A discussion of the ansvvere of M. VVilliam Barlovv, D. of Diuinity, to the booke intituled: The iudgment of a Catholike Englishman liuing in banishment for his religion &c. Concerning the apology of the new Oath of allegiance. VVritten by the R. Father, F. Robert Persons of the Society of Iesus. VVhervnto since the said Fathers death, is annexed a generall preface, laying open the insufficiency, rayling, lying, and other misdemeanour of M. Barlow in his writing. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. 1612 Approx. 1537 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 345 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09103 STC 19409 ESTC S114157 99849385 99849385 14527 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09103) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14527) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 898:1) A discussion of the ansvvere of M. VVilliam Barlovv, D. of Diuinity, to the booke intituled: The iudgment of a Catholike Englishman liuing in banishment for his religion &c. Concerning the apology of the new Oath of allegiance. VVritten by the R. Father, F. Robert Persons of the Society of Iesus. VVhervnto since the said Fathers death, is annexed a generall preface, laying open the insufficiency, rayling, lying, and other misdemeanour of M. Barlow in his writing. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. Coffin, Edward, 1571-1626. [124], 543, [9] p. Printed at the English College press] Permissu superiorum, [Saint-Omer : M.DC.XII. [1612] The "generall preface" is written by Edward Coffin. A reply to Barlow's "An answer to a Catholike English-man". Identification of printer from STC. Includes index. Both the Huntington and Folger copies have a slip-cancel on q2v. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Barlow, William, d. 1613. -- Answer to a Catholike English-man -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Oath of allegiance, 1606 -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCVSSION OF THE ANSVVERE OF M. VVILLIAM BARLOVV , D. of Diuinity , to the Booke intituled : The Iudgment of a Catholike Englishman liuing in banishment for his Religion &c. CONCERNING The Apology of the new Oath of Allegiance . VVRITTEN By the R. Father , F. Robert Persons of the Society of IESVS . VVHERVNTO since the said Fathers death , is annexed a generall Preface , laying open the Insufficiency , Rayling , Lying , and other Misdemeanour of M. Barlow in his writing , IOHN MORRIS . Ex fructibus 〈…〉 . Matth. 7. You shall know them by their fruites . Permissu Superiorum . M. DC . XII . A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS AND PARAGRAPHES CONTEYNED IN THIS BOOKE . THE FIRST PART . THE Preface to the Reader : In which are laid open some few examples of the singular Ignorance , Lying , and other bad dealings of M. Barlow , in his Answere to the Censure of the Apology . Of Points concerning the new Oath of Allegiance , handled in the Kings Apology , before the Popes Breues , and discussed in my former Letter . CHAP. I. pag. 1. About the true Author of the Apology for the Oath of Allegiance . § . 1. pag. 3. Of the pretended Cause of the new Oath , which is said to be the Powder-Treason . § . 2. pag. 13. How great a pressure the vrging of the new Oath is to Catholickes that haue a contrary Conscience in Religion . § . 3. pag. 25. The same argument about the pressure of the Oath is further discussed . § . 4. pag. 31. What freedome may be said to be permitted to English Catholickes for swearing , or not swearing the new Oath . § . 5. pag. 39. About recourse made to the Bishop of Rome for decisiō , whether the Oath might lawfully be taken by English Catholicks , or no ? Wherin also the present Pope his person is defended against sundry calumniations . § . 6. pag. 49. Whether the O●th be only of ciuill obedience ? O● whether th●re be any clauses in it against Catholicke Religion ? CHAP. II. pag. 70. Of certaine notorious Calumniations vsed by M. Barlow against his Aduersary , which no waies can be excused frō malice , and witting errour . § . 2. pag. 87. The reasō is examined whether Gods prouidēce might seeme defectuous , if no authority had beene left in the Christian Church to restraine & punish euill Kings . And whether God be so wary in dealing with Kings , as M. Barlow maketh him . CHAP. III. pag. 101. Whether the deuising & vrging of this new Oath were a blessing or no , eyther to the Receauers or Vrgers ? And first of the Rec●auers : wherin is handled also of Conscience , & of swearing against Conscience . CHAP. IIII. pag. 115. Touching the exhibitours of the Oath , and of Scandall actiue and passiue . Wherin M. Barlowes grosse Ignorance is dis●●●●red . § . 2. pag. 128. The answere to an obiection : by occasion whereof it is shewed , that P●ss●s●ion and Pres●ription are good proof●s ●uer in matters of D●ctrine . And the contrary is fondly aff●●med by M. Barlow . CHAP. V. pag. 141. THE SECOND PART , About the Br●●●s of Pope Paulus Quintus . CONCERNING M. Barlow his ●xorbitant flattery in exaggerating . Queene Elizabeths Vertues , and Sanctity . CHAP. I. pag. 159. About Queene Elizabeth her Mortifications . And of the nature of that Vertue . § . 2. pag. 168. Of Queene Elizabeth her Felicities , and Infelicities . CHAP. II. pag. 179. Other Points concerning Queene Elizabeths Felicities or Infelicities . § . 2. pag. 194. Of Queene Elizabeths Sicknes and Death , and other things belonging therunto . § . 3. pag. 209. Of the Flattery and Sycophancy vsed by diuers Ministers to his Maiestie of England , to the hurt and preiudice of Ca●holicke men , and their cause . CHAP. III. pag. 229. About Toleration or Liberty of Conscience demaunded by humble petition at his Maiesties handes by Catholickes , whether it were height of pride or not : As also concerning the contention betweene Protestants and Puritans . CHAP. IIII. pag. 251. Concerning Errours , Absurdities , Ignorances and Falsities , vttered by M. Barlow in the rest of his Answere . CHAP. V. pag. 273. Whether Toby did well or no , in breaking the commandement of the King of Niniue , concerning the burying of the dead Iewes . And how M. Barlow answereth vnto the authority of the Fathers , and ouerthroweth the Kings Supremacy . § . 2. pag. 285. Of another example or instance out of S. Gregory the Great , about the obeying and publishing a Law of the Emperour Mauritius , that he misliked : which M. Barlow calleth Ecclesiasticall . § . 3. pag. 303. Whether Councells haue submitted themselues vnto Christian Emperors in Spirituall affayres : and namely , that of Arles to Charles the great ? CHAP. VI. pag. 311. Whether the Pope in his Breue did forbid temporall Obedience to his Maiesty of England ? And whether the sayd Pope hath power to make new Articles of faith ? CHAP. VII . pag. 323. Of certaine other fraudulent , and vntrue dealings of M. Barlow , vnto the end of this Paragraph : with a notorious abuse in alleaging S. Thomas of Aquine his Authority . § . 2. pag. 334. THE THIRD PART Concerning Cardinall Bellarmine his Letter . OF the occasion of the Letter written by Cardinall Bellarmine vnto M. George Black●well Archpriest . And whether he mistooke the state of the question . Also of the change of Supreme Head , into Supreme Gouernour . CHAP. I. pag. 245. Whether the denying of taking this New Oath , do include the deniall of all the particul●r clauses contayned therin ? § . 2. pag. 356. Whether the fourth Councell of Toledo did prescribe any such set forme of Oath to be exhibited to the Subiects , as is affirmed in the Apology ? CHAP. II. pag. 365. Cardinall Bellarmine is cleared from a false imputation : and a controuersy about certaine words and clauses in the Oath is discussed . § . 2. pag. 386. Whether Princes haue iust cause to feare murthering by the commaundement of Popes . And in dis●ussing of the particuler example produced by the Apologer , concerning the same , great fraud and malice is discouered in M. Barlowes falsifying of Authors &c. CHAP. III. pag. 394. About the death of Henry the third King of France : whether it may be an example of allowance of such murthers ? As also about the late Queene of England . § . 2. pag. 414. Of certaine contradictions obiected to Card. Bellarmine : and what confidence may be placed in a mans owne good workes . CHAP. IIII. pag. 431. Of three other contradictions imputed vnto Card. Bellar. but proued to be no contradictiōs at all . § . 2. pag. 448. Of the contentions of sundry other Emperours , Kings , and Princes with Popes of their times , in temporall affaires : obiected as arguments against the security of acknowledging the Popes Superiority . Wherin many fraudes a●d forgeries are discouered in M. Barlow , particulerly concerning Fredericke the second , and his contentions with Popes . CHAP. V. pag. 461. M. Barlows more sure and stronger proofes are discouered to be lyes : with other things concerning Frederick the second , and Innocentius the fourth . § . 2. pag. 495. Of the Emperour Fredericke the first , whose picture was said to haue beene sent to the Soldan by Pope Alexander the third . And of the charge of Alexander the sixt , touching the death of Zizimus or Gemen , M. Barlowes innocent Turke . § . 3. pag. 524. An examination of certaine Sentences , and Authorities of ancient Fathers , alleadged by Cardinall Bellarmine in his Letter to M. Blackwell , and impugned by M. Barlow . CHAP. VI. pag. 536. THE PREFACE TO THE READER . IN VVHICH are laid open some few examples of the singular Ignorance , Lying , and other bad dealings of M. Barlow , in his Answere to the Censure of the Apology . THREE thinges ( gentle Reader ) at the comming forth of this Booke may occur vnto thy mynd , in which thou mayst perhaps desire some satisfaction . First the cause why so idle a worke as M. Barlowes Answere is knowne , and taken to be , should be answered at all by so graue and learned a man as F. Persons was . Secondly why this Answere is published so late after his death . And last of all what opinion is to be had of M. Barlowes talents , learnin● , & methode in answering , or what others heere do iudge of the same . And albeit this latter may seeme to some to be of least moment for that one aduersary most commonly will hold an others writing in highest contempt , and therfore from them so much interessed , no sound iudgement may be expected : yet do I thinke it very necessary to insist most thereon , or rather am forced to the same , for that M. Barlow is so desirous of honour , as like the Ape he thinketh his owne whelp fayrest : and himselfe will needs perswade his Maiesty that he hath so answered , as that no sound Reply can euer be made thereunto . Wherfore as well for thy instruction ( good Reader ) as also to rectify M. Barlowes iudgement , which in this seemeth to be very erroneous , and to teach him to examine his con●cience better before he presume againe so far , as eyther to promise to a Prince , or put forth in print ; I shall set downe my opinion , & worth of his Booke , and that vpon no other grounds , then I shall produce out of the Booke it selfe , whereby thou shalt haue more light to discerne in this affaire betweene vs , and M. Barlow lesse cause to complaine of any hard measure , seeing that against M. Barlow non● is brought to plead , but M. Barlow himselfe . 2. To the first point then , this briefly I answere , that F. Persons hauing seene the base manner & method of writing which M. Barlow houldeth through his whole Booke , esteemed the worke not worthy of any answere , and so resolued with himselfe to be silent therein , and in lieu of refuting this answere to set forth the other two parts of Resolution , so long before promised by him , and so much desired of the Catholiks in England : which whiles he went about to doe , a Copy of this answere of M. Barlow came to the Inquisitors hands , and was by them sent to the said Father with order to refute the same , perswading themselues that a booke of that bulke & argument , written by a pretēded Prelate , & dedicated to his Maiesty , could not but beare some shew of learning , and therfore was , not to be left vnanswered . And that good opinion got M. Barlow by writing in English : for could these haue but vnderstood what was written , & with what modesty and learning , he may be sure F. Persons should neuer haue bene troubled with the sight therof , but a shorter course had byn taken by casting it into the fire , the fittest element to purge such vnsauoury filth , as euery where he belcheth forth in the same against all sortes of men , wherof you shall hardly fynd any one page to be void . 