robbers and thieves , men without mercy , among whom justice is dumbe , delighting in the kingdome of darknesse and the devill , like herod and pilate in administring justice , whose eyes are dazled with envie , and eares open to lies , stout maintainers of the man of sin , whose wayes are wicked ▪ and to bee abhorred ; worse then indians , like dogs , &c. this language speakes loud to what countrey they belong , and of what race they come . ii. their reviling language not onely against the magistrates and government here in particular , but also against magistracy it self , and all civill power . if any shall say for them ( as themselves now for their owne advantage doe ) that this ill language is directed onely against our particular government and magistrates , but not against all civill power it self , the contrary may appear ( notwithstanding their dark language , under which sometimes they seek to conceale it ) in these particulars . " they expresly affirm that the office to minister justice , belongs onely to the lord : and that therefore ( from their instance of herod ) men make themselves gods , ( which themselve● interpret to be onely from the god of this world , and to be in flat opposition against god , pag. . ) by ruling over the bodies and estates of men ; and that the people receiving herod to government , & crying out that this was the ordinance of god , and not of man , that he was immediately smitten of god for it : as also they tell us , p. . that to set up men to judge of good and evil , for which all m●n are set up in that kinde ; that this is re-acting that ancient spirit of the serpent , if yee eate , yee shall bee as gods. " now this strkes at all magistracy , for if the office of ministring justice and righteousnesse belongs to god onely , then not unto any man , for that is to make gods of men ; and if to judge betweene good and evill bee to act over againe the ancient spirit of the serpent , then 't is not onely unlawfull , but diabolicall , to make judges of what is right and wrong , good or evill by any man. if it bee objected , is it possible that any men should bee so grosly blind and wicked , as to abolish all ministration of justice and righteousnesse ? answ . . these men seeme to acknowledge some way of ministring justice , but the mysterie lies in that word office , they would have no man set up in the office of magistracy , distinguished from other men , but would have such a power common to the b●ethren , so that a man may judge as a brother , but not as an officer , and therefore they slily justifie him , who called one of our chiefe magistrates in the open face of the court , brother , and condemne all our magistrates , because every man doth not sit there to judge as a brother , pag. . and their reason seems to bee drawne from this , because that to bee a brother , and consequently a ●olicire with " christ , is a higher sphere then to bee a civill officer , as their owne words intimate , pag. . now the rule is evident à quatenus ad omne , that if ministration of justice and judgement belongs to no officer , but to a man as a brother , then to every brother , and if to every brother , whether rich or poore , ignor●nt or learned , then every christian in a common-wealth must bee king , and judge , and sherif●e , and captaine , and parliament man , and ruler , and that not onely in new-england , but in old , and not onely in old , but in all the christian world ; downe with all officers from their rule , and set up every brother for to rule , which the godly-wise may easily discerne to bee the establishment of all con●usion , and the setting up of anarchy worse then the greatest tyranny . . although these may beare the world in hand that they allow ministration of justice and righteousnesse by men as brethren , yet some cakes of these mens dough have been so farre leavened and sowred against all civill power , as that in our publike courts , being demanded how murderers , theeves , and adulterers should bee punished if there should bee no civill power coercive , they openly and roundly answered before many witnesses , that such persons must be left to the judgment of god , both which not long after god himself sate judge upon , being suddenly and barbarously slaine by the bloody indians in the dutch plantation . " first , they exclaime against us for choosing men that are honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , or else they may not rule among us , and this , they say , is of man , and by man , and putting the second witnesse to death , viz. the dea●h or weaknesse of christ , or in plaine english , 't is a killing of christ . now however the application is made unto our civill state , yet it manifestly strikes at all civill states in the world , who shall choose any officers for rule and government , and administring of justice , although they bee never so honourable , learned , wise , experienced , and of good report , and consequently most fit for government ; and that in so chusing them they doe put christ himself to death . so that these men still harp on that string to have every man judge as a brother , whether honourable or not honourable , whether wise or foolish , whether of good report or evill report , otherwise christs weaknesse is slaine . . " they affirme that they who can create , make void , and remove offices and officers at their pleasure , are of that evill one , ( i. the devill ) and not of jesus christ , but of shedim that waster and destroyer of mankind for ever . their proofe is from that monstrous interpretation of yea , yea , and nay , nay , and they instance not onely in church-officers , but in common-wealth-officers , whether rulers or captaines . their words are these , " viz. hee with whom it is yea , i am a ruler , but it was nay when i was none at all , renounceth the spirit of him that rules in righteousnesse , professing the spirit of him that is prince of the power of the aire , who is working now so effectually in the children of disobedience ; so also hee with whom it is yea , i am captaine , or chief-slaughter-man , but it was nay , time was that i was none at all , renounceth the victory and slaughter made by the captaine and high-priest of our profession , professing himselfe to bee a superfluous giant made in the host of the philistims , to defie the host of the living god. by which speeches ' ●is evident that they doe not onely oppose civill officers chosen amongst us here , but all such as are chosen rulers , captaines , and officers at any time , in any place , and were not so before ; and such they say are of the devill the destroyer of man. . " they say men limit , and so destroy the holy one of israel , whose life is infinite , and without circumscription and containment ( as they call it ) if men acknowledge that christ rules on earth onely by his deputies , litvtenants , and vicegerents , ( i. by persons invested with civill authority and office , for so they are called by orthodox divines ) and therefore they say that his putting christ to death , when onely wise , and honourable , and learned , and experienced , and men of good report , are chosen to rule , because they would have the power to rule common to all christians , but as for the office of rule to bee peculiar to none , and therefore pag. . they tell us that none shall see christ come into his kingdome with comfort , untill the authority and power of man appeares to be as the building of babel , and the name and authority of god onely to bee that wherein the blessing consists ; meaning that 't is babylonish building which god misliked , and confounded , for any man in office to rule and governe , because this is to limit the power and life of christ ( which is in every brother as well as in any officer ) and so to kill the life of christ ; so that if any of them say that although they distaste officers , as kings and others by election , yet not such as are so by hereditary succession , they are but words to sute their owne ends for a time , and to delude others , for if it bee limiting the holy one of israel , a circumscribing and so destroying the life of christ which is infinite , for to make him rule by his deputies and vicegerents on earth , then not onely kings and princes , whether by election or no , but all other civill officers must bee abandoned , because the life and power of christ is limited in successive as well as in elective princes , in inferiour as well as in superiour governours , who are christs deputies , and vicegerents , and therefore called rom. . . the ministers of god either for good or terrour . . " they call our generall court the idoll generall , which is nothing else but a device of man by the sleight of sathan to subject and make slaves of that species or kinde which god hath honored with his owne image , and they do not onely speake thus of our courts as idols , but they cry out woe unto the world because of the idols thereof , for idols ●ust needes bee set up , but woe be unto them by whom they are e●ected , and their reason reacheth to all civill power , ( for say they ) a man may be as well a slave to his belly , and make that his god , as be a vassall to his owne species , or kinde , or to any thing that man can bring forth even in his best perfection . there are other evidences of their corrupt minde herein from other passages in their letters which they speake under more obscure cloude● and allegories , but these may bee a sufficient witnesse against them before men and angels , that they abandon all civill authority , although for to serve their owne turnes of others or their owne lusts , they say they do not : the apostle jude long since , tels us of such persons expresly who despise dominion and speake evill of dignities , . they doe not only despise these or those particular persons or states that are invested with dominion ; but they despise dominion it selfe and dignities themselves , and would have all that power abandoned , whom he calleth v : . filthy dreamers , defiling the flesh , murmurers and complainers walking after their owne lusts , their mouthes speaking great swelling words , v. . and that it may yet more fully appeare that these men doe abandon all civill authority , ( although this secret they will not impart unto all , but rather professe the contrary ) there is extant to bee shewen if need were , the writings betweene a prudent man in this country , and one of the chiefe , and most understanding of this peculiar fellowship ( as they stile themselves ) wherein hee doth stoutly maintaine these three assertions , . that there are no ordinances . . that there are no relations neither in the common-wealth betweene rulers and subjects , nor in the church between officers and brethren , nor in the families betweene husband and wife , master and servant , father and sonne . . that there are no inherent graces in christians . by which principles the world may see what these men goe about , viz. " as much as in them lies to bring in a disorder and confusion in all states and families , and to open the sluce to all violence , injustice , and wickednesse , by not only abandoning , but reproaching and revilingall civill rule and authority upon earth , which they therefore scornefully call a meere device of man , idols , to be of the devill , the destroyer of mankinde , and to bee a crucifying of christ in his life and death , and all this when honourable , wise , learned , experienced , well reported persons are chosen and invested with civill power , whom therefore they would not have maintained , and to whom it is an unlawfull to administer any oath for the ending of civill differences , as to lust after a woman to commit adultery , pag. . iii. their blasphemous speeches against the holy things of god. . against the churches , they call them devised platformes pag. . " and that the wisedome of men is the whole accomplishment ( or that which gives the whole being ) of churches and common-wealth . pag. . " . " against the calling of ministers , they say , that to make their calling mediate and not immediate , is to make a nullity of christ , and to crucifie christ , and to put him to an open shame , and that such ministers are magicians , pag. . now this reflects upon all the ordinances and ordinary officers and ministers of christ , that either are or have beene in the church at any time , for although the offices bee immediately from christ , yet their call to exercise this office hath beene ever accounted mediate . . " against the word of god , they call the sermons of gods ministers tales , or lies and falshoods , now had they thus spoken upon proofe against any particular sermons , or persons , the accused might have spoken for themselves , but indifferently to revile all sermons as tales or forgeries , the doctrine generally taught here amongst us , being no other then that which paul preached at ephesus for three yeares space and upwards , viz. repentance towards god , and faith towards the lord jesus , act. . being also no other then what agrees generally with the harmony of confessions of all reformed churches : to call these tales is a word which the lord jesus will certainely remember , unlesse they repent ; the sermons of the apostles of christ , as well as the doctrine of all reformed churches , being reproached hereby . . against the sacraments : as for baptisme they doe not onely make the baptizing of infants as abominable as the crosse , but all our baptismes , " behold ( say they ) the vanity and abomination of all your baptismes , and they doe not meane all those baptismes which are in use amongst us , but in any churches of the world at this day ; for they acknowledge no other baptisme then that which is spirituall , and hence they say , " that when ever you see the baptisme of christ truly in use according to the word of god , you doe as truly see that party partaking and communicating with the crosse and sufferings of christ , for these are coaparant , now communicating in christs sufferings in their meaning is onely spirituall , and so is therefore all baptismes . . as for the lords supper scarce a greater heape of blasphemies in fewer words can come from the mouth of man against that blessed ordinance , wherein christ is so manifestly and sweetly present , " for they call it your disht up dainties , turning the juice of a sillie grape that perisheth in the use of it , into the bloud of the lord jesus , by the cunning skill of your magicians , which doth make mad and drunke so many in the world . . against repentance and humiliation for sinne , they speake somewhat obscurely , but they that know them may sonne understand their meaning , which if it be this , that in a way of compunction and sorrow for sinne , a christian is not to seeke for consolation and comfort from christ , and to affirme that this is to make the sonne of god belial and segnirim , the devill himselfe , ( as they interpret it ) then t is most grosse blasphemy against not onely the preaching , but practise of repentance and godly sorrow , for which the apostle rejoiced to see in the corinthians , ch . v. . . and which james and peter command and commend , james . v. . . peter . v. . and which way not so much moses in the law but christ in the gospell hath sanctified to finde pardon of sinne john . . . against christ jesus himselfe : " they condemne our doctrine for affirming that jesus christ actually dyed and suffered onely in the dayes of herod , and pontius pilate , when hee hanged on the crosse , and that hee was crucified in truth and substance onely when hee appeared borne of the virgin mary : and for this doctrine wee are condemned as wisards and necromancers . now what is this but to overthrow not onely the being of christ in the flesh , making him no other then such an one as actually suffered from the begining of the world , and shall doe to the end of it , but also overthrowing all faith and hope of salvation in that messiah who was incarnate in the dayes of herod and pilate , and in his death and sufferings , and that one perfect offering , then once for all heb. . . the reader may therefore be pleased to take notice that being asked in open court what was that christ who was borne of the virgin and suffered under pilate ? one of them answered that hee was a semblance , picture , or a shadow of what was and is done " actually and substantially in christians ; and hence the meaning of the words may bee gathered pag. . which otherwise the wise reader may thinke to bee non-sence . viz. " that they are wisards and necromancers who raise a shadow without a substance ( viz. to make christ to bee slaine in types since the world began ) or who raise the substance of him who dwels in light without a shadow , ( making no more of christ but a semblance and shadow , as themselves call it ) for further explication of which they affirmed in open court that as the image of god in adam was christ , ( " for god they said had but one image ) so the lesse of this image by man was the death of christ , and therefore 't is no wonder if they deny christ to dye actually onely when crucified under pontius pilate because man sinned actually ( which they make to be christs death ) long before ; meane while the reader may take notice with a holy astonishment and horrour of the heavy curse of god in blinding these bold men with such a palpable and grosse spirit of delusion and mad phrensies , who will make mans sinne and fall , which is the cause of perdition of men , to be the cause of the salvation of man , for so christs death is which they blasphemously make mans sinne to bee . for further proofe that they make little use of christ and his death , then as hath been said , their owne interpretation of the slaying of the two witnesses , pag. . . seemeth to confirme , for they make these two witnesses the life and the death of christ in men , the life of christ they call his strength , and the death of christ they call his we●knesse , viz. as it is , and appeares in weake , foolish , ignorant , unexperienced , and ill-reported of men , and therefore they blame us for killing of christs death ( for it seemes it is such a death as may bee killed ) in that wee chuse honourable , wise , learned men , and of good report to place of rule , excluding others . now some of these blasphemies might have beene the better borne if they had let christ and his death alone , and his word alone , but to call the holy word and sermons of salvation tales , the sacrament an abomination , madding and making drunke the world , to call the ministers of christ who dispense word and sacraments , necromancers and magicians , and they who hold and beleive him to bee the messiah and christ who suffered under pilate , wisards , and all this in coole bloud , in the open face of the court , obstinately refusing to alter a title of what they had writ , let the world judge if ever antichrist that beast spoken of rev. . , . did ever speake greater blasphemies against god , his name , and tabernacle , and whether such men deserve to live , that live thus to blaspheme ; may not such civill states that tolerate such , feare that sentence of god against them as was pronounced against ahab for letting blasphemous benhadab escape with his life , thy life for his life ? however mens charity may enlarge it sel●e this way , yet let wisedome preserve us and make the wise hearted wa●y of such impostors , who want not their wiles to say and unsay , as may best sute their advantage , for they can hold forth at some time and to some persons , wholesome and orthodox truths and beare them in hand that this is all that they hold , but they have depths of abomination to give to drinke when they see their seasons , in such golden cups ; they have hidden secrets , which their young proselytes shall not presently see , much lesse others ; for so they tell us pag. . " that t is not their purpose to open to every one the house of their treasures , the silver and gold , and spices , and precious ointment , nor the house of their armour , because they may take them all as execrable and put them to a prophane use , nor can every spirit comprehend the breadth of the land of emanuel , ( as they call it pag. . ) nor know the cherubims of glory , nor the voice of the oracle from the mercy-seate : and indeed their uncouth , tumorous and swelling words ( as jude cals them jude . ) like swellings , and tumours of the flesh , are the undoubted signes of a secret and seducing humour , whereby they are fit to deceive the simple and infect the strong , if men bee not watchfull . the publisher to the reader . the reason wherefore nothing is answered to the great charge in his voluminous postscript , is because it hath beene answered , already by a former treatise printed : but more especially because many of the friends , children and kindred of the dead are in good esteeme with us , whom i am loath to grieve . but since by course thou art next to cast thine eye gentle reader upon the summe of a presentment which the court at road iland received from their grand jewry being present when samuel gorton had so much abused their government in the face of the country , yea in open court , their owne eyes and eares bearing witnesse thereunto , they i say presented these abuses to the court , as such which they conceived ought not to bee borne without ruine to their government , and therefore besought the bench to thinke of some one punishment for examples sake as well as otherwise to bee inflicted on the delinquent . and therefore that thou maist see the occasion thereof , take notice that an ancient woman having a cow going in the field where samuel gorton had some land . this woman fetching out her cow , gortons servant maid fell violently upon the woman beating and notoriously abusing her by tearing her haire about her , whereupon the old woman complaining to the deputy governour of the place , hee sendeth for the maid , and upon hearing the cause , bound her over to the court. the time being come and the court set , gorton appeares himselfe in the defence of his maid , and would not suffer his maid to appeare or make answer , but said expresly she should not appeare , and that if they had any thing against her they should proceed with him . and though hee was lovingly disswaded by some of the bench not to engage himselfe but let his maid appeare , yet hee refused : but when hee could not bee prevailed with , the action was called and witnesses produced , sworne , and examined : which being done , hee moved for another witnesse to bee called , which hee perswaded himselfe and the bench was an honest woman and would speake the truth . now shee being sworne , said , mr. gorton , i can speake nothing will helpe your maid . and indeed her whole testimony was against her and for the old womans cause , whereupon hee openly said , take heed thou wicked woman , the earth doth not open and swallow thee up . and then hee demanded of the court if hee should have equity and justice in his cause or no ? to which was answered , if he had either plea or evidence to produce in his maids cause it should be heard . then hee nominated one weekes who could say something to it . weekes was called and required to take his oath before hee spake ; at which gorton and weekes both of them jeered and laughed and told the court they were skilled in idols , and that was one , and stood stoutly a long time to make it good . hereupon some of the court put him in mind how they had forewarned him of such carriages fearing he would fall into some extreames . at length the governour gathering up the summe of what was witnessed , commends it to the jewry . at which time gorton said , the court had perverted justice and wrested the witnesses , with very many high and reproachfull termes ; and in the midst of his violence throwing his hands about , hee touched the deputy governour with his handkerchiefe buttons about his eares ( who it seemes sate at a table with his backe towards him ) whereupon the deputy said , what will you fall about my eares ? to which gorton answered i know not whether you have any eares or no ? and if you have , i know not where they stand ; but i will not touch them with a paire of tongues . the governour often calling upon the jewry to attend the cause , was as often interrupted by him . whereupon many of their freemen being present , desired the court they would not suffer such insolencies , professing they were troubled the court had borne with them so long . for which in briefe , hee was committed , but when the governour bade the marshall take him away ; hee bade take away coddington , which was their governours name : a thing i thought meet to explaine , lest thou shouldst not understand it by the heads of the presentment here following , abusing all and every particular of the magistrates with opprobrious terms . but note when hee was committed upon his mutinous and seditious speeches , weekes , holden , &c. his abettors , stopped the way with such insolency , as the governour was forced to rise from the bench , to helpe forward the command with his person , in clearing the way , put weekes in the stocks , and was forced to command a guard of armed men to preserve themselves and the peace of the place : and this they did because of some fore-going jealousies ; and now taking occasion to search the houses of that party that adhered to him , they found many of their peeces laden with bullet : and by meanes hereof they were forced to continue their guard , whilst upon their banishment they were forced from the island . and however it were enough for a book alone to relate all the particulars of his insolent carriage , yet take notice onely of two or three particulars : when hee was censured to bee whipt and banished , he appealed to england ; they asked to whom ? hee said with a loud voice , to king charles . they told him , hee should first have his punishment , and then afterwards hee might complain . to which hee replyed , take notice i appeale to king charles , calo , or selah ; the party who was present told mee hee could not tell which , but that word was spoken with an extraordinary high and loud voice . a second thing to be observed , was , that after hee had been so deservedly whipt , some of his faction said , now christ jesus had suffered . and thirdly , although the weather was very cold , the governour going away after execution of justice upon him , yet he ran a good way after the governour , drawing a chaine after one of his legs , the upper part of his body being still naked , and told him , he had but lent him this , and hee should surely have it again . all this i had from a man of very good repute , who then lived with them , and was an eye and eare witnesse to all these proceedings . in the next place take notice good reader , that when hee went from hence well whipt , as before , and entred upon his banishment , the place hee went to ( in a sharpe season ) was a town called providence , where mr. roger williams , & divers others lived , who in regard of the season , entertained them with much humane curtesie , but the gortonians answered all like aesops snake , as thou maist read by the severall letters of the chief inhabitants of that place , by a notorious faction there also by them raised , to the great distraction and amazement of the inhabitants , as appeareth by their dolefull complaints in their own letters , a true copy whereof i present unto thee . the sum of the presentment of samuel gorton at portsmouth in roade-island , by the grand jury . first , that samuel gorton certaine dayes before his appearance at this court , said , the government was such as was not to bee subjected unto , forasmuch as it had not a true derivation , because it was altered from what it first was . that samuel gorton contumeliously reproached the magistrates calling them just asses . that the said gorton reproachfully called the judges , or some of the justices on the bench ( corrupt judges ) in open court. that the said gorton questioned the court for making him to waite on them two dayes formerly , and that now hee would know whether hee should bee tryed in an hostile way , or by law , or in sobriety . the said gorton alledged in open court , that hee looked at the magistrates as lawyers , and called mr. easton , lawyer easton . the said gorton charged the deputy governour to bee an abetter of a riot , assault , or battery , and professed that he would not touch him , no not with a paire of tongues : moreover he said , i know not whether thou hast any eares , or no : as also , i think thou knowest not where thy ears stand , and charged him to be a man unfit to make a warrant . the said gorton charged the bench for wresting witnesse , in this expression , i professe you wrest witnesse . the said gorton called a freeman in open court ( saucy boy , and jack-an-apes ; ) and said , the woman that was upon her oath , would not speake against her mother , although she were damned where she stood . the said gorton affirmed that mr. easton behaved himselfe not like a judge , and that himself was charged either basely or falsly . the said gorton said to the bench , ye intrude oaths , and goe about to catch me . the said gorton being reproved for his miscarriage , held up his hand , and with extremity of speech shooke his hand at them , insomuch that the freemen present said , hee threatens the court. the said gorton charged the court with acting the second part of plymouth magistrates , who , as hee said , condemned him in the chimney corner , ere they heard him speak . the said gorton in open court did professe to maintaine the quarrell of another being his maid-servant . the said gorton being commanded to prison , imperiously resisted the authority , and made open proclamation , saying , take away coddington , and carry him to prison ; the governour said again , all you that owne the king , take away gorton and carry him to prison ; gorton replyed , all you that own the king , take away coddington , and carry him to prison . william dere secretary . mr. roger vvilliams his letter unto mr. vvinthrop , concerning samuel gorton . providence . st . . master gorton having foully abused high and low at aquidnick , is now bewitching and bemadding poore providence , both with his uncleane and foule censures of all the ministers of this country , ( for which my self have in christs name withstood him ) and also denying all visible and externall ordinances in depth of familisme , against which i have a little disputed and written , and shall ( the most high assi●ting ) to death : as paul said of asia , i of providence ( almost ) all suck in his poyson , as at first they did at aquednick . some few and my selfe withstand his inhabitation , and towne-priviledges , without confession and reformation of his uncivill and inhumane practises at portsmouth : yet the tyde is too strong against us , and i feare ( if the framer of hearts help● not ) it will force mee to little patience , a little isle next to your prudence . jehovah himselfe bee pleased to bee a sanctuary to all whose hearts are perfect with him ; in him i desire unfainedly to be your worships true and affectionate roger williams . providence this . of november , anno . to the honoured governour of massachusett , together with the worshipfull assistants , and our loving neighbours there . vvee the inhabitants of the town abovesaid , having faire occasions , counted it meet and necessary to give you true intelligence of the insolent and riotous carriages of samuel gorton and his company , which came from the island of aquednick ; which continue still as sojourners amongst us ; together with john greene , and francis weston , two which have this long time stood in opposition against us , and against the fairest and most just and honest ways of proceedings in order and government , that wee could rightly and truly use , for the peaceable preservation and quiet subsistence of our selves and families , or any that should have faire occasion to goe out or come in amongst us . also six or seven of our townsmen which were in peaceable covenants with us , which now by their declamations doe cut themselves off from us , and jointly under their hands have openly proclaimed , to take party with the afore-named companies , and so intend for ought wee can gather , to have no manner of honest order , or government either over them or amongst them , as their writings , words , and actions doe most plainly shew . it would bee tedious to relate the numberlesse number of their upbraiding taunts , assaults , and threats , and violent kinde of carriage daily practised against all that either with care or counsell seek to prevent or withstand their lewd licentious courses . yet in briefe to commit some few of them to your moderate judgements , lest wee our selves should bee deemed some way blinded in the occurrences of things , here is a true copy of their writing inclosed , which francis weston gave us the . of this present moneth , they having also set up a copy of the same on a tree in the street , in stead of satisfaction for fifteene pounds , which by way of arbitration of eight men orderly chosen , and all causes and reasons that could bee found , daily and truly examined , and considered jointly together , when hee the said francis weston was found liable to pay , or make satisfaction in cattle or commodities , but on the . of this present moneth , when wee went orderly , openly , and in a warrantable way to attach some of the said francis westons cattle , to drive them to the pound , to make him , if it were possible , to make satisfaction : which samuel gorton and his company getting notice of , came and quarrelled with us in the street , and made a tumultuons hubbub ; and although for our parts wee had before-hand most principally armed our selves with patience , peaceably to suffer as much injury , as could possibly be● born , to avoid all shedding of blood , yet some few drops of blood were shed on either side : and after the tumult was partly appeased , and that we went on orderly into the corne-field , to drive the said cattle , the said francis weston came furiously running with a flayle in his hand , and cryed out , helpe sirs , helpe sirs , they are going to steale my cattle , and so continued crying till randall holden , john greene , and some others came running and made a great out-cry , and hollowing and crying , theeves , theeves , stealing cattle , stealing cattle , and so the whole number of their desperate company came riotously running , and so with much striving in driving , hurried away the cattle , and then presumptuously answered , they had made a rescue , and that such should bee their practise if any men at any time , in any case attach any thing that is theirs . and fully to relate the least part of their such like words and actions , the time and paper would scarce bee profitably spent , neither need wee to advise your discretions what is likely to bee the sad events of these disorders , if their bloody currents bee not either stopped , or turned some other way . for it is plaine to us , that if men should continue to resist all manner of order , and orderly answering one of another in different cases , they will suddenly practise , not onely cunningly to detaine things one from another , but , openly in publike , justly or unjustly , according to their own wills disorderly take what they can come by ; first pleading necessity , or to maintaine wife and family ; but afterwards boldly to maintain licentious lust , like savage brute beasts , they will put no manner of difference between houses , goods , lands , wives , lives , blood , nor any thing will bee precious in their eyes : if it may therefore please you of gentle curtesie , and for the preservation of humanity and mankinde , to consider our condition , and lend us a neighbour-like helping hand , and send us such assistance ( our necessity urging us to bee troublesome unto you ) to helpe us to bring them to satisfaction , and ease us of our burden of them , at your discretions ; wee shall evermore owne it as a deed of great charity , and take it very thankfully , and diligently labour in the best measure wee can , and constantly practise to requite your loving kindnesse , if you should have occasion to command us , or any of us in any lawfull designe : and if it shall please you to send us any speedy answer , we shall take it very kindly , and bee ready and willing to satisfie the messengers , and ever remaine your loving neighbours , and respective friends joshuah winsor benedict arnold william mean william hawkings robert west william field william harris william wickenden william reinolds thomas harris tho. hopkins mark hugh bennit william carpenter . providence the . of the . month , . to the rest of the five men appointed to manage the affaires of our towne aforesaid , these are further to give you to understand ; viz. that i doe not onely approve of what my neighbours before me have written and directed their reasons to a serious consideration with us , concerning samuel gorton and his company : but this much i say also , that it is evident and may easily bee proved , that the said samuel gorton nor his company are not fit persons to bee received in , and made members of such a body , in so weake a state as our town is in at present . my reasons are , viz. first , samuel gorton having shewed himselfe a railing and turbulent person , not onely in and against those states of government from whence hee came , as is to bee proved ; but also here in this towne since hee have sojourned here ; witnesse his proud challenge , and his upbraiding accusations in his vilifying and opprobrious terms of , and against one of our combination most wrathfully and shamelesly reviling him , and disturbing of him , and medling with him , who was imployed and busied in other private occasions , having no just cause so to revile and abuse him , saying also to him ( and that of another state ) in a base manner , they were like swine that held out their nose to suck his blood , and that now hee and the rest of his company would goe and wallow in it also ; which are indeed words unsufferable ; and also despitefully calling him boy , as though hee would have challenged the field of him , in such an inhumane behaviour as becomes not a man that should bee thought to be fit by any reasonable men to be received into such a poor weak state as we are in at present . secondly , another of his company , one who is much in esteem with him , who openly in a scornfull and deriding manner , seeing one of the five men that was chosen by the towne , and betrusted in the towne affaires , comming towards him in the street , hee asked of one that stood by him , who that was ; the other answered him , it was one of the five men appointed for managing of our towne affaires , or the like : yea , said hee , hee lookes like one of the five , which words import not onely a scorning and deriding of his person of whom then hee spake , but also a despising and scorning of our civill state , as it were trampling it under foot , as they had done by other states before they came hither , who were of greater strength then wee are ; for which cause i cannot see such persons to bee fit to bee received into such a state as our towne is . thirdly , i cannot finde these men to bee reasonable men in their suite unto the towne , to be received in as townsmen , seeing they have already had a plaine denyall of their request , and that by the consent of the major part of the towne , or very neare , &c. and are yet unanswerable ; and also that they seeing that their comming to our towne , hath brought the towne into a hurry , almost the one halfe against the other , in which estate no towne or city can well stand or subsist ; which declareth plainly unto us , that their intent is not good , but that their ●bode so long here amongst us , is in hope to get the victory over one part of the town , but specially of those that laid the first foundation of the place , and bought it even almost with the losse of their lives , and their whole estates , and afterwards to trample them under their feet , as some of their words hold forth , or else to drive them out into the same condition , to seek out a new providence , and to buy it with the like hardnesse as they first bought this place ; these , and many other like reasons that may be shewed , declare that they are not fit persons to be received into our meane and weake state. fourthly , and seeing hee who is so well knowne to bee the ring-leader unto the breach of peace , that have been so notoriously evill to bee a trouble of civill states where hee hath lived , that are of farre greater force then wee are of , specially that state who have their commission and authority from the higher powers ; what may wee then expect if he could get himself in with , and amongst so many as wee see are daily ready to tread us under their feet , and his , whom he cals friends , &c. surely , first a breach of our civill peace , and next a ruine of all such as are not of his side , as their daily practise doth declare ; ergo , they are not fit persons to be received into our towne , &c. object . if it bee objected , as some have blasphemously said , that wee are persecutors , and doe persecute the saints , in not receiving of them into our towne-fellowship , &c. answ . to this i answer , there cannot bee proved the least shew of any persecution of those persons , either by us , or by any other amongst us to our knowledge . for they have quiet abode amongst us , none molesting or troubling of them , nor any thing they have . it cannot bee proved but by their owne relation , the which hath been disproved ; that they were sent out from those places from whence they came for religion , neither are they medled with here for any such matter , but rather that they themselves in their bravery are more ready to meddle with others . they themselves and others of their followers , have rather been troublers and persecutors of the saints of god that lived here before they came , and doe but waite their opportunity to make themselves manifest in that they intend ; ergo , it cannot bee truly said of any , that any persecution is offered by us unto them , if it could possibly be said of them that they are saints . obj. but if it be further objected , that we doe not give them the liberty of men , neither doe wee afford them the bowells of mercy , to give them the meanes of livelihood amongst us , as some have said . answ . to this i say ; there is no state but in the first place will seeke to preserve its owne safety and peace . wee cannot give land to any person by vertue of our combination , except wee first receive them into our state of combination , the which wee cannot doe with them for our owne and others peace-sake , &c. whereas their necessity have been so much pleaded , it is not knowne that ever they sought to finde out a place where they might accommodate themselves , and live by themselves , with their friends , and such as will follow after them , where they may use their liberty to live without order or controule , and not to trouble us , that have taken the same course as wee have done for our safety and peace , which they doe not approve nor like of , but rather like beasts in the shape of men to doe what they shall thinke fit in their owne eyes , and will not bee governed by any state. and seeing they doe but here linger out the time in hope to get the day to make up their penny-worths in advantage upon us , we have just cause to heare the complaints of so many of our neighbors that live in the town orderly amongst us , and have brought in their complaints , with many reasons against them , and not to admit them , but answer them as unfit persons to bee received into our meane state , &c. now if these reasons and much more which have been truly said of them , doe not satisfie you , and the rest of our neighbours , but that they must be received into our towne-state , even unto our utter overthrow , &c. then according to the order agreed upon by the towne , i doe first offer my house and land within the liberty of the towne unto the towne to buy it of mee , or else i may , and shall take liberty to sell it to whom i may for mine advantage , &c. william arnold . a particvlar answer to the manifold slanders and abominable falsehoods contained in a book , called simplicities defence against seven-headed policy : wherein samuel gorton is proved a disturber of civill societies , desperately dangerous to his country-men the english in new-engl . and notoriously slanderous in what he hath printed of them . when first i entertained the desires of the countrey to come over to answer the complaints of samuel gorton , &c. and to render a reason of the just and righteous proceedings of the countrey of new-engl . in the severall parts of it , against him being a common disturber of the peace of all societies where hee came , witnes new-plymouth , roade-island , providence , and lastly the massachusets , being the most eminent ; i little thought then to have appeared in print : but comming into england , and finding a booke written by mr. gorton called simplicities defence against seven-headed policy : or , a true complaint of a peaceable people , being part of the english in new-engl . old-england , against cruell persecutors united in church-government in those parts . i then conceived my selfe bound in duty to take off the many grosse and publike scandalls held forth therein , to the great amazement of many tender consciences in the kingdom , who are not acquainted with his proud and turbulent carriage , nor see the lion under his lambe-skinne coate of simplicity and peace . the lord knowes how unwilling i was personally to engage : and i trust hee will also guide mee in answering his booke , as i shall bee farre from bitternesse : t is true , time was when his person was precious in mine eies , and therefore i hope and desire onely to make a righteous and just defence to the many unworthy things by him boldly , ignorantly , proudly , and falsly published to the great dishonour of god in wronging and scandalizing his churches , which the lord jesus christ will not leave unpunished . i know the world is full of controversies and t is my great griefe to see my dear native country so engaged in them , especially one godly person against another . 