3. Now , for the stay which hath bene made in the setting forth of this worke , seeing that the said Father dispatched what he wrote in lesse then 4. mōths it being now more then 4. tymes as much since his decease , hath especially proceeded vpon the manifold other incumbrances & variable disposition of body , wherwith that party hath bene troubled to whome the worke was committed to be finished , as himselfe cōfesseth in the very entrance of the first Chapter of his Supplement , which he intended to haue set forth with this Booke : but growing to so great a bulke by reason of the manifold aduantages giuen by the Aduersary , it was thought better in the end , that it should goe forth a part , as making of it selfe a iust volume with some little enlargement , or addition annexed thereunto , in answere of some things obiected , forged not well vnderstood , or misalleadged by M. Doctour Andrews , now of Ely , concerning the matters by him handled in the Supplement , whome togeather with M. Barlow he answereth with that grauity , iudgement , and learning , as will content all , yea euen his Aduersaryes themselues ( if by these meanes they were to be contented : ) or if that the search of truth were the center of their motion , and chiefe end of their endeauors ; and not contrarily with neglect & contempt therof , to speake placentia , and write that which may pleas● their humors best , by whome they hope to gaine most , not regarding on which side equity and right doth stand , so they withstand not them , whose pleasure they make the square of their actions , & whose fauour they hold for their highest felicity . 4. But touching the last point , for that I meane to make it the subiect of this Preface , I shall be more long , not for any difficulty which I fynd in the thing it selfe ( for who but M. Barlow knoweth not what a weake write● M. Barlow is , and in all manner of learning insufficient ? ) but that the Reader by this example may see the weight and worth of Protestant writers , & how little regard is to be had to the bragging & vaūting of their owne learning , & conquest ouer their Aduersaries : for with such brauery of words , as with figge-leaues , they would couer their shame and nakednes , whiles full well they see , and feele the wound which euen pierceth & pincheth them to the hart roote . And commonly none brag more then those who performe least , or vpon other occasion , then when they are most vanquished and ouercome : at least so it fareth often with M. Barlow who thus vauntingly telleth his Maiesty , that he is one of a great number , and a continuall succession , which are ready for this cause , and already c●tred ●he combat , and as the couragious Spartans were w●nt to sing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , try them when , and wherein yow please . And after speaking more particulerly of this Answere , he saith : In handling the mayne points , I trust it will appeare , that I haue neyther dallyed with him , nor illuded the Reader , so that , for any sound Reply thereto , I assure my selfe security from him . And is not this very confidently spoken trow yow ? And is not this Minister well perswaded of himselfe , and his owne learning , that thus craketh ? Audiuimus superbiam Moab , superbus est valde , sed superbia eius , & arrogantia eius , & indignatio eius plus quàm fortitudo eius . We haue heard the pride of Moab ( M. Barlow ) he is very proud , but his pride , and arrogancy , and wrath is more then his strength . 5. Neyther is this swelling humor , and arrogant confidence of knowledge & learning alone peculiar to M. Barlow , but common to all of his ranke & calling , yea to all the Heretikes of former tymes , for so noteth old Tertullian when he sayd : Omnes tument , o●nes scientiam polli●●ntur● : all are puffed vp with pride , all make ostentation of learning : and S. Bernard : Omnibus vna intentio haereticis semper fuit , captare gloriā de singularitate scientiae : All heretikes agree in this , to seeke glory by the singularity of knowledge : and therefore no meruaile if we heare now & then one Iewell to challenge the whole Christian world to answere him , one simple Sut●liffe to set out in print , th●t it is more easy for him to refute Bellarmine , then to reade him . And not to seeke further to heare M. Barlow to tell his Maiesty , that F. Persons is to weake to dispute : and againe , Verbalize he can , dispute he cannot ; in Storyes a great florisher , but a false relator of them &c. And then of himselfe as a Cocke of the G●me to crow , that he is secure from all answere , that he is like one of the Spartans , to be tryed when his Maiesty listeth , with other like phrases of arrogancy in the currēt of his Booke , all breathing forth Luthers spirit , and Lucifers pride , fitter for some Thraso vpon a stage , then a Deuine in a printed book . For were not ●hese Spartans he speaketh of both weake in force , and few in number , I thinke M. Barlow had neuer bene singled out from amongst them for this cōbat , but want of store in this vrging exigent , made those who imployed him , to make much of a little , and to be behoulding to his small skill , as you know , who are wont to be to the Knights of the Post , when they can procure no better sureties . 6. . For whosoeuer ●hall with due attention and equall iudgment , no way ouerpoysed with fauour or disfauour of any part● read M. B●rlowes booke , if he be learned , and can vnderstand how things are discussed , must needes confesse the whole worke to be a me●re patchery ( as Fa : P●rsons , cuius memoria in benedictionibus , was vsually wont to terme it ) of many shreds of latin and greeke sentences , misapplyed prouerbes , broken verses , idle and childish scoffes , iniurious calumni●tions , inck-horne tearmes , exorbitant rayling , incredible ignorance , and lying without measure , no Authour lightly euer sincerely cited , F. Persons words seldome or neuer truly alleaged , no matter from the beginning to the end with any learning , iudgment , or fidelity handled : his chiefest endeauour is to rayle against the Pope , to flatter the Prince , to iniure Catholikes , to disgrace F. Persons : much he is in whores , in Panders , in strumpets , in hornes , in Asses , and spewing dogs , and other like raffe : in euery thing he treateth eyther loathsome , or ridiculous : but for that these two opinions of this Answere , I meane M. Barlowes , and myne , are so quite repugnant one to the other , I shall for discharge of my credit exemplify in some speciall points of the same : for to handle at length euery particuler would be too long for this place , and most of them are discussed in the Treatise it self . I shall begin with his ignorance , on which I meane most to insist . 7. This fault in M. Barlow is not single , but very manifold and singular , and that in all manner of learning , in Humanity , Philosophy , History , Interpretations of Scriptures , and Diuinity , in ech of which I will for a tast alleage some ●●w examples , being loath with any more to weary the Readers patience , or to draw this Preface to greater prolixity then needs I must , for the ●ull deciphering of this ignorant Minister , whose skill , albeit it seeme to be most in Humanity , yet in the same it is also very little : for in one place he calleth the three fatall s●sters , whome he nameth in his ma●gent , ●umenides ; wheras euery Grammer boy can tell him that ●um●nides are not the three fa●all sisters , but his familiar friends the three furyes . W●th like skill he interpreteth the prouerbe Omnia sub vnam Myconum , to signify that one may stand for all : wheras his chiefe Author Erasmus , out of Strabo , far otherwise expoundeth it to be meant only of such , as vnder some particuler tytle handle things of different nature , which can by no meanes be applyed thereunto , as elswhere it ●s told him . 8. Besides these mistakings , for more euident demonstration of his rare talents in construction , I will set downe two examples , but very briefly , for that he shall againe heare of them both ; of the one in this Treatise , and of the other by the Authour of the Supplement . The first is touching certayne wordes of Saint Gregory in his Epistle to Theodore the Emperour Mauritius his Phisitian , where Saint Gregory yielding the reason why he sent not his Letters for the Emperour to his owne Legate , but to the said Theodore , saith : Nolo eam à Responsali meo publicè dari , quia Vos qui ei familiariùs seruitis , loqui ei liberiùs & ap●rtiùs potestis &c. That is , I will not that this Letter I send ( to the Emperour ) be deliuered publikely by my Legate , for that You , who are more neere about him , can speake more freely & plainly vnto him . So S. Gregory . 9. But what sense or construction , thinke you doth M. Barlow make of these words ? Truly such , as if he were a Grammer boy , vnder some Orbilius , he would be made to feele the smart of his folly . S. Gregory ( saith he ) writes to Theodore the ●m●●rours Phisitian , and intreates him to deale with his Lord and Soueraigne about it : the reasons wherof he had not , yea he would not ( saith he ) à Responsali suo publicè dare , publikely yield as fr●m his Ch●yre , or Oracle ( much lesse by his Br●ue int●rdict ) but hauing suggested it priuately , he left it to God , and the ●●p●r●urs le●sure and wisdome . So he . And was there euer sentence so interpreted as this ? what chopping , what changing what mistaking is there heere ? A letter is turned into reasons , the verbe passiue into the actiue , a Legate into a Chayre or Oracle . And is not this man more fit to be set agayne to Inspeach , and Grammar rules , then to be imployed in writing for defence of his Maiesty ? I would fayne know where M. Barlow euer reade Responsalis , to signify a Chaire or Oracle , more then it doth a Pulpit , or Sermon , Lincolne Church , or Paules steeple . 10. And to omit other incongruities , by this pittiful construction M. Barlow his Petrus de Vin●is should be more miraculous , then elsewhere he hath made him , and yet he makes him to write Fredericke the second his death a yeare after his eyes and braynes were out of his head . And then further , of one & the selfe same man , he maketh two : but by this new Grammaticall interpretation he shal neyther write nor reade , be one man , or two , but be metamorphosed into a Chaire or Oracle . For if he list to read Fragmentum historicum printed in the first tome of the German History , he shall find what that Author writeth of Petrus de Vineis his going to the Councell of Lyons : for speaking of the Emperour he saith : Q●i non comparuit , s●d R●sponsales prose transmisit minùs sufficientes : Fredericke appeared not in the Councell , but sent in his behalfe vnsufficient Embassadours , to wit , Petr●s de Vineis , and Thaddaeus Sinuessanus . Will M. Barlow say , that he sent two Chayres , or Oracles ? That truely had bene a strange Embassage . Or will he tell vs , that when our King Richard the first his Embassadors went to Rome , to withstand the Bishop of Roane , complayning against him , ●s Nubrigensis writeth ( Responsales quoque Regis è vestigio secuti , in conspectu summi Pontificis in faciem illi restitere . The Embassadours also of the King presently following , resisted him to his face before the Pope ) that he sent Chaires or Oracles to Rome ? Or were these Chayrs or Oracles so earnest before the Pope in his defence ? I know not whether this thing deserue rather laughter or compassion : Laughter , for that it is so foolish and ridiculous in it selfe : Compassion to see one to beare himself for Bishop of Lincolne so ignorant , as to translate Responsalis , for a Chaire or Oracle , with this insulting adiection to the same , ( much lesse by his Breue interdict . ) But let vs come to the second . 