't is my present comfort i come not to accuse any ; but to defend new-england against the injurious complaints of samuel gorton , &c. but as it comes to passe oftentimes that men wound others unavoidably in defending their persons from the violent assaults of such as draw upon them , which otherwise they would never have done : so if mr. gorton receive any such hurt ( which is unavoidable ) hee becomes an accessary thereunto : by forcing mee to defend the country , without which i should bee unfaithfull . i know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde , and therefore however i am unfitted of many things i have and could procure at home would well become a relation of the late and present state of new england , yet i shall now onely with as great brevity as may bee give answer to such injurious complaints as hee maketh of us . and however his title , preface , and every leafe of his booke may bee justly found fault with , i shall clearely answer to matters of fact , such as hee chargeth the severall governments withall , so as any indifferent reader may easily discerne how grosly wee are abused , and how just and righteous censures were against him for disturbing the civill peace of all societies where hee came , in such a manner as no government could possibly beare : and for the blasphemies for which hee was proceeded against at massachusets , they fell in occasionally by his owne meanes without any circumstance leading thereunto . and first whereas hee accuseth us in the first page of his booke to got over to suppresse ●ereticks . 't is well knowne we went thither for no such end laid downe by us , but to enjoy those liberties the lord jesus christ had left unto his church to avoid the episcopall tyranny , and the heavy burthens they imposed , to which sufferings the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured parliament have and doe beare witnesse to , as religious and just . and that wee might also hold forth that truth and ancient way of god wherein wee walke , which mr. gorton cals heresie . next in the same pag. hee chargeth us with affection of titles , &c. to which i answer , either we must live without government , or if wee have governours wee must give them wee call such titles as are sutable to their offices and places they beare in church and common-wealth , as governours and assistants , pastors , teachers , rulers , deacons , &c. these are our highest titles we give . in his second pag. hee chargeth the massachusets to unite with other colonies to the end they might bathe themselves in bloud and feed themselves fat with the lives of their brethren , &c. this is a notorious slander . 't is true that the massachusets new plimouth , cone●tacut , and newhaven , i meane the severall colonies there entred into a civill combination , and are called by the name of the vnited colonies , and this was occasioned by a generall conspiracy of the indians against the body of the english there seated , together with the distracted condition of england , from whom we could expect no helpe at that time . but mr. gorton and his company sell at that time into more then ordinary familiarity with the na●ohigganset indians , who were the principal contrivers of the villany ; who where they could not draw others to them by force or flattery , they did it by large gifts , &c. as i could prove by many testimonies of the indians , many hundred miles asunder from each other , in which designe had not the finger of god in much mercy prevented , i had beene the first had fallen ; which i forbeare to relate here , being what i now doe , is but an answer to his invective , next in the same pag. hee tels us at his landing how hee found his country men at great variance at boston in point of religion ; but had not hee holpen to blow the bellowes the flame might never have beene so great . and whereas hee said that mr. williams was banished thence for differing from us being a man of good report , &c. in answer , . take notice , i know that mr. williams ( though a man lovely in his carriage , and whom i trust the lord will yet recall ) held forth in those times the unlawfulnesse of our letters patents from the king , &c. would not allow the colours of our nation , denyed the lawfulnesse of a publique oath ●● being needlesse to the saints , and a prophanation of gods name to tender it to the wicked , &c. and truly i never heard but he was dealt with for these and such like points : however i am sorry for the love i beare to him and his , i am forced to mention it , but god cals mee at this time to take off these aspersions . in pag. . hee mentions the proceedings of the massachusets against mr. john wheelwright &c. had it beene the will of god i would those differences had never been : but the maine difference was about a petition by way of remonstrance , which the government tooke very offensive : but mr. wheelwright and they are reconciled , hee having given satisfaction , &c. in the same pag. hee wrongs the doctrine of our churches , which is well knowne to bee sound . but whereas hee tels us in the same pag. of denying cohabitation , and of whippings , confinement , imprisonment , chaines , fines , banishment . i confesse all these things befell him , and most justly : for hee was bound to the good behaviour at plimouth and brooke his bonds in the face of the court , whipt and banished at roade island for mutinle and sedition in the open court there : also at providence as factious there though his party grew greater then mr. williams his better party , as appeares by his and their sad letters to the government of the massachuset for helpe and advice ; and afterwards banished the massachusets : all which appeares in another place of this booke , and the just causes of their proceedings annexed thereunto . lastly in this pag. hee tels us of his hardship divers nights together , that himselfe and the rest of his mutinous companions , as weekes , holden , &c. endured , which was just with god and man , for extream evils must have extreame remedies , and yet t is well knowne t is not a full dayes journey from roade island to providence . and whereas a stranger would thinke hee was then forced to goe to nauhigauset-bay amongst the indians , hee went not from providence till they were as weary of these mutineeres as either plimouth or roade island had beene before them . and because hee often mentioneth the hard measure hee received at plimouth , still carrying it on as if difference in religion had beene the ground of it : i thought good here to give the reader to understand what was the ground of his troubles there , that so all men may know what religion this man is of : for the tree is best knowne by its fruite . the first complaint that came against him for which hee was brought before authority , was by mr. ral●h smith a minister , who being of gortons acquaintance received him with his family into his house , with much humanity and christian respect , promising him as free use of it as himselfe , &c. but mr. gorton becomming troublesome , ( after meanes used to remove the offences taken by mr. smith , but to no purpose , growing still more insolent ) mr. smith desired him to provide elsewhere for himselfe : but gorton refused , saying , hee had as good interest in the house as mr. smith had . and when hee was brought before authority , stood stoutly to maintaine it to our amasement . but was ordered to depart and provide other wayes by a time appointed . and not long after there comming a woman of his acquaintance to plimouth , divers came to the governour with complaints against her , being a stranger , for unworthy and offensive speeches and carriages used by her . whereupon the governour sent to her to know her businesse , &c. and commanded her departure , and ordered the sea-man that brought her , to returne her to the place from whence shee came , at his next passage thither . but gorton said shee should not goe , for hee had occasion to employ her , &c. hereupon the governour ( it being in the time of a court ) sent for him , and because hee had hidde her , stood in justification of his practise and refused to obey the command of the court ( who seconded the governours order . ) he was committed till hee could procure sureties for his good behaviour till the next court which was a generall court , and there to answer to this contempt . the time being come and the court set , gorton was called ; but the governour being wearied with speech to other causes , requested one of his assistants who was present at his commitment and privy to the whole cause to declare the same . this assistant no sooner stood up to shew the country the cause of his bonds in the great affront hee had given the government , but gorton stretching out his hand towards his face said with a loud voice , if satan will accuse the brethren , let him come downe from jehoshuahs right ●and and stand here , and that done , in a seditious manner turned himselfe to the people and said , with his armes spread abroad ; yee see good people how yee are abused ! stand for your liberty ; and let them not bee parties and judges , with many other opprobrious speeches of that kinde . hereupon divers elders of churches being present , desiring leave of the governour to speake , complaining of his seditious carriage , and requested the court not to suffer these abuses , but to inflict condigne punishment . and yet notwithstanding all wee did to him was but to take the forfeiture of his foresaid bonds for his good behaviour . nay being but low and poore in his estate , wee tooke not above eight or ten pounds of it , lest it might lie too heavy upon his wife and children . but he must either get new sureties for the behaviour till the next generall court , or such time as he departed the government , or lie in prison till hee could : now hee knowing his outragious passions which hee could not restraine , procured sureties , but immediately left plimouth and went to roade island , where upon complaint of our persecutions hee found present reliefe there : yet soone afterward he abused them in a greater measure and had heavier yet too light a punishment inflicted on him , and all for breach of the civill peace and notorious contempt of authority without the least mention of any points of religion on the governments part , but as before . and whereas in pag. . mr. gorton further accuseth us that they were deprived and taken away from their quiet possessions , &c. such was his carriage at plimouth and providence at his first settling as neither of the governments durst admit or receive him into cohabitation ; but refused him as a pest to all societies . againe in the same pag. he accuseth massachusets and plimouth to have denyed them to be in our government , but when wee perceived the place to bee a refuge for such as were oppressed then , &c. 't is true that plimouth gave way to mr. williams and his company to sit downe at providence and have never molested them to this day , but refused gorton and weekes , &c. upon weekes his sollicitation when i was at providence for the reasons before mentioned , &c. and for those particular relations he makes of robert cole , william arnold , and benedict his sonne , i wave , as not being so well acquainted with their cases , but see hee writes with a venomous pen ; onely take notice he would make it a great crime in them to trade on the sabbath ( as it is ) when himselfe at that time denyed the sanctification of it . in pag. . hee complaines that powder was traded to the indians and denyed to them . answ . if it were traded to the indians , for my part i approve it not , it being against the expresse law of the country , and a large penalty annexed : but there was good reason to refuse it to them which held such familiarity with malignant indians especially during the time of their confederacy against us . in pag. . he speakes as if hee had beene under some censure of the massachusets at the time of the warrant there by him specified , how truly copied i know not : but am sure at this time he was personally under no censure of theirs . in pag. . hee accuseth magistrates and ministers for bringing in all the accusations that came in against them . who but publique persons should take notice of publique insolencies ? and as for mr. collens his story i am a stranger to , but beleeve it is misreported as well as others . in pag. . hee manifests hee durst not live under a forraigne prince , meaning the dutch , having never been false to his king and country , &c. with many ignorant swelling words ; as if it were treason to ones prince to live under a forraigne state though an ally . and in the same pag. hee would lay the death of mistris hutchenson who was mother in law to mr. collens , on us : although they went from road island which is not under the massachusets where shee had lived some yeares after her remove from the bay , and not from the massachusets to the dutch of her owne accord where they were cut off by the indians . in pag . he shewes how they bought lands of myantonimo prince of those parts . answ . . hee was not the prince of that part as was proved publiquely at massachusets himselfe being present . . he had no proper right in it , as is shewed at large elsewhere . in the same pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blasphemies which continueth to pag. . and however it bee not exactly set downe as it was sent , yet i admire at gods providence , for hee is falne into the snare he laid , this being brought against him to accuse him of blasphemy , before a committee of parliament , who called in his book , and referred him to the house , &c. but i forbeare to shew his folly here , which is referred to another place and his wickednesse discovered therein . in pag. . hee saith the government of the massachusets had no shew of any thing against them but religion , and yet the whole carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print , shewes it was in the right of two indian sachims , namely pumham and socononoco , who placing themselves under the protection of the massachusets complained of violence offered them by mr. gort●n and his company , it being our manner both in capitals and criminals to doe them the like justice wee doe one to another , wherein walking by the same rules of righteousnesse towards them , they have the lesse cause to take offence at us . from pag. . forward , are many letters which i cannot beleeve al is in them , and therfore remain jealous of his sincerity in printing them . in pag. . hee holds forth conversion to be the ground of the massachusets sending to them , now to that end , saith hee , they sent a minister . 't is true , there was a gracious young man one mr. joh. bulkley then a student , but in no ministery , went to teach to the company they sent to guard their owne commissioners , and to bring in gorton if need required : but i dare not beleeve what hee affirmes . and for the copy of a letter hee fathers upon the commissioners sent by the government of the massachuset ; i conclude 't is rather set downe upon memory then right , because of some attestations i have by me to make use on elsewhere , which seeme to hold forth the contrary , and so i doe not credit it . in pag. , & . hee relates how their wives were frighted at mens presenting their muskets at them , &c. and suffering such hardships as occasioned death , &c. which must also bee false , for honest men have deposed there was no such presentment , and that their wives came freely and familiarly to them , both before and after they were taken . so also hee affirmes our men would allow of no parley but private , or else they would dispatch them in a quarter of an houre , which i will never beleeve , because i know the men to bee men fearing god , and durst not proceed as hee relateth it . in pag. , & . he also taxeth the commissioners and souldiers with breach of covenants in time of treaty , as , breaking open their houses , desks , killing their cattle , &c. all which is false , for oath is made to the contrary , which i shall make use of before my lord of warwick governour in chiefe , and the rest of the honourable committee for foraign plantations in due time and place , that whereas they were by agreement to have two houses for their company being about men , they made use of but one , nor did any of these things laid to their charge . in pag. . he would make pumham and soconon●co , the naturall subjects of myantonimo their prince ; but this was disproved . and in the same page , he saith , the magistrates suggested to the people as though there were feare of some combination between the indians and them . answ . i dare not say you had a hand in the depth of their conspiracy : but this i thinke you dare not deny , that weekes one of your stoutest champions , lent myantonimo an armour , in which he was taken in battell against vncus , who was under the protection of the english united colonies : for which vncus put him to death ; and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then becomes you . but here it will bee necessary for mee to shew you the ●round of this warre . there was a people called by the name of the pecoats , being a stout warlike people , who had been at warre with the● nanohiggansets many yeares , and were too strong for them ; so also were they at some distance of affection with this vncus , who was sachim of a people called the mohegans , neare the head of a river falleth into the sea at pecoat● . the chiefe sachim of this people of pecoat , was called tatobam , a stout man. the nanohiggansets and these strove who should be greatest . this tatobam envied the english , and was the first stirrer and contriver of this generall plot , that they might all joyne together to destroy the english ; but the nanohiggansets refused to joyne with them , knowing if that were once done , the next ruine must be their owne . afterward having subdued many small peoples , and one as great as themselves , and and some english planting more neare then the body of our plantations , though without wrong to him , or any of them , hee cut off captaine stone his barke and company , and after this killed divers stragling english . this stirred up the english to take revenge : the nanohiggansets and vncus , sachim of the moheges seeing this , because it was against their comon enemy , offered their service to joyn with the english : the nanohiggansets did no considerable service in comparison of the moheges , who did as much as could bee expected , but the nanohiggansets rather gathered up the spoile , to the great offence of the english and moheges , seldome ingaging in any fight . the english killed and destroyed this people utterly , so that those that were left remaining utterly deserted the countrey , and the english wonne it , and are now possessed of it . after this victory , myantonimo sachim or lord of the nanohiggansets , and vncus lord of the moheges , manifested no good blood towards each other ; the english at hartford where the government for coneetacut is held , hearing of it , got them together , and made a peace and threefold covenant between the government of coneetacut , nanohigganset , and mo●ege , which was signed by the governour of coneetacut , myantonimo sachim of nanohigganset , and vncus sachim of m●hegan . the covenants ran to this purpose , to confirme their league between the english and them , and either to other , and to hold forth a league of perpetuall peace between them . and in case any difference should arise between these two indian sachims , or their people , the party offended should complaine to the governour of coneetacut , who was to mediate and to determine the controversie between his two friends and their people : and in case the injury were great , and the party wronging would not stand to the foresaid award and determination , then it should not onely bee lawfull for the wronged to right himselfe by force of armes , but for the english party also to assist the innocent in that kind . and to this they all firmed as before . the nanohigganset sachim never regarded this covenant , the mohege sachim ever faithfully observed it . but myantonimo of nanohigganset had thoughts now to prosecute the pecoats designe , and to destroy the english , ( the pecoets nation being rooted out by gods just judgement as before ) and travels farre and neare to draw all the indians in the countrey into this horrid confederacy with him ; but this vncus would not bee wonne , though he would have taken his daughter in marriage , but ever acquainted the english with his working . at length an inferiour sachim , subordinate to nanohigganset affronts him and his men , hee complaines to the english , they send to this inferiour sachim , hee sleights their admonition , goes on his course ; whereupon the other demands leave to make warre upon him , not requiring any aide . still the english forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to being upon themselves ; till at length they professe they have had peace enough , & now it is time to war. whereupon the english give way to vncus to revenge himselfe , he doth it ; the other are beaten . now myantonimo he prepares an army of above men , and comes upon a sudden upon vncus without any respect to covenants , and took vncus at advantage , not with above men ; by which meanes they beset him every way in his fort , which stands upon a point of land between two rivers . myantonimo so dispersed his men to prevent their f●ight , as vncus making a desperate salley with almost his full force , routed the other , slew neare upon an hundred , and forced them to fly : but mr. weekes one of samuel gortons company ( as i am credibly informed ) lending the great sachim a complete armor ; and having it on in the fight , was not able to fly so fast as his men , and was taken by this meanes . yet such was vncus respect still to the english , as hee kept him till hee sent to the english , viz. to the right worshipfull george fenwicke esquire , to know what he should doe with him , who lived next to him , hee wished him to follow their owne custome , and to deale with him , as if hee had not advised with him , or there were no english in the land to advise withall . hereupon hee resolved to have killed him forthwith , according to their custome . but no sooner were the nanohiggansets got home , who had lost divers sachims , captaines , and chiefe men in this fight , but they send to mr. gorton , &c. who sent a note to vncus , with a command by the bearer , that they put him not to death , but use him kindly and returne him . this the messenger either said or they supposed came from the massachusets governour , and did much daunt vncus and his men : but to cleare up all , they advised with the gent. of coneetacut , who wished him to keep him prisoner , and to advise with the commissioners of the united colonies whereof they were part , whose meeting would bee ere long by course at the massachusets : which counsell hee followed , and entreated the governour of coneetacut ( myantonimo also desiring it ) to keep him safe for him till then , whereupon hee was brought to hartford : and many gifts were sent to the prisoner ; which hee bestowed like himselfe , some on him that took him , some on vncus , some on his wife , some on vncus brother being a great captaine , and some on others where he had received kindnesses , and this was all the ransome was paid , there being not so much as a ransome proposed by the nanohiggansets , nor set down by vncus . but hee advising with the commissioners , they considering how many ways besides open hostility he had sought the life of vncus , by poyson , secret murther , witchcraft , &c. advised him to put him to death , there being no safety for him whilst hee lived , being so restlesse in his practice against his life ; and therefore wished vncus to proceed with him according to their owne custome towards prisoners of warre , which is to put them to death ; according to which advice he proceeded , knowing now that none of the engl. would intercede for him . and hereupon vncus went to hartford and demanded his prisoner , and led him to an house of his owne , out of the limits of the english , and there killed him , where was an english man or two by to prevent their accustomed cruelties , in cutting off not onely the head and hands of their prisoners when they are dead , and make bracelets of the fore-joints of their fingers , &c. but to torture them whilst living with most inhumane cruelties . after this , the nanohiggansets would warre upon him in revenge of his death ; wee forbade them , and at our next meeting of commissioners to consult about the weale publike of the united colonies , in regard the nanohiggansets pleaded they had taken a ransome for his life , and his life also , which the other denyed ; wee sent for vncus , and sent to the great sachims of nanohigganset to come also , or appeare by commissioners ; but they sent foure commissioners with full authority to treate , where we found neither ransome , nor colour of ransome in the least measure . and so a truce was agreed on , & if vncus brake it , we were then freed from our engagement to defend him any further , for they desired no more : and if the nanohiggansets broke it , then it should be lawfull for us the united colonies to take part with him , &c. but the truth is , though before they had so neare neighbours of the english , as gorton , &c. and till myantonimo's government , as they were the most in number , and most peaceable of all the indians , yet now they were changed , as if they had not been the people , and had their tutors , secretaries , and promptors to suggest their greatnesse and our weaknesse to them , as his book witnesseth , in such manner as i am confident if the gortonians ( for i take the phrase from his owne book here , never hearing it before ) bee suffered to live so neare them , it will bee our ruine , or these indians ( which we desire not ) in short time . i thought good to insert this narration thus briefly , that the reader might understand the ground of his many charges , calling god to witnesse i know not the least falshood related in it , but many things for brevities sake omitted worthy a history ; but i am now about an answer , not an history , and therefore thus briefe . but to return . in pag. . see how he scoffes at the sabbath as if there were no other ground for our religious observation of it , then mr. co●tons judgement . and in pag. . hee is full of many scoffs , as if hee and his gortonians would not , nor did shoot at all , when as i have oath to prove they shot also at the other , but the truth is , i heard some say that their powder was so dampe and moist as they could not without great difficulty discharge a peece , which i well beleeve might bee the reason they shot no more then they did . in pag. . hee chargeth captaine cooke with breach of articles : and yet i have it attested upon oath , that there were none agreed on ; onely they desired they might not goe bound ; which was easily assented to , they behaving themselves quietly . and for their cattle , i never heard the number to be so great by farre ; but asking the governour of the massachusets about them , hee professed they did not amount to halfe their charges . and if any aske by what authority they went out of their own government to do such an act ▪ know that his former seditious and turbulent carriage in all parts where he came , as plymouth , roade-island , a place of greatest liberty , providence that place which relieved him in that his so great extremity , and his so desperate close with so dangerous and potent enemies , and at such a time of conspiracy by the same indians , together with the wrongs done to the indians , and english under the protection of that government of the massachusets , who complained and desired reliefe ; together with his notorious contempt of all civill government , as well as that particular , and his blasphemies against god needlesly manifested in his proud letters to them , one whereof hee hath printed , and the other i have herewith published for him . all these considered , you shall see hereby cause enough , why they proceeded against him as a common enemy of the countrey . and as such as one , the said commissioners being then met together at massachusets by course , for the weale of the whole , upon just complaint ordered and thought meet that the government of the massachusets should call them to accompt , and proceed with them so farre as stood with righteousnesse and justice : and by their declaration thou maist easily see they went no further , for they refusing safe conduct to come to answer to the matters against them , forced them upon this charge needlesly , which they made them beare part of as before . so that here 's cause enough besides blasphemy for their proceeding with them i suppose . in pag. . he chargeth new-engl . ministers to pray in the streets : but take notice i have been there these yeares , and better , but never heard of such a practise , till i now reade it in his book . in pag. . he saith , the governour to satisfie the people , said , we were apprehended for divers grosse opinions , &c. answ . you may see in the last section but one there was cause enough . and yet for opinions , let mee tell you that you held , that that image of god after which man was created was christ ; and that when adam fell christ was slaine , &c. and as for your opinion concerning churches , mr. williams by way of sad complaint told me , you denyed any true churches of christ to bee in the world : also baptisme it selfe , and the lords supper , sabbath , magistracy as it was an ordinance used amongst christians . and for the lords supper , that it is but a spell , the ministers necromancers , and the communicants drunke with the juice of the grape , &c. and for this last passage here mentioned , the reader shall have it at large in a second letter sent by him and his companions to the government of the massachusets , concealed by himself in his book , though he pretendeth to have printed all , &c. in pag. . as he abuseth others , so mr. cotton and mr. ward , in affirming that mr. ward put himselfe into a passion , and stirred up carder to recant , &c. as being no discredit to him , because mr. cotton ordinarily preached that publiquely once a yeare , which the next yeare he recants , &c. but mr. ward being in towne , a man well knowne and reputed , i shewed him the booke , and hee gave mee thanks , and returned this answer to it verbatius : samuel gorton having made mee a margent note in the page of his booke , i hold my self called to make this answer to it ; i cannot call to minde that ever i knew or spake● with such a man as richard carder , nor that ever i had any speech with any prisoner at a window , nor should i need it in new-england , where there is liberty enough given for conference with prisoners in more free and convenient places . this i remember , that one robert potter who went in the same ship with mee into new-england , and expressing by the way so much honesty and godlinesse as gained my good opinion and affection towards him : i hearing that hee was affected with samuel gortons blasphemous conceits and carriages , and therefore now imprisoned with him , i went to visit him , and having free sp●●ch with him in the open prison yard , who shedding many teares might happily move me to expresse my affection to him , which samuel gorton calls passion : after some debate about his new opinions , i remember i used a speech to him to this effect : that hee should doe well and wisely to make such acknowledgement of his errours at his conscience would permit ; telling him that mr. cotton whom hee had so much reverenced in old england , and new , had given him a godly example in that kinde , by a publique acknowledgement upon a solemne fast day with many teares ; that in the time when errours were so stirring , god leaving him for a time , he fell into a spirituall slumber ; and ●ad it not been for the watchfulnesse of his brethren the elders , &c. hee might have slept on ; and blessed god very cordially for awakening him , and was very thankefull to his brethren , for their watchfulnesse over him , and faithfulnesse towards him : wherein ●ee honoured god not a little , and greatly rejoyced the hearts of his ●earers ; and therefore it would bee no shame for him to doe the like . concerning mr. cotton , were i worthy , i would presume to speake that now of him , which i have said more then many times of him elswhere , that i hold him such an eminent worthy of christ , as very few others have attained unto him ; and that i hold my selfe not worthy to wipe his slippers for matters of grace , learning , and industry in the worke of god. for the author samuel gorton , my self and others farre more judicious , take him to bee a man whose spirit is starke drunke with blasphemies and insolencies , a corrupter of the truth , and a disturber of the peace where ever hee comes ; i intreat him to read titus . . with an humble heart , and that is the greatest harm i wish him . n. w. thus much of the answer and testimony of that reverend and grave divine , wherein the reader may see how mr. gorton abuseth all men , by casting mire and dirt in the faces of our best deserving instruments . in page . he accuseth mr. wilson and mr. cotton for stirring up the people against them , &c. answ . what they pressed in their sermons , i was not present to heare ; but this i can affirme , that from the time of their liberty to my departure from new england , which is not much above two moneths , i have heard many precious godly men affirme , that sam. gorton and his company needlesly in their writings and conference belched out such blasphemy as they thought god was offended with the country for giving them the liberty they had . and that you may the better see his carriage , ( it being the manner of the countrey to let their prisoners come to heare the word preached ) mr. gorton , &c. being there after mr. cotton had ended his sermon on a sabbath day , asked leave to speake , which mr. cotton assenting to , the governour being present gave him leave , where with a loud voice before the whole congregation being very great , hee declared , that the ministery of the word , sacraments , censures , and other ordinances of religion in the hands of ministers , are like the silver shrines of diana in the hands of the craftsmen of ephesus , &c. and if the truth of this be questioned , i have testimony upon oath to make it good . in pag. , , . many things might bee excepted against , as in p. . his great respect manifested to that government , because derived from the state of england , which what it was thou maist largely see in certaine observations of a godly divine annexed hereunto , upon his owne two contemptuous and blasphemous letters , or rather bookes , wherein are severall aspersions cast on them . secondly , his appealing , pag. . from their justice when their charter enjoynes none . in pag. , & , the questions as hee hath set them downe , and the relation about the time allowed him to give his answer ; i question whether he have dealt fairely therein , because hee is so often found faulty . to passe by his answer , and his large explanation of himselfe , pag. . and come to . &c. and so the rest of his answers to the questions to . i answer , though i know not whether hee doe right as hee states things ; yet this i know , being attested by reverend persons , that hee then maintained , that god made man after his owne image ; and that god hath but one image , and that is christ ; and this was the incarnation of christ , his exinanition by which we are saved . and when it was objected , wee are not saved by the incarnation of christ , but by the death of christ . true , saith hee , therefore adam fell , and so destroyed gods image , and that was the death of christ . when it was objected againe , adams fall was not our salvation , but condemnation , but the death of christ was our salvation : and therefore adams fall could not be the death of christ . hee would by no meanes either revoke or explaine his speech ( though much urged thereunto ) to agree with the principles of christian religion . being further demanded what he then thought of that christ in whom we beleeve , borne of the virgin mary , and who suffered under pontius pilate ? he answered , that that christ was a shadow , and but a resemblance of what is done in mee and every true christian . and now judge good reader , whether this be like what hee mentioneth , or whether it were a trifle not worthy the mentioning : but if he will be so unfaithfull as to omit it , i dare not . as for his censure , pag. . i know not whether it bee right set downe ; and so the charge , pag. . wherein i dare say he wrongeth the ministers , in saying , they stirred up the people to famish them . as for his long and tedious letter to mr. green , from page to . i passe it by , as he saith mr. green did . but in . hee would make it an aspersion upon mr. endecot for saying that god had stirred them up to goe out of their owne jurisdiction to fetch them from their owne places . take notice as it is litterally within the line of plimouth government in their grant , yet the indians before mentioned having subjected themselves to the massachusets , the commissioners for plimouth as well as those for con●●aeut , and new-haven , upon the manifold complaints and reasons before mentioned , being met together at their ordinary time and place appointed and ordered it should bee so , as appeares by the copy of their act . at a meeting of the commissioners for the united colonies of new-england holden at boston the seventh of september . whereas complaints have beene made against samuel gorton and his company , and some of them weighty and of great consequence ; and whereas the said gorton and the rest have beene formerly sent for , and now lately by the generall court of the massachusets with a safe conduct both for their comming and returne , that they might give answer and satisfaction wherein they have done wrong . if yet they shall stubbornely refuse , the commissioners for the vnited colonies think sit that the magistrates in the massachusets proceed against them according to what they shall finde just ; and the rest of the jurisdictions will approve and concurre in what shall bee so warrantably done , as if their commissioners had beene present at the conclusions , provided that this conclusion doe not prejudice the government of plimouth in any right they can justly claime unto any tract or tracts , &c. by which order it appeares they were stirred up and allowed by plimouth it selfe as well as the rest , as afore , to send for and deale with as indeed the common disturbers of the peace of the country . and whereas in pag. . he complaineth of the governours last order for breaking the order of court , yet take it as he relates it and any understanding man will easily see on the other side the same leafe that they still were bound to the rest of the articles at their confinement , which they were now in a high way to break . and for that little island called reade island they were forced to shelter in , take notice 't is miles about , very fruitfull , and plentifully abounding with all manner of food the country affordeth , and hath two townes besides many great farmes well stocked in the same . in pag. . hee complaines of us for calling them gortonians , and so the indians calling them gortonoges and not englishmen , with many affected soppish vanities , phrases and termes i never heard on before , and yet have lived in new-england from the beginning , being now above yeares . i wish hee study not , nor affect these things , but i much feare it . in pag. . hee tels a tale of a tub , of myantonimo's being slain as hee marched , which is false , for hee was put to death , and in an house , but not upon a march . and is it to bee wondered at , that two english were present to see the manner of their proceeding in so weighty a cause as one prince putting another his perfidious enemy and captive to death , especially when they were required by the commissioners to forbeare their accustomed torments and to give him honourable buriall , which they did and had thanks returned by the nanhiggansets for those particulars . now if any would know how it was done ? it was onely at one blow with an hatchet on the side of the heade as hee walked easily in the roome ( expecting no lesse ) which fully dispatched him at once . and thus much for answer to this charge . to let passe pag. . what hee saith about myantonimo's death as being answered before , and come to pag . &c. where he mentioneth a consultation held amongst the indians to put themselves under the subjection of the state of england , &c. answ . wee heard indeed of this desperate plot by this unfaithfull people , who had beene in covenant with the severall governments long before , but never observed any one article farther then it might further their owne designe which was to bee absolute lords of the country though with the ruine of us all . and truly had he not published this and the following discourse wee could never have proved it though wee heard of it both from english and indians . and however myantonimo dyed , yet the plot liveth and continueth to this day . now though i dare not say , nor doe i thinke they joyne with them in aiming at the ruine of all the english , yet they joyne with them in many of their councels , contrive their sturdy answers by writings , and become their secretaries . who knowes not that they cannot write ? and who knowes not their owne answers from those that come under your hands ? and if the state of england ( which god defend ) should establish your and their joynt propositions : then were their plot accomplished : for they might and would worke freely our ruine when as wee might not take up armes against them , but by vertue of warrant or writ from hence procured upon our complaints here , which also would bee six months in ordinary course in procuring and returning , when as in one of these all our throates might bee cut , and those hopefull beginnings so much favoured by our gracious god hitherto in a high way to bee overthrowne . indeed wee heard further , and for my part i beleeve it , that for the better accomplishment hereof , samuel gorton and some of his company had perswaded the nanohiggansets to send the king a very large present of beaver and otter skins which they should bring in , and accordingly did : but withall the english reporter saith , that if he could finde favour with the parliament , then hee would rest there : but if they frowned on him , hee doubted not to but obtaine what was meet from the king. but the times would not suffer him to publish this also , else i see wee should have had all : and this take notice of , that ( as the same report testified ) at his departure hee wished them by no meanes to warre with us the vnited colonies , but compound though it cost them never so deare , but assured them at his returne hee would come strengthened with such authority and so many of his friends as that the nanohiggansets and themselves should not need to feare any thing the rest of the english could doe . and that we heard these things from credible testimony and are not faigned by mee , i take the searcher of the heart to witnesse , yea say further that i beleeve them to bee true ▪ his glorious seeming well-deserving acts follow in pag. . &c. to . but note that weekes , holden , and warner , ( though i least know the last , but am sure for the other two ) were his strong assistants in his former seditious and mutinous carriages both at roade island and providence , and therefore ●it commissioners as he terms them , for the accomplishing such a designe . and in pag. . note first , their complyance with the nanohiggansets , and his false relation in saying myantonimo's ransome was taken and his life also , which is most false , as i made appeare in my former relation . and for the kings being our and their judge , as in pag. . know the indian● care no more for the king then they doe for us , whom they would destroy if they could . and in pag. . take notice 〈◊〉 the gortonists complying and joyning with them , first , by calling them their fellow-subjects , and secondly , speaking of the maukquagges ( whom wee ordinarily call mo-whakes ) as being the most fierce and warlike people in the country , where ( saith hee ) wee are furnished with guns , men expert in the use of them , &c. now these indeed as the switzers serve for hire . and the nanohiggansets being rich have hired them to assist them in their warre . but though the gortonists it seemes are interested with the nanohiggansets in their strength against us , yet are they neither so many men nor have so many arms , but have too many and are very expert in them ; being continually supplyed by the french and dutch , whose aime is chiefly at the trade of furs , and hereby not onely robbe us of that should helpe to maintaine our plantations which are growing up into a nation , but furnish the indians with all manner of armes , which i would to god , and humbly beseech this high court of parliament to take into serious consideration , and treate with their severall ambassadors about it , as a thing unreasonable in it selfe , and such as hath beene pernicious to french and dutch , and may bee destructive to them and us , if some due course bee not taken . but to returne from my humble request to the state , to my answer to samuel gorton ; although this be a most unworthy vaunt of his , yet i trust the state will make such use of it as never to suffer this desperate crew to live so neere our malicious enemies the nanohigans . and that they will not only countenance the sentence of the massachus . government against them , but hinder the said gortons returne thither , by forbidding him to set foot on that land of new-england he hath filled with so many troubles in all the parts where he hath beene . in pag. . hee taxeth plimouth to joyne with the massachusets to frustrate their government by vertue of their new charter . 't is true , we would have had the massachusets to have then sent , and rendred a reason to the state of their proceedings , knowing as before that mr. gortons journey was for evill and not for good : but they being then taken up with more weighty concernments neglected it : but plimouth did then petition the right honourable robert earle of warwicke the governour in chiefe of the english plantations in america and the rest of that honourable committee joyned in commission with him , that wee might enjoy our ancient limits of government granted in our letters patent , and withall shewed that their charter for the limits of it now granted , was contained within our line of government : and trust i shall now receive answer . t is true also that we sent mr. john brown furnished with these following instruction to signifie to all that were interessed in that new erected government as followeth by commission given at new-plimouth , nov. . . . that a great part of their supposed government is within the line of the government of new-plimouth . . that wee assuredly knew that this ever to hee honoured house of parliament would not , nor will when they shall know of it , take from us the most ancient plantation , any part of the line of our government formerly granted ; it being contrary to their principles . . to forbid them and all and every of them to exercise any authority or power of government within the limits of out letters patents . . to certifie them that coweeset is not onely within the said limits , but that the sachim thereof and his sonnes have taken protection of this our government . and therefore to forbid them to enter upon any part of his or their lands without due order and leave from our government . now these instructions were signed by the governour . and mr. browne going to roade island for this end came very seasonable when a publique meeting was appointed for your new magistrates and people , ( but as he reported , for a most vile end ; viz. to take into consideration a new disposall of the lands formerly given out , as if some had too much and some too little , & for now respect of persons , and their estates was to bee laid aside . ) and here note that mr. coddington , mr. briuton , &c. that we at plimouth had speciall eye to , when wee commended them thither , abhorred their course , abstained from their meetings , looked upon themselves as persons in great danger , and bemoaned their condition to divers their friends , being now overwhelmed with cares and feares what would bee the issue of things . and note that now also mr. samuel gorton that before had suffered so much by authority for his evill doing , and was come to deny it and preach against it , being now by these inhabitants called to place , accepts it , and became a magistrate amongst them , &c. but whereas hee intimates , as if mr. browne had onely done his message ( according to his instructions ) in a private way from house to house , therein hee wrongs him : for hee did it publiquely in the place of their assembly , who were so daunted at it as they brake up , and did no act intended for that day , as hee related it : but some would have had him imprisoned , others punished , others sent to the dutch and so for england . yea mr. gorton himselfe told mr. brownes sonne that his father had done that which he deserved to die for , and were hee in any other place it would cost him his life . so fit for government were these men , as to judge a peaceable claime of right without any further disturbance or stirre made should thus deserve . neither indeed have wee further stirred then as before , ever resolving to rest in the determination of the right honourable the governour in chiefe and the rest of his honourable assistants of that committee bee trusted with the affaires of the forraigne english plantations , assuring our selves what ever might proceed either from misinformation or want of due knowledge what was formerly done , would bee rectified upon the first information and complaint made : such were our thoughts of them , and the justice wee expected , and still hope to receive from them . and thus much for answer to that complaint . in pag. . he layeth another grosse aspersion upon us , in saying , there was distance and alienation of affection betweene plimouth and the massachusets at their fi●st comming , each thinking i am holier then thou : and as if wee were now united on purpose to scatter them . the world knowes this to bee most false . never people agreed better , maintaining both religious and civill communion with each other , and helping and being helpfull one to another upon all occasions : which is so well knowne , as if hee had not more then ordinary boldnesse hee durst not affirme it . nor came the men of plimouth from amsterdam as hee reporteth but leyden , a people that many of that church of amsterdam would hardly allow communion withall : but his pen is no slaunder , at least will not bee where this answer shall follow it . and for his relation of the manner of the indians mourning for their prince his death ; truely had hee dyed a naturall death , 't is their manner not onely so to mourne for their great sachims which are princes , but for ordinary men , women and children as hee well knoweth or might know . in pag. . he further complaines of plimouth and massachusets for offering to goe out against the nanohiggansets to cut them off by the sword . and so complaines also of captaine standish &c. answ . i told you before how the commissioners for the united colonies meeting at hartford by course , whose meeting alwayes begins the first thursday in septemb. sent for both the nanohiggansets and vncus , who appeared , and a league agreed on : but the nanohiggansets broke againe , and warred upon vncus needlesly . the united colonies admonished them againe and againe : and after no admonition nor perswasions would serve , wee were then forced to call the commissioners together at an extraordinary season on purpose , who finding it meet to take up armes in the behalfe of vncus our confederate , whom by the agreement of the nanohiggansets sundry times , at divers meetings wee were bound , and it was made lawfull to doe . hereupon the commissioners agreeing as before , sent out their warrants to their severall and speciall governments , and accordingly forces were raised at a dayes warning . but before this , in stead of hearkening to righteous counsell , they threatened also the english , saying , they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle , as high as their houses , burne our habitations , make spoile of our goods , and used our messengers very discurteously , &c. and for captaine standish , this i heard him relate , that being at the place of rendezvouze , before the massachusets forces came , observing that some of the inhabitants of providence received the indians into their houses familiarly , who had put themselves also into a posture of armes , and the place within a mile of secunck or r●ehoboth where captaine standish lay ; hee sent to providence , and required them to lay aside their neutrality , and either declare themselves on the one side or other : for the warre being once begun , hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining , furnishing , and relieving the common enemy , but would disarm them , &c. and whether necessity put him not upon this course , or no , let the reader judge . and for the five hundred pound , 't is true their hearts fayled to see plymouth forces appeare , and massachus . both horse and foot upon their march on the one side their countrey , under mr. edw. gibbons who was chosen generall of the united colonies , with the help of woosamequin , whose constancy to plymouth is wel known , and pumham and socononoco with reference to massachusets with all their men , attending the english word of command . and on the other side their countrey the forces of con●●tacut and new●aven , with all the strength of vncus , waiting but for the word from the commissioners to fall on . now i say they were daunted especially because it came so suddenly upon them , wanting mr. gorton and his friends who were not yet come ; hereupon they resolved to go to the commissioners to massachus . and compound , and did signe new articles to observe the peace not onely with the united colonies but with vncus , woosamequin , pumham , and socononoco , and other our confederates , including all the english in the land , to make satisfaction for wrongs to vncus , and to pay five hundred pounds to the united colonies , for the charge they put us to , which indeed would not neare make it good , if they had paid it : but as at other times , so now , notwithstanding their hostages , they abused us grosly , first sending false persons : secondly , breaking all other their covenants , and came at last to a resolution , they would rather give the money ( which is a beade , as current as coin in all that part of america , of their owne making ) to the mowhakes at once , to cut us off , then to pay it according to covenant . and thus contrary to my resolution , i see a necessity of more large answers then i intended ; and indeed otherwise i should speak riddles , and not satisfie the reader . although were it an history , i have many remarkable passages which here for brevity sake i must omit . and if any think wee doe needlesly ingage in the troubles betweene the indians ? . let them know if wee should not here and there keepe correspondency with some of them , they would soone joyne all together against us . . the quarrall betweene vncus and nanohigganset , arose upon his cleaving to us : for the great sachim myantonimo would have marryed vncus daughter , and since pessachus that succeeded him would have marryed woosamequins daughter , and all in policy to take them off from us ; so that indeed wee are necessitated to it . and . we are not out of hope in time to bring them to the knowledge of jesus christ , as will appeare by a small treatise of that kinde . but this one thing i desire the reader to take notice of , that when that great prince myantonimo hee so much admires , had offered violence to woosamequin ( who was under the protection of plymouth ) and missing his person , returned onely with the plunder of his goods : upon woosamequins complaint to plymouth , that government alone , it being before the union , sent captain standish with a few men , not above . who sent a message over the bay of salt water which parts woosamequin from them , either to make restitution of his goods so injuriously taken , or else to expect him to fetch them with a vengeance to their cost . hereupon they sent over every particular that could bee demanded , even to a woodden dish , and salved up all againe ; but this was before any malignant english sate down so neare them , and held counsell with them , before they had violated our persons to them , reported us to bee base and low , out of favour with the king and state , &c. things very unworthy , abominable to be named , but that in defending the abused governments of the country , i am forced do dang such strokes at these proud and turbulent enemies of the countrey . next in pag. . that hee relateth of mr. williams ; viz , the messengers taking him with them that were sent to the nanohiggansets , in that troublesome time , viz. being one cast out of the church ( mr. cotton should preach ) it was all one to take counsell of a witch , and that those that did it were worthy to die . upon which mr. wilbour one of the messengers was ready to die , saith hee , for feare hee should have been hanged . this i cannot beleeve for these two reasons : . because all men that know mr. cotton , know his moderation , wisdome and piety to bee such , as such an expression was not like to drop from him . . the strictest government in new-engl . that i know , takes no advantage in the law at a mans person for being excommunicated ; insomuch as if he have an office , he holds it neverthelesse , and this , i know practised , and therefore his relation unlike . but that the messengers were directed to another for their interpreter i know , and that some took offence at their practise i know also , but upon different grounds , which i forbeare to mention , being now to answer mr. gorton , and not mr. williams . in pag. . which is the last page in his booke that i shall need to make answer to , and the thing hee there brings against us is an answer to a doctrine one of their wives should heare delivered at massachusets when shee came to visit them , from matth. . . and alluding to hebr. . , . briefly this doctrine there delivered , should make the doctrine of the apostles and the churches in their times to ●ee but darkness● . that the ministery of the apostles was and should be removed , &c. which i desire the reader to turne to ; but bee assured through gods mercy , by meanes of the late bishop of canterburies persecutions of the godly here , wee are so excellently furnished with shining lights of the gospel , as no such blasphemous trash as this could bee there delivered , and so many able hearers , as if it should have been delivered by any , the lord with-drawing his presence from him , it would have been forthwith excepted against and published to the world . but i am confident if such a thing were there heard , it was either from one of their owne company , or disciples made by them . and therefore i will passe by the answer also , as not concerning any difference between him and us , and so the rest of his writings to that end , and could wish that narcissus-like hee were not so much in love with his owne shadow , lest it prove his ruine ; there needing no other matter against him then his owne words and writings to render him odious to the state here , as well as to new-england from whence he came . and now that i have finished what i conceive necessary concerning mr. gortons scandalous and slanderous bookes , let me briefly answer some objections that i often meet withall against the country of new-england . the first that i meet with is , concerning the rise and foundation of our new-england plantations ; it being alledged ( though upon a great mistake by a late writer ) that division or disagreement in the church of leyden , was the occasion , nay cause of the first plantation in new-england ; for saith the author , or to this effect , when they could no longer agree together , the one part went to new-england , and began the plantation at plymouth , which he makes the mother , as it were , of the rest of the churches , as if the foundation of our new-england plantations had been laid upon division or separation , then which nothing is more untrue : for i perswade my selfe , never people upon earth lived more lovingly together , and parted more sweetly then wee the church at leyden did , not rashly in a distracted humour , but upon joynt and serious deliberation , often seeking the minde of god by fasting and prayer , whose gracious presence we not onely found with us , but his blessing upon us from that time to this instant , to the indignation of our adversaries , the admiration of strangers , and the exceeding consolation of our selves , to see such effects of our prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee ended . and therefore briefly take notice of the true cause of it . 't is true , that that poor persecuted flock of christ , by the malice and power of the late hierarchy were driven to leyden in holland , there to beare witnesse in their practise to the kingly office of christ jesus in his church : and there lived together ten yeares under the united states , with much peace and liberty : but our reverend pastor mr. john robinson of late memory , and our grave elder mr. william brewster , ( now both at rest with the lord ) considering amongst many other inconveniences , how hard the country was where we lived , how many spent their estate in it , and were forced to return for england ; how grievous to live from under the protection of the state of england ; how like wee were to lose our language , and our name of english ; how little good wee did , or were like to do to the dutch in reforming the sabbath ; how unable there to give such education to our children , as wee our selves had received , &c. they , i say , out of their christian care of the flock of christ committed to them conceived , if god would bee pleased to discover some place unto us ( though in america ) and give us so much favour with the king and state of england , as to have their protection there , where wee might enjoy the like liberty , and where the lord favouring our endeavours by his blessing , wee might exemplarily shew our tender country-men by our example ( no lesse burthened then our selves ) where they might live , and comfortably subsist and enjoy the like liberties with us , being freed from antichristian bondage , keep their names and nation , and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the dominions of our state , but the church of christ also , if the lord have a people amongst the natives whither hee should bring us , &c. hereby in their grave wisdomes they thought wee might more glorifie god , doe more good to our countrey , better provide for our posterity , and live to be more refreshed by our labours , then ever wee could doe in holland where we were . now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to the brethren of the congregation , which after much private discussion came to publike agitation , till at the length the lord was solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us , who moving our hearts more and more to the worke , wee sent some of good abilities over into england to see what favour or acceptance such a thing might finde with the king. these also found god going alongwith them , and got sir edwin sands a religious gentleman then living , to stirre in it , who procured sir robert nawnton then principall secretary of state to king james of famous memory , to move his majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people ( who could not so comfortably live under the government of another state ) to enjoy their liberty of conscience under his gracious protection in america , where they would endeavour the advancement of his majesties dominions , and the enlargement of the gospel by all due meanes . this his majesty said was a good and honest motion , and asking what profits might arise in the part wee intended ( for our eye was upon the most northern parts of virginia ) 't was answered , fishing . to which hee replyed with his ordinary asseveration , so god have my soule 't is an honest trade , 't was the apostles owne calling , &c. but afterwards he told sir robert nawnton , ( who took all occasions to further it ) that we should confer with the bishops of canterbury and london , &c. whereupon wee were advised to persist upon his first approbation , and not to entangle our selves with them ▪ which caused our agents to repair to the virginia company , who in their court demanded our ends of going ; which being related , they said the thing was of god , and granted a large patent , and one of them lent us l. gratis for three yeares , which was repaid . our agents returning , wee further sought the lord by a publique and solemn fast , for his gracious guidance . and hereupon wee came to this resolution , that it was best for one part of the church to goe at first and the other to stay , viz. the youngest and strongest part to goe . secondly , they that went should freely offer themselves . thirdly , if the major part went , the pastor to goe with them ; if not , the elder onely . fourthly , if the lord should frowne upon our proceedings , then those that went to returne , and the brethren that remained still there , to assist and bee helpfull to them , but if god should bee pleased to favour them that went , then they also should endeavour to helpe over such as were poore and ancient , and willing to come ; these things being agreed , the major part stayed , and the pastor with them for the present , but all intended ( except a very few , who had rather wee would have stayed ) to follow after . the minor part , with mr. brewster their elder , resolved to enter upon this great work ( but take notice the difference of number was not great ; ) and when the ship was ready to carry us away , the brethren that stayed having againe solemnly sought the lord with us , and for us , and we further engaging our selves mutually as before ; they , i say , that stayed at leyden feasted us that were to goe at our pastors house being large , where wee refreshed our selves after our teares , with singing of psalmes , making joyfull melody in our hearts , as well as with the voice , there being many of the congregation very expert in musick ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard . after this they accompanyed us to delphs haven , where wee were to imbarque , and there feasted us againe ; and after prayer performed by our pastor , where a flood of teares was poured out , they accompanyed us to the ship , but were not able to speake one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part : but wee onely going aboard ( the ship lying to the key ) and ready to set sayle , the winde being faire ) wee gave them a volley of small shot , and three peeces of ordinance , and so lifting up our hands to each other , and our hearts for each other to the lord our god , we departed , and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee carryed us thorow . and if any doubt this relation , the dutch , as i heare , at delphs haven preserve the memory of it to this day , and will inform them . but falling with cape ●od which is in new-england , and standing to the southward for the place wee intended , wee met with many dangers , and the mariners put back into the harbour of the cape , which was the . of november , . where considering winter was come , the seas dangerous , the season cold , the winds high , and being well furnished for a plantation , we entered upon discovery , and setled at plymouth , where god being pleased to preserve and enable us , wee that went , were at a thousand pounds charge in sending for our brethren that were behinde , and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their owne labours . and so good reader , i have given thee a true and faithfull account , though very briefe , of our proceedings , wherein thou seest how a late writer , and those that informed him , have wronged our enterprise . and truly what i have written , is far short of what it was , omitting for brevity sake many circumstances , as the large offers the dutch offered us , either to have removed into zealand , and there lived with them : or if we would go on such adventures , to goe under them to hudsons river ( where they have since a great plantation , &c. ) and how they would freely have transported us , and furnished every family with cattle , &c. also the english merchants that joyned with us in this expedition , whom wee since bought out , which is fitter for an history , then an answer to such an objection , ( &c. i trust will be accomplished in good time . ) by all which the reader may see there was no breach between us that went , and the brethren that stayed , but such love as indeed is seldome found on earth . and for the many plantations that come over to us upon notice of gods blessing upon us , whereas 't is falsly ●aid , they tooke plimouth for their president as fast as they came . 't is true i confesse that some of the chiefe of them advised with us ( comming over to be freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed in england ) how they should doe to fall upon a right platforme of worship , and desired to that end since god had honoured us to lay the foundation of a common-weale , and to settle a church in it , to shew them whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they found upon due search it was built upon the word , they should be willing to take up what was of god. we accordingly shewed them the primitive practice for our warrant , taken out of the acts of the apostles , and the epistles written to the severall churches by the said apostles together with the commandements of christ the lord in the gospell , and other our warrants for every particular wee did from the booke of god. which being by them well weighed and considered , they also entred into covenant with god and one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed , or as they should bee made knowne unto them , and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word onely , &c. so that here also thou maist see they set not the church at plimouth before them for example , but the primitive churches were and are their and our mutuall patternes and examples , which are onely worthy to be followed , having the blessed apostles amongst them which were sent immediately by christ himselfe and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of god. and truly this is a patterne fit to bee followed of all that feare god , and no man or men to bee followed further then they follow christ and them . having thus briefly shewed that the foundation of our new-england plantations was not laid upon schisme , division , or separation , but upon love , peace , and holinesse ; yea , such love and mutuall care of the church of leyden for the spreading of the gospel , the welfare of each other , and their posterities to succeeding generations , as is seldome found on earth : and having shewed also that the primitive churches are the onely pattern which the churches of christ in new-england have in their eye , not following luther , calvin , knoxe , ai●sworth , robinson , amies , or any other , further then they follow christ and his apostles ; i am earnestly requested to cleare up another grosse mistake which caused many , and still doth , to judge the harder of new-england , and the churches there , because ( say they ) the church of plymouth which went first from leyden , were schismaticks , brownists , rigid separatists , &c. having mr. robinson for their pastor , who made , and to the last professed separation from other the churches of christ , &c. and the rest of the churches in new-england holding communion with that church , are to bee reputed such as they are . for answer to this aspersion , first , he that knew mr. robinson , either by his doctrine daily taught , or hath read his apology published not long before his death , or knew the practise of that church of christ under his government , or was acquainted with the wholsome counsell he gave that part of the church which went for new-england at their departure and afterward , might easily resolve the doubt , and take off the aspersion . for his doctrine , i living three yeares under his ministery , before we began the worke of plantation in new-england ; it was alwayes against separation from any the churches of christ , professing and holding communion both with the french and dutch churches , yea , tendering it to the scots also , as i shall make appeare more particularly anon . ever holding forth how wary persons ought to bee in separating from a church , and that till christ the lord departed wholly from it , man ought not to leave it , onely to beare witnesse against the corruption that was in it . but if any object , he separated from the church of england , and wrote largely against it ; i acknowledge hee wrote largely against it , but yet let me tell you , hee allowed hearing the godly ministers preach and pray in the publick assemblies ; yea , hee allowed private communion not onely with them , but all that were faithfull in christ jesus in the kingdome and elsewhere upon all occasions ; yea , honored them for the power of godlinesse above all other the professors of religion in the world , nay , i may truly say , his spirit cleaved unto them , being so well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts , and care to walke blamelesse in their lives , which was no small motive to him to perswade us to remove from holland , where wee might probably not onely continue english , but have and maintain such sweet communion with the godly of that nation , as through gods great mercy we enjoy this day . 't is true , i confesse he was more rigid in his course and way at first , then towards his latter end ; for his study was peace and union so far as might agree with faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and division , there was nothing in the world more hatefull to him : but for the government of the church of england , as it was in the episcopall way , the liturgy and stinted prayers of the church then ; yea , the constitution of it as nationall , and so consequently the corrupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the lords supper , these things were never approved of him , but witnessed against to his death , and are by the church over which he was to this day . and if the lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of those , in whom ( under him ) the power of reformation lies , to reform that abuse , that a distinction might once be put between the precious and the vile , particular churches might be gathered by the powerfull preaching of the word , those onely admitted into communion , whose hearts the lord perswades to submit unto the iron rod of the gospel ; o how sweet then would the communion of the churches be ! how thorow the reformation ! how easie would the differences be reconciled between the presbyterian and independent way ! how would the god of peace which commandeth love and good agreement smile upon this nation ! how would the subtle underminers of it be disappointed , and the faithfull provoked to sing songs of praise and thanksgiving ! nay , how would the god of order be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints ! and as they have fought together for the liberties of the kingdome , ecclesiasticall and civill ; so may they joyn together in the preservation of them ( which otherwise , 't is to be feared will not long continue ) and in the praises of our god who hath been so good to his poore distressed ones , whom he hath delivered , and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles . but i have made too great a digression , and must return . in the next place i should speak of mr. robinsons apology , wherein the maketh a briefe defence against many adversaries , &c. but because it is both in latine and english , of small price , and easie to bee had , i shall forbeare to write of it , and onely refer the reader to it , for the differences between his congregation , and other the reformed churches . the next thing i would have the reader take notice of , is , that however the church of leyden differed in some particulars , yet made no schisme or separation from the reformed churches , but held communion with them occasionally : for we ever placed a large difference between those that grounded their practise upon the word of god ( tho differing from us in the exposition or understanding of it ) and those that hated such reformers and reformation , and went on in antichristian opposition to it , and persecution of it , as the late lord bishops did , who would not in deed and truth ( whatever their pretences were ) that christ should rule over them . but as they often stretched out their hands against the saints ; so god hath withered the arm of their power , thrown them down from their high & lofty seats , and slain the chiefe of their persons , as well as the hierarchy , that he might become an example to all those that rise against god in his sabbath , in the preaching of his word , in his saints , in the purity of his ordinances . and i heartily desire that others may heare and feare withall . as for the dutch , it was usuall for our members that understood the language , and lived in , or occasionally came over to london , to communicate with them , as one john jenny a brewer long did , his wife and family , &c. and without any offence to the church : so also for any that had occasion to travell into any other part of the netherlands they daily did the like : and our pastor mr. robinson in the time when arminianisme prevailed so much , at the request of the most orthodox divines , as poliander , festus , homlius , &c. disputed daily against episcopius ( in the academy at leyden ) and others the grand champions of that error , and had as good respect amongst them , as any of their own divines ; insomuch as when god took him away from them and us by death , the university , and ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities ; bewayling the great losse that not onely that particular church had , whereof he was pastor ; but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed , that all the churches of christ sustained a losse by the death of that worthy instrument of the gospel . i could instance also divers of their members that understood the english tongue , and betook themselves to the communion of our church , went with us to new-england , as godbert godbertson , &c. yea , at this very instant , another called moses symonson , because a child of one that was in communion with the dutch church at leyden , is admitted into church-fellowship at plymouth in new-england , and his children also to baptism , as wel as our own , and other dutch also in communion at salem , &c. and for the french churches that we held , and do hold communion with them , take notice of our practise at leyden , viz. that one samuel terry was received from the french church there , into communion with us ; also the wife of francis cooke being a walloone , hold● communion with the church at plymouth , as she came from the french , to this day , by vertue of communion of churches ; there is also one philip delanoy born of french parents , came to us from leyden to new-plymouth , who comming to age of discerning , demanded also communion with us , & proving himself to be come of such parents as were in ful communion with the french churches , was here upon admitted by the church of plymouth ; and after upon his removal of habitation to duxburrow where m. ralph partridge is pastor of the church ; and upon letters of recommendation from the church at plymouth , hee was also admitted into fellowship with the church at duxburrow , being six miles distant from plymouth ; and so i dare say , if his occasions lead him , may from church to church throughout new-england . for the truth is , the dutch and french churches either of them being a people distinct from the world , and gathered into an holy communion , and not nationall churches , nay , so far from it , as i verily beleeve the sixth person is not of the church , the difference is so small ( if moderately pondered , between them and us ) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them . and for the church of scotland , however wee have had least occasion offered to hold communion with them ; yet thus much i can and doe affirme , that a godly divine comming over to leyden in holland , where a booke was printed , anno . as i take it , shewing the nullity of perth assembled , whom we judged to bee the author of it , and hidden in holland for a season to avoid the rage of those evill times ( whose name i have forgotten ; ) this man being very conversant with our pastor mr. robinson , and using to come to hear him on the sabbath , after sermon ended , the church being to partake in the lords supper , this minister stood up and desired hee might , without offence , stay and see the manner of his administration , and our participation in that ordinance ; to which our pastor answered in these very words , or to this effect , reverend sir , you may not onely stay to behold us , but partake with us , if you please , for wee acknowledge the churches of scotland to be the churches of christ , &c. the minister also replyed to this purpose , if not also in the same words ; that for his part bee could comfortably partake with the church , and willingly would , but that it is possible some of his brethren of scotland might take offence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in regard of the opinion the english churches which they held communion withall had of us : however he rendered thanks to mr. robinson , and desired in that respect to be onely a spectator of us . these things i was earnestly requested to publish to the world by some of the godly presbyterian party , who apprehend the world to bee ignorant of our proceedings , conceiving in charity that if they had been knowne , some late writers and preachers would never have written and spoke of us as they did , and still doe as they have occasion : but what they ignorantly judge , write , or speak of us , i trust the lord in mercy wil passe by . in the next place , for the wholsome counsell mr. robinson gave that part of the church whereof he was pastor , at their departure from him to begin the great worke of plantation in new-england , amongst other wholsome instructions and exhortations , hee used these expressions , or to the same purpose ; we are now ere long to part asunder , and the lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces again : but whether the lord had appointed it or not , he charged us before god and his blessed angels , to follow him no further then he followed christ . and if god should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his , to be as ready to receive it , as ever we were to receive any truth by his ministery : for he was very confident the lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out of his holy word . he took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and condition of the reformed churches , who were come to a period in religion , and would goe no further then the instruments of their reformation : as for example , the lutherans they could not be drawne to goe beyond what luther saw , for whatever part of gods will he had further imparted and revealed to calvin , they will rather die then embrace it . and so also , saith he , you see the calvinists , they stick where he left them : a misery much to bee lamented ; for though they were precious shining lights in their times , yet god had not revealed his whole will to them : and were they now living , faith hee , they would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light , as that they had received . here also he put us in mind of our church-covenant ( at least that part of it ) whereby wee promise and covenant with god and one with another , to receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written word : but withall exhorted us to take heed what we received for truth , and well to examine and compare , and weigh it with other scriptures of truth , before we received it ; for , saith he , it is not possible the christian world should come to lately out of such thick antichristian darknesse , and that full perfection of knowledge should breake forth at once . another thing hee commended to us , was , that wee should use all meanes to avoid and shake off the name of brownist , being a meer nick-name and brand to make religion odious , and the professors of it to the christian world ; and to that end , said hee , i should be glad if some godly minister would goe over with you , or come to you , before my comming ; for , said hee , there will bee no difference between the unconformable ministers and you , when they come to the practise of the ordinances out of the kingdome : and so advised us by all meanes to endeavour to close with the godly party of the kingdome of england , and rather to study union then division ; viz. how neare we might possibly , without sin close with them , then in the least measure to affect division or separation from them . and be not loath to take another pastor or teacher , saith hee , for that flock that hath two shepheards is not indangered , but secured by it . many other things there were of great and weighty consequence which he commended to us , but these things i thought good to relate , at the request of some well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly , ( so distracted at present about the settling of church-government in the kingdom of england ) that so both sides may truly see what this poor despised church of christ now at new-plymouth in new-england , but formerly at leyden in holland , was and is ; how far they were and still are from separation from the churches of christ , especially those that are reformed . 't is true , we professe and desire to practise a separation from the world , & the works of the world , which are works of the flesh , such as the apostle speaketh of , ephes . . , , . cor. . , , . and ephes . , . and as the churches of christ are all saints by calling , so we desire to see the grace of god shining forth , ( at least seemingly , leaving secret things to god ) in all we admit into church fellowship with us , & & to keep off such as openly wallow in the mire of their sins , that neither the holy things of god , nor the communion of the saints may be leavened or polluted thereby . and if any joyning to us formerly , either when we lived at leyden in holland , or since we came to new-england , have with the manifestation of their faith and profession of holinesse held forth therewith separation from the church of england , i have divers times , both in the one place , and the other , heard either mr. robinson our pastor , or mr. brewster our elder stop them forthwith , shewing them that wee required no such things at their hands , but only to hold forth faith in christ jesus , holinesse in the feare of god , and submission to every ordinance and appointment of god , leaving the church of england to themselves , and to the lord before whom they should stand or fall , and to whom wee ought to pray to reforme what was amisse amongst them . now this reformation we have lived to see performed and brought about by the mighty power of god , this day in a good measure , and i hope the lord jesus will perfect his work of reformation , till all be according to the good pleasure of his will. by all which i desire the reader to take notice of our former and present practise notwithstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting reports are passed on us . and if these things will not satisfie , but wee must still suffer reproach , and others for our sakes , because they and wee thus walke , our practise being for ought wee know , wholly grounded on the written word , without any addition or humane invention knowne to us , taking our patterne from the primitive churches , as they were regulated by the blessed apostles in their owne dayes , who were taught and instructed by the lord jesus christ , and had the unerring and all-knowing spirit of god to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard : i say , if wee must still suffer such reproach , notwithstanding our charity towards them who will not be in charity with us ; gods will be done . the next aspersion cast upon us , is , that we will not suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or cohabite with us ; no not the presbyterian government which differeth so little from us . to which i answer , our practise witnesseth the contrary . for 't is well knowne that mr. parker and mr. noy●e who are ministers of the church at newberry are in that way and so knowne so farre as a single congregation can bee exercised in it ; yet never had the least molestation or disturbance , and have and finde as good respect from magistrates and people as other elders in the congregationall or primitive way . 