11. The other example of his Grammaticall construction is concerning a place of Bellarmine about the authority of Kinges , where the Cardinal refelling an obiection that the exemption of Clergy-men from tributes , and appearing at secular tribunalls , is de iure humano , and so may be repealed by Princes , answereth , that it doth not follow , both for that not only Kings , but Popes and Councels haue giuen this exemption to Clergy-men : as also for that the whole world hath consented to the same , which hath bestowed vpon Kinges that power which they haue . So he . Now let vs heare M. Barlow conster these words : thus then he Englisheth them : Orbis terrae , t' is within the compasse of the inferiour orbe , from whence is giuen to Kinges that power which they haue . So he . And let him turne ouer againe his Grammaticon or Māmatrecton Cooper , or Calepine , and he shall neuer fynde these two wordes which himself setteth downe in latin , to wit , orbis terrae , to signify , t' is within the compasse of the inferiour orbe : and therefore perhaps his wits were without that compasse when he wrote it , and likewise his honesty was scant at home , when within 3 leaues after , out of this selfe same Chapter he cyteth in different letters , and many of them capitalls , this passage , as the expresse wordes of Bellarmine● The Clergy is not bound to obey Kings , longer then Kings are THEIR SVPERIOVRS : and that is , so long as THE POPE WILL : for whome HE EXEMPTES , they are all FRE : and citeth in the margent de Cler. lib. 1. Cap. 28. ● . Respondeo negando . But let him read the place that list , and he shal find no such thing . And what then will yow say to such forgery & falsity ? But for these two pointes I referre him to the Author of the Supplement , where they are more largely discussed . And were not M. Barlow of a seared conscience , and his cause desperate , he would neuer vse such legier-de-main , and discredit himself in this base manner . If his Spartans ready for the combat , can fight no better , it were more for his Maiestys honour , and their owne honesty , that they kept themselues out of the field , & staid at home to tend gooslinges , then thus to betray their cause , and shame all . From Grammar let vs come to Philosophy . 12. It seemeth that in this science M. Barlow is very meanly seene , and not to haue read , or ( which I rather thinke ) not to haue vnderstood Porphyries Introduction to the same . For what puny-Sophister is there in Oxford , or Cambridge , who knoweth not that , species producatur de pluribus differentibus numero ? But quite contrary M. Barlow tells vs , that the powder-plot was not singular from all examples , there hauing bene the like done by Protestants ( though not in specie , yet in indiuiduo ) as at Antwerp &c. which is asmuch , as if one should say : Although so grosse ignorance as we see in M. Barlow of Lincolne , cannot be found in any other man , yet is it to be found in many M. Barlowes : whereas M. Barlow , of whome we speake , is but one and the selfe same man , and ignorance may be found in other men as well as in him , especially if they be Ministers as he is : but of this also he shall see more in the ensuing Discussion . And doth not he deserue to be brought againe ad inferiora subs●llia , and to sit amongst the Sophisters in Cambridge , till he hath learned to speake more like a Philosopher ? 13. Againe what more sollemne foolery can there be , then so ignorantly to insult vpon his ad●ersary , for saying , that S. Leo in a certayne place spake of vnity of names , as M. Barlow doth , for thus he sayth : What learning will iustifie that phrase of speach , An vnity of names & c ? And againe , that one name imparted to seuerall persons , should be called an vnity , let all the Onomasticks , and Nomenclators , or Mathematicians , or Schoolemen be searched , and t' will not be found . So he . Doe you not thinke that this man hath searched far into the matter , read all bookes , and seene what all say , that so resolutly and generally pronounceth this sentence ? & yet Aristotle could tell him , that all aequiuoca , vniuoca , analoga , agree in one name : and none but one , as ignorant as M. Barlow , will deny that the name Father agreeth to men and God , but in different manner ; so that it is true to say , that the name of Father is all one in God and man , though in nature it differ . And what can be required more to the vnity of names ? Or can M. Barlow conceaue that they haue one name without all vnity ? Truly as well , as conceaue , that a man may be a foole , without foolery , or as simple as himselfe , vvithout simplicity . 14. And if this thing in no Schoole man can be found , then must S. Thomas be blotted out of that rāke , whose wordes are : Ostenait Aristoteles quòd s●li vnitas nominis non sufficit ad vnitatem enuntiationis . Aristotle sheweth , that vnity of name sufficeth not for the vnity of a proposition . And in his Quodlibets he expresly proueth this vnity of names , which he calleth vnitatē vocis , the vnity of appellatiō , for that els there were no vniuoca . But of this also he will heare more then he would , or euer will be able to refell by the Author of the Supplement . It sufficeth me to detect only his ignorance , which as it is here , both grosse and palpable , so also combyned with singular arrogancy and pride , in so resolutly affirming , that no learning will iustifie this speach ; when as Aristotle , and S. Thomas the great Philosopher , and most learned of all Deuines , do both teach and demonstrate the same . 15. Another exāple in this kind I might here produce , touching his doctrine of contradictions , and his grosse mistaking of the same , but that will come after in due place to be discussed , where I examine his dispu●ation , about the first contradiction obiected to Bel●armine . Now let vs see his ignorance in historyes . In historyes what greater ignorance can there be committed then to relate fictions for truth , which haue no coherence eyther in place , tyme , or persons ? And yet M. Barlow doth this so confidently , as he did the former of vnity of names . Let one example suffice for this matter , by which alone the Reader may of himselfe coniecture of the rest . Alexander the third is charged to haue sēt Fredericke the first his picture to the Turke , that he might by the same know him , & kill him also , if he came into his hands , and that euen whiles he was fighting the Lords battailes : which obiection M. Barlow saith , pincheth the Pope to the quick . And I must confesse , that had the matter bene as he doth relate it● none can deny , but it had bene very barbarous indeed . But in the last chapter of F. Parsons ensuing Discussion , it is shewed , and conuinced most euidently , that Alexander was dead at least 7. yeares before that Frederick euer thought of going against the Turke , and eight before he came into Armenia . VVhat ignorance then is there in this Minister , so to write and triumph vpon lyes ? How shall his Auditory belieue what he teacheth them out of the pulpit , that blusheth not to vtter such false and iniurious slanders in a printed booke ? 16. I might heere most of all insist vpon his dealing with Pope Innocentius the fourth , whom he relateth to haue done many things against Frederick the second , vpon the credit of Vrspergensis ; and yet that very Author saith , that they fell out betweene Gregory the 9. and Fred●rick , many years before Innocentius was Pope . And yet such a writer is M. Barlow , as that he will not only ascribe all vnto Innocentius , but also from that supposall , draw this most malicious inference● That he went about to poyson the said Emperour . What more blind ignorance , and malicious dealing can be imagined then this ? But for that this is afterwards very largely handled in the last Chapter of the ensuing Discussion , I will here no further treat therof : nor yet of his telling the Reader out of Binnius & Cicarella , that Pope Sixtus statua of brasse was , for that he was extremely hated , after his death cast downe &c. which all Rome , and the statua it selfe yet standing conuince to be a lye , & Binnius hath no such word in this Popes life ; neyther doth Cicarella say at all , that it was cast downe . But it delighteth M. Barlow like a blynd horse in the battaile , boldly to aduenture vpon any thing , be it neuer so false , fond , or improbable . The like ● kill he sheweth in making Conradus à Lichetenau to be a different writer from Vrspergensis , and Petrus à Vin●is to differ from Petrus à Vinea , with other infinite like ouersights in this kind , which cleerly shew that to be true of himselfe , wherwith he charged his aduersary F. Parsons , but could exemplify in no particular , In storyes he is a great florisher , but a false relator of them . 17. Neyther is he a more false relator of historyes then an vnkillfull interpreter of the holy Scriptures ; in which it is strange to see , how he tosseth the text , what sense he yieldeth , and what Commentaryes he maketh thereon , and that either by mistaking the meaning of the words , or by ridiculous application , or by forcing arguments from the same , which haue no dependance , no coherence , or agreement with the place he cyteth , yea not sticking ●ometymes to corrupt the very text it selfe with ●ome addition of his owne thereunto , to make it conclude more forcibly against vs : so saucy he is ●n so sacred a matter . I will giue briefly one example ●n ech kind , where the Spouse in the Canticles is commended for all manner of vertues● vnder the allegoricall types of Myrh , Frankencense , and all A●othecaryes dust : what thinke you , doth Barlow●ake ●ake of this dust ? Doth he interpret it to signifie any particuler vertue ? Nothing lesse . For he saith , it is worldly delights of honour and wealth : for that 's p●luis pigmentarius , saith he , the Merchants ( he should say Apothecaryes ) wisest● and quoteth in the margent the Canticles , and place where it is to be found . And is not this , trow you , a great commendation of the Spouse , that she ascendeth through the desert of this earth with al worldly delights of honor & wealth , which tickle the eyes , and blindes the sight of the wisest ? What may not be proued by Scriptures , where such application is allowed ? And here to make the best Commentary in M. Barlowes excuse , there is at least great mistaking of the true sense of the word dust , which I thinke in no other Author besides himself , is taken for worldly delights of honour , and wealth ; as neyther in any Dictionary that euer I saw , is pigmentarius taken for a Merchant . But M. Barlow hath absolute authority to gayne-say both Grammar , Scriptures , and all manner of learning . 18. As for ridiculous application , what more fond conceipt could he make , then to compare Gods diuine prouidence vnto Rammes-hornes : for thus speaking thereof , he saith : The prouidence of God in gouerning of his Church , is like the ruinating of the walls of Hierico by Rammes-hornes : it is powerfull , not violent ; spirituall , but not visible ; by meanes weake in shew , mighty in ●ffect . So he . And to omit the ridiculous interpretatiō , or rather inuersion of trumpets into Rammes-hornes , whereas they were of mettall , as S. Hierome , Origen , and others affirme , or made of horne , as some later writers , and so to be called rather Cornets , then Rammes-hornes , with which I thinke no man can soūd any blast : to omit this foolish error ( I say ) me thinkes M. Barlow in this Commentary is very forgetfull of himself ; for in another place he maketh these powerfull , spirituall , and mighty Rammes-hornes to be very weake , poore , and feeble ; for thus he speaketh of his Maiestyes Apology with contempt to F. Persons : As if ( saith he ) the Apologers Answer like Hiericoes walls , should presently fall with the blast of a Ramms-horne , and a few turnes about it : and citeth the same place as before . So as now the force of the Ramms-hornes is very feeble : for the ruinating of the walls , by this reasō is more to be ascribed to their owne weakenes , then to any power of the Rammes-hornes . For in case they were so powerfull , spirituall , and mighty , the resemblance which here Syr William makes , should be very simple : for I thinke he will not say that the Apologers Answere is more powerfull then Gods prouidence , which before he compared to the Rammes-hornes . Or if he doe , I can say no more , but that for his labour he well deserueth to be put to the horne at Edenburrough . 19. In another place going about to proue , that the Right which the Church hath against heretikes , eyther for their conuersion or chastisement , is Ius innatum , bred within it , & inseparable from it ; how ( thinke yow ) doth he proue the same against F. P●rsons , who sayd , that is was Ius acquisitum ? Very pithily yow may imagine : for thus he writeth . No sooner was there a Church designed , but this right was annexed , Semen mulieris conteret caput serpentis , as the enmity for contradiction , so the right for suppression is natiue . Thus M. Barlow , & no more . And is not this well proued , thinke yow ? The seed of the woman shall bruze the serpents head ; that is , Christ the Sonne of the Virgin shall ouercome the diue● , ergo , it is Ius innatum , to punish heretikes . Me thinkes this argument proues M. Barlow more to be a Naturall , then any natiue right to be in the Church . For what is there here to signify the Church , to signify heretikes , to signify this in-bred right ? Truly I see no more coherence betweene the Scripture and the foresaid argument , then I see in this which followes ; Our Sauiour cured a man of the palsy : ergo , M. Barlow is troubled with the gout . But let vs go on . 20. Last of all , for adding to the holy text ; what more euident example can be desired then that which he bringeth out of Deuteronomy , to proue that bloudy artycle of the Kinges Supremacy in Ecclesiasticall causes ? Bloudy I say , for that more effusion of bloud of Ecclesiasticall men hath bene made for that one point enacted by Parlament , then by all the lawes of former tymes , for the space of a thousand yeares togeather , which yet is not only by all Catholikes denyed , reiected by Caluin , and the Puritans ; but vtterly condemned also by the Lutherans , and all learned Protestants . Against all which M. Barlow will needes proue by Scripture this vsurped authority , saying : God in his Word hath appointed Kinges to be Guardians of b●th the Tables , to commaund & prohibite , not in ciuill affaires only , but in matters also concerning religion saith S. Augustine : and citeth Deuteron . 17. & 18 , verse . But in our bookes eyther Hebrew , Greeke , or Latin we fynd no such commission giuen to Kinges , nor any one syllable of their being Guardians of both Tables , or of any commaund in matters of Religion in this place , as elsewhere by the Author of the Supplement he is more fully and roundly tould . And so yow see , to what desperate attempts this Minister is driuen to defend a falsity . 21. Touching the last point which remayned to be treated , of M. Barlowes ignorance in matters of diuinity , for that it is his chief profession , I shall more inlarge my self therein , & ioyne issue with him in one entire disputation , and that not the meanest , but rather the chiefest of his whole booke : for in no other that I know , doth he vse so many tearmes of art , or make so great vaūt or shew of learning , courage , & cōfidence , as in the same , to wit his discourse to proue a contradiction in Bellarmine concerning three Conclusions of his , about Iustification and confidence to be reposed in our good workes . But before I enter this combate , it will not be amisse to let the Reader see some part of his skill in another matter or two , that thereby he may take a scātling of the rest . 22. First then he must know , that eyther M. Barlowes choice was so bad , or iudgement so small , that he neuer almost cyteth the Maister of Sentences , S. Thomas of Aquine , or other Schoolemen , but that he doth commonly very ignorantly mistake them , or maliciously bely them , or some way or other peruert them . For example he maketh S. Thomas to say , That if an Vsurper or Intruder commaund thinges vnlawfull , yet in those thinges the subiects must notwithstanding obey , propter vitandum scandalum , aut periculum , and then addeth : Of this Diuinity Iudge not , ti 's their owne . But I answere , t' is M. Barlowes lye , & not S. Thomas his Diuinity ; who answering an argument , that the power of many Kinges is vsurped , and therefore they not to be obayed , saith : That a man is ●ound to obey , so far forth as the order of Iustice doth require , and therefore if they haue not lawfull principality , but vsurped , or commaund vniust thinges ; the subiects are not bound to obey them , vnles perhaps per accidens , for auoyding of scandall or daunger . So S. Thomas : and here is no mention of vnlawfull things commaunded , but of vniust , for a King may commaund things that are vniust ; as that his subiects giue him all the money or goodes they haue ; whereto for feare of daunger they may yield , which they could not doe , were the thing of it owne nature vnlawfull : which is S. Thomas his expresse doctrine in the next precedent article : neyther is there here ( must notwithstanding obey ) but the contrary , that absolutely they are not bound to obey , vnles perhaps it be for some other cause , as of scādall or daunger : in which cases they may , to saue their liues , or for auoyding the hurt and offence of others , doe those thinges which are vniustly commaunded thē , so they be not of their owne nature vnlawfull , but only in respect of the Cōmaunder , who eyther cōtrary to iustice , or by vsurped authority doth cōmaund thē . 23. Of this nature is that graue resolution of his taken , as he would haue it seeme , from S. Thomas his scholler Medina , That to full liberty , is required an vnlimited scope for the iudgement to deliberate . Of which he shall heare more afterwards : for this vnlimited scope for the iudgmēt , is no other thing , thē the vnlimited ignorance of Syr William , which passeth all bound & measure . Againe where he citeth S. Thomas , touching actiue & passiue scandall , which is refuted in this worke at large , and where he sayth very boldly , but ignorantly , that the said Doctour confineth al proud men within two sortes , one of thē which aduance themselues aboue others , the other of such which arrogate to themselues that which is aboue them , and beyond their pitch : which seemeth to be aboue the pitch of his skill ; for S. Thomas maketh 4. sortes of pride , as any may see in the place cited in the margent , though in the place which M. Barlow citeth , I confesse there be not so many sorts specified : for in his 33. question and 5. article he mētioneth none at all . So as M. Barlow roues at randome , and speaketh without booke , and thinkes all to be well , so he say somewhat , true , or false , and make a fond florish with the citing of schoolmen . Of this very stamp is his other of fatum , and prouidence , in denying fatum to be prouidence , retorted vpon him by F. Persons in this Answere . And truly if M. Barlow be wise , he will , if he write againe , be more wary in dealing with Schoolmen , and alleadging their authorities , for that kind of learning far surpasseth the compasse of his shallow capacity . 24. Another thing may be , to consider what strange Paradoxes he inserts here and there as positiōs dogmaticall , which who so listeth in practise to follow , shall either haue no religion or faith at all ; or insteed of Christs Ghospell , the Turks Alcoran . For exāple , what more grosse and wicked assertion can there be , then to teach that Kings euen against our conscience are to be obeyed . For thus he replyeth against F. Persons saying , that Kings were to be obeyed ; propter cōscientiā , sed non contra conscientiā . This ( saith M. Barlow ) is no sound doctrine in the negatiue part : for euen against a mans Conscience the Prince is to be obeyed . Againe : There is nothing more easy for proofe , or euident for d●monstration , then that obedience is to be enioyned , ●u●n against conscience , if it be erroneous , and leaprous ; and against religion if forged and falsely so called . And is not this a very learned Axiome ? For more euident refutation whereof , let vs suppose that for which we powre forth our daily prayers to God , that his Maiesty were as all his Noble Progenetors of both Realmes haue alwayes bene , a Catholick Prince , and as zealous for the truth therof as now he is for the Protestant cause , if then he should propose vnto Syr Williā the Oath of Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome , so cleerly out of Scriptures , and all antiquity , proued and euinced to be true , but yet in the blind eyes and leaprou● conscience of this Minister thought to be false ; what would he doe therin ? Will he sweare it to be true ? But in his conscience he thinketh it to be false , and against the Scriptures . Will he refuse it ? But Kings ( saith he ) euen against conscience are to be obeyed . 25. Neyther doth he help the matter any thing at all by his distinction of leaprous and erroneous conscience , for with men of his stamp , conscience is like a cheuerell point , which they may stretch & loose at their pleasure . For who knoweth not , that in the tyme of Q. Mary they were held to haue erroneous & leaprous consciences , euen by the iudgement of the greatest deuines in Geneua , who manteyned , that women were to be obeyed , albeit they were Queenes , euen in ciuill and temporall affaires ? But within one yeare after , this errour and leaprosy was so transposed , that the quite contrary was taught , and they were not only held to haue leaprous and erroneous consciences who denyed ciuill obedience , but were condemned also as Traitours by Parlament , if they did deny Q. Elizabeth to be the Supreme head or Gouernesse of the Church of England . So that , it was not only lawfull , but necessary for her to haue all Temporall and Ecclesiasticall gouernmēt in her hands as she was Queen ; which yet in Q. Mary to haue ciuill only , euen by reason of her sex , was iudged monstrous , vnnaturall and repugnāt to the Scriptures , and law of God. Many other examples might be produced in this kind , to shew this new Gospell to be as constant as the weathercocke , which neuer turneth but when the wynd doth change , to wit , as often as occasions fall out that may fit their purpose : for then they will strayne all conscience and honesty also , to conforme themselues & become good subiects . 26. Much like vnto this of obeying Kings against our conscience , is his other prophane and barbarous assertion of the Supremacy of the heathen Emperours , Nero , Domitian , and the rest ouer the Christian Church ; yea which is more strange , that the auncient Fathers Iustinus Martyr , Irenaeus , Tertullian and others acknowledged the same . But you must know , that M. Barlow in cyting their words for proofe of this paradox is very silent , howsoeuer with all cōfidēce as a maxime in his new Deuinity vncōtrollable , he deliuereth the same , saying : That they acknowledged the Emperors Supremacy indepēdant vpon any but God. And a litle after , that Queene Elizabeth in her Supremacy was no vsurper by Nouell-claime , but accepted what God himselfe had annexed to her crowne . Out of which I first note , that by this Doctrine , the Great Turke is supreme Head of the Christian Church in Greece ; and that if M. Barlow were there , for such he would acknowledge him . Secondly , the Pythagoricall manner of speaking which our Aduersaries vse in matters of greatest moment and controuersie . For whereas before King H●nry the eight , no Christian King euer tooke that title , or vsurped any such authority ouer the Church ; yea for challenging much lesse , Constantius was called Antichrist both by S. Athanasius and S. Hilary : these men without all profe , but not without singuler impupudency , thinke it sufficient to say● that the King is head of the Church , that he was so acknowledged by the ancient Fathers , that not only a woman may haue the same authority of Supremacy in all causes Ecclesiasticall ; but that also the heathen Emperours had it as annexed to their Crowne , and Imperiall Dignitie , euen against the whole torrent of all writters , the practise of the Christian world , and euident text of Scripture it selfe ; no Fathers , no history , no monument , no shew , or shaddow of proofe , or authority in former tymes being found for the same , without many straines , violent enforcements , or ridiculous illations made there-upon , as in the arguments of the Protestants , who haue treated this controuersie , is euery where to be seene . 