't is knowne also that mr. hubbard the minister at hengam hath declared himselfe for that way : nay which is more then ever i heard of the other two , hee refuseth to baptzie no children that are tendred to him ( although this liberty stands not upon a presbyterian bottome ) and yet the civill state never molested him for it : onely comming to a synod held in the country the last yeare , which the magistrates called , requesting the churches to send their elders and such other as might bee able to hold forth the light of god from his written word in case of some doubts which did arise in the country : i say hee comming the last sitting of the assembly which was adjourned to the eighth of june next , was in all meeknesse and love requested to bee present and hold forth his light hee went by in baptizing all that were brought to him , hereby waving the practise of the churches ; which he promising to take into consideration they rested in his answer . so also 't is wel known , that before these unhappy troubles arose in england and scotland , there were divers gentlemen of scotland that groaned under the heavy pressaries of those times , wrote to new-england to know whether they might freely be suffered to exercise their presbyteriall government amongst us . and it was answered affirmatively they might : and they sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit place ; a river called meromeck neare ipswich and newberry aforesaid , was shewed their agent , which he well liked , and where wee have since four townes settled , and more may bee for ought i know , so that there they might have had a compleate presbytery and whither they intended to have come : but meeting with manifold crosses being halfe seas thorow they gave over their intendments , and as i have heard these were many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late covenant in scotland : by all which will easily appeare how wee are here wronged by many ; and the harder measure as wee heare imposed upon our brethren for our sakes , nay pretending our example for their president . and last of all , not long before i came away certaine discontented persons in open court of the massachusets , demanding that liberty , it was freely and as openly tendred to them ; shewing their former practices by mee mentioned : but willed not to expect that wee should provide them ministers &c. for the same , but getting such themselves they might exercise the presbyterian government at their libertie , walking peaceably towards us as wee trusted we should doe towards them . so that if our brethren here shall bee restrained they walking peaceably , the example must not be taken from us , but arise from some other principle . but it will not bee objected though you deale thus with the presbyterian way , yet you have a severe law against anabaptists , yea one was whipt at massachusets for his religion ? and your law banisheth them ? answ . 't is true , the massachusets government have such a law as to banish , but not to whip in that kinde . and certaine men desiring some mitigation of it ; it was answered in my hearing . 't is true , we have a severe law , but wee never did or will execute the rigour of it upon any , and have men living amongst us , nay some in our churches of that judgement , and as long as they carry themselves peaceably as hitherto they doe , wee will leave them to god , our selves having performed the duty of brethren to them . and whereas there was one whipt amongst us ; 't is true wee knew his judgement what it was : but had hee not carried himselfe so contemptuously towards the authority god hath betrusted us with in an high exemplary measure , wee had never so censured him : and therefore he may thank himself who suffered as an evill doer in that respect . but the reason wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter the law , is , because wee would have it remaine in force to beare witnesse against their judgement and practice which we conceive them to bee erroneous . and yet neverthelesse said the governour to those preferred the request , you may tel our friends in england ▪ whither yee are some of you going , since the motion proceedeth from such as wee know move it in love to us , wee will seriously take it into consideration at our next generall court. so that thou maist perceive good reader that the worst is spoken of things in that kinde . furthermore in the government of plimouth , to our great griefe , not onely the pastor of a congregation waveth the administration of baptisme to infants , but divers of his congregation are fallen with him , and yet all the meanes the civill power hath taken against him and them , is to stirre up our elders to give meeting and see if by godly conference they may bee able to convince and reclaime him , as in mercy once before they had done by gods blessing upon their labours . onely at the foresaid synod , two were ordered to write to him in the name of the assembly , and to request his presence at their next meeting aforesaid to hold forth his light hee goeth by in waving the practise of the churches ; with promise if it be light , to walke by it : but if it appeare otherwise , then they trust hee will returne againe to the unity of practice with them . and for the other the two governments of coneetacut and newhaven , if either have any law in force against them , or so much as need of a law in that kinde , 't is more then i have heard on . for our parts ( i mean the churches of new-engl . ) we are confident through gods mercy , the way of god in which we walke , and according to which wee perform our worship and service to him , concurreth with those rules our blessed saviour hath left upon record by the evangelists and apostles , and is agreeable with the practise of those primitive churches mentioned in the acts , and regulated by the same apostles , as appeareth not onely in that evangelicall history , but in their epistles to the severall churches there mentioned ; yet neverthelesse if any thorow tendernesse of conscience be otherwise minded , to such wee never turn a deafe eare , nor become rigorous , though we have the streame of authority on our sides . nay , if in the use of all means we cannot reclaim them , knowing the wisdome that is from above is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality , and without hypocrisie , and the fruit of righteousnesse is sowne in peace , of them that make peace , according to james . , . and if any differing from us bee answerable to this rule in their lives and conversations , we do not exercise the civill sword against them . but for such as gorton and his company , whose wisdome seems not to be from above , as appeareth in that it is full of envyings , strife , confusion , jam. . , . being therein such as the apostle jude speaks on , v. . viz. earthly , sensuall ; devillish ; who v. . despise dominion , and speak evill of dignities . these v. , . are murmurers , complayners , walkers after their own lusts , and their mouth speaketh great swelling words , being clouds without water , carried about of winds , trees whose fruit withereth , without fruit , twice dead , plucked up by the roots , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their owne shame , wandring starres , to whom ( without repentance , which i much desire to see , or hear of in him , if it may stand with the will of god ) is reserved the blacknesse of darknesse for ever . these i say are to be proceeded with by another rule , and not to bee borne : who suffer as evil doers , and area shame to religion which they professe in word , but deny in their lives and conversations . these every tender conscience abhors , and will justifie and assist the higher powers god hath ordained , against such carnall gospellers , who beare not the sword in vaine , rom. . but execute gods vengeance on such : for the civill magistrate is the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil . and therefore a broad difference is to be put between such evill doers , and those tender consciences who follow the light of gods word in their owne perswasions , ( though judged erroneous by the places where they live ) so long as their walking is answerable to the rules of the gospel , by preserving peace , and holding forth holinesse in their conversations amongst men . thus much i thought good to signifie , because we of new-england are said to be so often propounded for an example . and if any will take us for a president , i desire they may really know what wee doe , rather then what others ignorantly or malitiously report of us , assuring my self that none will ever be losers by following us so far as we follow christ : which that we may doe , and our posterities after us , the father of our lord jesus christ , & our father , accept in christ what is according to him , discover , pardon , and reform what is amisse amongst us ; and guide us and them by the assistance of the holy ghost for time to come , till time shal be no more ; that the lord our god may still delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches there by his gracious presence , and may goe on blessing to blesse them with heavenly blessings in these earthly places , that so by his blessing they may not onely grow up to a nation , but become exemplary for good unto others . and let all that wish wel to sion say amen . finis . errata . in the title of p. , &c. to . in stead , of the magistrates of boston in new-engl . . of massachusets in new england ; p. . l. . for purpose god , r. purpose of god ; p. for day of , r. day of the ; p. l. . for cope , r. cup ; also l. for cope , r. cup ; also l. . for judas , r. as judas ; p. . l. . leave out to ; p. . l. . for by , r. in ; p. . l. . for complaining , r. complained ; p. . l. . for with as indeed , r. with them as ; p. . l. . for and , put ( p. . l. . for whom , r. which . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ex . pag. they say our of the forbidden fruite i. e. mans wisdom , our churches and common-wealth is formed . . that the whole edifice amongst us is raised up in the spirit of an hireling . . that by submission to the word of god in fasting , feasting , retirednesse for study , contributing , treasuring , i. e. for church uses so much in severall churches , they doe nothing but bring forth fruite unto death . pag. . notes for div a -e sam. gorton a common disturber of the civil peace in all the societies hee there lived in . pag. . pag. . the wonders of the invisible world observations as well historical as theological upon the nature, the number and the operations of the devils : accompany'd with i. some accounts of the greievous [sic] molestations by daemons and witchcrafts ... and the trials of some eminent malefactors ... ii. some councils directing a due improvement of the terrible things lately done by the unusual and amazing range of evil spirits ... iii. some conjectures upon the great events likely to befall the world in general and new england in particular ... iv. a short narrative of a late outrage committed by a knot of witches in swedeland ... v. the devil discovered, in a brief discourse upon those temptations which are the more ordinary devices of the wicked one / by cotton mather. mather, cotton, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the wonders of the invisible world observations as well historical as theological upon the nature, the number and the operations of the devils : accompany'd with i. some accounts of the greievous [sic] molestations by daemons and witchcrafts ... and the trials of some eminent malefactors ... ii. some councils directing a due improvement of the terrible things lately done by the unusual and amazing range of evil spirits ... iii. some conjectures upon the great events likely to befall the world in general and new england in particular ... iv. a short narrative of a late outrage committed by a knot of witches in swedeland ... v. the devil discovered, in a brief discourse upon those temptations which are the more ordinary devices of the wicked one / by cotton mather. mather, cotton, - . [ ], p. printed and sold by benjamin harris, boston : . "published by special command of his excellency the governour of the province of the massachusetts-bay in new-england": verso of t.p. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng witchcraft -- new england. massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the wonders of the invisible world. observations as well historical as theological , upon the nature , the number , and the operations of the devils . accompany'd with , i. some accounts of the grievous molestations , by daemons and witchcrafts , which have lately annoy'd the countrey ; and the trials of some eminent malefactors executed upon occasion thereof : with several remarkable curiosities therein occurring . ii. some counsils , directing a due improvement of the terrible things , lately done , by the unusual & amazing range of evil spirits , in our neighbourhood : & the methods to prevent the wrongs which those evil angels may intend against all sorts of people among us ; especially in accusations of the innocent . iii. some conjectures upon the great . events , likely to befall , the world in general , and new-england in particular ; as also upon the advances of the time , when we shall see better dayes . iv a short narrative of a late outrage committed by a knot of witches in swedeland , very much resembling , and so far explaining , that under which our parts of america have laboured ! v. the devil discovered : in a brief discourse upon those temptations , which are the more ordinary devices , of the wicked one. by cotton mather . boston printed , and sold by benjamin harris , . published by the special command of his excellency , the governour of the province of the massachusetts-bay in new-england . the authors defence . 't is as i remember , the learned scribonius , who reports , that one of his acquaintance , devoutly making his prayers on the behalf of a person molested by evil spirits , received from those evil spirits an horrible blow over the face : and i may my self expect not few or small buffetings from evil spirits , for the endeavours wherewith i am now going to encounter them . i am far from insensible , that at this extraordinary time of the devils coming down in great wrath upon us , there are too many tongues and hearts thereby set on fire of hell ; that the various opinions about the witchcrafts which of later time have troubled us , are maintained by some with so much cloudy fury , as if they could never be sufficiently stated , unless written in the liquor wherewith witches use to write their covenants ; and that he who becomes an author at such a time , had need be , fenced with iron , and the stuff of a spear . the unaccountable frowardness , asperity , untreatableness , and inconsistency of many persons , every day gives a visible exposition of that passage , an evil spirit from the lord came upon saul ; and illustration of that story , there met him two possessed with devils , exceeding fierce , so that no man might pass by that way . to send abroad a book , among such readers , were a very unadvised thing if a man had not such reasons to give as i can bring , for such an undertaking . briefly , i hope it cannot be said , they are all so : no , i hope the body of this people , are yet in such a temper , as to be capable of applying their thoughts , to make a right use , of the stupendous and prodigious things that are happening among us : and because i was concern'd , when i saw that no abler hand emitted any essayes to engage the minds of this people in such holy , pious , fruitful improvements , as god would have to be made of his amazing dispensations now upon us , therefore it is that one of the least among the children of new-england , has here done , what is done . none , but , the father who sees in secret , knows the heart-breaking exercises , wherewith i have composed what is now going to be exposed ; lest i should in any one thing , miss of doing my designed service for his glory , and for his people ; but i am now somewhat comfortably assured of his favourable acceptance ; and , i will not fear ; what can , a satan do unto me ! having performed , something of what god required , in labouring to suit his words unto his works , at this day among us , and therewithal handled a theme that has been sometimes counted not unworthy the pen , even of a king , it will easily be perceived , that some subordinate ends have been considered in these endeavours . i have indeed set my self to countermine the whole plot of the devil , against new-england , in every branch of it , as far as one of my darkness , can comprehend such a work of darkness . i may add , that i have herein also aimed at the information and satisfaction of good men in another countrey , a thousand leagues off , where i have , it may be more , or however , more considerable , friends , than in my own ; and i do what i can to have that countrey , now , as well as alwayes , in the best terms with , my own. but while i am doing these things , i have been driven a little to do something likewise for my self ; i mean , by taking off the false reports and hard censures about my opinion in these matters , the parters portion , which my pursuit of peace , has procured me among the keen . my hitherto unvaried thoughts are here published ; and , i believe , they will be owned by most , of the ministers of god in these colonies : nor can amends be well made me , for the wrong done me , by other sorts of representations . in fine , for the dogmatical part of my discourse , i want no defence ; for the historical part of it , i have a very great one. the lievtenant governour of new-england , having perused it , has done me the honour of giving me a shield , under the umbrage whereof i now dare to walk abroad . reverend and dear sir , you very much gratify'd me , as well as put a kind respect upon me , when you put into my hands . your elaborate and most seasonable discourse , entituled , the wonders of the invisible world. and having now perused so fruitful and happy a composure , upon such a subject , at this juncture of time , and considering the place that i hold in the court of oyer and terminer , still labouring and proceeding in the trial of the persons accused and convicted for witchcraft , i find that i am more nearly and highly concerned than as a meer ordinary reader , to express my obligation and thankfulness to you , for so great pains ; and cannot but hold my self many ways bound , even to the utmost of what is proper for me , in my present publick capacity , to declare my singular approbation thereof . such is your design , most plainly expressed throughout the whole ; such your zeal for god ; your enmity to satan and his kingdom ; your faithfulness and compassion to this poor people ; such the vigour , but yet great temper of your spirit ; such your instruction and counsel ; your care of truth ; your wisdom and dexterity in allaying and moderating , that among us , which needs it ; such your clear discerning of divine providences and periods , now running on apace towards their glorious issues in the world ; and finally , such your good news of , the shortness of the devils time ; that all good men must needs desire the making of this your discourse , publick to the world ; and will greatly rejoyce that the spirit of the lord has thus enabled you to lift up a standard against the infernal enemy , that hath been coming in like a flood upon us . i do therefore make it my particular and earnest request unto you , that as soon as may be , you will commit the same unto the press accordingly . i am , your assured friend , william stoughton . i live by neighbours , that force me to produce these undeserved lines . but now , as when mr. wilson , beholding a great muster of souldiers , had it by a gentleman then present , said unto him , sir , i 'l tell you a great thing ; here is a mighty body of people ; and there is not seven of them all but what loves mr. wilson ; that gracious man presently & pleasantly reply'd , sir , i 'll tell you as good a thing as that ; here is a mighty body of people ; and there is not so much as one among them all , but mr. wilson loves him . somewhat so ; 't is possible that among , this body of people , there may be few , that love the writer of this book ; but , give me leave to boast so far , there is not one among all this body of people , whom this mather would not study to serve , as well as to love. with such a spirit of love , is the book now before us written ; i appeal to all this world ; and if this world , will deny me the right of acknowlèdging so much , i appeal to the other , that it is , not written with an evil spirit : for which cause , i shall not wonder if evil spirits , be exasperated by what is written , as the sadducees doubtless were with what was discoursed in the days of our saviour . i only demand the iustice , that others read it , with the same spirit wherewith i writ it . enchantments encountred . s . it was as long ago , as the year . that a faithful minister of the church of england , whose name was mr. edward symons , did in a sermon afterwards printed , thus express himselfe ; at new-england now the sun of comfort begins to appear , and the glorious day-star to show it self ; — sed venient annis saecula seris , there will come times , in after-ages when the clouds will over-shadow and darken the sky there . many now promise to themselves nothing but successive happiness there , which for a time through gods mercy they may enjoy ; and i pray god , they may a long time ; but in this world there is no happiness perpetual . an observation , or , i had almost said , an inspiration , very dismally now verify'd upon us ! it has been affirm'd by some who best knew new-england , that the world will do new-england a great piece , of injustice , if it acknowledge not a measure of religion , loyalty , honesty and industry , in the people there , beyond what is to be found with any other people for the number of them . when i did a few years ago , publish a book , which mentioned a few memorable witchcrafts , committed in this country ; the excellent ▪ baxter graced the second edition of that book , with a kind preface , wherein he sees cause to say , if any are scandalized , that new-england , a place of as serious piety , as any i can hear of , under heaven , should be troubled so much with witches , i think , t is no wonder : where will the devil show most malice , but where he is hated , and hateth most ; and i hope , the country will still deserve and answer , the charity so expressed by that reverend man of god! whosoever travels over this wilderness , will see it richly bespangled with evangelical churches , whose pastors are holy , able , & painful overseers of their flocks , lively preachers , and vertuous livers ; and such as in their several neighbourly associations , have had their meetings whereat ecclesiastical matters of common concernment are considered : churches , whose communicants have been seriously examined about their experiences of regeneration , as well as about their knowledge , and beleef and blameless conversation , before their admission to the sacred communion ; although others of less but hopeful attainments in christianity are not ordinarily deny'd baptism for themselves and theirs ; churches , which are shy of using any thing in the worship of god , for which they cannot see a warrant of god ; but with whom yet the names of congregational , presbyterian , episcopalian , or , antipaedobaptist , are swallowed up in that of , christian ; persons of all those perswasions being actually taken into our fellowship , when visible godliness has recommended them : churches , which usually do within themselves manage their own discipline , under the conduct of their elders ; but yet call in the help of synods upon emergencies , or aggrievances churches , lastly , wherein multitudes are growing ripe for heaven every day ; and as fast as these are taken off , others are daily rising up . and by the presence and power of the divine institutions thus mentained in the country , we are still so happy , that , i suppose , there is no land in the universe more free from the debauching , and the debasing vices of ungodliness . the body of the people are hitherto so disposed , that swearing , sabbath-breaking , whoring , drunkenness , and the like , do not make a gentleman , but a monster , or a goblin , in the vulgar estimation . all this notwithstanding , we must humbly confess to our god , that we are miserably degenerated from the first love , of our predecessors ; however we boast our selves a litile , when men would go to trample upon us , and we venture to say , whereinsoever any is bold ( we speak foolishly ) we are bold also . the first planters of these colonies were a chosen generation of men , who were first so pure , as to disrelish many things which they thought wanted reformation else where ; and yet withal so peaceable , that they embraced a voluntary exile in a squalid , horrid , american desart , rather than to live in contentions with their brethren . those good men imagined that they should leave their posterity , in a place , where they should never see the inroads of profanity , or superstition ; and a famous person returning hence could in a sermon before the parliament , profess , i have now been seven years in a country , where i never saw one man drunk , or heard one oath sworn , or beheld one beggar in the streets , all the while . such great persons as budaeus , and others , who mistook sir. thomas mores utopia , for a country really existent , and stirr'd up some divines charitably to undertake a voyage thither , might now have certainly found a truth in their mistake ; new-england was a true utopia . but alas , the children , and servants of those old planters , must needs afford many , degenerate plants , and there is now risen up a number of people , otherwise inclined than our ioshua's and the elders that out-lived them . those two things , our holy progenitors , and our happy advantages , make omissions of duty , and such spiritual disorders as the whole world abroad is overwhelmed with , to be as provoking in us , as the most flagitious wickednesses committed in other places ; and the ministers of god are accordingly severe in their testimonies . but in short , those interests of the gospel , which were the errand of our fathers into these ends of the earth , have been too much neglected and postponed , and the attainments of an hand-some education , have been too much undervalued , by multitudes , that have not fallen into exorbitancies of wickedness ; and some , especially of our young ones , when they have got abroad from under the restraints here laid upon them , have become extravagantly and abom●…nably vicious . hence t is , that the happiness of new-england , has been , but for a time , as it was foretold , and not for a long time , as ha's been desir'd for us . a variety of calamity ha's long follow'd this plantation ; and we have all the reason imaginable to ascribe it unto the rebuke of heaven upon us for our manifold apostasies ; we make no right use of our disasters , if we do not , remember whence we are fallen , and repent , and do the first works . but yet our afflictions may come under a further consideration with us : there is a further cause of our afflictions , whose due must be given him . s ii. the new-englanders , are a people of god settled in those , which were once the devils territories ; and it may easily be supposed that the devil was exceedingly disturbed , when he perceived such a people here accomplishing the promise of old made unto our blessed jesus , that he should have the utmost parts of she earth for his possession . there was not a greater uproar among the ephesians , when the gospel was first brought among them , then there was among , the powers of the air ( after whom those ephesians walked ) when first the silver trumpets of the gospel here made the ioyful sound . the devil thus irritated , immediately try'd all sorts of methods to overturn this poor plantation : and so much of the church , as was fled into this wilderness , immediately found , the serpent cast out of his mouth , a flood for the carrying of it away . i believe , that never were more satanical devices used for the unsetling of any people under the sun , than what have been employ'd for the extirpation of the vine which god has here planted , casting out the heathen , and preparing a room before it , and causing it to take deep root , and fill the land ; so that it sent its boughs unto the attlantic sea eastward , and its branches unto the connecticut river westward , and the hills were covered with the shadow thereof . but , all those attempts of hell , have hitherto been abortive , many an ebenezer has been erected unto the praise of god , by his poor people here ; and , having obtained help from god , we continue to this day . wherefore the devil is now making one attempt more upon us ; an attempt more difficult , more surprizing , more snarl'd with unintelligible circumstances than any that we have hitherto encountred ; an attempt , so critical , that if we get well through , we shall soon enjoy halcyon days with all the vultures of hell , trodden under our feet . he has wanted his inearnate legions , to persecute us , as the people of god , have in the other hemisphere been persecuted : he has therefore drawn forth his more spiritual ones to make an attacque upon us . we have been advised , by some credible christians yet alive , that a malefactor , accused of witchcraft as well as murder , and executed in this place more than forty years ago , did then give notice , of , an horrible plot against the country , by witchcraft , and a foundation of witchraft then laid , which if it were not seasonably discovered , would probably blow up , and pull down all the churches in the country . and we have now with horror seen the discovery of such a witchcraft ! an army of devils is horribly broke in , upon the place which is the center and after a sort , the first-born of our english settlements : and the houses of the good people there , are fill'd with the doleful shrieks of their children and servants , tormented by invisible hands , with tortures altogether preternatural . after the mischiefs there endeavoured , and since in part conquered , the terrible plague , of , evil angels , hath made its progress into some other places , where other persons have been in like manner diabolically handled . these our poor afflicted neighbours , quickly after they become infected and infested with these daemons , arrive to a capacity of discerning those which they conceive the shapes of their troublers ; and notwithstanding the great and just suspicion , that the daemons might impose the shapes of innocent persons in their spectral exhibitions upon the sufferers , ( which may perhaps prove no small part of the witch-plot in the issue ) yet many of the persons thus represented , being examined , several of them have been convicted of a very damnable witchcraft : yea , more than . one twenty have confessed , that they have signed unto a book , which the devil show'd them , and engaged in his hellish design of bewitching , and ruining our land. we know not , at least i know not , how far the delusions of satan may be interwoven into some circumstances of the confessions ; but one would think , all the rules of understanding humane affayrs are at an end , if after so many most voluntary harmonious confessions , made by intelligent persons of all ages , in sundry towns , at several times , we must not believe the main strokes wherein those confessuns all agree : especially when we have a thousand preternatural things every day before our eyes , wherein the confessors do acknowledge their concernment , and give demonstration of their being so concerned . if the devils now can strike the minds of men , with any poisons of so fine a composition and operation , that scores of innocent people shall unite , in confessions of a crime , which we see actually committed , it is a thing prodigious , beyond the wonders of the former ages , and it threatens no less than a sort of a dissolution upon the world. now , by these confessions 't is agreed , that the devil has made a dreadful knot of witches in the country , and by the help of witches has dreadfully encreased that knot : that these witches have driven a trade of commissioning their confederate spirits , to do all sorts of mischiefs to the neighbours , whereupon there have ensued such mischievous consequences upon the bodies , and estates of the neighbourhood , as could not otherwise be accounted for : yea , that at prodigious witch-meetings , the wretches have proceeded so far , as to concert and consult the methods of rooting out the christian religion from this country , and setting up instead of it , perhaps a more gross diabolism , than ever the world saw before . and yet it will be a thing little short of miracle , if in so spread a business , as this , the devil should not get in some of his juggles , to confound the discovery of all the rest . s. . doubtless , the thoughts of many will receive a great scandal against new-england , from the number of persons that have been accused , or suspected , for witchcraft , in this country : but it were easy to offer many things , that may answer and abate the scandal . if the holy god should any where permit the devils to hook two or three wicked scholars , into witchcraft , and then by their assistance to range with their poisonous insinuations , among ignorant , envious , discontented people , till they have cunningly decoy'd them into some sudden act , whereby the toyls of hell shall be perhaps inextricably cast over them : what country in the world , would not afford witches , numerous to a prodigy ? accordingly , the kingdoms of sweeden , denmark , s●…tland , yea , and england it self , as well as the province of new-england , have had their storms of witchcrafts breaking upon them , which have made most lamentable devastations : which also i wish , may be , the last . and it is not uneasy to be imagined , that god ha's not brought out all the witchcrafts in many other lands , with such a speedy , dreadful , destroying iealousy , as burns forth upon such high treasons committed here in , a land of uprightness : transgressors , may more quickly here , than else where become a prey to the vengeance of him , who ha's eyes like a flame of fire , and , who walks in the midst of the golden candlesticks . moreover , there are many parts of the world , who if they do upon this occasion insult over this people of god , need only to be told the story of what happened at loim , in the dutchy of gulic , where , a popish curate , having ineffectually try'd many charms , to eject the devil out of a damsel there possessed , he passionately bid the devil come out of her , into himself ; but the devil answered him , q●…id mihi opus est eum tentare , quem novissimo die , iure optimo sum possessurus ? that is , what need i meddle with one , whom i am sure to have and hold at the last day , as my own forever ! but besides all this , give me leave to add ; it is to be hoped , that among the persons represented by the spectres which now afflict our neighbours , there will be found some that never explicitly contracted with any of the evil angels . the witches have not only intimated , but some of them acknowledged , that they have plotted the representations of innocent persons , to cover and shelter themselyes in their witchcrafts ; now , altho' our good god has hitherto generally preserved us , from the abuse therein design'd by the devils for us , yet who of us can exactly state , how far our god may for our chastisement permit the devil to preceed in such an abuse ? it was the result of a discourse , lately held at a meeting of some very ●…ious , and learned , ministers among us , that the devils may sometimes have a permission to represent an innocent person , as tormenting such as are under diabolical molestations : but that such things are rare and extraordinary , especially , when such matters come before civil iudicature . the opinion expressed with so much caution and judgment , seems to be the prevailing sense of many others ; who are men eminently cautious and judicious ; and have both argument and history to countenance them in it . it is rare and extraordinary , for an honest naboth to have his life it self sworn away , by two children of belial , and yet no infringement hereby made on the rectoral righteousness of our eternal soveraign , whose iudgments are a great deep , and who gives none account of his matters . thus , although , the appearance of innocent persons , in spectral exhibitions afflicting the neighbourhood , be a thing rare and extraordinary ; yet who can be sure , that the great belial of hell must needs be es , and those bloody felons , be wholly left unprosecuted . the witchcraft is a business , that will not be sham'd , without plunging us into sore plagues and of long continuance . but then , we are to unite in such methods , for this deliverance , as may be unquestionably s●…fe ; lest , the latter end be worse then the beginning . and here , what i shall say ? i will venture to say , thus much ; that we are safe , when we make just as much use of all advice from the invisible world , as god sends it for . it is a safe principle , that when god almighty permits any spirits from the unseen regions , to visit us with surprising informations , there is then something to be enquired after ; we are then to enquire of one another , what cause there is for such things ? the peculiar government of god , over the unbodied intelligences , is a sufficient foundation for this principle . when there has been a murder committed , an apparition of the slain party accusing of any man , altho' such apparitions have oftener spoke true than false , is not enough to convict the man , as guilty of that murder ; but yet it is a sufficient occasion for magistrates to make a particular enquiry , whether such a man have afforded any ground for such an accusation . even so , a spectre , exactly resembling such or such a person , when the neighbourhood are tormented by such spectres , may reasonably make magistrates inquisitive , whether the person so represented have done or said any thing that may argue their confederacy with evil spirits ; altho' it may be defective enough in point of conviction ; especially at a time , when 't is possible , some over-powerful conjurer may have got the skill of thus exhibiting the shapes of all sorts of persons , on purpose to stop the prosecution of the wretch●…s whom due enquiries thus provoked , might have made obnoxious unto ●…ustice . quaere , whether if god would have us , to proceed any further than bare enquiry , upon what reports there may come against any man , from the world of spirits , he will not by his providence at the same time have brought into our hands , these more evident & sensible things , whereupon , a man is to be esteemed a criminal . but i will venture to say this further ; that it will be safe , to account the names as well as the lives of our neighbours , too considerable things to be brought under a iudicial process , until it be found by humane observations , that the peace of mankind , is thereby disturbed . we are humane creatures ; and we are safe while we say , they must be humane witnesses , who also have in the particular act of seeing , or hearing , which enables them to be witnesses , had no more than humane assistences , that are to turn the scale , when laws are to be executed . and , upon this head , i will further add ; a wise and a just magistrate , may so far give way to a common stream of dissatisfaction , as to forbear acting up to the heighth of his own perswasion , about , what may be judg'd convictive , of a crime , whose nature shall be so abstruse and obscure , as to raise much disputation . tho' he may not do what he should leave undone , yet he may leave undone something that else he could d●… , when the publick safety , makes an exigency . s . i was going to make one venture more ; that is , to offer some safe rules , for the finding out of the witches which are at this day our accursed troublers : but this were a venture too presumptuous and icarian for me to make . i leave that unto those excellent and judicious persons , with whom i am not worthy to be numbred : all that i shall do , shall be to lay before my readers , a brief synopsis of what has been written on that subject , by a triumvirate , of as eminent persons , as have ever handled it . i will begin with , an abstract of mr. perkin's way for the discovery of witches . i. there are presumptions , which do at least probably and conjecturally note one to be a witch . these , give occasion to examine , yet they are no sufficient causes of conviction . ii. if any man or woman , be notoriously defamed for a witch ; this yeelds a strong suspition . yet the iudge ought carefully to look , that the report be made by men of honesty and credit . iii. if a fellow witch , or magician , give testimony of any person to be a witch ; this indeed is not sufficient for condemnation ; but it is a fit presumption , to cause a strait examination . iv. if after cursing there follow death , or at least , some mischief : for witches are wont to practise their mischievous facts , by cursing and banning : this also is a sufficient matter of examination , tho' not of conviction . v. if after enmity , quarrelling , or thrèatening , a present mischief do's follow ; that also is a great presumption . vi. if the party suspected be the son or daughter , the man-servant or maid-servant , the familiar friend ; near neighbour , or old companion , of a known and convicted witch : this may be likewise a presumption : for witchcraft is an art , that may be learn'd , and convey'd from man to man. vii . some add this for a presumption ; if the party suspected be found to have the devils mark ; for it is commonly thought , when the devil makes his covenant with them , he alwayes leaves his mark behind them , whereby he knows them for his own : — a mark , whereof no evident reason , in nature can be given . viii . lastly , if the party examined be unconstant , or contrary to himself , in his deliberate answers , it argueth a guilty conscience , which stops the freedom of utteranee . and yet , there are causes of astonishment , which may befal the good , as well as the bad , ix . but then there is a conviction , discovering the witch ; which must proceed from just and sufficient proofs , and not from bare presumptions . x scratching of the suspected party , and recovery thereupon ; with several other such weak proofs ; as also , the fleeting of the suspected party , thrown upon the water ; these proofs are so far from being sufficient , that some of them , are after a sort , practices of witcheraft . xi . the testimony of some wizzard , tho' offering to show the witches face in a glass ; this i grant , may be a good presumption , to cause a strait examination ; but a sufficient proof of conviction , it cannot be . if the devil tell the grand-iury , that the person in question , is a witch , and offers withal , to confirm the same by oath , should the inquest receive his oath or accusation to condemn the man ? assuredly no. and yet , that is as much as the testimony of another wizzard , who only by the devils help , reveals the witch , xii . if a man being dangerously sick , and like to dy , upon suspicion , will take it on his death , that such an one hath bewitched him , it is an allegation of the same nature , which may move the iudge to examine the party , ; but it is of ●…o onement for conviction . xiii . among the sufficient means of conviction , the first is , the free and voluntary confession of the crime , made by the party suspected , and accused , after examination . i say not , that a bare confession is sufficient , but a confession after due examination , taken upon pregnant presumptions . what needs now more witness , or further enquiry ? xiv . there is a second sufficient conviction , by the testimony of two witnesses , of good and honest report avouching before the magistrate upon their own knowledge , these two things : either that the party accused , hath made a league with the devil , or hath done some known practices of witchcraft . and , all arguments that do necessarily prove either of these , being brought by two sufficient witnesses , are of force , fully to convince the party suspected . xv. if it can be proved that the party suspected , hath called upon the devil , or desired his help ; this is a pregnant proof of a league formerly made between them . xvi . if it can be proved , that the party hath entertained a familiar spirit , and had conference with it , in the likeness of some visible creatures : here is evidence of witchcraft . xvii . if the witnesses affirm upon outh , that the suspected person , hath done any action , or work , which necessarily infers a covenant made : as that he hath used enchantments ; divined of things before they come to pass , and that peremptorily ; raised tempests ; caused the form of a dead man to appear ; it proveth sufficiently that he or she is a witch . this is the substance of mr. perkins . take , next , the summ of mr gaules judgment , about the detection of witches . i some tokens for the trial of witches , are altogether unwarrantable . such are the old paganish sign , the witches long eyes ; the tradition , of the witches not weeping ; the casting of the witch into the water , with thumbs , and toes , ty'd across . and many more such marks , which if they are to know a witch by , certainly 't is no other witch , but the user of them . ii. there are some tokens for the trial of witches , more probable : and yet not so certain us to afford conviction . such are , strong and long suspicion : suspected ancestors : some appearance of fact : the corpse bleeding upon the witches touch : the testimony of the party bewitched : the supposed , witches unusual bodily marks ; the witches usual cursing and banning : the witches lewd and naughty kind of life . iii. some signs there are of a witch , more certain and infallible . as , firstly , declining of judicature , or fultring , faulty , unconstant , and contrary answers , upon judicial and deliberate examination . secondly , when upon due enquiry , into a persons faith and manners , there are found all or most of the causes , which produce witchcraft ; namely , god forsaking , satun invading , particular sins disposing , and lastly a compact compleating all . thirdly , the witches free confession , together with full evidence of the fact. confession without first , may be a meer delusion ; and fact without confession may be a meer accident . thly , the semblable gestures & actions of suspected witches , with the comparable expressions of affections , which in all witches have been observ'd and found very much alike . fifthly , the testimony of the party bewitched , whether pining or dying , together with the joint oaths of sufficient persons , that have seen certain prodigious pranks or feats , wrought by the party accused . iv. among the most unhappy circumstances , to convict a witch . one is , a maligning and oppugning , the word , work , and worship of god : and by any extraordinary sign seeking to seduce any from it . see deut. . , . math. . . act. : , . tim. . do but mark well the places ; & for this very property ( of thus opposing and perverting ) they are all there concluded arrant and absolute witches . v. it is not requisite , that so palpable evidence of conviction , should here come in , as in other more sensible matters . t is enough , if there be but so much circumstantial proof or evidence ; as the substance , matter , and nature of such an abstruse mystery of iniquity will well admit . [ i suppose he means , that whereas in other crimes , we look for more direct proofs , in this there is a greater use of consequential ones ] but i could heartily wish that the juries were empannelled of the most eminent physicians , lawyers , and divines , that a country could afford . in the mean time , t is not to be called a toleration , if witches escape , where conviction is wanting . to this purpose our gaule . i will transcribe a little from one author more . t is the judicious bernard of batcombe ; who in his guide to grand-iury men , after he ha's mentioned several things that are shrow'd presumptions of a witch , proceeds to such things as are the convictions of such an one . and he says , a witch , in league with the devil , is convicted by these evidences ; i. by a witches mark ; which is upon the baser sort of witches ; and this , by the devils either sucking or touching of them . tertullian says , it is the devils custome to mark his . and note , that this mark is insensible , and being prick'd , it will not bleed . sometimes , it s like a teate ; sometimes but a blewish spot : sometimes a red one ; and sometimes the flesh sunk : but the witches do sometimes cover them . ii. by the witches words . as when they have been heard calling on , speaking to , or talking of , their familiars ; or , when they have been heard telling of hurt they have done to man or beast : or when they have been heard threatning of such hurt ; or if they have been heard relating their transportations . iii. by the witches deeds . as when they have been seen with their spirits , or seen secretly feeding any of their imps. or , when there can be found their pictures , poppets , and other hellish compositions . iv. by the witches extasies : with the delight whereof , witches are so taken , that they will hardly conceal the same : or , however at some time or other , they may be found in them . v. by one or more fellow-witches , confessing their own witchcraft , & bearing witness against others ; if they can make good the truth of their witness , and give sufficient proof of it . as , that they have seen them with their spirits ; or , that they have received spirits from them ; or , that they can tell , when they used witchery-tricks to do harm ; or , that they told them what harm they had done ; or that they can show the mark upon them ; or , that they have been together in their meetings ; and such like . vi. by some witness of god himself , happening upon the execrable curses of witches upon themselves , praving of god to show some token , if they be guilty . vii . by the witches own confession , of giving their souls to the devil . it is no rare thing , for witches to confess . they are considerable things , which i have thus recited ; and yet it must be with open eyes , kept upon open rules , that we are to follow these things . s. . but iuries are not the only instruments to be imploy'd in such a work ; all christians are to be concerned with daily and servent prayers , for the assisting of it . in the days of athanasius , the devils were found unable to stand before , that prayer , however then used perhaps with too much of ceremony , let god arise , let his enemies be scattered , let them also that hate him , flee before him. o that instead of letting our hearts rise against one another , our prayers might rise unto an high pitch of importunity , for such a rising of the lord ! especially , let them that are suffering by witchcraft , be sure to stay and pray , and beseech the lord thrice , even as much as ever they can , before they complain of any neighbour for afflicting them . let them also that are accused of witchcraft , set themselves to fast and pray , and so shake off the daemons that would like v●…per's fasten upon them ; and get the waters of iealousie made profitable to them . and now , o thou hope of , new-england , and the saviour thereof in the time of trouble ; do thou look mercifully down upon us , & rescue us , out of the trouble which 〈◊〉 this time do's threaten to swallow us up . let sat●…n be shortly bruised under our feet , and let the ●…nted v●…ssals of satan which have traiterously brought him in upon us , be gloriously conquered , by thy powerful and gracious presence in the midst of us . abhor us not , o god , but cleanse us , but h●…l us , but save us , for the sake of thy glory , enwrapped in our salvations . by thy spirit , lift up a standard against our infernal adversaries ; let us quickly find thee making of us glad , according to the days wherein we have been afflicted . accept of all our endeavours to glorify thee , in the fires that are upon us ; and among the re●… ; let these ●…hy poor and we●…k essays , composed with what tears , what cares , what prayers , th●… only knowest , n●…t w●…nt the acceptance of the lord. amen . always yoked up , from this piece of mischief ? the best man that ever lived has been called a witch : and why may not this too usual and unhappy symptom of , a witch , even a spectral representation , befall a person that shall be none of the worst ? is it not possible ? the laplanders will tell us 't is possible : for persons to be unwittingly attended with officious daemons , bequeathed unto them , and impos'd upon them , by relations that have been witches . quaere , also , whether at a time , when the devils with his witches are engag'd in an actual war upon a people , some certain steps of ours , in such a war , may not be follow'd with our appearing so and so for a while among them in the visions of our afflicted forlorns ! and , who can certainly say , what other degrees , & methods of sinning , besides that of a diabolical compact , may give the devils advantage , to act in the shape of them that have miscarried ? besides what may happen for a while , to try the patience of the virtuous . may not some that have been ready upon feeble grounds uncharitably to censure and reproach other people , be punished for it by spectres for a while exposing them to censure and reproach ? and furthermore , i pray , that it may be considered , whether a world of magical tricks often used in the world , may not insensibly oblige devils to wait upon the superstitious users of them . a witty writer against sadducism , has this observation , that persons , who never made any express contract with apostate spirits , yet may act strange things by diabolick aids , which they procure by the use of those wicked forms and arts , that the devil first imparted unto his confederates . and he adds , we know not , but the laws of the dark kingdom , may enjoyn a particular attendence upon all those that practise their mysteries , whether they know them to be theirs or no. some of them that have been cry'd out upon , as employing evil spirits to hurt our land , have been known to be most bloody fortune-tellers ; and some of them have confessed , that when they told fortunes , they would pretend the rules of chiromancy and the like ignorant sciences , but indeed , they had no rule ( they said ) but this , the things were then darted into their minds . darted ! ye wretches ; by whom , i pray . surely , by none but the devils ; who , tho' perhaps they did not exactly foreknow all the thus predicted contingencies ; yet having once foretold them , they stood bound in honour now , to use their interest , which alas , in this world , is very great , for the accomplishment of their own predictions . there are others , that have used most wicked sorceries to gratify their unlawful curiosities , or to prevent inconveniencies in man and beast ; sorceries ; which i will not name , lest i should by naming , teach them . now , some devil is overmore invited into the service of the person that shall practise these witchcrafts ; and if they have gone on impenitently in these communions with any devil , the devil may perhaps become at last a familiar to them , and so assume their livery , that they cannot shake him off in any way , but that one , which i would most heartily prescribe unto them , namely , that of a deep and long repentance . should these impieties , have been committed in such a place as new-england , for my part i should not wonder , if when devils are exposing the gres●…er witches among us , god permit them , to bring in these les●…er ones with the rest , for their perpetual humiliation . in the issue therefore , may it not be found , that new-england is not so stock'd with rattle snakes , as was imagined ? s . but i do not believe , that the progress of witchcraft among us , is all the plot , which the devil is managing in the witchcraft now upon us . it is judg'd , that the devil rais'd the storm , whereof we read in the eighth chapter of matthew , on purpose to oversett the little . vessel , wherein the disciples of our lord , were embarqued with him. and it may be fear'd , that in the horrible tempest , which is now upon ourselves , the design of the devil is to sink that happy settlement of government , wherewith almighty , god , has graciously enclined their majesties to favour us . we are blessed with a governour , than whom no man can be more willing to serve their majesties or this their province : he is continually venturing his all to do it : and were not the interests of his prince , dearer to him , than his own , he could not but soon be weary of the helm , whereat he sits . we are under the influence of a lievtenant governour , who not only by being admirably accomplished both with natural and acquired endowments , is fitted for the service of their. majesties , but also with an unspotted fidelity , applys himself to that service . our councellours , are some of our most eminent persons , and as loyal subjects to the crown , as hearty lovers of their countrey . our constitution also is attended with singular priviledges ; all which things are by the devil exceedingly envy'd unto us . and the devil will doubtless take this occasion , for the raising of such complaints and clamours , as may be of pernicious consequence , unto some part of our present settlement , if he can so far impose . but that which most of all threatens us , in our present circumstances , is the misunderstanding , and so the animosity , whereinto the witchcraft now raging , has enchanted us . the embroiling , first , of our spirits , and then of our affayrs , is evidently , as considerable a branch of the hellish intreague , which now vexes us , as any one thing whatever . the devil has made us like a troubled sea ; and the more and mud , begins now also to heave up apace . even , good and wise men , suffer themselves to fall into their paroxysms ; and the shake which the devil is now giving us , fetches up the dirt which before lay still , at the bottom of our sinful hearts . if we allow the mad dogs of hell to poison us by biting us , we shall imagine that we see nothing but such things about us , and like such things fly upon all that we see . were it not for what is in us , for my part , i should not fear a thousand legions of devils ; 't is by our quarrels that we spoil our prayers ; and if our humble , zealous , and united , prayers , are once hindred , alas , the philistines of hell have cut our locks for us ; they will then blind us , mock us , ruine us . in truth , i cannot altogether blame it , if people are a little transported , when they conceive all the secular interests of themselves and their families , at the stake ; and yet , at the sight of these heart-burnings , i cannot forbear the exclamation of the sweet-spirited austin , in his pacificatory epistle , to ierom on his contest with ruffin , o miserd et miser and a conditio ! o condition , truly miserable ! but what shall be done to cure these distractions ? it is wonderfully necessary , that some healing attempts , be made at this time ; and i must needs confess , if i may speak so much , like a nazianzen , i am so desirous of a share in them , that if , being thrown over-board , were needful to allay the storm , i should think , dying , a trifle to be undergone , for so great a blessedness . s . i would most importunately in the first place , entreat every man to maintain an holy jealousy over his own soul , at this time , and think , may not the devil make me , tho' ignorantly , & unwillingly , to be an instrument of doing something that he would have to be done ? for my part i freely own my suspicion , lest something of enchantment , have reach'd more persons and spirits among us , then we are well aware of . but then , let us more generally agree to maintain a kind opinion , one of another . that charity without which , even our giving our bodies to be burned , would profit nothing , uses to proceed by this rule , it is kind , it is not easily provoked , it is thinks no evil , it believes all things , hopes all things . but if we disregard this rule , of charity , we shall indeed give our body politic to be burned . i have heard it affirmed , that in the late great flood upon convecticut , those creatures which could not but have quarrelled at another time , yet now being driven together , very agreeably stood by one another . i am sure we shall be worse than bruitish , if we fly upon one another , at a time when the floods of belial make us afraid . on the one side , [ alas , my pen , must thou write the word , side , in the business ? ] there are very worthy men , who having been call'd by god , when and where this witchcraft , first appeared upon the stage , to encounter it , are earnestly desirous to have it sifted unto the bottom of it . and , i pray , which of us all , that should live under the continual impressions , of the tortures , outcries , and havocks , which devils confessedly commissioned by witches , make among their distressed neighbours , would not have a biass that way , beyond other men ? persons this way disposed , have been men eminent for wisdome and vertue , and men acted by a noble principle of conscience : had not conscience of duty to god , prevailed above other considerations with them , they would not for all they are worth in the world , have meddled in this thorny business , have there been any disputed methods used , in discovering the works of darkness ? it may be none , but what have had great precedents in other parts of the world : which may , tho' not altogether iustify , yet much alleviate a mistake in us , if there should happen to be found any such mistake , in so dark a matter . they have done , what they have done , with multiply'd addresses to god , for his guidance , and have not been insensible how much they have exposed themselves in what they have done . yea , they would gladly contrive , and receive , an expedient , how the shedding of blood , might be spared , by the recovery of witches , not gone beyond the reach of pardon and after all , they invite all good men , in terms to this purpose , being amazed , at the number , and quality of those accused , of late , we do not know , but satan , by his wiles , may have enwrapped some innocent persons , and therefore should earnestly and humbly desire , the most critical enquiry upon the place , to find out the fallacy ; that there may be none of the servants of the lord , with the worshippers of baal . i may also add , that whereas , if once a witch do ingenuously confess among us , no more spectres do in their shapes after this , trouble the vicinage ; if any guilty creatures will accordingly to so good purpose confess their crime to any minister of god , and get out of the snare of the devil , as no minister will discover such a conscientious confession , so i believe none in the authority , will press him to discover it ; but rejoyce in , a soul sav'd from death ▪ on the other side [ if i must again use the word , side , which yet i hope , to live , to blot out ] there are very worthy men , who are not a little dissatisfy'd at the proceedings in the prosecution of this witchcraft . and why ? not because they would have any such abominable thing defended from the strokes of impartial justice . no , those reverend persons who gave in this advice unto the honourable council , that presumptions , whereupon persons may be committed , and much more convictions , whereupon persons may be condemned , as guilty of witchcrafts , ought certainly to be more considerable , than barely the accused persons being represented by a spectre , unto the afflicted ; nor are alterations made in the sufferers , by a look or touch of the accused , to be esteemed an infallible evidence of guilt ; but frequently liable to be abused by the devils legerdemains : i say , those very men of god , most conscientiously subjoined this article , to that advice , — nevertheless , we cannot but humbly recommend unto the government , the speedy and vigorous prosecution of such , as have rendred themselves obnoxious ; aceording to the best directions given in the laws of god , and the wholsome statutes of the english nation , for the detection of witchcraft . only , t is a most commendable cautiousness , in those gracious men , to be very shye lest the devil get so far into our faith , as that for the sake of many truths which we find he tells us , we come at length , to believe any lies , wherewith he may abuse us : whereupon , what a desolation of names would soon ensue , besides a thousand other pernicious consequences ? and lest there should be any such principles taken up , as when put into practice must unavoidably cause the righteous to perish with the wicked ; or procure the bloodshed of any persons , like the gibeonites , whom some learned men suppose to be under a false notion of witches , by saul exterminated . they would have all due steps taken for the extinction of witches ; but they would fain have them to be sure ones : nor is it from any thing , but the real and hearty goodness of such men , that they are loth to surmise ill of other men , till there be the fullest evidence , for the surmises . as for the honourable iudges , that have been hitherto in the commission , they are above my consideration : wherefore , i will only say thus much of them , that such of them as i have the honour of a personal acquaintance with , are men of an excellent spirit ; and as at first they went about the work for which they were commission'd , with a very great aversion , so they have still been under heart-breaking sollicitudes , how they might therein best serve , both god and man. in fine , have there been faults on any side fallen into ? surely , they have at worst been but the faults of a well-meaning ignorance . on every side then , why should not we endeavour with amicable correspondencies , to help one another out of the snares , wherein the devil would involve us ? to wrangle the devil , out of the country , will be truly a new experiment ! alas , we are not aware of the devil , if we do not think , that he aims at enflaming us one against another ; & shall we suffer our selves to be devil-ridden ? or , by any unadviseableness , contribute unto the widening of our breaches ? to say no more , there is a published and a credible relation , which affirms , that very lately , in a part of england , where some of the neighbourhood were quarrelling , a raven , from the top of a tree very articulately and unaccountably cry'd out , read the third to the colossians , and the fifteenth ! were i my self to chuse what sort of bird i would be transformed into , i would say , o that i had wings like a dove ! nevertheless , i will for once do the office , which as it seems , heaven sent that raven upon ; even to beg , that the peace of god may rule in our hearts . s 't is necessary that we unite in every thing : but there are especially two things wherein our union must carry us along together . we are to unite in our endeavours to deliver our distressed neighbours , from the horrible annoyances and molestations with which a dreadful witchcraft is now persecuting of them . to have an hand in any thing , that may stifle or obstruct a regular detection of that witchcraft , is what we may well with an holy fear , avoid . their majesties good subjects , must not every day be torn to pieces , by horrid witch - a discourse : on the wonders of the invisible world. uttered ( in part ) on aug. . . ecclesiastical history has reported it unto us , that a renowned martyr at the stake , seeing the book of the revelation thrown by his no less profane than bloody persecutors , to be burn'd in the same fire with himself , he cry'd out , o beata apocalypsis ; quam bene mecum agitur , qui tecum comburar ! blessed revelation ! said he ; how blessed am i in this fire , while i have thee to bear me company . as for our selves this day , 't is a fire of sore affliction and confusion , wherein we are embroiled ; but it is no inconsiderable advantage unto us , that we have the company of this glorious and sacred book , the revelation , to assist us in our exercises . from that book , there is one text , which i would single out , at this time , to lay before you ; 't is that in rev. xii . . wo to the inhabiters of the earth , and of the sea ; for the devil is come down unto you , having great wrath ; because he knoweth , that he hath but a short time . the text is like the cloudy and fiery pillar , vouchsafed unto israel , in the wilderness of old ; there is a very dark side of it , in the intimation , that , the devil is come down having great wrath ; but it has also a bright side , when it assures us , that , he has but a short tim●… ; unto the contemplation of both , i do this day invite you . we have in our hands a letter from our ascended lord in heaven , to advise us of his being still alive , and of his purpose e're long , to give us a visit , wherein we shall see our living redeemer , stand at the latter day upon the earth . 't is the last advice that we have had from heaven , for now sixteen hundred years ; and the scope of it , is , to represent how the lord jesus christ , having begun to set up his kingdom in the world , by the preaching of the gospel , he would from time to time utterly break to pieces all powers that should make head against it , until ; the kingdomes of this world are become the kingdomes of our lord , and of his christ , and he shall reign for ever and ever . 't is a commentary on what had been written by daniel , about , the fourth monarchy ; with some touches upon , the fifth ; wherein , the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven , shall be given to the people of the saints of the most high : and altho' it have , as 't is expressed by one of the ancients , tot sacramenta , quot verba , a mystery in every syllable , yet it is not altogether to be neglected with such a despair , as that , i cannot read , for the book is sealed : it is a revelation , and a singular , and notable blessing is pronounc'd upon them that humbly study it . the divine oracles , have with a most admirable artifice and carefulness , drawn , as the very pious beverley , has laboriously evinced , an exact line of time , from the first sabbath at the creation of the world , unto the great sabbatism at the restitution of all things . in that famous line of time , from the decree for the restoring of ierusalem , after the babylonish captivity , there seem to remain a matter of two thousand and three hundred years , unto that new ierusalem , whereto the church is to be advanced , when the mystical babylon shall be fallen . at the resurrection of our lord , there were seventeen or eighteen hundred of those years , yet upon the line , to run unto , the rest which remains for the people of god ; and this remnant in the line of time , is here in our apocalypse , variously embossed , adorned , and signalized with such distinguished events , if we mind them , will help us escape that censure , can ye not discern the signs of the times ? the apostle iohn , for the view of these things , had laid before him , as i conceive , a book , with leaves , or folds ; which v●…lumn was written both on the backside , & on the inside , & roll'd up in a cylindriacal form , under seven labels , fastned with so many seals . the first seal being opened , and the first label removed , under the first label the apostle saw what he saw , of a first rider pourtray'd , and so on , till the last seal was broken up ; each of the sculptures being enlarged with agreeable visions and voices , to illustrate it . the book being now unrolled , there were trumpets , with wonderful concomitants , exhibited successively on the expanding backside of it . whereupon the book was eaten , as it were to be hidden , from interpretations ; till afterwards , in the inside of it , the kingdom of antichrist came to be exposed . thus , the judgments of god on the roman empire , first unto the downfal of paganism , and then , unto the downfal of popery , which is but revived paganism , are in these displayes with lively colours and features made sensible unto us . accordingly , in the twelfth chapter of this book , we have an august preface , to the description of that horrid kingdom , which our lord christ refused , but antichrist accepted , from the devils hands ; a kingdom , which for twelve hundred and sixty years together , was to be a continual oppression upon the people of god , and opposition unto his interests ; until the arrival of that illustrious day , wherein , the kingdom shall be the lords , and he shall be governour among the nations . the chapter is ( as an excellent person calls it ) an extravasated account , of the circumstances , which befel the primitive church , during the first four of five hundred years of christianity : it shows us the face of the church , first in rome heathenish , and then in rome converted , before the man of sin was yet come to mans estate . our text contains the acclamations made upon the most glorious revolution that ever yet happened upon the roman empire ; namely , that wherein the travailing church brought forth a christian emperour . this was a most eminent victory over the devil , and resemblance of the state , wherein the world , ere long shall see , the kingdom of our god , and the power of his christ. it is here noted . first , as a matter of triumph . 't is said , rejoice , ye heavens , and ye that dwell in them . the saints in both worlds , took the comfort of this revolution ; the devout ones that had out-lived the late persecutions , were filled with transporting joyes , when they saw the christian become the imperial religion , and when they saw good men come to give law unto the rest of mankind ; the deceas'd ones also , whose blood had been sacrificed in the ten persecutions , doubtless made the light regions to ring with hallelujahs unto god , when there were brought unto them , the tidings of the advances now given to the christian religion , for which they had suffered martyrdom . secondly , as a matter of horror . 't is said , wo to the inhabiters of the earth and of the sea. the earth still means the false church , the sea means the wide world , in prophetical phrasaeology . there was yet left a vast party of men that were enemies to the christian religion , in the power of it ; a vast party left for the devil to work upon : unto these is , a wo denounced ; and why so ? 't is added , for the devil is come down unto you , having great wrath , because he knows , that he has but a short time . these were it seems to have some desperate and peculiar attempts of the devil , made upon them . in the mean time , we may entertain this for our doctrine . great wo proceeds from the great wrath , with which the devil , towards the end of his time , will make a descent upon a miserable world. i have now published a most awful and solemn warning for our selves at this day ; which has four propositions , comprehended in it . proposition i. that there is a devil , is a thing doubted by none but such as are under the influence of the devil . for any to deny the being of a devil must be from an ignorance or profaneness , worse than diabolical . a devil ! what is that ? we have a definition of the monster , in eph. . . a spiritual wickedness , that is , a wicked spirit . a devil is a fall●…n angel , an angel fallen from the fear and love of god , and from all celestial glories ; but fallen to all manner of wretchedness and cursedness . he was once in that order of heavenly creatures , which god in the beginning made ministring spirits , for his own peculiar service and honour , in the management of the universe ; but we may now write that epitaph upon him , how art thou fall●…n from heaven ! thou hast said in thine heart , i will exalt my thr●…ne above the stars of god ; but thou art brought down to hell ! a devil is a spiritual and a rational substance , by his apostasy from god , inclined unto all that is vicious , and for that apostasy confin'd unto the atmosphere of this earth ; in chains under darkness , unto the iudgment of the great day . this is a devil ; and the experience of mankind as well as the testimony of scriptu●…e , does abundantly prove the existence of such a devil . about this devil , there are many things , whereof we may reasonably and profitably be inqusitive ; such things , i mean , as are in our bibles reveal'd unto us ; according to which if we do not speak , on so dark a subject , but according to our own uncertain , and perhaps humoursome conjectures , there is no light in us . i will carry you with me , but unto one paragraph of the bible , to be informed of three things , relating to the devil ; 't is the story of the gadaren energumen , in the fifth chapter of mark. first , then ; 't is to be granted ; the devils are so many , that some thousands , can sometimes at once apply themselves to vex one child of man. it is said , in marc. . . he that was possessed with the devil , had the legion . dreadful to be spoken ! a legion consisted of twelve thousand five hundred people : and we see that in one man or two , so many devils can be spared for a garrison . as the prophet cry'd out , multitudes , multitudes , in the valley of decision ! so i say , there are multi●…udes , multitudes , in the valley of destruction , where the devils are ! when we speak of , the devil , 't is , a name of multitude ; it means not one individual devil , so potent and scient , as perhaps a man chee would imagine ; but it means a kind , which a multitude belongs unto . alas , the devils , they swarm about us , like the frogs of egypt , in the most retired of our chambers are we at our boards ? there will be devils to tempt us unto sensuality : are we in our beds ? there will be devils to tempt us unto carnality ; are we in our shops ? there will be devils to tempt us unto dishonesty . yea , tho' we get into the church of god , there will be devils to haunt us in the very temple it self , and there tempt us to manifold misbehaviours . i am verily perswaded , that there are very few humane affayrs , whereinto some devils are not insinuated ; there is not so much as a iourney intended , but satan will have an hand in hindering or furthering of it . secondly , 't is to be supposed , that there is a sort of arbitrary , even military government , among the devils . this is intimated , when in mar. . . the unclean spirit said , my name is legion : they are under such a discipline as legions use to be . hence we read about , the prince of the power of the air : our air has a power ! or an army , of devils in the high plac●…s of it ; and these devils have a prince over them , who is , king over the children of pride . 't is probable , that the devil , who was the ring-leader of that mutinous and rebellious crew , which first shook off the authority of god , is now the general of those hellish armies ; our lord , that conquer'd him , has told us the name of him ; 't is belzebub ; 't is he that is , the devil , and the rest are , his angels , or his souldiers . think on , vast regiments , of cruel , and bloody french dragoons , with an intendant over them , over-running a pillaged neighbourhood , and you will think a little , what the constitution among the devils is . thirdly , t is to be supposed , that some divels are more peculiarly commission'd , and perhaps qualify'd , for some countreys , while others are for others . this is intimated , when in mar. . . the devils besought our lord , much , that he would not send them away out of the countrey . why was that ? but in all probability , because these divels were more able , to , do the works of the divel , in such a countrey , than in another . it is not likely that every divel do's know every language ; or that every divel can do every mischief . t is possible that the experience , or , if i may call it so , the education , of all divels , is not alike , and that there may be some difference in their abilities . if one might make an inference from what the divels do , to what they are , one cannot forbear dreaming , that there are degrees of divels . who can allow that such tri●…ing daemons , as that of mascon , or those that once infested our new berry , are of so much grandeur , as those daemons , whose games are mighty kingdomes ? yea , t is certain , that all divels do not make a like figure , in the invisible world. nor do's it look agreeably , that the daemons , which were the familiars of such a man as the old apoll●…nius , differ not from those baser goblins that chuse to nest in the filthy and loathsome rags , of a beastly sorceress . accordingly , why may not some divels , be more accomplished for what is to be done in such and such places : when others must be detachd for other terri●…ories ? each divel as he sees his advantage , cries out , let me be in this countrey , rather than another . but enough , if not too much , o●… these things . proposition ii. there is a divellish wrath against mankind , with which the divel is , for gods sake inspired . the divel is himself broiling under the intollerable and interminable wrath of god ; and a fiery wrath at god , is that with which the divel is for that cause enflamed . methinks i see the posture of the divels in isa. . . they fret themselves , and curse their god , and look upward . the first and chief wrath of the divel , is at the almighty god himself ; he knows , the god that made him , will not have mercy on him , and the god that formed him , will shew him no favour ; and so he can have no kindness for that god , who has no mercy , nor favour for him . hence t is , that he cannot bear the name of god should be acknowledged in the world ; every acknowledgment paid unto god , is a fresh drop of burning brimstone falling upon the divel ; he do's make his insolent , tho' impotent batteries , even upon the throne of god himsel●… : and soolishly affects to have hims●…lf exalted unto that glorious high throne , by all people , as he sometimes is , by ex●…rcable witches . this ho●…ible dragon do's not only wi●…h 〈◊〉 , tayl st●…ike at the stars of god , but at the god 〈◊〉 , wh●… made the stars , being desirous to 〈◊〉 them all . god and the divel are swo●…n enemi●…s to each other ; the terms between them , are those , in zech. . . my soul 〈◊〉 them , and their soul also abb●…rred me . and from this furious wrath , or displeasure and prejudice at god , proceeds the divels wrath at us , the poor children of men. our doing the service of god , is one thing that exposes us to the wrath of the divel . we are the high-priests of the world ; when all creatures are call'd upon , praise ye the lord , they bring to us those demanded praises of god , saying , do you offer them for us . hence 't is , that the divel has a a quarrel with us , as he had with the high-priest in the vision of old. our bearing the image of god , is another thing that brings the wrath of the divel upon us . as a tygre , thro' his hatred at a man , will tear the very picture of him , if it come in his way ; such a tygre the devil is ; because god said of old , let us make man in our image , the devil is ever saying , let us p●…ll this man to pieces . but the envious pride of the devil , is one thing more that gives an edge unto his furious wrath against us . the apostle has given us an hint , as if pride had been the condemnation of the devil . 't is not unlikely , that the devils affectation to be above that condition which he might learn that mankind was to be preferr'd unto , might be the occasion of his taking up arms against the immortal king. however , the devil now sees man lying in the bosome of god , but himself damned in the bottom of hell ; and this enrages him exceedingly ; o , says he , i cannot bear it , that man should not be as miserable as myself . proposition iii. the devil , in the prosecution , & for the execution , of his wrath upon them , often getts a liberty to make a descent upon the children of men . when the devil does hurt unto us , he comes down unto us ; for the randezvouze of the infernal troops , is indeed in the supernal parts of our air. but as t is said , a. sparrow of the air does not fall down without the will of god ; so i may say , not a devil in the air , can come down without the leave of god. of this we have a famous instance in that arabian prince , of whom the devil was unable so much as to touch any thing , till the most high god gave him a permission , to go down . the divel stands with all the instruments of death , aiming at us , and begging of the lord , as that king ask'd for the hood-winck'd syrians of old , shall i smite 'em , shall i smite ' em ? he cannot strike a blow , till the lord say , go down and smite , but sometimes he does obtain from the high possessor of heaven and earth , a license for the doing of it . the divel sometimes does make most rueful havock among us ; but still we may say to him , as our lord said unto a great servant of his , thou couldest have no power against me , except it were given thee from above . the divel is called in pet . . . your adversary . t is a law-term ; and it notes , an adversary at law. the divel cannot come at us , except in some sence according to law ; but sometimes he does procure sad things to be inflicted , according to that law of the eternal king , upon us . the divel first goes up as an accuser against us : he is therefore styled the accuser ; and it is on this account , that his proper name , does belong unto him . there is a court somewhere kept ; a court of spirits , where the divel enters all sorts of complaints against us all ; he charges us with manifold sins against the lord our god : there he loads us with heavy imputations , of hypocrisy , iniquity , disobedience ; where upon he u●…ges , lord , let 'em now have the death , which is their wages , paid unto ' em ! if our advocate in the heavens do not now take off his libels , the devil then with a concession of god , comes down , as a destroyer upon us . having first been an attorney , to bespeak that the judgments of heaven may be ordered for us , he then also pleads that he may be the executioner of those judgments ; and the god of heaven sometimes after a sort signs a warrant , for this destroying angel , to do what has bin desired to be done for the destroying of men . but such a permission from god , for the divel to come down , and break in upon mankind , oftentimes must be accompanyed with a commission from some wretches of mankind it 〈◊〉 . every man is , as 't is hinted in gen. . his brothers kee●…per . we are to keep one another from the 〈◊〉 of the divel , by mutual and cordi●…l wi●…hes of prosperity to one another . when ungodly people , give their consents in witchcrafts diabolically performed , for the divell to annoy their neighbours , he ●…nds a breach made in the hedge about us , whereat he rushes in upon us , with g●…ievous molestations . yea , when impious people , that never saw the divel , do but utter their curses against their neighbours , those are so many watch words whereby the ma●…ives of hell are animated presently to fall upon us . ' ti●… thus , that the devil gets leave to worry us . proposition iv. most horrible woes come to be inflicted upon mankind , when the divel do's in great wrath , make a descent upon them . the divel , is a do-evil , and wholly set upon mischief . when our lord once was going to muzzel him , that he might not mischief others , he cry'd out , art thou come to 〈◊〉 me ? he is , it seems , himself tormented , if he be but restrained from the tormenting of men. if upon the sounding of the three last apocalyptical angels , it was an outcry made in heaven , wo , wo , wo , to the inhabitants of the earth by reason of the voice of the trumpet . i am sure , a descent made by the angel of death , would give cause for the like exclamation : wo to the world , by reason of the wrath of the divel ! what a woful plight , mankind would by the descent of the divel , be brought into , may be gathered from the woful pains , and wounds , and hideous desolations , which the divel b●…ings upon them , of whom he has with a bodily possession made a siezure . you may both in sacred and profane history , read many a direful account of the woes , which they , that are possessed by the divel , do undergo : and from thence conclude , what must the children of men , hope from such a divel ! moreover the tyrannical ceremonies , whereto the divel uses to subjugate such vvoful nations or orders of men , as are more entirely under his dominion , do declare what vvoful work , the divel would make where he comes . the very devotions of those forlorn pagans , to whom the divel is a leader , are most bloody penances : and what vvoes indeed must we expect from such a divel of a m●…loch , as relishes no sacrifices like those of humane heart-blood , and unto whom there is no musick like the bitter , dying , doleful groans , ejulated by the roasting children of men . furthermore , the servile , abject , needy circumstances wherein the devil keeps the slaves , that are under his more sensible vassallage , do suggest unto us , how woful the devil would render all of our lives . we that live in a province , which affords unto us , all that may be necessary or comfortable for us , found the province fill'd with vast herds of salvages , that never saw so much as a knife , or a nail , or a board , or a grain of salt , in all their dayes . no better would the devil have the world provided for ! nor should we , or any else , have one convenient thing about us ; but be as indigent as usually our most ragged vvitches are ; if the devils malice were not over-ruled by a compassionate god , who preserves man and beast . hence t is , that the devil , even like a dragon , keeping a guard upon such fruits as would refresh a languishing world , has hindred mankind for many ages , from hitting upon those useful inventions , which yet were so obvious and facil , that it is every bodies wonder , they were no sooner hit upon . the bemisted world , must jog on for thousands of years , without the knowledge of the loadstone , till a neapolitan stumbled upon it , about three hundred years ago . nor must the world be blest with such a matchless engine of learning and vertue , as that of , printing , till about the middle of the fifteenth century . nor could one old man all over the face of the whole earth , have the benefit of such a little , tho' most needful , thing , as a pair of spectacles , till a dutch-man , a little while ago accommodated us . indeed , as the divel do's begrutch us all manner of good , so he do's annoy us with all manner of vvo , as often as he finds himself capable of doing it . but shall vve mention some of the special woes with which the divel do's usually infest the world ! breefly then ; plagues are some of those woes , with which the divel troubles us . it is said of the israelites , in . cor. . they were destroyed of the destroyer . that is , they had the plague among them . 