27. Lastly the Reader may note , that M. Barlow is so poore a Deuine , as eyther he knoweth not what belongeth to matters of faith , or els is so wicked , as against his owne knowledge , he will auouch that for true which is checked euen by his owne brethren , and conuinced by common sense and experiēce to be most false , to wit , that the Protestants and the Puritanes in England differ only in ma●ters cerimoniall , and agree in all ●ss●ntiall and substantiall points concerning religion , in which this Prelate is very cathegoricall ( for ignorance , as himself elswhere telleth vs out of Fathers and Philosophers , though he cite no place or sentence , is the mother of a●dacious assertions and vndertakings ) and writteth thus ; Faine they woul● possesse the world , that we are at iarre among our selues , about our religion : whereas the quarrell , though it be ( indeed ) vnkind , yet is it not in this kind sau● only for cerimonyes externall , no points substantiall &c. So he . Which though it be kindly spoken as you see , yet he must giue me leaue to belieue him at leasure , and in the meane tyme ●o aske him one question ; to wit , whether the Protestāts and Puritans vnderstand their ow●e differences that are between thē or not ? If not● then we need not belieue M. Barlow , as speaking of that which he doth not vnderstand . If they doe , how commeth it to passe that they condemne ech other of idolatry , heresy , and false religion , as any may read in the Suruey , and dangerous Positions , set forth by S●●cliffe , and the last Superintendent of Canterbury for the Protestants ; and Cartwright , Gilby , M●rtin Senior , and others for the Puritans ? 28. To this answereth M. Barlowes Comicall companion of Ely , of whome whiles he was silent many had some opinion of learning , but since all is resolued to lying , immodest rayling , and some few light Terentian & Plautinian phrases , which aswel b●seeme a Deuine , writing in matters of such moment , and in defence of so great a Monarch , to dally withall , as it doth a Bishop to lead a morrice-daunce in his hose and dublet : This man , I say , answereth hereunto , that perhaps so the case stood then , when those Protestants did write , but that is well neere 20. yeares agoe , but now it is otherwise . Which is asmuch , as if he had said , that this new beliefe in England is not like the old , alwayes one , but is refined & altered with the tyme , and therefore no argument can be drawne from a thing done 20. yeares past , for that is to great antiquity for so new-fangled a fayth , which is alwaies in motion , and hath her waynes , changes , quarters , and full , like the Moone . But yet I must aske him further , how he will proue by any example of the Puritan writers , this their change and submission to the Protestants , & conformity of doctrine with thē more now , then 20. yeares past ? Are they not still in the same degree of difference and oppositiō as before ? Doe they not still deny our Sauiours descent into hell ? Do they not disclay me from the English Hierarchie ? Will they acknowledge the Kings Supreme authority in causes Ecclesiasticall , as King Henry did challenge it ? Or will they recall what they haue written of their discipline , that it is an essentiall marke of the Church , without which there were no Church , no Faith , no Ghospell , and consequently the Protestants to be no Ghospellers , to be out of the Church , out of the number of the faithfull ? 29. But for further confutation of both these Superintendents , and more cleere explication of the thing it selfe , besides what is afterwards said in this booke touching this point , it shall not be amisse here to set downe the words of a few Protestant and Puritan late , and yet liuing writers , what they iudge of ech other in this affayre , that our very enemyes may be iudges of the most shamefull assertion of these two Prelates , That the Protestants and Puritans differ in matters only cerimoniall , and agree in essentiall . And the reason that I produce no more in this kind , is for want of their bookes , which being not worth the sending so far , seldome come to our hands . I will begin with the Protestants . 30. And to omit Thomas Rogers , whose testimony is after to be produced in the Discussion it selfe , what other thing doth Oliuer Ormerod in his discouery of Puritan-Papisme annexed to his Picture of a Puritan , prooue , but that the said Puritans are Hereticks , and haue ioyned themselues with the Pharisies , Apostolickes , Arians , Pebuzians , Petrobusians , Florinians , C●rinthiās , Nazarens , Begardines , Ebionites , Catababdites , E●theusiasts , Donatists , Iouinianists , & Catharists . And least any should thinke , that this coniunction is only in matters cerimonial , he laieth to their charge these ensuing heresies , that there is no diuers●●y between a Priest and a Bishop : that Bishops haue no iu●isdiction : that all synnes be equall : that the Minister is of the essence of baptisme , with the like . And in the second dialogue he maketh in plaine tearmes this obiection , that there is no difference in matters fundamentall , but accidentall : and then answereth the same , that they do differ from the Protestants in some things that are fundamentall and substantiall , which he proueth by the article , of Christs descending into hell . And he might haue proued it further by the aboue rehearsed articles , for which Iouinian , Aerius , and others were reputed by the auncient Fathers , and condemned for Hereticks . 31. VVith this Oliuer of Cambridge agreeth A. N. of Oxford in his Bible-bearer , towards the midest , for thus he writeth : They refuse to subscribe to the Kings lawfull authority in causes Ecclesiasticall , to the article of religion , to the booke of Common prayer , and the orders , rites , and cerimonies of our Church ; nay they dissent from vs in things accidentall and cerimoniall . So he . By which last antithesis of accidentall & cerimoniall differences , it is most euident , that the former were essentiall & fundamentall . Neither doe I see , how this can be denyed by any : for if the Puritans refuse to subscribe to the articles of Protestant religion , who seeth not , that they approue it not , and consequently differ in essentiall points , and that M. Barlow ouerlashed very much , when he wrote , that their vnkind quarrell with Puritans was in another kind , and not in matters of religion , wherein , forsooth , out of his great kindnes he will haue them to agree . 32. And not to stand more for proofe hereof from Protestants , D. Couel cleereth the matter , when he saith : But least any man should thinke , that our contentions were but in smaller points , and the difference not great ; both sides haue charged the other with heresies ( if not infidelities ) nay euen such as quite ouerthrow the principall foundation of our Christian faith . Thus he . And this I thinke is another manner of matter then externall cerimonies , or accidentall differences : for if this be not a plaine iarre amongst Protestants and Puritans in Religion , I would faine know what M. Barlow will more require thereunto ? but I see S. Gregories wordes verified in these men , where he saith : solent haeretici alia apertè dicere , alia occultè cogitare , the heretikes are wont to speake otherwise openly , then inwardly they thinke : for when they deale amongst themselues then are Protestants and Puritans heretikes and infidells to ech other : but when they answere vs , then all are friendes , all good Christians , all vnited in doctrine , & deuided only in cerimonies & accidentall differences . This is another manner of equiuocation , then any of our schooles will allow , and only fit for such as are his schollers qui in veritate non stetit , sed mendax fuit ab initio . 33. From Protestants I come to Puritans , who in this case are no lesse eager , playne , and resolute then the Protestants , but rather more ; for this in expresse tearmes the Author of the Twelue generall arguments concludeth against all the Superintendents of England togeather , that they are Vsurpers , and Tyrants , and execute an vsurped power ouer the Church : and one reason to proue the same is ex concessis ; for that their Ecclesiastical iurisdiction is deriued from the King , else , say they , it is a flat deniall of his Supremacy , as there they shew . And in the next reason , which is the 4. and last , brought in for proofe of their assumption or minor , thus they conclude : There are no true and sober Christians but will say , that the Churches of Sco●land France , the Low Countryes , and other places ( that renounce such Archbishops and Bishops ( as ours are ) as Anti-christian and vsurping Prelates ) are true Churches of God , which they could not be , if the authority & prerogatiues they claime to themselues were of Christ , and not vsurped : for if it were the ordinance of Christ Iesus , that in euery kingdome that receaueth the Ghospell , there should be one Archbishop ouer the whole kingdome , one Bishop ouer many hundred Pastors in a kingdome , and all they inuested with that authority and iurisdiction Apostolicall , which they clayme iure diuino to be due `vnto them , by the ordinance of Christ ; certainly that Church which should renounce and disclayme such an authority ordayned in the Church , cannot be a true Church , but the Synagogue of Sathan : for they that should renounce , and deny such , must needs therin renounce , and deny Christ himself . Thus the assumption is cleared . So the Author . 34. To which argument as the Catholicks for true Bishops will willingly graunt the sequele● that the Church of the Puritans is no Church , but a Synagogue of Sathan , for that it wanteth them● so I see not what M● Barlow and his Protestants can reply thereunto● for if Episcopall authority be diuino● then cell of Rome , condemned the same , togeather with the Author therof . So these Lutherans . But with our beggarly English Protestants all is fish that cōmeth to the ne●● , and of these outcast raggs they must patch vp a Church , or els confesse that before Luther , they haue none to whome they can accrew . 39. And truly it is a pittifull thing to see what raggs some of them are not ashamed to gather vp , what Hereticks , I say , they will professe to ioyne withall in opinions most brutish , and blasphemous , deuided amongst themselues , and discarded by the more learned Protestants , that the Reader may well with the Po●t demaund , quid sequar ? aut quem ? For M. Symons draweth in Petrús Abilardus , who though he died a repentant Catholicke , and a religious Monk of the Abbey of Cluny in France ( which singuler grace I find only graunted by Almighty God to no other Sect. Maisters , but Berengarius & him ) yet whiles he liued in error he maintayned , that Christ tooke not flesh to redeeme mankind , that he had two persons , that he was not God , and the like . Doth not this man stoope low for help thinke you ? Againe he togeather with M. Fox admitteth for brethren the beastly and barbarous Albigenses , who had their beginning , as Massonius writeth , from one Henry Bruis , of whom and whose filthy life S. Bernard maketh mention . And these were so far of from being Ghospellers , as they could not endure the Ghospell it self , which hauing first most villainously abused , at the siege of 〈◊〉 , they cast it ouer the Walls , towards the Catholike Army , shooting many arrowes after it , and crying aloud vnto the Souldiers , ecce lex vestra miseri , behould o miserable men , your law , or as Matthew Paris relateth it , sit● behould your law , we care not for it , take it to your selues . I omit their execrable blasphemies against our Bl. Sauiour himself & S. Mary Magdalen , not to offend Christian eares therwith , for which our Sauiour seemed to take reuenge vpon them on the feast , and in the Church of the same Saint , where 7000. of them were slaine , as saith Massaeus , or many more , as Heisterbachius who then liued . Now what greater discredit can there be to the Protestants , and their cause , then then to rake Hell , and make Saints of these damned soules , enemies of all piety , most seditious and rebellious spirits ? But to proceed . 