't is the destroyer , or the divel , that scatters plagues about the world : pestilential and contagious diseases , 't is the divel , who do's oftentimes invade us with them . 't is no uneasy thing , for the divel , to impregnate the air about us , with such malignant salts , as meeting with the salt of our microcosin , shall immediately cast us into that fermentation and putrefaction , which will utterly dissolve all the vital tyes within us ; ev'n as an aqua-fortis , made with a conjunction of nitre and vitriol , corrodes what it siezes upon . and when the divel has raised those arsenical fumes , which become venemous quivers full of terrible arrows , how easily can he shoot the delete●…ious m●…sms into those juices or bowels of mens bodies , which will , soon enflame them with a mortalfire ! hence come such plagues , as that beesome of destruction which within our memory swept away such a throng of people from one english city in one visitation : and hence those infectious feavers , which are but so many disguised plagues among us , causing epidemical desolations . again , wars are also some of those vvoes , with which the divel causes our trouble . it is said in rev. . . the dragon was wroth , and went to make war : and there is in truth , scarce any vvar , but what is of the dragons kindling . the divel is that v●…lcan , out of whose forge come the instruments of our vvars , and it is he that finds us employments for those instruments . we read concerning daemoniacks , or people in whom the devil was , that they would cut and wound themselves ; and so , when the devil is in men , he puts 'em upon dealing in that barbarous fashion with one another . vvars do often furnish him with some thousands of souls in one morning from one acre of ground ; and for the sake of such thyestaean banquets , he will push us upon as many vvars as he can . once more , why may not storms be rekoned among those vvoes , with which the devil do's disturb us ? it is not improbable , that natural storms on the world , are often of the devils raising . we are told in job . . . , . that the devil made a storm , which hurricano'd the house of iob , upon the heads of them that were feasting in it . paracelsus could have informed the devil , if he had not been informed , as be sure he was before , that if much aluminious matter , with salt-peter not throughly prepared , be mixed , they will send up a cloud of smoke , which will come down in rain . but undoubtedly the devil understands as well the way to make a tempest , as to turn the vvinds at the solicitation of a laplander ; whence perhaps it is , that thunders are observed oftner to break upon churches , than upon any other buildings ; and besides many a man , yea many a ship , yea many a town has miscarried , when the devil ha's been permitted from above to make an horrible tempest . however that the divel has raised many metaphorical storms upon the church , is a thing , than which there is nothing more notorious . it was said unto believers , in rev. . . the devil shall cast some 〈◊〉 you into prison . the devil was he that at first 〈◊〉 cain upon abel , to butcher him , as the apo●… seems to suggest , for his faith in god , as a rewarder . and , in how many persecutions , as well as haeresies , has the devil been ever since engaging all the children of cain ! that serpent the devil ha's acted his cursed seed , in unwearied endeavours to have them , of whom the world is not worthy , treated as those who are , not worthy to live in the world. by the impulse of the devil , t is that first the old heathens , and then the mad arians , were pricking briars , to the true servants of god ; and that the papists that came after them , have out-done 〈◊〉 all , for slaughters , upon those that have been accounted as the sheep for the slaughters . the late french persecution , is perhaps the horriblest that ever was in the world : and as the devil of mascon seems before to have meant it , in his outcries , upon , the miseries preparing for the poor hugonots ! thus it ha's been all acted , by a singular fury of the old dragon inspiring of his emissaries . but in reality , spiritual woes , are the principal woes , among all those that the devil would have us undone withal . sins are the worst of w●…es ; and the devil seeks nothing so much , as to plunge us into sins . when men do commit a crime for which they are to be indicted , they are usually , mov'd by the instigation of the devil . the devil will put ill men upon being worse . was it not he , that laid in king . . i will go forth , and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all the prophets ? even so the devil becomes an unclean spirit , a drinking spirit , a swearing spirit , a worldly spirit , a passionate spirit , a revengful spirit , and the like , in the hearts of those that are already too much of such a spirit ; and thus , they become improv'd in sinfulness . yea , the devil will put good men upon doing ill. thus we read , in chron. . . satan provoked david to number israel . and so , the devil provokes men that are eminent in holiness , unto such things as may become eminently pernicious ; he provokes them especially unto pride , and unto many unsuitable emulations . there are likewise most lamentable impressions , which the devil makes upon the souls of men , by way of punishment upon them for their sins . 't is thus , when an offended god , puts the souls of men over into the hands of that officer , who has the power of death , that is , the devil . it is the woful misery of unbelievers , in cor. . . the god of this world has blinded their minds . and thus it may be said of those woful wretches , whom the devil is a god unto , the devil so muffles them , that they cannot see the things of their peace . and , the devil so hardens them , that nothing will awaken their cares about their souls : how come so many to be seared in their sins ? 't is the devil , that with a red hot iron fetch 't from his hell , does cauterise them . thus t is , till perhaps at last they come to have a wounded conscience in them , and the devil has often a share in their torturing and confounding anguishes . the devil who terrify'd cain , and saul , and iudas , into desperation , still becomes a king of terrors , to many sinners , and frights them from laying hold on the mercy of god in the lord jesus christ. in these regards , wo to us , when the devil comes down upon us . proposition v. toward the end of his time the descent of the devil in wrath upon the world , will produce more woful effects , than what have been in former ages . the dying dragon , will bite more cruelly , & sting more bloodily than ever he did before : the ●…th-pangs of the devil will make him to be more of a devil than ever he was ; and the furnace of this nebuchadnezaear will be heated seven times hotter , just before its putting out . we are in the first place , to apprehend , that there is a time fixed and stated by god , for the devil to enjoy a dominion over our sinful and therefore woful world. the d●…vil once exclaimed , in mat. . . iesus , thou son of god , art thou come hither to torment us before our time ? it is plain , that until the second coming of our lord , the devil must have a time of plaguing the world , which he was afraid , would have expired at his first . the devil is , by the wrath of god , the prince of this world ; and the time of his reign , is to continue until the time , when our lord himself , shall , take to himself , his great power and reign . then 't is that the devil shall hear the son of god , swearing with loud thunders against him , thy time shall now be no more ! then shall the devil with his angels , receive their doom , which will be , depart into the everlasting fire prepared for you . we are also to apprehend , that in the mean time , the divel can give a shrowd guess , when he drawes near to the end of his time. when he saw christianity enthron'd among the romans , it is here said , in our rev , , he knows he hath but a short time . and how does he know it ? why , reason will make the divel to know that god won't suffer him to have , the everlasting dominion ; & that when god has once begun to rescue the world out of his hands hee 'l go through with it , until the captives of the mighty shall be taken away and the prey of the terrible shall be delivered . but the divel will have scripture also , to make him know that when his antichristian vicar the seven headed beast on the seven-hilled city , shall have spent his determined years , he with his vicar must unavoidably go down into the bottomless pitt .. it is not improbable , that the divel often hears the scripture expounded in our congregations ; yea that we never assemble without a satan among us . as there are some divines , who do with more uncertainty conjecture , from a ●…eartain p●…ace in the epistle to the ephesians , that the angels do some times come into our churches , to gain some advantage from our ministry . but be sure our demonstra ble interpretations , may give repeated notices to the-divel , that his time is almost out : and what the preacher says unto the young man , know thou , that god will bring thee into iudgment ! that may our sermons tell unto that old wretch , know thou , that the time of thy iudgment is at hand ▪ but we must now , likewise , apprehend , that in such a time , the woes of the world , will be heightened , beyond what they were at any time yet from the foundation of the world . hence ti 's , that the apostle has forewarned us , in . tim. . . this know , that in the last days , perillous times shall come . truly , when the divel knows , that he is got into his last days , he will make perillous times for us ; the times will grow more full of divels , and therefore more full of perils , than everthey were before . of this if we would know , what cause is to be assigned ; it is not only , because the divel growes more able and more eager to vex the world ; but also , and cheefly , because the world is more worthy to be vexed by the divel , than ever heretofore . the sins of men in this generation , will be more mighty sins , than those of the former ages ; men will be more accurate & exquisite , & refined in the arts of sinning , than they use to be . and besides , their own sins , the sins of all the former ages will also lie upon the sinners of this generation . do we ask why the mischievous powers of darkness are to prevail more in our days , than they did in those that are past & gone ! t is because that men by sinning over again the sins of the former days , have a fellowship with all those unfruitful works of darkness . as 't was said in math. . . all these things shall come upon this generation ; so , the men of the last generation , will find themselves involved in the guilt of all that went before them . of sinners t is said , they heap up wrath ; and the sinners of the last generations do not only add unto the heap of sin that has been pileing up , ever since the fall of man , but they interest themselves in every sin of that enormous heap . there has been a cry of sin in all former ages going up to god , that the divel may come down ! and the sinners of the last generations , do sharpen and louden that cry , till the thing do come to pass , as destructively as irremediably . from whence it follows , that the thrice holy god , with his holy angels , will now after a sort more abandon the world , than in the former ages . the roaring impieties of the old world , at last gave mankind such a dista●…t in the heart of the just god ; that he came to say , it repents me , that i have made such a creature ! and however , it may be but a witty fancy , in a late learned writer , that the earth before the flood was nearer to the sun , than it is at this day ; and that gods hurling down the earth to a further distance from the sun , were the cause of that flood ; yet we may fitly enough say , that men perished by a rejection from the god of heaven . thus , the enhanc'd impieties of this our world , will exasperate the displeasure of god , at such a rate , as that he will more cost us off , than heretofore ; until at last , he do with a more than ordinary indignation say , go devils ; do you take them , and make them beyond all former measures miserable ! if lastly , we are inquisitive after instances of those aggravated woes , with which the devil will towards the end of his time assault us ; let it be remembred , that all the extremities which were foretold by the trumpets and the vials in the apocalyptic schemes of these things , to come upon the world , were the woes to come from the wrath of the divel , upon the shortning of his time , the horrendous desolations that have come upon mankind , by the irruptions of the old barbarians upon the roman world , and then of the saracens , and since , of the turks , were such woes , as men had never seen before . the infandous blindness and vi●…eness which then came upon mankind , and the monstrous 〈◊〉 which thereupon carried the roman world by the millions together unto the shambles , were also such woes as had never yet had a parallel . and yet these were some of the things here intended , when it was said , wo ! for the divel is come down in great wrath , having but a short time. but besides all these things , and besides the increase of plagues & wars , and storms , and internal maladies now in our days , there are especially two most extraordinary woes , one would fear , will in these days become very ordinary . one woe that may be look'd for is , a frequent repetition of earthquakes , and this perhaps by the energy of the divel in the earth . the divel will be clap't up , as a prisoner in or near the bowels of the earth , when once that conflagration shall be dispatch'd , which will make , the new earth wherein shall dwell righteousness ; and that conflagration will doubtless be much promoted , by the subterraneous fires , which are a cause of the earthquakes in our dayes . accordingly , we read , great earthquakes in divers places , enumerated among the tokens of the time approaching , when the devil shall have no longer time. i suspect , that we shall now be visited with more usual , and yet more fatal earthquakes , than were our ancestors ; inasmuch as the fires that are shortly to , burn unto the lowest hell , and set on fire the foundations of the mountains , will now get more head than they use to do ; and it is not impossible , that the devil , who is e're long to be punished in those fires , may aforehand augment his desert of it , by having an hand in using some of those fires , for our detriment . learned men have made no scruple to charge the devil with it ; deo permittente , terraemotus causat . the devil surely , was a party in the earthquake , whereby the vengeance of god , in one black night sunk twelve considerable cities of asia , in the reign of tiberius . but there will be more such catastrophe's in our dayes ! italy has lately been shaking , till its earthquakes have brought ruines at once upon more than thirty towns ; but it will within a little while , shake again , and shake till the fire of god have made an entire etna of it . and behold , this very morning , when i was intending to utter among you such things as these , we are cast into an heartquake by tidings of an earthquake that has lately happened at iamaica : an horrible earthquake , whereby the tyrus of the english america , was at once pull'd into the jawes of the gaping and groaning earth , and many hundreds of the inhabitants buried alive . the lord sanctifie so dismal a dispensation of his providence , unto all the american plantations ! but be assured , my neighbours , the earthquakes are not over yet ! we have not yet seen the last . and then , another wo that may be look'd for is , the devils being now let loose in preternatural operations more than formerly ; & perhaps in possessions & obsessions that shall be very marvellous . you are not ignorant , that just before our lords first coming , there were most observable outrages committed by the devil upon the children of men : and i am suspicious , that there will again be an unusual range of the devil among us , a little before the second coming of our lord , which will be , to give the last stroke in , destroying the works of the devil . the evening wolves will be much abroad , when we are near the evening of the world. the devil is going to be dislodged of the air , where his present quarters are ; god will with flashes of hot lightning upon him , cause him to fall as lightning from this ancient habitations : and the raised saints will there have a new heaven , which , we expect according to the promise of god. now , a little before this thing , you 'l be like to see the devil , more sensibly and visibly busy upon earth perhaps , than ever he was before : you shall oftner hear about apparitions of the devil , and about poor people strangely bewitched , possessed and obsessed , by infernal fiends . when our lord is going to set up his kingdom , in the most sensible and visible manner that ever was , and in a manner answering the transfiguration in the mount , it is a thousand to one , but the devil will in sundry parts of the world , assay the like for himself , with a most apish imitation : and men , at least in some corners of the world , and perhaps in such as god may have some special designs upon , will to their cost , be more familiarized with the world of spirits than they had been formerly . so that , in fine , if just before the end when the times of the iews were to be finished , a man then ●…an about every where , crying , wo to the nation ! wo to the city ! wo to the temple ! wo ! wo ! wo ! much more may the descent of the devil , just before his end , when also the times of the gentiles will be finished , cause us to cry out , wo ! wo ! wo ! because of the black things that threaten us ! but it is now time to make our improvement of what has been said . and , first , we shall entertain ourselves with a few corollaries : deduced from what has been thus asserted . corollary i. what cause have we to bless god , for our preservation from the devils wrath , in this which may too reasonably be call'd the devils vvorld ! while we are in , this present evil world , we are continually surrounded with swarms of those devils , who make this present world , become so evil . what a wonder of mercy is it , that no devil could ever yet make a prey of us ! we can set our foot no where but we shall tread in the midst of most hellish rattle-snakes ; and one of those rattle-snakes once thro' the mouth of a man on whom he had siezed , hissed out such a truth as this , if god would let me loose upon you , i should find enough in the best of you all , to make you all mine . what shall i say ? the vvilderness thro' which we are passing to the promised land , is all over fill'd with , fiery , flying serpents . but blessed be god ; none of them have hitherto so fastned upon us , as to confound us utterly ▪ all our way to heaven , lies by the 〈◊〉 of lions , and the mounts of leopards ; there are incredible droves of divels in our way . but have we safely got on our way thus far ? o let us be thankful to our eternal preserver for it . it is said in , psal. . . surely the wrath of man shall praise thee , and the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain but surely it becomes us to praise god , in that we have yet sustain'd no more damage by the wrath of the devil , and in that he has restrain'd that overwhelming wrath . we are poor travellers in a world , which is as well the devils field , as the devils gaol ; a world , in every nook whereof , the devil is encamped , with bands of robbers , to pester all that have their face looking zion-ward : and are we all this while preserved from the undoing snares of the devil ! it is , thou , o keeper of israel , that hast hitherto been our keeper ! and therefore , bless the lord , o my soul , bless his holy name , who has redeemed thy life from the distroyer ! corollary . ii. we may see the rise of those multiply'd magnify'd , and singularly stinged afflictions , with which aged or dying saints frequently have their death prefaced , & their age embittered . when the saints of god are going to leave the world , it is usually a more stormy world with them , than ever it was ; and they find more vanity , and more vexation in the world than ever they did before . it is true , that many are the afflictions of the righteous but a little before they bid adieu to all those many afflictions , they often have greater , harder , sorer , loads thereof laid upon them , than they had yet endured . it is true , that thro' much tribulation we must enter in the kingdom of god ; but a little before our entrance thereinto , our tribulation may have some sharper accents of sorrow , than ever were yet upon it . and what is the cause of this ! it is indeed the faithfulness of our god unto us , that we should find the earth mo●…e full of thorns and briars than ever , just before he fetches us from earth to heaven ; that so we may go away the more willingly , the more easily , and with less convulsion , at his calling for us . o there are ugly ties , by which we are fastned unto this world ; but god will by thorns and briars tear those ties asunder . but , is not the hand of ioab here ? sure , there is the wrath of the devll also in it . a little before we step into heaven , the devil thinks with himself , my time to abuse that saint is now but short ; what mischief i am to do that saint , must be done quickly , if at all ; he 'l shortly be out of my reach for ever . and for this cause he will now fly upon us with the fiercest efforts and furies of his wrath. it was allowed unto the serpent , in gen. . . to bruise the heel . why , at the heel , or at the close , of our lives , the serpent will be nibbling , more than ever in our lives before : and it is , because now he has but a short time . he knows , that we shall very shortly be , where the wicked cease from troubling , and where the weary are at rest ; wherefore that wicked one will now trouble us , more than ever he did , and we shall have so much disrest , as will make us more weary than ever we were , of things here below . corollary . iii what a reasonable thing then is it , that they whose time is but short , should make as great use of their time , as ever they can ! i pray , let us learn some good , even from the wicked one himself . it has been advised , be wise as serpents : why , there is a peece of wisdom , whereto that old serpent , the divel himself , may be our monitor . when the divel perceives his time is but short , it puts him upon great wrath. but how should it be with us , when we perceive that our time is but short ? why , it should put us upon great work. the motive which makes the divel to be more full of wrath , should make us more full of warmth , more full of watch , and more full of all diligence to make our vocation , and election sure . our pace in our journey heaven-ward ; must be quickened , if our space for that journey be shortened : even as israel went further the two last years of their journey canaan ward , than they did in thirty eight years before . the apostle brings this , as a spur to the devotions of christians , in . . cor. . . this i say , bretheren , the time is short . even so , i say this day ; some things i lay before you , which i do only think , or guess , but here is a thing which i venture to say with all the freedom imaginable . you have now a time to get good ; even a time to make sure of grace and glory , and every good thing , by true repentance ; but , this i say , the time is but short . you have now time to do good ; even to serve out your generation , as by the will , so for the praise of god ; but , this i say the time is but short . and what i say thus to all people , i say to old people , with a peculiar vehemency : syrs , it cannot be long , before your time is out ; there are but a few sands left in the glass of your time : and it is of all things the saddest , for a man to say , my time is done but my work undone ! o then , to work as fast as you can ; and of soul-work , and church-work , dispatch as much as ever you can . say to all hindrances , as the gracious ieremiah burrows would sometimes to visitants : you 'l excuse me if i ask you ●…o be short with me , for my work is great , and my time is but short . methinks every time , we hear a clock , or see a watch , we have an admonition given us , that our time is upon the wing , and it will all be gone within a little while . i remember i have read of a famous man , who having a clock-watch long lying by him , out of kilture in his trunk , it unaccountably struck eleven just before he dy'd . why , there are many of you , for whom i am to do that office this day : i am to tell you , you are come to your eleventh hour ; there is no more than a twelfth part at most , of your life yet behind . but if we neglect our business , till our short time shall be reduced into none , then , ●…o to us , for the great wrath of god will send us down from whence there is no redemption . corollary . iv. how wellcome should a death in the lord , be unto them , that belong not unto the divel , but unto the lord ! while we are sojourning in this world , we are in what may upon too many accounts be called the divels country : we are where the divel may come down upon us in great wrath continually . the day when god shall take us out of this world , will be , the day when the lord will deliver us from the hand of all our enemies , and from the hand of satan : in such a day , why should not our song be that of the psalmist , blessed be my rock , and let the god of my salvation be exalted ! while we are here , we are in the valley of the shadow of death ; and what is it that makes it so ! ti 's because the wild beasts of hell are lurking on every side of us , & every minute ready to salley forth upon us . but our death will fetch us out of that valley , and carry us where we shall be , for ever with the lord. we are now under the daily buffetings of the divel , and he does molest us with such fiery darts , as cause us even to cry out , i am weary of my life . yea , but are we as willing to dy , as , weary of life ? our death will then soon set us where we cannot be reach'd by the , fist of wickednoss : and where the , perfect cannot be shotten at . it is said , in rev. . . blessed are the dead , which dy in the lord , they rest from their labours . but we may say , blessed are the dead in the lord , inasmuch they rest from the devils ! our dying will be but our taking wing : when , attended with a convoy of winged angels , we shall be convey'd into that heaven , from whence the devil having been thrown , he shall never more come thither after us . what if god should now say to us , as to moses , go up and dy ! as long as we go up , when we dy , let us receive the message with a joyful soul ; we shall soon be there , where the devil can't come down upon us . if the , god of our life , should now send that order to us , which he gave to hezekiah , set thy house in order , for thou shalt dy , and not live ; we need not be cast into such deadly agonies thereupon , as hezekiah was : we are but going to that house , the golden doors whereof , cannot be entred by the devil that here did use to persecute us . methinks , i see the departed spirit of a believer , triumphantly carried thro' the devils territories , in such a stately and fiery , chariot , as the spiritualizing body of elias had ; methinks , i see the devil , with whole flocks of harpies , grinning at this child of god , but unable to fasten any of their griping talons upon him : and then , upon the utmost edge of our atmosphaere , methinks i over-hear the holy soul , with a most heavenly gallantry deriding the defeated fiend , and saying , ah! satan ! return to thy dungeons again ; i am going where thou canst not come for ever ! o 't is a brave thing so to dy ! and especially so to dy , in our time. for , tho' when we call to mind , that the devils time is now but short , it may almost make us wish to live unto the end of it ; and to say with the psalmist , because the lord will shortly appear in his glory , to build up zion . o my god , take me not away in the midst of my dayes ! yet when we bear in mind , that the devils wrath is now most great , it would make one willing to be , out of the way . inasmuch as now is the time for the doing of those things in the prospect whereof balaam long ago cry'd out , who shall live when such things are done ! we should not be inordinately loth to dy at such a time. in a word , the times are so bad , that we may well count it , as good a time to dy in , as ever we saw . corollary . v. good news for the israel of god , and particularly for his new-english israel ! if the devils time were above a thousand years ago , pronounced , short , what may we suppose it now in our time ? surely we are not a thousand years distant from those happy thousand years of rest and peace , and [ which is better ] holiness , reserved for the people of god in the latter days ; and if we are not a thousand years , yet short of that golden age , there is cause to think , that we are not an hundred . that the blessed thousand years are not yet begun , is abundantly clear from this , we do not see the devil bound ; no , the devil was never more let loose than in our days ; and it is very much that any should imagine otherwise : but the same thing that proves the thousand years of prosperity for the church of god , under the whole heaven , to be not yet begun , do's also prove , that it is not very far off ; and that is the prodigious wrath with which the devil do's in our days prosecute , yea , desolate the world. let us cast our eyes almost where we will , and we shall see the devils domineering at such a rate as may justly fill us with astonishment ; it is quaestionable whether iniquity ever were so rampant , or whether calamity were ever so pungent , as in this lamentable time ; we may truly say , t is the hour and the power of darkness . but , tho' the wrath be so great , the time is but short : when we are perplexed with the wrath of the devil , the word of our god at the same time unto us , is that , in rom. . . the god of peace shall bruise satan under your feet shortly . shortly , didst thou say , dearest lord ! o! gladsome word ! amen , even so , come , lord ! lord iesus , come quic●…ly ! we shall never be rid of this troublesome devil , till , thou do come to chain him up ! but because the people of god , would willingly be told whereabouts we are with reference to the wrath and the time , of the devil , you shall give me leave humbly to set before you a few , conjectures . the first conjecture the devils eldest son seems to be towards the end of his last half-time ; and if it be so , the devils whole-time , cannot but be very near it's end. it is a very scandalous thing that any protestant , should be at a loss where to find , the anti-christ . but , we have sufficient assurance , that the duration of antichrist , is to be but for a time , and for times , and for half a time ; that is for twelve-hundred and sixty years . and indeed , those twelve hundred and sixty years , were the very spott of time left for the devil , and meant when 't is here said , he has but a short time . now , i should have an easy time of it , if i were never put upon an harder task , than to produce what might render it extreamly probable , that antichrist entred his last half-time , or the last hundred and fourscore years of his reign , at or soon after the celebrated reformation which began at the year in the former century . indeed , it is very agreeable to see how antichrist then lost half of his empire ; and how that half which then became reformed , have been upon many accounts little more than half-reformed . but by this computaion , we must needs bee within a very few years of such a mortification to befall the see of rome , as that antichrist who ha's lately been planting ( what proves no more lasting than ) a tabernacle in the glorious holy mountain between the seas , must quickly , come to his end and none shall help him . so then , within a very little while , we shall see the devil stript of the grand , yea , the last , vehicle , wherein he will be capable to abuse our world. the fires , with which , that beast , is to be consumed , will so singe the wings of the devil too , that he shall no more set the affairs of this world on fire . yea , they shall both go into the same fire , to be tormented for ever and ever . the second conjecture . that which is , perhaps , the greatest effect of the divels wrath , seems to be in a manner at an end : and this would make one hope that the divels time cannot be far from its end . it is in persecution , that the wrath of the divel uses to break forth , with its greatest fury . now there want not probabilities , that the last persecution intended for the church of god , before the advent of our lord , has been upon it . when we see the , second we passing away , we have a fair signal given unto us , that the last slaughter of our lords witnesses is over : and then what quickly followes ? ( the next thing is , the kingdomes of this world , are become the kingdomes of our lord ) and of his christ : and then down goes the kingdome of the divel , so that he cannot any more come down upon us . now , the irrecoverable & irretrievable humiliations that have lately befallen the turkish power , are but so many declarations of the , second wo passing away . and the dealings of god with the european parts of the world , at this day , do further strengthen this our expectation . we do see , at this hour a great earth-quake all europe over : and we shall see , that this great earth-quake , and these great commotions , will but contribute unto the advancement of our lords hitherto depressed interests . t is also to be remark'd that , a disposition to recognize the empire of god over the conscience of man , does now prevail more in the world than formerly ; & god from on high more touches the hearts of princes & rulers with an averseness to persecution . t is particularly the unspeakable happiness of the english nation , to be under the influences of that excellent queen , who could say , inasmuch as a man cannot make himself believe what he will , why should we persecute men for not believing as we do ! i wish i could see all good men of one mind ; but in the mean time i pray , let them 〈◊〉 love one another . words worthy to be written in letters of gold ! and by us the more to be considered , because to one of ours did that royal person express her self so excellently , so obligingly . when the late king iames published his declaration for , liberty of conscience , a worthy divine in the church of england , then st●…dying the revelation , saw cause upon revelational grounds , to declare himself in such words as these , whatsoever others may intend or design by this liberty of conscience , i cannot believe , that it will 〈◊〉 be recalled in england , as long as the world stands . and you know how miraculously the earth quake which then immediately came upon the kingdom , ●…a's established that liberty ! but that which exceeds all the tendencies this way , is , the dispensation of god at this day , towards the blessed vaud●… . those renowned waldenses , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sort of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the protestant churches , were never dissipated , by all the persecutions of many ages , till within these few years , the french king and the duke of savoy leagued for their disspation . but just three years and half after the scattering of that holy people , to the surprise of all the world , a spirit of life from god is come into them ; and having with a thousand miracles repossessed themselves of their antient seats , their hot persecutor is become their great protector . whereupon the reflection of the worthy person , that writes the story is , the churches of piemont , being the root of the protestant churches , they have been the first established ; the churches of other places , being but the branches , shall be established in due time , god will deliver them speedily , he has already delivered the mother , and he will not long leave the daughter behind : he will finish what he has gloriously begun ! the third conjecture . there is a little room for hope , that the great wrath of the devil , will not prove the present ruine of our poor new-england in particular . i believe , there never was a poor plantation , more pursued by the wrath of the devil , than our poor new-england ; and that which makes our condition very much the more deplorable is , that the wrath of the great god himself , at the same time also presses hard upon us . it was a rowsing alarm to the devil , when a great company of english protestants , and puritans , came to erect evangelical churches , in a corner of the world , where he had reign'd without any controll for many ages ; and it is a vexing eye-sore , to the devil , that our lord christ should be known , and own'd , and preached in this howling wilderness . wherefore he has left no stone unturned , that so he might undermine his plantation , and force us out of our country . first , the indian powawes , used all their sorceries to molest the first planters here ; but god said unto them , touch them not ! then , seducing spirits , came to root in this vineyard , but god so rated them off , that they have not prevail'd much further than the edges of our land. after this , we have had a continual blast upon some of our principal grain , annually diminishing a vast part of our ordinary food . herewithal , wasting sicknesses , especially burning , and mortal agues , have shot the arrows of death in at our windows . next , we have had many adversaries of our own language , who have been perpetually assaying to deprive us of those english liberties , in the encouragement whereof these territories have been settled . as if this had not been enough ; the tawnies among whom we came , have watered our soyl , with the blood , of many hundreds of our inhabitants . desolating fires also have many times laid the chief treasure of the whole province in ashes . as for losses by sea , they have been multiply'd upon us : and particularly in the present french war , the whole english nation have observed , that no part of the nation has proportionably had so many vessels taken , as our poor new-england . besides all which , now at last the devils are ( if i may so speak ) in person come down upon us , with such a wrath , as is justly much , and will quickly be more , the astonishment of the world. alas , i may sigh over this wilderness , as moses did over his , in psal. . , . we are consumed by thine anger , and by thy wrath we are troubled : all our dayes are passed away in thy wrath. and i may add this unto it , the wrath of the devil ●…oh as been troubling and spending of us , all our dayes . but what will become of this poor new-england after all ? shall we sink , expire , perish , before the short time of the devil shall be finished ? i must confess , that when i consider the lamentable unfruitfulness of men , among us , under as powerful and perspicuous dispensations of the gospel , as are in the world ; and when i consider the declining state of the power of godliness in our churches , with the most horrible indisposition that perhaps ever was , to recover out of this declension ; i cannot but fear lest it comes to this , and lest an asiatic removal of candlesticks come upon us . but upon some other accounts , i would fain hope otherwise ; and i will give you therefore the opportunity to try what inferences may be drawn from these probable prognostications . i say , first , that surely , america's fate , must at the long run , include new-englands in it . what was the design of our god , in bringing over so many europaeans hither of later years ? of what use or state will america be , when the kingdom of god shall come ? if it must all be the devils propriety , while the saved nations of the other haemisphere , shall be , walking in the light of the new ierusalem , our new-england has then , 't is likely , done all that it was erected for . but if god have a purpose to make here a seat for any of , those glorious . things , which are spoken of thee , o thou city of god ; then even thou , o new-england , art within a very little while of better dayes than ever yet have dawn'd upon thee . i say , secondly , that tho' there be very threatning symptoms on america , yet there are some hopeful ones . i confess , when one thinks upon the crying barbarities with which the most of those europaeans that have peopled this new world , became the masters of it ; it looks but ominously . vvhen one also thinks , how much the way of living in many parts of america , is utterly inconsistent with the very essentials of christianity ; yea , how much injury and violence is therein done to humanity it self ; it is enough to damp the hopes of the most sanguine complexion . and the frown of heaven which has hitherto been upon attempts of better gospellizing the plantations , considered , will but increase the damp. nevertheless , on the other side , what shall be said of all the promises , that our lord iesus christ shall have the uttermost parts of the earth for his possession ? and of all the prophecies , that all the ends of the earth shall remember and turn unto the lord ? or does it look agreeably , that such a rich quarter of the vvorld , equal in some regards to all the rest , should never be out of the devils hands , from the first inhabitation unto the last dissolution of it ? no sure ; why may not the last be the first ? and the sun of righteousness come to shine brightest , in climates which it rose latest upon ! i say , thirdly , that as it fares with old england , so it will be most likely to fare with new-england . for which cause , by the way , there may be more of the divine favour in the present circumstances of our dependence on england , than we are well aware of . this is very sure , if matters go ill with our mother , her poor american daughter here , must feel it ; nor could our former happy settlement have hindred our sympathy in that unhappiness . but if matters go well in the three kingdoms ; as long as god shall bless the english nation , with rulers that shall encourage piety , honesty , industry ; in their subjects , and that shall cast a benign aspect upon the interests of our glorious gospel , abroad as well as at home ; so long , new-england will at least keep its head above water : and so much the more , for our comfortable settlement in such a form as we are now cast into . unless , there should be any singular , destroying , topical plagues , whereby an offended god should at last make us rise ; but , alas , o lord , what other hive hast thou provided