40. To these by M. Buckley , Fox , Abbotts , & others , are adioyned the Waldenses , whom they will haue to be but schollers or rather followers of the former : but this following is only in tyme & not in doctrine , if we well consider what most authors write of them both , and M. Fox is not ashamed to draw into his den fanatical Almericke , making him , for more credit , of a Priest a Byshop . But M. Iewell with one blast bloweth away all these clouted patches of this beggarly Church , saying thus : Of Abilard and Almerick and certaine other your strange names ( M. Harding meaneth Apostolicks , Petrobusians , Wald●nses , Albigenses & Image-breakers ) we haue no skill , & they are none of ours . So he : ouerthrowing in few words all M. Fox his laborious endeauours to make them Saints , Martyrs , & true Ghospellers : so well do these men agree among themsel●es in buylding vp the babylonicall tower of their new deuised and confused Synagogue , one denying what another graunteth ; yea one and the selfe same man fighting with himself , saying & vnsaying , affirming and denying . For in the very tenth page of that defence , M. Iewell writeth : As for Iohn Wickliff , Iohn Husse , Waldo , and the rest , they were godly men , their greatest heresy was this , that they complayned of the dissolute and vitious liues of the Clergy &c. 41. Lo here Waldo is a godly man without error in doctrine , & yet of his followers M. Iewell hath no skil , they are none of his . Whereas notwithstanding you may be sure the schollers agreed in all things with their maisters . Which of these two M. Iewell wil you beleeue ? Truely as for the godlines of Waldo I find no great record , so neither will M. Iewell be able to shew wherin he disagreed from the Waldensians , who as Guido the Carmelite writeth , did hold amongest diuers other things which I pretermit , that no man might iudge another for life and death , because it is written , nolite iudicare , Iudge you not : That Lay-men had authority giuen them from Almighty God to heare Confessions , and absolue from sinnes ; That all carnall copulation when men are tempted therunto is lawfull . They contemned the Apostles Creed , and would haue Masse said but once in the yeare , to wit on Maunday-Thursday , by saying seauen Pater Nosters , and blessing the bread and wine &c. This and much more was the godly doctrine of M. Iewells Doctor Waldo , whose learning was equall to his vertue ; for he could scant as most Authors affirme , either write or read . But I meane no further to prosecute this argument , of which who listeth to read more , may peruse what Coccius , the Author of the Protestants Apology , & F. Persons in the last part of his three Conuersions , haue written hereof , and he will rest satisfied . Now I come to examin M. Barlowes disputation , & what skill of Diuinity he sheweth in the same . 42. He entreth into the list with great courage , & tells the Reader , that F. Persons standeth ouer the Cardinall , as if he were gasping for breath , vnder the blow he hath receaued for his contradictions , and makes the Father as a Chirurgion of the camp to cure three or foure of them : which M. Barlow will needs lance againe , and cut as he thinketh to the quick ; but vseth such dull instruments & that so weakely , as he doth neither cut , nor bruze , though much he labour to do his best , and after some ten pages spent in idle babling , lying , and ignorant disputing , like a victorious conquerour in the end excusing himself for the length of his discourse , by reason that F. Persons did set vp ( saith he ) his crest , and rest vpon it , that if in this , there be any contradiction , he will yield that the Apologer hath not ouerlashed in the other , he concludeth triumphantly , saying : Let the vnpartiall tryall be the seuere iudge either way . Which I also desire , and withall aduertise the Reader , that in some things I am the shorter where much aduantage is giuen , for that the same is afterwards by F. Persons himself handled in due place in the ensuing discussion . 43. The controuersy then in hand , is about the comfort which our meritorious actions do yield , and what confidence is to be reposed in them , which the Cardinall deliuereth in three Conclusions , the last whereof M. Barlow will haue not only to contradict the two former , but to be opposite to all the ●iue bookes which are written of that matter : which because as F. Persons well noted it seemed strange , that fiue bookes should be contradictory to one propositiō , M. Barlow telleth him he should rather haue thought it to be a very strange conclusion , which in so small a roomth should haue matter to crosse a discourse so large . This then we shall now discusse ; and for better perspicuity I will lay downe togeather the three conclusions of the Cardinall , which M. Barlow will haue to be so contradictory ; and then examine his proofes for the same . The first is , The confidence of holy men which they repose in God , proce●d●th not from only faith , but from then good merits , and therfore we are to labour all we can f●● merits , that therby we may haue confidence in God. The second . Some confidence may be placed in good merits , whic● are knowne to be such , so that pride be auoyded . The third . For the vncertainty of our righteousnes , and danger of vaine glory , the surest way is to place all our confidence i● the only mercy and bounty of God. So Bellarmine● prouing ech assertion out of the Scriptures & aūcient Fathers , but before-hand giuing this caueat to the Reader ( which cleane dasheth a good part of M. Barlowes verball assault ) that it is not all one to say , that confidence may arise or grow from merits , and that confidence may be placed in merits , for it may so fall out , that a ma● may repose almost no confidence in his merits , for that he knoweth not certainly whether he haue any true merits or not , and yet he may abound both with true & great merits : and out of these merits there may proceed in him a great confidence towards God : by which distinction the whole c●ntrou●rsy may be decided and diuers authorities of Scriptures and Fathers ( which oth●rwis● may seeme repugnant ) be reconciled . Thus the Cardinall● Now let vs see what Syr William doth bring to impugne this doctrine , and to proue it contradictory ? 44. He beginneth with a diuision of vera and per●●c●a iustitia , which he calleth the two principall h●ads , to which all the chiefe questions of that con●rouersy in Bellarmine may by reduced . By iustice●e ●e vnderstandeth inherent , and by perfect iustice , that which is able to abide the triall of Gods iudgement . But ●ere is much mistaking , for that neyther doth Bellar. ●n this sense call our iustice perfect , neyther can the perfectiō of a thing which must needes be intrinsecall ●o the essence , be said properly to depend of an extrinsecall effect , as is the triall of Gods iudgement , or the reward which is giuen in respect of our righteousnes that proceedeth frō the inherēt grace within vs , without any relatiō or depēdāce of the future iudgmēt at al. 45. From this diuision he cōmeth to a distinction of vncertainty , which he saith , is either rei , or personae , of righteousnes it self , or of the party that hath it . This is as wise as the former : for I would faine know of M. Barlow , how there can be inc●rti●udo rei , vnles it be de futuris contingentibus ? for a thing , as it is existent , cannot be vncertaine , but hath his being & essence , and therewith his truth & vnity . And in M. Barlowes example , the hypocrite who hath no true righteousnes , and consequently not inherent , cannot be said to haue incertitudinem r●i , for that it is certaine , as we do suppose , that he hath no righteousnes at all : and all the vncertainty depēds on the person , who thinketh him to haue righteousnes when he hath it not , & not of the thing it self , which is determinatae Veritatis , of determinate truth in the affirmatiue or negatiue , and truth ( to vse M. Barlowes Martiall manner of speaking ) either of ●ss●nce or propri●ty cassi●res all vncertainty , the affirmatiue or negatiue : so a● still M. Barlow stumbleth , and with his subtile distinctions ouerreacheth himself , and confoundeth all learning . 46. Well then , this vncertainty being of the person , what saith he thereunto ? In this he is somewhat briefe , but very confident , and concludeth thus : If it be of the person , then merit is cut of . And why good Sir ? For merit ( saith he ) raiseth a confidence , but where there is no comfort there can be no cōfidence , & in vncertainty there is no comfort ; for relyance on that whereof a man doubts , causeth rath●r a feare to be deceaued , then a confidence to be releiued . So he . Which argument supposeth as graunted , that our meritorious workes breed confidence , which we deny not , if he meane of that confidence towards God before mentioned : & then it rūneth in this forme : Where there is no comfort there is no confidence : but in vncertainty there is no comfort , ergo , no confidence : and so consequently no merit . That the force of this syllogisme may the better appeare , I shall apply it to another matter thus : Where there is no comfort , there is no confidence : but when our Sauiour prayed in the garden , & sayd , tristis est anima mea vsque ad mortem , and cryed ou● on the Crosse , my God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? there was no comfort , ergo , no confidence ; and then Caluins blasphemous and desperate illation of our Sauiours despairing on the Crosse will soone be proued , from which all learned Protestants no lesse then Catholicks , do worthily disclaime . But this is the diuinity of Syr William . 47. Againe , there is great equiuocation in the word vncertainty , which M. Barlow taketh in the most generall and absolute signification , as excluding all manner of certainty and knowledg whatsoeuer ; when as in Bellarmyne it is taken far otherwise : for in the second Chapter of his third booke , hauing distinguished two sorts of certaintyes , the one euident , the other obscure . Of this later he maketh three degrees : the first is of the certainty of faith , cui nulla ratione potest subesse falsum ; the second of such things as are belieued for humane authority , but so common as it excludeth all feare though not all falsity : for that all men may be false , and either deceaue , or be in such things deceaued . Of this sort , he puteth for examples , that Cicero and Virgil were famous men , that Augustus Caesar was Emperour , that Alexandria is in Egypt , Constantinople in Thrace , Hierusalem in Palestine , Antioch in Asia ; and then declareth the last degree in this manner : Tertium gradum habent illa quae tot signis & coniecturis nituntur , vt securum hominem reddant , & anxietatem excludant , non tamen formidinem omnem expellant : a●que haec dicitur certitudo coniecturalis , & opinionis est po●iùs 〈◊〉 fidei . That is : these things haue the last degree of certainty , which are grounded on so many signes and coniectures , that they make a man secure , & exclude all anxiety , though they expell not all feare : and this is called coniecturall certainty , & it is rather to be termed the certainty of opinion , then the certainty of faith . So B●llarmyne . And by this coniectura●l certainty I assure my self , that M. Barlow vnderstandeth not the thing , wherof now he disputeth , but shoo●eth wyde of the marke in mistaking the very termes of the question , and then fighting with his owne fiction , as if it were indeed his aduersaries positiue assertion ; for Bellarmyne disputing against the hereticall opinion of these dayes , which is , that a man must be certayn certitudine fidei , cui non potest subesse falsum , that he is in the state of grace , still taketh the word certainty or vncertainty in this sense : for so he seteth downe the state of the Question in the end of his second chapter . Status igitur quaestionis &c. Wherfore the state of the question , if it be set downe without deceipt , & amb●guity must be this : whether a man without speciall r●uelation ought , or may be certaine , with the certainty of faith , which excludes all falsity , that his sinnes are forgiuen him . So he● Plainly declaring of what certainty he speaketh , to wit of that , which of all others is the greatest , and most infallible . 