for us ! i say , fourthly , that the elder england will certainly & speedily be visited with the ancient loving kindness of god. when one sees , how strangely the curse of our ioshua , ha's fallen upon the persons & houses of them , that have attempted the rebuilding of the old romish iericho , which has there been so far demolished , they cannot but say , that the reformation there , shall not only be maintained , but also pursued , proceeded , perfected ; and that god will shortly there have a new ierusalem . or , let a man in his thoughts run over ; but the series of amazing providences towards the english nation for the last thirty years : let him reflect , how many plots for the ruine of the nation , have been strangely discovered ? yea , how very unaccountably , those very persons , yea ; i may also say , and those very methods which were intended for the tools of that ruine , have become the instruments , or occasions of deliverances ? a man cannot but say upon these reflections , as the wife of manoah once prudently expressed her self , if the lord were pleased to have destroyed us , he would not have show'd us , all these things . indeed , it is not unlikely , that the enemies of the english nation , may yet provoke such a shake unto it , as may perhaps exceed any that has hitherto been undergone : the lord prevent the machinations of his adversaries ! but , that shake will usher in the most glorious times , that over arose upon the english horizon : as for the french cloud which hangs over england , tho' it be like to rain showers of blood upon a nation , where the blood of the blessed jesus , has been too much treated , as an unholy thing ; yet i believe , god will shortly scatter it : and my belief is grounded upon a bottom , that will bear it . if that overgrown french leviathan , should accomplish any thing like a conquest of england , what could there be to hinder him from the universal empire of the west ? but the visions of the western world , in the views both of daniel and of iohn , do assure us , that whatever monarch , shall while the papacy continues , go to smallow up the ten kings which received their power upon the fall of the western empire , he must miscarry in the attempt . the french phaetons epitaph seems written in that , sure word of prophecy ! [ since the making of this conjecture , there are arriv'd unto us , the news of a victory obtain'd by the english over the french , which further confirms our conjecture ; and causes us to sing , pharaohs chariots , and his host , has the lord cast down into the sea ; thy right-hand has dashed in pieces the enemy ! ] now , in the salvation of england , the plantations cannot but rejoyce , and new-england also will be glad . but so much for our corollaries , i hasten to the main thing designed for your entertainment . and that is , an hortatory and necessary address . to a country now extraordinarily alarum'd by the wrath of the devil . t is this , let us now make a good and a right use , of the prodigious descent , which the devil , in great wrath , is at this day making upon our land , upon the death of a great man once , an orator call'd the town together , crying out , c●…currite cives , dilapsa sunt vestra maenia ! that is , come together , neighbours , your town-walls , are fallen down ! but such is the descent of the devil at this day upon ourselves , that i may truly tell you , the walls of the whole world are broken down ! the usual walls of defence about mankind have such a gap made in them , that the very devils are broke in upon us , to seduce the souls , torment the bodies , sully the credits , and consume the estates of our neighbours , with impressions both as real and as furious , as if the invisible world were becoming incarnate , on purpose for the vexing of us . and what use ought now to be made of so tremendous a dispensation ? we are engaged in a fast this day ; but shall we try to fetch , meat 〈◊〉 of the eater , and make the lion to afford some hony for our souls . that the devil , is come down unto us with great wrath , we find , we feel , we now deplore . in many wayes , for many years , hat the devil been assaying to extirpate the kingdom of our lord jesus here . new-england may complain of the devil , as in psal. . , . many a time have they afflicted me , from my youth , may , new-england now say ; many a time have they afflicted me from my youth ; yet they have not prevailed against me . but now there is a more than ordinary affliction , with which the devil is galling of us : and such an one as is indeed unparallellable . the things confessed by witches and the things endured by others , laid together , amount unto this account of our affliction . the devil , exhibiting himself ordinarily as a small black man , has decoy'd a fearful knot of proud , froward , ignorant , envious , and malicious creatures , to list themselves in his horrid service , by entring their names in a book by him tendred unto them . these witches , whereof above a score have now confessed , and shown their deeds , and some are now tormented by the devils , for confessing , have met in hellish randezvouzes , wherein the confessors do say , they have had their diabolical sacraments , imitating the baptism and the supper of our lord. in these hellish meetings , these monsters have associated themselves to do no less a thing than , to destroy the kingdom of our lord iesus christ , in these parts of the world ; and in order hereunto , first , they each of them have their spectres , or devils , commission'd by them , and representing of them , to be the engines of their malice . by these wicked spectres , they sieze poor people about the country , with various and bloody torments ; and of those evidently preternatural torments there are some have dy'd . they have bewitched some , even so far as to make them self-destroyers : and others are in many towns here and there languishing under their evil hands . the people thus afflicted , are miserably scratched and bitten , so that the marks are most visible to all the world , but the causes utterly invisible ; and the same invisible furies , do most visibly stick pins into the bodies of the afflicted , and scald them , & hideously distort , and disjoint all their members , besides a thousand other sorts of plagues beyond these of any natural diseases which they give unto them . yea , they sometimes drag the poor people out of their chambers , and carry them over trees and hills , for diverse miles together . a large part of the persons tortured by these diabolical spectres , are horribly tempted by them , sometimes with fair promises , and sometimes with hard threatenings , but alwayes with felt miseries , to sign the devils laws , in a spectral book laid before them ; which two or three of these poor sufferers , being by their tiresome sufferings overcome to do , they have immediately been released from all their miseries , & they appear'd in spectre then to torture those that were before their fellow-sufferers . the witches which by their covenant with the devil , are become owners of spectres , are oftentimes by their own spectres required and compelled to give their consent , for the molestation of some , which they had no mind otherwise to fall upon ; and cruel depredations are then made upon the vicinage . in the prosecution of these witchcrafts , among a thousand other unaccountable things , the spectres have an odd faculty of cloathing the most substantial and corporeal instruments of torture , with invisibility , while the wounds thereby given have been the most palpable things in the world ; so that the sufferers assaulted with instruments of iron wholly unseen to the standers-by , tho' to their cost seen by themselves , have upon snatching , wrested the instruments out of the spectres hands , and every one has then immediately not only beheld , but handled , an iron instrument taken by a devil from a neighbour . these wicked spectres have proceeded so far , as to steal several quantities of mony from divers people , part of which money has before sufficient spectators been dropt out of the air into the hands of the sufferers , while the spectres have been urging them to subscribe their covenant with death . in such extravagant wayes , have these wretches propounded , the dragooning of as many as they can , into their own combination , and the destroying of others , with lingring , spreading , deadly diseases ; till our country should at last become too hot for us . among the ghastly instances of the success which those bloody witches have had , we have seen even some of their own children , so dedicated unto the devil , that in their infancy , it is found , the imps have sucked them , and rendred them venemous to a prodigy . we have also seen devils first batteries , upon the town , where the first church of our lord in this colony was gathered , producing those distractions , which have almost ruined the town . we have seen likewise the plague reaching afterwards into other towns far and near , where the houses of good men have the devils filling of them with terrible vexations ! this is the descent which , as it seems , the devil has now made upon us . but that which makes this descent the more formidable is ; the multitude and quality of persons accused of an interest in this witchcraft , by the efficacy of the spectres which take their name and shape upon them ; causing very many good and wise , men to fear , that many innocent , yea , and some vertuous persons , are by the devils in this matter imposed upon ; that the devils have obtain'd the power , to take on them the likeness of harmless people , and in that likeness to afflict other people , and be so abused by praestigious d●…emons , that upon their look or touch , the afflicted shall be oddly affected . arguments from the providence of god , on the one side , and from our charity towards man , on the other side , have made this now to become a most agitated controversy among us . there is an agony produced in the minds of men , lest the devil should sham us with devices , of perhaps a finer thred , than was ever yet practised upon the world. the whole business is become hereupon so snarled , and the determination of the question one way or another , so dismal , that our honourable judges , have a room for iehoshaphats exclamation , we know not what to do ! they have used , as judges have heretofore done , the spectral evidences , to introduce their further enquiries into the lives of the persons accused ; and they have thereupon , by the wonderful providence of god , been so strengthened with other evidences , that some of the witch gang have been fairly executed . but what shall be done , as to those against whom the evidence is chiefly founded in the dark world ? here they do solemnly demand our addresses to the , father of lights , on their behalf . but in the mean time , the devil improves the dark ness of this affair , to push us into a blind mans buffet , and we are even ready to be sinfully , yea , hotly , and madly , mauling one another , in the dark . the consequence of these things , every considerate man trembles at ; and the more , because the frequent cheats of passion , and rumour , do precipitate so many , that i wish i could say , the most were considerate . but that which carries on the formidableness of our trialls , unto that which may be called , a wrath unto the uttermost , is this : it is not without the wrath of the almighty god himself , that the devil is permitted thus to come down upon us in wrath . it was said , in isa. . . thro the wrath of the lord of hosts , the land is darkned . our land is darkned indeed ; since the powers of darkness are turned in upon us , ; t is a dark time , yea , a black night indeed , now the ty-dogs of the pitt , are abroad among us : but , it is thro the wrath of the lord of hosts ! inasmuch as the fire-brands of hell it self are used for the scorching of us , with cause enough may we cry out , what means the heat of this anger ? blessed lord ! are all the other instruments of thy vengeance , too good for the chastisement of such transgressors as we are ? must the very devils be sent out of their own place , to be our troublers ? must we be lash'd with scorpions , fetch'd from the place of torment ? must this wilderness be made a receptacle for the dragons of the wilderness ? if a lapland should nourish in it vast numbers , the successors of the old biarmi , who can with looks or words bewitch other people , or sell winds to marriners , and have their familiar spirits which they bequeath to their children when they dy , and by their enchanted kettle-drums can learn things done a thousand leagues off ; if a swedeland should afford a village , where some scores of haggs , may not only have their meetings with familiar spirits , but also by their enchantments drag many scores of poor children out of their bed-chambers , to be spoiled at those meetings ; this , were not altogether a matter of so much wonder ! but that new-england should this way be harassed ! they are not chaldeans , that bitter , and hasty nation , but they are , bitter and burning devils ; they are not swarthy indians , but they are sooty devils ; that are let loose upon us . ah , poor new-england ! must the plague of old egypt come upon thee ? whereof we read in psal. . . he cast upon them , the fierceness of his anger , wrath , and indignation , and trouble , by sending evil angels among them . what ? o what must next be looked for . must that which is there next mentioned , be next encountered ? he spared not their soul from death , but gave their life over to the pestilence . for my part , when i consider what melancthon saies , in one of his epistles , that these diabolical spectacles are often prodigies ; and when i consider , how often people have been by spectres called upon , just before their deaths ; i am yerily afraid , lest some wasting mortality , be among the things , which this plague is the forerunner of . i pray god , prevent it ! but now , what shall we do ? i. let the devils coming down in great wrath upon us , cause us to come down in great grief before the lord. we may truly and sadly say , we are brought very low ! low , indeed when the serpents of the dust , are crawling and coyling about us , and insulting over us . may we not say , we are in the very belly of hell. when hell it self is feeding upon us ? but how low is that ! o let us then most penitently lay ourselves very low , before the god of heaven , who has thus abased us . when a truculent nero , a devil of a man , was turned , in upon the world , it was said in , . pet. . , humble yourselves under the mighty hand of god. how much more now ought we to humble ourselves , under that mighty hand of that god who indeed has the devil in a chain , but has horribly lengthened out the chain ! when the old people of god , heard any blasphemies tearing of his ever-blessed name to pieces , they were to rend their cloaths at what they heard . i am sure , that we have cause to rend our hearts this day , when we see what an high treason has been committed against the most high god , by the witchcrafts in our neighbourhood . we may say ; and shall we not be humbled when we say it ? we have seen an horrible thing done in our land ! o 't is a most humbling thing , to think , that ever there should be such an abomination among us , as for a crue of humane race , to renounce their maker , and to unite with the devil , for the troubling of mankind , and for people to be , ( as is by some confess'd ) baptized by a fiend using this form upon them , thou art mine , and i have a full power over thee ! afterwards communicating in an hellish bread and wine , by that fiend admnistred unto them . it was said in deut. . , , . there shall not be found among you an inchanter , or a witch , or a charmer , or a consulter with familiar spirits , or a wizzard or a necromancer ; for all that do these things are an abomination to the lord , and because of these abominations , the lord thy god doth drive them out before thee . that new-england now should have these abominations in it , yea , that some of no mean profession , should be found guilty of them : alas , what humiliations are we all hereby oblig'd unto ? o 't is a defiled land , wherein we live ; let us be humbled for these defiling abominations , lest we be driven out of our land , it 's a very humbling thing to think , what reproaches will be cast upon us , for this matter , among , the daughters of the philistines . indeed , enough might easily be said for the vindication of this country from the singularity of this matter , by ripping up , what has been discovered in others . great britain alone , and this also in our dayes of greatest light , has had that in it , which may divert the calumnies of an ill-natured world , from centring here . they are the words of the devout bishop hall , satans prevalency in this age , is most clear in the marvellous number of witches abounding in all places . now hundreds are discovered in one shire ; and , if fame deceive us not , in a village of fourteen houses in the north , are found so many of this damned brood . yea , and those of both sexes , who have professed much knowledge , holiness , and devotion , are drawn into this damnable practice . i suppose the doctor in the first of those passages , may refer to what happened in the year . when so many vassals of the devil were detected , that there were thirty try'd at one time , whereas about fourteen were hang'd , and an hundred more detained in the prisons of suffolk and essex . among other things which many of these acknowledged , one was , that they were to undergo certain punishments , if they did not such and such hurts , as were appointed them . and , among the rest that were then executed , there was an old parson , called , lowis , who confessed , that he had a couple of imps , whereof one was alwayes putting him upon the doing of mischief ; once particularly , that imp calling for his consent so to do , went immediately and sunk a ship , then under sail. i pray , let not new-england become of an unsavoury and a sulphurous resentment in the opinion of the world abroad , for the doleful things which are now fallen out among us , while there are such histories of other places abroad in the world. nevertheless , i am sure that we , the people of new-england , have cause enough to humble our selves under our most humbling circumstances . we must no more , be , haughty , because of the lords holy mountain among us ; no , it becomes us rather to be , humble , because we have been such an habitation of unholy devils ! ii. since the divel is come down in great wrath upon us , let not us in our great wrath against one another provide a lodging for him . it was a most wholesome caution , in eph. . . . let not the sun go down upon your wrath : neither give place to the divel . the divel is come down to see what quarter he shall find among us : and , if his coming down , do now fill us with wrath against one another , and if between the cause of the sufferers on one hand , and the cause of the suspected on t'other , we carry things to such extreames of passion as are now gaining upon us , the devil will bless himself , to find such a convenient lodging as we shall therein afford unto him . and it may be that the wrath which we have had against one another has had more then a little influence upon the coming down of the divel in that wrath which now amazes us . have not many of us been devils one unto another for slanderings , for backbitings , for animosities ? for this , among other causes , perhaps , god has permitted the devils to be worrying , as they now are , among us . but it is high time to leave off all devilism , when the devil himself is falling upon us : and it is no time for us to be censuring and reviling one another , with a devilish wrath , when the wrath of the devil is annoying of us . the way for us to out-wit the devil , in the wiles with which he now vexes us , would be for us , to join as one man in our cries to god , for the directing , and issuing of this thorny business ; but if we do not lift up our hands to heaven , without wrath , we cannot then do it without doubt , of speeding in it . i am ashamed when i read french authors giving this character of englishmen [ ils se haissent les uns les autres , et sont en division continuelle . ] they hate one one another , and are always quarrelling one with another . and i shall be much more ashamed , if it become the character of new-englanders ; which is indeed , what the devil would have . satan would make us bruise one another , by breaking of the peace among us ; but o let us disappoint him . we read of a thing that sometimes happens to the devil , when he is foaming with his wrath , in mat. . ●… . the unclean spirit seeks rest , and finds none . but we give rest unto the devil , by wrath one against another . if we would lay aside all fierceness , and keeness , in the disputes which the devil has raised among us ; and if we would use to one another none but the , soft answers , which turn away wrath : i should hope that we might light upon such counsels , as would quickly extricate us out of our labyrinths . but the old incendiary of the world , is come from hell , with sparks of hell-fire flashing on every side of him ; and we make ourselves tynder to the sparks . when the emperour henry iii. kept the feast of pentecost , at the city mentz , there arose a dissension among some of the people there , which came from words to blows , and at last it passed on to the shedding of blood. after the tumult was over , when they came to that clause in their devotions , thou hast made this day glorious ; the devil to the unexpressible terrour of that vast assembly , made the temple ring with that outcry but i have made this day quarrelsome ! we are truly come into a day , which by being well managed might be very glorious , for the exterminating of those , accursed things , which have hitherto been the clogs of our prosperity ; but if we make this day quarrelsome , thro' any raging confidences , alas , o lord , my flesh trembles for fear of thee , and i am afraid of thy iudgments . erasmus , among other historians , tells us , that at a town in germany , a witch or devil , appear'd on the top of a chimney , threatning to set the town on fire : and at length , scattering a pot of ashes abroad , the town was presently and horribly burn't unto the ground . methinks , i see the spectres , from the tops of the chimneys to the north , ward , threatning to scatter fire , about the countrey ; but let us quench that fire by the most amicable correspondencies : lest , as the spectres , have , they say , already most literally burn't some of our dwellings , there do come forth a further fire from the brambles of hell , which may more terribly devour us . let us not be like a troubled house , altho we are so much haunted by the devils . let our long suffering be a well-placed piece of armour , about us , against the fiery darts of the wicked ones . history informs us , that so long ago , as the year , . a certain pestilent and malignant sort of a daemon , molested caumont in germany with all sorts of methods to stir upstrife among the citizens . he uttered prophecies , he detected villanies , he branded people with all kind of infamies . he incensed the neighbourhood against one man particularly , as the cause of all the mischiefs : who yet proved himself innocent . he threw stones at the inhabitants , and at length burn't their habitations , till the commission of the daemon could go no further . i say , let us be well aware lest such daemons do , come hither also ! iii. inasmuch as the devil is come down in great wrath , we had need labour , with all the care and speed we can to divert the great wrath of heaven from coming at the same time upon us . the god of heaven has with long and loud admonitions , been calling us to , a reformation of our provoking evils , as the only way to avoid that wrath of his , which does not only threaten , but consume us . 't is because we have been deaf to those calls , that we are now by a provoked god , laid open to the wrath of the devil himself . it is said in prov. . . when a mans ways please the lord , he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him . the devil is our grand enemy : and tho' we would not be at peace with him , yet we would be at peace from him ; that is , we would have him unable to disquiet our peace . but inasmuch as the wrath which we endure from this enemy , will allow us no peace , we may be sure , our ways have not pleased the lord. it is because we have broken the hedge of gods precepts , that the hedge of gods provodence is not so entire as it uses to be about us ; but serpents are biting of us . o let us then set our selves to make our peace with our god , whom we have displeased by our iniquities : and let us not imagine that we can encounter the wrath of the devil , while there is the wrath of god almighty to set that mastiff upon us . reformation ! reformation ! has been the repeated cry , of all the judgments , that have hitherto been upon us : because we have been as deaf adders thereunto , the adders of the infernal pit are now hissing about us , at length , as it was of old said in luc . . if one went unto them , from the dead , they will repent ; even so ▪ there are some come unto us from the damned . the great god has loosed the bars of the pit , so that many damned spirits are come in among us , to make us repent of our misdemeanours . the means which the lord had formerly employ'd for our awakening , were such , that he might well have said , what could i have done more ? and yet after all , he has done more , in some regards , than was ever done for the awakening of any people in the world. the things now done to awaken our enquiries after our provoking evils , and our endeavours to reform those evils ; are most extraordinary things ; for which cause i would freely speak it , if we now do not some extraordinary things in returning to god , we are the most incurable , and i wish it be not quickly said , the most miserable , people under the sun. believe me , 't is a time for all people to do something extraordinary in searching and in trying of their ways , and in turning to the lord. it is at an extraordinary rate of circumspection and spiritual mindedness , that we should all now maintain a walk with god. at such a time as this , ought magistrates to do something extraordinary in promoting of what is laudable , and in restraining and chastising of evil doers . at such a time as this , ought ministers to do something extraordinary in pulling the souls of men out of the snares of the devil , not only by publick preaching , but by personal visits and counsels , from house to house . at such a time as this , ought churches to do something extraordinary , in renewing of their covenants , and in remembring , and reviving the obligations of what they have renewed . some admirable designs about the reformation of manners , have lately been on foot in the english nation , in pursuance of the most excellent admonitions , which have been given for it , by the letters of their majesties . besides the vigorous agreements of the iustices here and there in the kingdom ; assisted by godly gentlemen and informers , to execute the laws upon profane offenders : there has been started , a proposal , for the well-affected people in every parish , to enter into orderly societies , whereof every member shall bind himself , not only to avoid profaneness in himself , but also according unto their place , to do their utmost in first reproving , and , if it must be so , then exposing , and so punishing , as the law directs , for , others that shall be guilty . it has been observed , that the english nation has had some of its greatest successes , upon some special , and signal actions this way ; and a discouragement given unto legal proceedings of this kind , must needs be very exerci●…ng to the , wise that observe these things . but , o why should not new-england be the most forward part of the english nation in such reformations ? methinks , i hear the lord from heaven saying over us , o that my people had hearkened unto me ; then i should soon have subdued the devils , as well as their other enemies ! there have been some fome feeble essays towards reformation , of late in our churches ; but , i pray , what comes of them ? do we stay till the storm of his wrath be over ? nay , let us be doing what we can as fast as we can , to divert the storm . the devils , having broke in upon our world , there is great asking , who is it that have brought them in ? and many do by spectral exhibitions come to be cry'd out upon . i hope in gods time , it will be found , that among those that are thus cry'd out upon , there are persons yet clear from the great transgression ; but indeed , all the unreformed among us , may justly be cry'd out upon , as having too much of an hand in letting of the devils in to our borders ; 't is our worldliness , our formality , our sensuality , and our iniquity , that has help'd this letting of the devils in . o let us then at last , consider our wayes . 't is a strange passage recorded by mr. clark , in the life of his father , that the people of his parish refusing to be reclaimed from their sabbath breaking , by all the zealous testimonies which that good man bore against it ; at last , on a night after the people had retired home from a revelling profanation of the lords day , there was heard a great noise , with rattling of chains , up and down the town , and an horrid scent of brimstone fill'd the neighbourhood . upon which the guilty consciences of the wretches , told them , the devil was come to fetch them away : and it so terrify'd them , that an eminent reformation follow'd the sermons which that man of god preached thereupon . behold , sinners , behold , and wonder , lest you perish ; the very devils are walking about our streets , with lengthened chains , making a dreadful noise in our ears , and brimstone , even without a metaphor , is making an hellish and horrid stench in our nostrils . i pray , leave off all those things , whereof your guilty consciences may now accuse you , lest these devils do yet more direfully fall upon you . reformation is at this time , our only preservation . iv. when the devil is come down in great wrath , let every great vice which may have a more particular tendency to make us a prey unto that wrath , come into a due discredit with us . it is the general concession of all men , who are not become too unreasonable for common conversation , that the invitation of vvitchcrafts is the thing that ha's now introduced the devil into the midst of us . i say then , let not only all vvitchcrafts be duely abominated with us , but also let us be duely watchful against all the steps leading thereunto . there are lesser sorcertes which , they say , are too frequent in our land. as it was said in king. . . the children of israel did secretly , those things that were not right against the lord their god. so t is to be feared , the children of new-england have secretly done many things that have been pleasing to the devil . they say , that in some towns , it ha's been an usual thing for people to cure hurts with spells , or to use detestable conjurations , with sieves , & keyes , and pease , and nails , and horse-shooes , and i know not what other implements , to learn the things , for which they have a forbidden , and an impious curiositie . 't is in the devils name , that such things are done ; and in gods name i do this day charge them , as vile impieties . by these courses 't is , that people play upon the hole of the asp ; till that cruelly venemous asp has pull'd many of them , into the deep hole , of witchcraft it self . it has been acknowledged by some who have sunk the deepest into this horrible pit , that they began , at these little witchcrafts ; on which 't is pitty but the laws of the english nation , whereby the incorrigible repetition of those tricks , is made felony , were severally executed . from the like sinful curiosity it is , that the prognostications of iudicial astrology , are so injudiciously regarded by multitudes among us ; and although the jugling astrologers do scarce ever hit right , except it be in such weighty iudgments , forsooth , as that many old men will dy such a year , and that there will be many losses felt by some that venture to sea , and that there will be much lying and cheating in the world ; yet their foolish admirers , will not be perswaded , but that the innocent stars have been concern'd in these events . it is a disgrace to the english nation , that the phamphlets of such idle , futil , trifling star-gazers are so much considered ; and the countenance hereby given to a study , wherein at last , all is done by impulse , if any thing be done to any purpose at all , is not a little perillous to the souls of men . it is , ( a science , i dare not call it , but ) a iuggle , whereof the learned hall , well says , it is presumptuous and unwarrantable , & cry'd ever down by councils and fathers , as unlawful , as that which lies in the mid-way between magick , and imposture , and partakes not a little of both . men consult the aspects of planets , whose northern or southern motions receive denominations from a caelestial dragon , till the infernal dragon at length insinuate into them , with a poyson of witchcraft that can't be cured - has there not also been a world of discontent in our borders ? 't is no wonder , that the fiery serpents are so stinging of us ; we have been a most murmuring generation . it is not irrational , to ascribe the late stupendous growth of witches among us , partly to the bitter discontents , which affliction and poverty has fill'd us with : it is inconceivable , what advantage the devil gains over men , by discontent . moreover , the sin of unbelief may be reckoned as perhaps the chief crime of our land. we are told , god swears in wroth , against them that believe not ; and what follows then but this , that the devil comes unto them in wrath ? never were the offers of the gospel , more freely tendered , or more basely despised , among any people under the whole cope of heaven , then in this new-england . seems it at all marvellous unto us , that the devil should get such footing in our country ? why , 't is because the saviour has been slighted here , perhaps more than any where . the blessed lord jesus christ has been profering to us , grace , and glory , and every good thing , and been alluring of us to accept of him , with such terms as these ; undone sinner , i am all ; art thou willing that i should be thy all ? but , as a proof of that contempt which this unbelief has cast upon these proffers , i would seriously ask of the so many hundreds above a thousand people within these walls ; which of you all , o how few of you , can indeed say , christ is mine , and i am his , and he is the beloved of my soul ? i would only say thus much : when the precious and glorious jesus , is entreating of us to receive him , in all his offices , with all his benefits ; the devil minds what respect we pay unto that heavenly lord ; if we refuse him that speaks from heaven , then he that , comes from hell , does with a sort of claim set in , and cry out , lord , since this wretch is not willing that thou shouldst have him , i pray , let me have him . and thus , by the just vengeance of heaven , the devil becomes a master , a prince , a god , unto the miserable unbelievers : but o what are many of them then hurried unto ! all of these evil things , do i now set before you , as branded with the mark of the devil upon them . v. with great regard , with great pitty , should we lay to heart the condition of those , who are cast into affliction , by the great wrath of the devil . there is a number of our good neighbours , and some of them very particularly noted for goodness and vertue , of whom we may say , lord , they are vexed with devils . their tortures being primarily inflicted on their spirits , may indeed cause the impressions thereof upon their bodies to be the less durable , tho ▪ rather the more sensible : but they endure horrible things , and many have been actually murdered . hard censures now bestow'd upon these poor sufferers , cannot but be very displeasing unto our lord , who , as he said , about some that had been butchered by a pilate , in luc. . , . think ye that these were sinners above others , because they suffered such things ? i tell you no , but except ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish : even so , he now says , think ye that they who now suffer by the devil , have been greater sinners than their neighbours . no , do you repent of your own sins , lest the devil come to fall foul of you , as he has done to them . and if this be so , how rash a thing would it be , if such of the poor sufferers , as carry it with a becoming piety , seriousness , and humiliation under their present suffering , should be unjustly censured ; or have their very calamity imputed unto them as a crime ? it is an easy thing , for us to fall into , the fault of , adding affliction to the afflicted , and of , talking to the grief of those that are already vvounded : nor can it be wisdom to slight the dangers of such a fault . in the mean time , we have no bowels in us , if we do not compassionate the distressed county of essex , now crying to all these colonies , have pitty on me , o ye my friends , have pitty on me , for the hand of the lord has touched me , and the wrath of the devil has been therewithal turned upon me . but indeed , if an hearty pitty be due to any , i am sure , the difficulties which attend our honourable iudges , doe demand no inconsiderable share in that pitty . what a difficult , what an arduous task , have those worthy personages now upon their hands ? to carry the knife so exactly , that on the one side , there may be no innocent blood shed , by too unseeing a zeal for the children of israel ; and that on the other side , there may be no shelter given to those diabolical works of darkness , without the removal whereof we never shall have peace ; or fo those furies whereof several have kill'd more people perhaps than would serve to make a village : hic labor , hoc opus est ! o what need have we , to ●…be concerned , that the sins of our israel , may not provoke the god of heaven to leave his davids , unto a wrong step , in a matter of such consequence , as is now before them ! our disingenuous , uncharitable , unchristian reproching of such faithful men , after all , the prayers and supplications , with strong crying and tears , with which we are daily plying the throne of grace , that they may be kept , from what they fear , is none of the way for our preventing of what we fear . nor all this while , ought our pitty to forget such accused ones , as call for indeed our most compassionate pitty , till there be fuller evidences that they are less worthy of it . if satan have any where maliciously brought upon the stage , those that have hitherto had a just and good stock of reputation , for their just and good living , among us ; if the evil one have obtained a permission to appear , in the figure of such as we have cause to think , have hitherto abstained , even from the appearance of evil : it is in truth , such an invasion upon mankind , as may well raise an horror in us all : but , o what compassions are due to such as may come under such misrepresentations , of the great accuser ! who of us can say , what may be shown in the glasses of the great lying spirit ? altho' the usual providence of god [ we praise him ! ] keeps us from such a mishap ; yet where have we an absolute promise , that we shall every one alwayes be kept from it ? as long as charity is bound , to think no evil , it will not hurt us that are private persons , to forbear the iudgment which belongs not unto us . let it rather be our wish : may the lord help them to learn the lessons , for which they are now put unto so hard a school . vi. with a great zeal , we should lay hold on the covenant of god , that we may secure us and ours , from the great wrath , with which the devil rages . let us come into the covenant of grace , and then we shall not be hook'd into a covenant with the devil , nor be altogether unfurnished with armour , against the wretches that are in that covenant . theway to come under the saving influences of the new cove●…ant , is , to close with the lord jesus christ , who is the allsufficient mediator of it : let us therefore do that , by resigning up ourselves unto the saving , teaching , and ruling , hands of this blessed mediator . then we shall be , what we read in jude , . preserved in christ iesus : that is , as the destroying angel , could not meddle with such as had been distinguished , by the blood of the passeover on their houses , thus the blood of the lord jesus christ , sprinkled on our souls , will preserve us from the devil . the birds of prey ( and indeed the devils most literally in the shape of great birds ! ) are flying about : would we find a covert from these vultures : let us then hear our lord jesus from heaven clocqing unto us , o that you would be gathered under my wings . well ; when this is done , then let us own the covenant , which we are now come into , by joining ourselves to a particular church , walking in the order of the gospel ; at the doing whereof , according to that covenant of god , we give up ourselves unto the lord , and in him unto one another . while others have had their names entred in the devils book ; let our names be found in the church book , and let us be , written among the living in ierusalem . by no means let , church-work sink and fail in the midst of us ; but let the tragical accidents which now happen , exceedingly quicken that work. so many of the rising generation , utterly forgetting the errand of our fathers to build churches in this wilderness , and so many of our cottages being allow'd to live , where they do not , and perhaps cannot , wait upon god with the churches of his people ! t is as likely as any one thing to procure the swarmings of witch-crafts among us . but it becomes us , with a like ardour , to bring our poor children with us , as we shall do , when we come ourselves , into the covenant of god. it would break an heart of stone , to have seen , what i have lately seen ; even poor children of several ages , even from seven to twenty more or less , confessing their familiarity with devils ; but at the same time , in doleful bitter lamentations , that made a little pour traiture of hell it self , expostulating with their execrable parents , for devoting them to the devil in their infancy , and so entailing of devillism upon them ! now , as the psalmist could say , my zeal hath consumed me , because my enemies have forgotten thy words : even so , let the nefarious wickedness of those that have explicitly dedicated their children to the devil , even with devillish symbols , of such a dedication , provoke our zeal to have our children , sincerely , signally , and openly consecrated unto god ; with an education afterwards assuring and confirming that consecration . vii . let our prayer go up with great faith , against the devil , that comes down in great wrath. such is the antipathy of the devil to our prayer , that he cannot bear to stay long where much of it is : indeed it is diaboli flagellum , as well as , miseriae remedium ; the devil will soon be scourg'd out of the lords temple , by a whip , made and used , with the , effectual fervent prayer of righteous men. when the devil by afflicting of us , drives us to our prayers , he is , the fool making a whip for his own back . our lord said of the devil , in mat. . . this kind goes not out , but by prayer and fasting . but , prayer and fasting will soon make the devil be gone . here are charms indeed ! sacred and blessed charms , which the devil cannot stand before . a promise of god , being well managed in the hands of them , that are much upon their knees , will so , resist the devil , that he will flee from us . at every other weapon , the devils will be too hard for us ; the spiritual wickednesses in high places , have manifestly the upper hand of us ; that old serpent will be too old for us , too cunning , too subtil ; they will soon out-wit us , if we think to encounter them with any wit of our own . but when we come to prayers , incessant and vehement prayers before the lord , there we shall be too hard for them . when well-directed prayers , that great artillery of heaven , are brought into the field , there , methinks i see , there are these workers of iniqnity fallen , all of them ! and who can tell , how much the most obscure christian among you all , may do towards the deliverance of our land from the molestations which the devil is now giving unto us . i have read , that on a day of prayer kept by some good people for and with a possessed person , the de●…l at last flew out of the window , and referring to a devout , plain , mean woman then in the room , he cry'd out , o the woman behind the door ! 