48. Which being supposed , let vs examine how well to the purpose M. Barlow talketh of vncertainty when he sayth , but in vncertainty there is no comfort . Where if he take the word vncertainty , as it excludeth all certainty , it is true ; but then he abuseth the Reader , for B●llarmyne taketh it not so , but supposeth & proueth the contrary : if he take it as it is a deniall only of the certainty of faith , then it is most false ; for it may haue other certainty sufficient to yield comfort , though it haue not this , yea confidence as it is hope cannot possibly stand with that absolute certainty . For who can be said to hope for that which he is certayn to haue ? Or were it not a ridiculous manner of speach to say , that the soules of the Saints in heauen hope for the resurrectiō of their bodyes , which infallibly they know shal be restored , & reunited againe vnto thē ? Or that we hope that God will iudge both the wicked & iust , punishing the first with endles torments , and rewarding the other with euerlasting felicity ? Well may the Saints be sayd to expect their bodyes , and we the iudgment , but neyther the one , nor the other by reason of their vndoubted certainty can be hoped for , as is euident . 49. And whereas M. Barlow saith , that relianc● on that whereof a man ●oubts , causeth rather a feare to be deceaued , then a confid●nce to be relieued , is far from the purpose , & a new changing of the terme . For who saith , that a man doubteth of his iustice or righteousnes ? Bellarmyme expresly denyeth it , and saith , that the morall certainty that a man hath of his merits or iustification , is so great , that although it take not away all feare ; yet doth it exclude all anxiety , and wauering , yea doubting also , if he may be sayd to doubt , who assenteth to neyther part . So he . Which may be made more cleere by the example of S. Paul , debet in spe qui arat , arare , he that tilleth the ground , must till it in hope , that is , hope that the ground tilled , will bring forth fruit ; and he who thus hopeth is neyther certayn that he shall reape the fruite , for then he would not hope the same , & it may so fall out , as that he may reape none at all : neyther yet is he doubtfull whether he shall , or shall not , for he hopeth that he shall , and for that he hath many reasons , and so assenteth to the affirmitiue part , or els he would neuer haue sowen : as likewise doth the sayler on the seas , for if he were as doubtfull of drowning , as ariuing vnto the port he sayleth to , he would neuer I thinke aduenture to passe them ouer . And whether this morall certainty which both sowers and saylers haue , be not sufficient to yield them rather confidence to be relieued , then a feare to be deceaued , needeth no other proofe then the common practice & custome , which in the one , and in the other we daily behold . From this argument M. Barlow with like good fortune proceedeth to another thus : 50. This also ( saith he ) crosseth the very next precedent proposition , that some confidence may be reposed in our owne righteousnes and good workes , if men be assured that they be good workes . But by this proposition in hand , it seemes none can be assured . If they may , why doth he ●al it incertitudinē iustitiae nostrae , the vncertainty of o●● righteousnes ? If they may not , wh●re then is their c●nfid●nce ? or how m●y they settle it ? If some may , and others not , he should haue described , and distinguished them , or els that foregoing proposition might well haue bene spared● which af●oards little vse and lesse comfort ; and in that regard is directly opposite to this last , which is full of confidence and consolation . Hitherto M. Barlow , fighting like a blind man with his face turned from his aduersary , and then florishing in the ayre , where all his dry blowes do but beat against the wynd , and touch not B●llarmine at all● whose words had he seene and vnderstood , he would neuer I thinke haue framed this idle conceipt . For what contradiction is there , I pray you betweene these two propositions : some confidence may be reposed in our good workes , so that by morall coniecturall certainty we know them to be such , and this other , for that if we speake of the certaynty of faith , which can be subiect to no falsity , we are vncertain whether our workes be meritorious or not ; and therefore in respect thereof as also to auoyd pride , is is best to repose all our confidence in the mercy and bountifulnes of Almighty God. Truly no more , then is in this other , They that thinke themselues morally assured of M. Barlows fidelity , may repose some confidence in him : but because this their assurance is not so great , but that they may be deceaued , as he deceaued his maister the Earle of Ess●x , who reposed so much confidence in him , by proclayming out of the pulpit at Paules Crosse those things which the other before his death , for the quieting of his conscience had disclosed vnto him in secret , therefore it is best to let him alone , and trust to Almighty God , of whose fidelity no man can haue any cause to feare , or doubt . 51. By which is easily answered the foresaid argument , the force whereof resteth vpon these contradictory termes , that , a man may be assured of his good workes , and , none can be assured of their good workes : but neyther the one , nor the other is in this place of Bellarmine . For he saith not , that a man may be assured , but , that if he be assured : and in the second , for the vncertainty of our righteousnes , and not , none can be assured of their righteousnes : for so it were a contradiction , if the word ass●red were taken in the selfe same sense & signification in both places . But as the words lye in B●llarm . albeit he should speak of the same certainty in both places ( as he doth not ; ) yet were it not any contradiction at all , for both partes are true : the first , that men may repo●e confidence in their good workes , if with the certainty of faith ( as they may doe by diuine reuelation ) they know them to be such● the second thus , for the vncertainty of our righteousnes ( for without reuelation we cannot be sure therof ) it is best to repose all our confidence in the mercy of Almighty God. Wherein here standeth the contradiction ? And M. Barlow sheweth great ignorance in this matter , when he saith that , by this proposition of Bellarmine , it s●emeth that none can be assured : if they may , why doth he call it incertitudinem iustitiae nostrae , the vncertainty of our righteousnes ? This , I say , is very simple stuffe : for doth not this Prelate preach● somtymes to his people of the vncertainty of the houre of death , and yet God may reueale to any man in particuler of his audience , when he shall dye ? Now of these two propo●●●●ōs , i● a man be certayn of the houre of his death , he needeth not to be wa●ned by the Preacher , and for that men are ordinarily vncertayn●● therfore it is good that the Preachers put them often in mind therof ; what Deuine , what Philosopher● yea what man of common sense and iudgment , vnles he haue as little wit and learning as this Minister , would say that one part of this argumēt were contradictory to the other ? I think the man was musing o● some other matter , when he wrote this patched , ill-coherent , and ignorant discourse . 52. I pretermit his idle cauill against F. Persons about three questions worthy of M. Barlows profoūd learning , & answered after by the Father himself after which he putteth downe the three conclusions of the Cardinall before alleadged , and then thus like some Grāmaticall Monte-bank frameth this discourse : There cannot be any thing more violently contradicting , yea totally euerting the very principall question : for quatenus implye● that some confidence may be placed in m●rit , but with a limitation tenus qua : this last admits no confining , but drawes our whole confidence from mans m●rit to Gods mercy alone , & carries with it a double contradiction , both subiecti & obiecti , so to speake . Doe not you thinke that he hath spoken well , & much to the purpose ? From these flourishing words let vs come to his proofe , and discusse in a word or two what he bringeth to proue a contradiction in the subiect and obiect . But first I must her● tell the reader , that now he shall finde M. Barlow ou● of his sphere ( I meane out of Erasmus prouerbs , Martialls Epigrams , and other Poets ) and to handl● weapons which he knoweth not how to vse , I mean● the termes of art , which become him as well to deal● withall , as to see an ape fight with a sword & buckle●● for thus he beginneth . 53. The subiect ( saith he ) tota fuducia , mans whole confidence : this excludes all partitiō in it selfe , it must be entire , take it eyther as totum quantitatis , because confidēce may be ●xt●nd●d or r●mitted , be greater or lesse ; or as totum rationis , as it is defined an hope corroborate & perfect ; ●r as totum potentiale seu virtutis , confid●nce of this or that natur● & quality . In which words are many mistakings , and those also very grosse : first confidence being a spirituall quality inherent in the will or secōd power of the soule , cannot be said to haue totum quantitatis , n●que per se , n●que per accidens , as S. Thomas in this very place mentioned by M. Barlow doth teach , as presently we shall see . Againe where he saith that confidence may be extended or remitted , there is an implicancy in the termes , if we speake in the phrase of schoolmen : for only quantity can be extended and only quality remitted : and to ioyne them both togeather , is ( to vse M. Barlowes phrase ) to couple Moyses two b●asts in one yoke , which will not agree : quantity may be extended or contracted , quality intended or remitted ; but to say , that quantity may be remitted , is as proper a speach , as to say , that the nature of a quality is to be deuided , and of a substance to be intended . 54. Neyther was it for nothing that B●rlow●yted ●yted only the bare name of S. Thomas in the margent without all referēce to any place : for had he but quo●ed the part , queston , and article , he should haue di●ected the Reader , where to haue seene his open ignorāce refuted : for S. Thomas disputing how the whole soule is in euery part of the body , sheweth first how many wayes a totality , or wholenes may be taken ; ●nd answereth , that a whole thing may be sayd to be eyther , totum quod diuiditur in p●rtes quantitati●●●● sicut tota linea , vel totum corpus A whole that is deuid●● into his quantitatiue parts , as a whole line , or a whol● body : or a whole that is deuided into essentiall par●●● as a thing defined into the parts or members of the d●finition● or a potentiall , which is deuided into his vi●tuall or operatiue parts ( not of this , or that nature and quality , as M. Barlow very ignorantly conceaueth , or rather mistaketh it : ) and then sayth afterwards , tot●litas quantitatiua non potest attribu● anima , nec per se , n●● per accidens , and how then can confidence haue his totum quantitatiuum ? Or how will M. Barlow measure the same by inches or e●ls , by feet or fathoms ? yea how doth he cite S. Thomas for that which so plainly 〈◊〉 gainsaieth and refuteth ? but ne sutor vltra cr●pidam , M. Barlow , now is beyond Erasm●s Chyliads , & Ouids Metamorphosis . This triple diuision of totality being set downe by M. B●rlow , he adioyneth as out of B●llar●mine these words : The WHOLE , s●ith the Cardinall , whether greater or lesse , whether weake or strong , wh●th●r one or other , is WHOLY to be cast on Gods m●rcy . And is there no difference in your diuinity ( good Syr ) betweene these two speaches , The best course for M. Barlow were to leaue his lyin● , and speake truly ; & , M. B●●low is to leaue his lying , & speake truly , when as the first is but exhortatiue , and the later absolute ? The Cardinall only saith , that the safest way is to repose our whole confidence in Gods mercy alone , and neuer ye● made this absolute proposition , Our whole confidence is wholy to be c●st on Gods mercy alone . What wresting , what forging is this ? And yet this man very deuoutly in this place preacheth vnto vs of cor contritum , which God will haue , and cor diuisum , which he doth hate : but how contrite M. Barlowes hart is , or whether it be deuided or vnited , I know not ; sure I am , that here is double dealing , much ignorance , and nothing with any learning or sincerity handled . 