't is that woman that forces me away ! thus , the devil that now troubles us , may be forced within a while to forsake us : and it shall be said , he was driven away by the prayers of some obscure and retired souls , which the world has taken but little notice of ! the great god , is about a great work at this day among us ; now there is extream hazzard lest the devil who by compulsion must submit unto that great work , may also by permission come to confound that work : both in the detections of some , and in the confessions of others , whose ungodly deeds may be brought forth , by a great work of god , there is hazzard lest the devil intertwist some of his delusions . 't is prayer , i say , 't is prayer , that must carry us well thro' the strange things that are now upon us . only that prayer , must then be , the prayer of faith : o where is our faith in him , who hath spoiled these principalities and powers , on his cross triumphing over them ! viii . lastly , shake off , every soul , shake off the hard yoke of the devil , if you would not perish under the great wrath of the devil . where 't is said , the whole world lies in wickedness , 't is by some of the ancients rendred , the whole world lies in the devil . the devil is a prince , yea , the devil is a god unto all the unregenerate ; and alas , there is , a whole world of them . desolate sinners , consider what an horrid lord it is that you are enslav'd unto ; and oh shake off your slavery to such a lord. instead of him , now make your choice of the eternal god in jesus christ ; choose him with a most unalterable resolution ; and unto him say , with thomas , my lord , and my god! say with the church , lord , other lords have had the dominion over us , but now thou alone shalt be our lord for ever . then instead of your perishing under the wrath of the devils , god will fetch you to a place among those that fill up the room of the devils , left by their fall from the ethereal regions . it was a most awful speech made by the devil , possessiing a young woman , at a village in germany , by the command of god , i am come to torment the body of this young woman , though i can ▪ not hurt her soul ; and it is that i may warn men , to take heed of sinning against god. indeed ( said he ) 't is very sore against my will that i do it ; but the command of god forces me to declare what i do ; howeveer i know that at the last day , i shall have more souls than god himself . so spoke that horrible devil ! but o that none of our souls may be found among the prizes of the devil , in the day of god! o that what the devil has been forc'd to declare , of his kingdom among us , may prejudice our hearts against him for ever ! my text saies , the devil is come down in great wrath , for he has but a short time. yea , but if you do not by a speedy and thorough conversion to god , escape the wrath of the devil , you will yourselves go down , where the devil is to be , and you will there be sweltring under the devils wrath , not for a short time , but , world without end ; not for a short time , but for , infinite millions of ages . the smoke of your torment under that wrath , will ascend for ever and ever ! indeed the devils time for his wrath upon you in this world , can be but short , but his time for you to do his work , or , which is all one , to delay your turning to god , that is a long time. when the devil was going to be dispossessed of a man , he roar'd out , am i to be tormented before my time. you will torment the devil , if you rescue your souls out of his hands , by true repentance : if once you begin to look that way , hee 'll cry out , o this is before my time , i must have more time , yet in the service of such a guilty soul. but , i beseech you , let us join thus to torment the devil , in an holy revenge upon him , for all the injuries which he has done unto us ; let us tell him , satan , thy time with me is but short , nay , thy time with me shall be no more ; i am unutterably sorry that it has been so much ; depart from me thou evil-doer , that would'st have me to be an evil-doer like thy self ; i will now for ever keep the commandments of that god , in whom i live , and move , and have my being ! the devil has plaid a fine game for himself indeed , if by his troubling of our land , the souls of many people shoul come to , think upon their wayes , till eurn they turn their feet into the testimonies of the lord now that the devil may be thus outshot in his own bow , is the desire of all that love the salvation of god among us , as well as of him , who has thus addressed you. amen . having thus discoursed on the wonders of the invisible world , i shall now , with gods help , go on to relate some remarkable and memorable instances of wonders which that world he 's given to ourselves . and altho' the chief entertainment which my readers do expect , and shall receive , will be , a true history of what ha's occurred , respecting the witchcrafts wherewith we are at this day persecuted , yet i shall choose to usher in the mention of those things , with a narrative of an apparition which a gentleman in boston , had of his brother , just then murdered in london . it was , on the second of may in the year that a most ingenious , accomplished and well-disposed young gentleman , mr. ioseph beacon , by name , about five a clock in the morning , as he lay , whether sleeping or waking he could not say , ( but judged the latter of them , ) had a view of his brother then at london , altho' he was now himself at our boston , distanced from him a thousand leagues . this his brother appear'd unto him , in the morning , about five a clock at boston , having on him a bengale gown , which he usually wore , with a napkin ty'd about his head ; his countenance was very pale , ghastly , deadly , and he had a bloody wound on one side of his forehead ! brother ! saies the affrighted ioseph . brother ! answered the apparition . said ioseph , what 's the matter , brother ! how came you here ! the apparition reply'd , brother , i have been most barbarously and injuriously butchered , by a debauch'd , drunken fellow , to whom i never did any wrong in my life . whereupon he gave a particular description of the murderer ; adding , brother , this fellow , changing his name , is attempting to come cover unto new-england , in foy or wild ; i would pray you , on the first arrival of either of these , to get an order from the governour , to seiz the person , whom i have now described ; and then do you indict him for the murder of me your brother : i 'le stand by you , and prove the indictment . and so he vanished . mr. beacon was extreamly astonished at what he had seen and heard ; and the people of the family not only observed an extraordinary alteration upon him , for the week following , but have also given me under their hands a : full testimony , that he then gave them an account of this apparition . all this while , mr. , beacon had no advice of any thing amiss attending his brother then in england ; but about the latter end of iune following , he understood by the common ways of communication , that the april before , his brother going in hast by night to call a coach for a lady , mett a fellow then in drink , with his doxy in his hand . some way or other the fellow thought himself affrontted in the hasty passage of this beacon , & immediately ran in to the ●…-side of a neighbouring tavern , from whence he fetch'd out a fire-fork , wherewith he grievously wounded beacon in the skull ; even in that very part , where the apparition show'd his wound . of this wound he languished until he dy'd , on the second of may , about five of the clock in the morning at london . the murderer it seems , was endeavouring an escape , as the apparition affirm'd , but the friends of the deceased beacon siezed him : and prosecuting him at law , he found the help of such friends , as brought him off without the loss of his life ; since which , there has no more been heard of the business . this history i received of mr ioseph beacon himself ; who , a little before his own pious & hopeful death , which follow'd not long after , gave me the story written and signed with his own hand , and attested with the circumstances i have already mentioned . but i shall no longer detain my reader , from his expected entertainment ; in a brief account of the trials , which have passed upon some of the malefactors , lately executed at salem , for ●…he w●…hcrafts , whereof they stood convicted . for my own part , i was not present at any of them ; nor ever had i any personal prejudice at the persons thus brought upon the stage ; much less , at the surviving relations of those persons , with and for whom i would be as hearty a mourner as any man living in the world : the lord comfort them ! but having received a ●…mand , so to do , i can do no other than shortly relate the chief matters of fact which accurr'd in the trials of some that where executed ; in an abridgment collected out of the court-papers , on this occasion put into my hands . you are to take the truth , just as it was ; and the truth will hurt no good man. there might have been more of these , if my book would not thereby have been swollen too big ; and if some other worthy hands did not perhaps intend something further in these collections ; for which cause i have only singled out four or five which may serve to illustrate the way of dealing , wherein witchcrafts use to be concerned ; and i report matters not as an advocate but as an historian . they were some of the gracious words , inserted in the advice , which many of the neighbouring ministers , did this summer humbly lay before our honourable judges , we cannot but with all thankfulness , acknowledge the success which the merciful god has given unto the sedulous and assiduous endeavours of our honourable rulers , to detect the abominable witchcrafts which have been committed in the country ; humbly praying that the discovery of those mysterious and mischievous wickednesses , may be perfected . if in the midst of the many dissatisfactions among us , the publication of these trials , may promote such a pious thankfulness unto god , for justice being so far , executed among us , i shall rejoyce that god is glorified ; and pray that no wrong steps of ours may ever fully any of his glorious works . but we will begin with , a modern instance of witches discovered and condemned , in a trial , before that celebrated judge , sir. matthew hale . it may cast some light upon the dark things now in america , if we just give a glance upon the like things lately hapening in europe . we may see the witchcrafts here , most exactly resemble the witchcrafts there ; and we may learn what sort of devils do trouble the world. the venerable baxter very truly sais , iudge hale was a person , than whom no man , was more backward , to condemn a witch , without full evidence . now , one of the latest printed accounts , about a , trial of witches , is of what was before him ; and it ran on this wise . [ printed in the year ] and it is here the rather mentioned , because it was a trial , much considered by the judges of new-england . i. rose cullender , and amy duny , were severally indicted , for bewitching elizabeth durent ann durent , iane bocking , susan chandler , william durent , elizabeth and deborah pacy . and the evidence , whereon they were convicted , stood upon diverse particular circumstances . ii. ann durent , susan chandler , and elizabeh pacy , when they came into the hall , to give instructions for the drawing the bills of indictments , they fell into strange and violent fitts , so that they were unable to give in their depositions , not only then but also during the whole assizes . william durent being an infant , his mother swore , that amy duny looking after her child one day in her absence , did at her return confess , that she had given suck to the child : ( tho' she were an old woman : ) whereat , when durent expressed her displeasure , duny went away with discontents and menaces . the night after , the child fell into strange and sad fitts , wherein it continued for diverse weeks . one doctor iacob advised her to hang up the childs blanket , in the chimney corner all day , and at night , when she went to put the child into it , if she found any thing in it then to throw it without fear into the fire . accordingly , at night , there fell a great toad out of the blanket , which ran up & down the hearth . a boy , catch't it , & held it in the fire with the tongs : where it made an horrible noise , and flash'd like to gun-powder , with a report like that of a pistol : whereupon the toad was no more to be seen , the next day a kinswoman of duny's , told the deponent , that her aunt was all grievously scorch'd with the fire , and the deponent going to her house , found her in such a condition . duny told her , she might thank her for it ; but she should live to see some of her children dead , and her self upon crutches . but after the burning of the toad , this child recovered . this deponent further testify'd , that her daughter elizabeth , being about the age of ten years , was taken in like manner , as her first child was , and in her fitts complained much of amy duny , and said , that she did appear to her , and afflict her in such manner as the former . one day she found amy duny in her house , and thrusting her out of doors , duny said , you need not be so angry , your child won't live long . and within three days the child dyed . the deponent added , that the was her self , not long after taken with such a lameness , in both her leggs , that she was forced to go upon crutches ; and she was now in court upon them . [ it was remarkable , that immediately upon the juries bringing in duny guilty , durent was restored unto the use of her limbs , and went home without her crutches . ] iii. as for elizabeth and deborah pacy , one aged eleven years , the other nine ; the elder , being in court , was made utterly senseless , during all the time of the triall : or at least speechless . by the direction of the judge , duny was privately brought to elizabeth pacy , and she touched her hand : whereupon the child , without , so much as seeing her , suddenly leap'd up and flew upon the prisoner ; the younger was too ill , to be brought unto the assizes . but samuel pacy , their father , testify'd , that his daughter deborah , was taken with a sudden lameness ; and upon the grumbling of amy duny , for being denyed something , where this child was then sitting , the child was taken with an extreeme pain in her stomach , , like the pricking of pins ; and shrieking at a dreadful manner , like a whelp , rather then a rational creature . the physicians could not conjecture the cause of the distemper ; but amy duny being a woman of ill fame , and the child in fitts crying out of amy duny , as affrighting her with the apparition of her person , the deponent suspected her , and procured her to be set in the stocks . while she was there , she said in the hearing of two witnesses , mr pacy keeps a great stir about his child , but let him stay till he has done as much by his children , as i have done by mine : and being asked , what she had done to her children , she answered , she had been fain to open her childs mouth with a tap to give it victuals . the deponent added , that within two days , the fits of his daughters were such , that they could not preserve either life or breath , without the help of a tap. and that the children cry'd out of amy duny , and of rose cullender , as afflicting them , with their apparitions . iv. the fits of the children , were various . they would sometimes be lame on one side ; sometimes on t' other . sometimes very sore ; sometimes restored unto their limbs , and then deaf , or blind , or dumb , for a long while together . upon the recovery of their speech , they would cough extreamly ; and with much flegm , they would bring up crooked pins ; & one time , a two-penny nail , with a very broad head. commonly at the end of every fit , they would cast up a pin. when the children read , they could not pronounce the name of , lord , or iesus or christ , but would fall into fitts ; and say , amy duny says , i must not use that nami . when they came to the name of satan , or devil , they would clap their fingers on the book , crying out , this bites , but it makes me speak right well ! the children in their fitts , would often , cry out , there stands amy duny , or , rose cullender ; and they would afterwards relate , that these witches appearing before them , threatned them , that if they told what they saw or heard , they would torment them ten times more than ever they did before . v. margaret arnold , the sister of mr. pacy , testify'd unto the like sufferings being upon the children , at her house , whither her brother had removed them . and that sometimes , the children ( only ) would see things like mice , run about the house ; and one of them suddenly snap't one with the tongs , and threw it into the fire , where it screeched out like a rat. at another time , a thing like a bee , flew at the face of the younger child ; the child fell into a fitt ; and at last vomited up a , two-penny nail , with a broad head ; affirming , that the bee brought this nail , and forced it into her mouth . the child would in like manner be assaulted with flies , which brought crooked pins , unto her , and made her first swallow them , and then vomit them . she one day caught , an invisible mouse , and throwing it into the fire , it flash'd like to gun-powder . none besides the child saw the mouse , but every one saw the flash . she also declared , out of her fitts , that in them , amy duny , much tempted her to destroy her self . vi. as for ann durent , her father testifyed that upon a discontent of rose cullender , his daughter was taken with much illness in her stomach and great and sore pains , like the pricking of pins : and then swooning fitts , from which recovering she declared , she had seen the apparition of rose cullender , threatning to torment her . she likewise vomited up diverse pins . the maid was present at court , but when cullender look'd upon her , she fell into such fitts , as made her utterly unable to declare any thing . ann baldwin , deposed the same . vii . iane bocking , was too weak , to be at the assizes . but her mother testify'd , that her daughter having formerly been afflicted with swooning fitts , and recovered of them ; was now taken with a great pain in her stomach ; and new swooning fitts . that she took little food , but every day vomited crooked pins . in her first fitts , she would extend her arms , and use postures ; as if she catched at something , and when her clutched hands were forced open , they would find several pins diversely crooked , unaccountably lodged there . she would also maintain a discourse with some that were invisibly present , when casting abroad her arms , she would often say , i will not have it ! but at last say ; then i will have it●… and closing her hand , which when they presently after opened , a lath-nail was found in it . but her great complaints were of being visited by the shapes of amy duny , and rose cullender . viii . as for susan chandler , her mother testifyed , that being at the search of rose cullender , they found on her belly a thing like a teat , of an inch long ; which the said rose ascribed to a strain . but near her privy parts , they found thre●… more , that were smaller than the former . at the end of the long teat , there was a little hole , which appeared , as if newly sucked ; and upon straining it , a white milky matter issued out . the deponent further said , that her daughter being one day concerned at rose cullenders : taking her by the hand , she fell very sick , and at night cry'd out , that rose cullender woald come to bed unto her . her fitts grew violent , and in the intervals of them , she declared , that she saw rose cullender in them , and once having of a great dog with her . she also vomited up crooked pins ; and when she was brought into court , she fell into her fitts ▪ she recovered her self in some time , and was asked by the court , whether she was in a condition to take an oath , and give evidence . she said , she could ; but having been sworn , she fell into her fitts again , and , burn her ! burn her ! were all the words that she could obtain power to speak . her father likewise gave the same testimony with her mother ; as to all but the search . ix . here was the sum of the evidence : which mr. serjeant keeling ; thought not sufficient to convict the prisoners . for admitting the children were bewitched , yet , said he , it can never be apply'd unto the prisoners , upon the imagination only of the parties afflicted ; inasmuch as no person whatsoever could then be in safety . dr. brown , a very learned person then present , gave his opinion , that these persons were bewitched . he added , that in denmark , there had been lately a great discovery of witches ; who used the very same way of afflicting people , by conveying pins and nails into them . his opi nion was , that the devil in witchcrafts , did work upon the bodies of men and women , upon a natural , foundation ; and that he did extraordinarily afflict them , with such distempers as their bodies were most subject unto . x. the experiment about the usefulness , yea , or law●…ness whereof good men have sometimes disputed , was divers times made , that though the afflicted were utterly deprived of all sense in their fitts , yet upon the touch of the accused , they would so screech out , and fly up , as not upon any other persons . and yet it was also found that once upon the touch of an innocent person , the like effect follow'd , which put the whole court unto a stand ●…altho ' a small reason was at length attempted to be given for it . xi . however , to strengthen the credit of what had been already produced against the prisoners . one iohn soam testify'd , that bringing home his hay in three carts , one of the carts wrenched the window of rose cullenders house , whereupon she flew out , with violent threatenings against the deponent . the other two carts , passed by twice , loaded , that day afterwards ; but the cart which touched cullenders house , was twice or thrice that day overturned . having again loaded it , as they brought it thro' the gate which leads out of the field , the cart stuck so fast in the gates head , that they could not possibly get it thro' , but were forced to cut down the post of the gate , to make the cart pass thro' , altho' they could not perceive that the cart did of either side touch the gate-post . they afterwards , did with much difficulty get it home to the yard ; but could not for their lives get the cart nea●… the place , where they should unload . they were fain to unload at a great distance ; and when they were tired , the noses of them that came to assist them , would burst forth a bleeding ; so they were fain to give over till next morning : and then they unloaded without any difficult . xii . robert sherringham also testify'd , that the axle-tree of his cart , happening in passing , to break some part of rose cullenders house , in her anger at it , she vehemently threatned him , his horses should suffer for it . and within a short time , all his four horses dy'd ; after which he sustained many other losses in the sudden dying of his cattle . he was also taken with a lameness in his limbs ; and so vexed with lice of an extraordinary number and bigness , that no art could hinder the swarming of them , till he burnt up , two suits of apparrel . xiii . as for amy duny , t' was testfi'd by one richard spencer ' that he heard her say , the devil would not lett her rest ; until she were revenged on th●… wife of cornelius sandswel and that sandswel testify'd , that her poultrey dy'd suddenly , upon a●… dunyes threatning of them ; and that her husband●… chimney fell , quickly after duny had spoken 〈◊〉 such a disaster . and a firkin of fish could not be kept from falling into the water , upon suspicious words of duny's . xiv . the judge , told the jury , they were to inquire 〈◊〉 first , whether these children were bewitched ; and secondly , whether the prisoners at the bar were guilty of it . he made no doubt , there were such creatures as witches ; for the scriptures affirmed it ; and the wisdom of all nations had provided laws against such persons . he pray'd the god of heaven , to direct their h●…ts in the weighty thing they had in hand ; for , 〈◊〉 condemn the innocent , and let the guilty go free , were both an abomination to the lord. the jury in half an hour , brought them in guilty , upon their several indictments , which 〈◊〉 nineteen in number . the next morning , the children with their parents , came to the lodgings of the lord chi●…●…ustice , and were in as good health , as ever 〈◊〉 their lives ; being restored within half an 〈◊〉 after the witches were convicted . the witches were executed ; and confessed nothing ; which indeed will not be wondred by them , who consider and entertain the judgment of a judicious writer , that the unpardonable sin , is most usually committed by professors of the cristian religion falling into witchcraft . we will now proceed unto several of the like trials among our selves . i. the tryal of g. b. at a court of dyer and terminer , held in salem . . glad should i have been , if i had never known the name of this man ; or never had this occasion to mention so much as the first letters of his name . but the government requiring some account , of his trial , to be inserted in this book , it becomes me with all obedience , to submit unto the order . i. this g. b. was indicted for witchcrafts ; and in the prosecution of the charge against him , he was accused by five or six of the bewitched , as the author of their miseries ; he was accused by eight of the confessing witches , as being an head actor at some of their hellish randezvouzes , and one who had the promise of being a king in satans kingdom , now going to be erected ; he was accused by nine persons , for extraordinary lifting , and such feats of strength , as could not be done without a diabolical assistance . and for other such things he was accused , until about thirty testimonies were brought in against him ; nor were these , judg'd the half of what might have been considered , for his conviction : however they were enough to fix the character of a witch upon him , according to the rules of reasoning , by the judicious gaule , in that case directed . ii. the court being sensible , that the testimonies of the parties bewitched , use to have a room among the suspicions , or presumptions , brought in against one indicted for witchcraft , there were now heard the testimonies of several persons , who were most notoriously bewitched , and every day tortured by invisible hands , and these now all charged the spectres of g. b. to have a share in their torments . at the examination of this g. b. the bewitched people were grievously harassed , with preternatural mischiefs , which could not possibly be dissembled ; and they still ascribed it unto the endeavours of g. b. to kill them . and now upon his trial , one of the bewitched persons testify'd , that in her agonies , a little black hair'd man came to her , saying his name was band bidding her set her hand unto a book which ▪ he show'd unto her ; and bragging that he was a conjurer above the ordinary rank of witches ; that he often persecuted her , with the offer of that book , saying , she should be well , and need fear no body , if she would but sign it : but he inflicted cruel pains and hures upon her , because of her denying so to do . the testimonies of the other sufferers concurred with these ; and it was remarkable , that whereas biting , was one of the ways which the witches used , for the vexing of the sufferers , when they cry'd out of g. b. biting them , the print of the teeth , would be seen on the flesh of the complainers ; and just such a sett of teeth , as g. b' s would then appear upon them , which could be distinguished from those of some other mens . others of them testify'd , that in their torments , g. b. tempted them , to go unto a sacrament , unto which they perceived him with a sound of trumpet summoning of other witch●…s ; who quickly after the sound would come from all quarters unto the rendezvouz . one of them falling into a kind of trance , afterwards af●…ed , that g. b. had carried her into a very high mountain , where he show'd her mighty and glorious kingdoms , and said , he would give them all to her , if she would write in his book ; but she told him , they were none of his to give ; and refused the motions ; enduring of much misery for that refusal . it cost the court a wonderful deal of trouble , to hear the testimonies of the sufferers ; for when they were going to give in their depositions , they would for a long while be taken with fitts , that made them uncapable of saying any thing . the chief judge asked the prisoner , who he thought hindred these witnesses from giving their testimonies ? and he answered , he supposed , it was the divel ? that honourable person , then reply'd , how comes the divel so loathe to have any testimony born against you ? which cast him into very great confusion . iii. it has been a frequent thing for the bewitched people , to be entertained with apparitions of ghosts of murdered people , at the same time , that the spectres of the witches trouble them . these ghosts do always affright the beholders , more than all the other spectral representations ; and when they exhibit themselves , they cry out , of being murdered by the witchcrafts or other violences of the persons who are then in spectre present . it is further considerable , that once or twice , these apparitions have been seen by others at the very same time that they have shown them selves to the bewitched ; & seldom have there been these apparitions but when somthing unusual & suspected had attended the death of the party thus appearing . some that have bin accused by these apparitions , accosting of the bewitched people , who had never heard a word of any such persons , ever being in the world , have upon a fair examination freely , and fully , confessed the murders of those very persons , altho' these also did not know how the apparitions had complained of them . accordingly several of the bewitched , had given in their testimony , that they had been troubled with the apparitions of two women , who said , that they were g. bs. two wives ; and that he had been the death of them ; and that the magistrates must be told of it , before whom if b. upon his trial deny'd it , they did not know but that they should appear again in the court. now , g. b. had been infamous for the barbarous usage of his two successive wives , all the country over . moreover ; it was testifi'd , the spectre of g. b. threatning of the sufferers told them , he had killed ( besides others ) mrs lawson and her daughter ann. and it was noted , that these were the vertuous wife and daughter , of one at whom this g. b. might have a prejudice for his being serviceable at salem-village , from whence himself had in ill terms removed some years before : & that when they dy'd , which was long since , there were some odd circumstances about them , which made some of the attendents there suspect something of witchraft , tho' none imagined from what quarter it should come . well , g. b. being now upon his triall , one of the bewitched persons was cast into horror at the ghosts of b's . two deceased wives , then appearing before him , and crying for , vengeance , against him . hereupon several of the bewitched persons were successively called in , who all not knowing what the former had seen and said , concurred in their horror , of the apparition , which they affirmed , that he had before him . but he , tho' much appalled , utterly deny'd that he discerned anything of it ; nor was it any part of his conviction . iv judicious writers , have assigned it a great place , in the conviction of witches , when persons are impeached by other notorious witches , to be as ill as themselves ; especially , if the persons have been much noted for neglecting the worship of god. now , as there might have been testimonies enough of g. b's . antipathy to prayer and the other ordinances of god , tho' by his profession singularly obliged thereunto ; so , there now came in against the prisoner , the testimonies of several persons , who confessed their own having been horrible witches , and ever since their confessions had been themselves terribly tortured by the devils and other witches , even like the other sufferers ; and therein undergone the pains of many deaths for their confessions . these now testify'd , that g. b. had been at witch-meetings with them ; and that he was the person who had seduced , and compelled them into the snares of witchcraft : that he promised them fine cloaths , for doing it ; that he brought poppets to them , and thorns to stick into those poppets , for the afflicting of other people : and that he exhorted them , with the rest of the crue , to bewitch all salem-village , but besure to do it gradually , if they would prevail in what they did . when the lancashirewitches were condemn'd , i don't remember that there was any considerable further evidence , than that of the bewitched , and then that of some that confessed . we see so much already against g. b. but this being indeed not enough , there were , other things to render what had been already produced credible . v. a famous divine , recites this among the convictions of a witch ; the testimony of the party bewitched , whether pining or dying ; together with the ioint oathes of sufficient persons , that have seen certain prodi●…ious pranks or feats , wrought by the party accused . now god had been pleased so to leave this g. b. that he had ensnared himself , by several instances which he had formerly given of a preternatural strength , and which were now produced against him . he was a very puny man ; yet he had often done things beyond the strength of a giant . a gun of about seven foot barrel , and so heavy that strong men could not steadily hold it out , with both hands ; there were several testimonies , given in by persons of credit and honour , that he made nothing of taking up such a gun behind the lock , with but one hand , and holding it out like a pistol , at arms-end . g. b. in his vindication was so foolish as to say , that an indian was there , and held it out at the same time : whereas , none of the spectators ever saw any such indian ; but they suppos'd the black man ( as the witches call the devil ; and they generally say he resembles an indian ) might give him that assistence . there was evidence , likewise , brought in , that he made nothing of taking up whole barrels fill'd with malasses , or cider , in very disadvantagious postures , and carrying of them through the difficultest places , out of a canoo to the shore . [ yea , there were two testimonies , that g. b. with only putting the fore-finger of his right hand , into the muzzel of an heavy gun , a fowling-piece , of about six or seven foot barrel , did lift up the gun , and hold it out at arms end ; a gun which the deponents , though strong men , could not with both hands lift up , and hold out , at the butt end , as is usual . indeed one of these witnesses , was over perswaded by some persons , to be out of the way , upon g. b. 's trial ; but he came afterwards , with sorrow for his withdraw , and gave in his testimony : nor were either of these witnesses made use of as evidences in th●… trial. ] vi. there came in several testimonies , relating to the domestick affayrs of g. b. which had a very hard aspect upon him ; and not only prov'd him a very ill man ; but also confirmed the belief of the character , which had been already fastned on him . e. g. t' was testifyed , that keeping his two successive wives in a strange kind of slavery , he would when he came home from abroad , pretend to tell the talk which any had with them . that he ha's brought them to the point of death , by his harsh dealings with his wives , and then made the people about him to promise that in case death should happen , they would say nothing of it . that he used all means to make his wives write , sign , seal , and swear a covenant , never to reveal any of his secrets . that his wives had privately complained unto the neighbours about frightful apparitions of evilspirits , with which their house was sometimes infested ; and that many such things have been whispered among the neighbourhood . there were also some other testimonies , relating to the death of people , whereby the consciences of an impartial jury , were convinced , that g. b. had bewitched the persons mentioned in the complaints . but i am forced to omit several such passages , in this , as well as in all the succeeding trials , because the scribes who took notice of them , have not supplyed me . vii . one mr. ruck , brother in law to this g. 〈◊〉 testify'd , that g. b. and he himself , and his siste●… who was g. b's wife , going out for two or thre●… miles , to gather straw-berries , ruck , with his sister the wife of g. b. rode home very softly , with g. b. on foot in their company , g. b. stept aside a little into the bushes ; whereupon they halte●… and halloo'd for 〈◊〉 he not answering , they went away homewards , with a quickened pace ; without any expectation of seeing him in a considerable while : and yet when they were got 〈◊〉 home , to their astonishment they found him on foot , with them , having a basket of straw-berries ▪ 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . immediately , then fell to chiding his wife 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 account of what she had been speaking to 〈◊〉 brother , of him , on the road : which when they wondred at , he said , he knew their thoughts . ruck being startled at that , made some reply , intimating that the devil himself did not know so far ; but g. b. answered , my god , makes known your thoughts unto me . the prisoner now at the barr had nothing to answer , unto what was thus witnessed against him , that was worth considering . only he said , ruck , and his wife left a man with him , when they left him . which ruck now affirm'd to be false ; and when the court asked g. b. what the man's name was ? his countenance was much altered ; nor could he say , who ' t was . but the court began to think , that he then step'd aside , only that by the assistance of the black man , he might put on his invisibility , and in that fascinating mist , gratify his own jealous humour , to hear what they said of him . which trick of rendring themselves invisible , our witches do in their confessions pretend that they sometimes are masters of ; and it it is the more credible , because there is demonstration that they often render many other things utterly invisible . viii . faltring , fau●…ty , unconstant , and contrary answers upon iudicial and deliberate examination , are counted some unlucky symptoms of gui●… in al●… crimes ; especially in witchcrafts . now there 〈◊〉 ver was a prisoner more emiuent for them , tha●… g. b. both at his examination and on his trial. h●… tergiversations , contradictions , and falsehoods , 〈◊〉 very sensible ; he had little to fay , but that 〈◊〉 heard some things that he could not prove , reflecting upon the reputation of some of the witnesses ▪ only he gave in a paper , to the jury ; wherein , altho ' he had many times before , granted , not only that there are witches , but also that the present sufferingsof the countrey are the effect of horrible witchcrafts , yet he now goes to , evince it , that there neither are , nor ever were , witches that having made a compact with the divel , can send a divel to torment other people at a distance . this paper was transcribed out of ady ; which the court presently knew , as soon as they heard it . but he said , he had taken none of it out of any book ; for which his evasion afterwards was , that a gentleman gave him the discourse , in a manuscript , from whence h●… transcribed it . ix . the jury brought him in guilty ; but when he came to dy , he utterly deny'd the fact , whereof he had been thus convicted . finis . a true relation of the proceedings against certain quakers, at the generall court of the massachusets holden at boston in new-england october. . . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing t thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) a true relation of the proceedings against certain quakers, at the generall court of the massachusets holden at boston in new-england october. . . rawson, edward, - . sheet ([ ] p.) printed by a.w., london : . signed at end: edward rawson. annotation on thomason copy: "march. . ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng massachusetts. -- general court -- early works to . quakers -- united states -- masssachusetts -- persecutions -- early works to . massachusetts -- history -- colonial period, ca. - -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no a true relation of the proceedings against certain quakers, at the generall court of the massachusets holden at boston in new-england octobe rawson, edward a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true relation of the proceedings against certain quakers , at the generall court of the massachusets holden at boston in new-england october . . . although the justice of our proceedings against william robinson , marmaduke steavenson , and mary dyer , supported by the authority of this court , the lawes of the country , & the law of god may rather perswade us to expect incouragement and commendation from all prudent & pious men , than convince us of any necessity to apollogize for the same ; yet for as much as men of weaker parts , out of pitty and commiseration ( a commendable and christian virtue , yet easily abused , and susceptible of sinister and dangerous impressions ) for want of full information , may be less satisfied , and men of perverser principles , may take occasion hereby to caluminate us , and render us as bloody persecutors to satisfy the one , and stop the mouthes of the other , we thought it requisite to declare ; that about . yeares since divers persons professing themselves quakers , of whose pernicious opinions and practices , we had received intelligence from good hands from barbadoes and england ( arrived at boston ) whose persons were only secured , to be sent away by the first oportunity without censure or punishment , although their professed tenents , turbulent and contemptuous behaviour to authority would have justified a severer animadversion , yet the prudence of this court was exercised , onely in making provision to secure the peace and order here established against their attempts , whose designes ( we were well assured of by our own experience , as well as by the example of their predecessours in munster ) was to undermine and ruine the same . and accordingly a law was made and published , prohibiting all masters of ships to bring any quakers into this jurisdiction , and themselves from coming in , on penalty of the house of correction , till they could be sent away : notwithstanding which , by a back dore , they found entrance , and the penalty inflicted on themselves proving insufficient to restraine their impudent and insolent obstructions , was increased by the losse of the eares of those that offended the second time , which also being too weak a defence against their impetuous frantick fury , necessitated us to endeavour our security , and upon serious consideration , after the former experiments by their incessant assaults , a law was made that such persons should be banished , on pain of death , according to the example of england in their provision against jesuits , which sentence being regularly pronounced , at the last court of assistants against the parties above named , and they either returning , or continuing presumptuously in this jurisdiction , after the time limited , were apprehended , and owning themselves to be the persons banished , were sentenced ( by the court ) to death , according to the law aforesaid , which hath been executed upon . of them , mary dyer upon the petition of her son and the mercy and clemency of this court , had liberty to depart within two dayes , which shee hath accepted of . the consideration of our graduall proceeding will vindicate us from the clamorous accusations of severity ; our just and necessary defence , calling upon us ( other meanes failing ) to offer the point which these persons have violently and wilfully rushed upon ; and thereby become felons de se , which might it have been prevented , and the soveraign law salus populi been preserved , our former proceedings , as well as the sparing of mary dyer upon an inconsiderable intercession , will manifestly evince , we desire their lives absent rather than their death present . edward rawson secret . london printed by a. w. .