55. From the subiect he cōmeth to the obiect . The obiect also ( saith he ) affoards a strong contradiction , sola misericordia , mercy alone &c. the very force of which word put the tempter to silence , and to flight also , ei soli , him only shalt thou serue . Had the Cardinall said in the first place , mans confidence must , or may be reposed in his owne merits , and afterwards subioyned , mans confidence must , or may be placed in Gods mercy , these had not bene contradictory but communicatiue : merit might haue part staked with mercy : but when he adds in mercy ALONE , merit , Saints , and Angells , and whatsoeuer beside are abondoned and cassiered : for solùm , alone admits no consort , as saith Aquinas . Lo here a short conquest : one word ALONE cassiering from confidence all merits , all Saints , all Angells , and whatsoeuer els , and from M. Barlow himself all learning , all sincerity , all truth , all honesty : this doubtles is a potent word that containeth so great vertue in it . But let vs examine the force of this inference . First I would demaūd of M. Barlow what Saints & Angells haue to doe with the confidence that riseth out of our good wo●kes , that by this word Alone , they should be abandoned & cassierd ? Did euer any affirme , that this confidence of our merits did depend on them , as vpon the obiect of the same ? This is one notorious foolery . 56. Againe , where will he find in all Bellarmyne that solamisericordia , only mercy , is the entire obiect of our confidence ? Doth he no● say , that some confidence may be reposed in our workes , so we be sure they be me●itorious , and that we auoid pride ? He saith in deed , that the securest way is to repose all our confidence in the only mercy of God , but not , that the mercy of God is the only obiect . And M. Barlow whiles he thinketh to put his aduersary to silence , as Christ did the Deuill with the word Only , himselfe is ouercome with temptation of one lye at the least , if he knew what he wrote , or of ignorāce if he knew it not . Moreouer where he addeth , that had the Cardinall said in the first place , mans confidence must , or may be reposed in his owne m●rits , & afterwards had subioyned , mans confidēce must , or m●y be placed in Gods mercy , these had not bene contradictory , but cōmunica●iue ; he both dealeth falsly , and refuteth himselfe : falsly , in foysting in the word must in both propositions , which is not in Bellarmyne , and it cleane altereth the sense : for it is not all one to say , one may doe such a thing , and a man must doe it : for example , it is a far different thing to say , that M. Barlow may giue the reuenews of his Bishoprick of one whole yeare , if he will , to the poor people of Lincolne , and M. Barlow must giue his renenews of one yeare to the said poore people . But without this cobling and cogging in of words M. Barlow can make no contradi●tiō . He refuteth also himself for omitting the word must , here thrust in as I said . Bellarmin● saith the selfe same , to wit , that confid●nce may be reposed in m●rits , and confi●●nce may be reposed in God. But the first is subiect to errour and pride , the second is secure , and therfore it is best to repose all on the same . Which two propositions euen by M. Barlows confession are not contradictory , and therfore all his preaching and pratling , as F. Parsons well calleth it , se●ueth rather to shew himself a false and ignorant writer , then to proue any contradiction in the Cardinall . 57. After this sory stuffe he beginneth a Sermō out of S. Augustine vpon these words of the Psalme , Memorabor iustitiae tuae solius : saying , that the said Father doth insist vpon the same , both with an admiration , ô solius , and also with a question , rogo vos , I pray you : why should he ad this word solius ? Had it not bene inough for him to say , I will remember thy righteousnes ? No , but solius prorsus , it alone , altogeather I will remember : why so ? Vbi meam non cogito , for in so saying I put out of my mynd any righteousnes which is mine owne . So M. Barlow : and hauing ended his deuotion , he concludeth thus : So then totum , whole confidence , that taks away the particular aliqua , in his former proposition , sola excludes meritum in both propositions . This is all he hath touching the obiect , and all wyde of the marke , as is most euident . 58. Yea so far is S. Augustine from checking this assertion of the Cardinall , as he elswere graunteth the same , saying : vt speret regnum , habeat bonam conscientiam , credat , & operetur , that a man may hope for the kingdome of heauen , let him haue a good conscience , let him belieue and labour . So he : and the place here cyted by M. Barlow hath no more coherence with this matter now in controuersy , then a poke full of plums , with the way to London . For our question is of such workes , as be meritorious , and follow , or rather flow from Gods grace inherent within vs. But S. Augustine speaketh of that grace which goeth before all our good workes , and of that iustification which the deuines call the first iustificatiō , by which a sinner is made iust and first called vnto God from that state , and saith , that this grace or righteousnes no workes can merit , which all Catholiks admit , & the Cardinall elswhere at large doth proue : and that he meaneth the first , not the second iustification , is cleare by his owne words following in this explication , which are these : I am enim si superbi desideramus , v●l fatigati r●deamus &c. For now if we that are proud doe desire , or wearied do returne , we cannot returne but by grace : grace is freely giuen , for if it were not a free gift , it were not grace . Moreouer if therfore it be grace , because it is freely giuen , nothing of thine went before for which thou must receaue it . For if any of thy good workes went before , thou hast receaued a reward , no free gift ; the reward due vnto thee is punishment : that therefore we are deliuered , comes not frō our merits , but is of his grace ; him therfore let vs praise to whome we owe all that we are , to whome we owe our saluation , with which the Prophet concluded , after he had said many things , saying : memorabor iustitiae tuae solius , I will remember thy righteousnes alone . So S. Augustine . So cleerly explicating himself , & euincing M. Barlows ignorance , as that I shall not need to ad any further Commentary for confutation of the same . The rest which he addeth by way of antithesis totum , aliqua , sola , meritum , is nothing els but meere foolery , as shal be afterwards shewed . 59. From Diuinity he comes to Logick , making his entrance with a vaunting insultation of his Aduersaries ignorance , and want of skill about the true nature of a contradiction . In deliuering of which , the poore man is so embroyled , as he knoweth not what he saith , but cleane mistaketh euery thinge which he speaketh of . For first he supposeth , that a con●radiction must be where some generall proposition ●ither expresly or implicatiuely is crossed by a particu●er , but this is no equall and perfect diuision , for that ● contradiction requireth not alwaies a generall pro●osition , but may be between two particuler , so that ●he subiect remaine indiuisible , to wit , vnder one , and ●he selfsame respect vnder them both . For if I should ●ay , that M. Barlow hath skill in Logicke ( though it be ●ery little ) and M. Barlow hath not skill in Logick : ●gaine , M. Barlow is Bishop of Barlow●s ●s not Bishop of Lincolne &c. I do not doubt but that ●e would thinke these propositions , though both par●iculer , to be truly contradictory , and consequently his ●wne supposition to be false ; as that also is very fond , ●hich for explication of his expresse and implyed con●radiction he ioyneth , saying : contradiction●n ●n negato , the other in opposito or adiecto : of the first ●ort are these examples , wherin the negatiue note is expres●ed , as omnis homo est , aliquis non est ; of the second ●ort are such , wherin the note negatiue is omitted , and yet ●ne member ouerthrowes another . So M. Barlow out of Logick . And this as I said is very fond , for that it is not ●f the nature of a contradiction in adiecto , to be impli●d , but rather the contrary to be expressed in termes , ●t being all one with that which is called implicantia ●n terminis , an implicancy , or contradiction in the ●ery termes themselues . For example : If I should say M. Barlow is a brute beast , the adiectum or terminus ●rute beast , destroyeth the subiect , to wit M. Barlow , whose behauiour , though it be often tymes very bru●ish and beastly , yet is he by nature a man , and that also a very naturall one . 60. But the greatest mistaking and ignorance of all the rest , is in the example which he maketh of this his implyed contradiction : for hauing made this proposition , Euery Bishop of Rome is vnder Christ the immeatate and sole chief Pastour of the whole Church in the Christian world , this , saith our Philosopher , may be contradicted two wayes : first expresly , Some Bishop o● Rome is not the immediate and sole chief pastour &c. Thi● is a contradictory with the negatiue . Secondly it may be crossed by implicatiō , as thus : The patriarch of Constantinople is vnder Christ the immediate and sole chief p●stour of the East●rne Church . This though it be a contradiction in opposito , yet doth it as mainly oppose th● former generall proposition as if it had a negatiue no● &c. Thus far M. Barlow , as good a Philosopher a● M. Morton , who though he professe to haue bene ● Reader of Logick , yet shaped vs out a syllogisme o● six termes to proue Equiuocation in an oath to b● vnlawfull : such great Deuynes are these men● as they know not the first elements of this faculty . For ha● not M. Barlow bene exceeding ignorant of the first rule , and necessary condition of a contradiction ● which is , that both parts c●nnot togeather be eythe● true of false ; he would neuer haue giuen this for a● example , seeing himself , neyther belieueth the Bishop of R●m● to be head of the whole , or Patriarke of Constantinople of the Easterne Church . And where the● is the contradiction ? And is not M. Barlow well seen● in Philosoph● , who chooseth out an example to proue a contradiction , in which , euen in his owne opinion there is no contradiction at all ? Truly I may well suspect that he neuer came to be Bishop ●f Lincolne for his learning , which euery where he ●heweth to be lesse then meane , and therfore ouerla●heth without measure , but for some other inferiour quality , little perhaps befitting that calling . Let vs to make him conceaue his errour the better , exemplifie in some more familiar examples . The L. of Canterbu●y is Primate of all , and euery part of England ; and ●he L. of Yorke is Primate of all the North part , is with me no contradiction : for that I hold both propositions to be false , and neyther of them both to haue any Primacy at all in that Church : and as the later will not claime it , so M. Abbots may be sure , I will not assigne it vnto him , whome I doe as much hold to be Abbot of W●stminster , as Bishop of Cant●r●ury . And the like must M. Barlow needs say of his two propositions , for that neyther of them in his iudgmēt ●s true , and therefore are more contrary then contradictory ; as are also these , omnis homo currit , nullus homo currit , and the like . 61. Wherefore if it be ( as M. Barlow will needs haue it ) our very case in hand , euen by the verdict of all skilfull Philosophers in the world , the Cardinall will be quit at least from a contradiction : and it is but childish babling , yet very frequent in M. Barlow , to make the oppositiōs of the termes thēselues , saying , that h●re is a double contradictiō both subiecti & praedica●i ; the Patriarke of Constantinople crosseth the Bishop of Rome ; the East●rn● Church and the whole world contradict ech oth●r implicitely . This I say is but babling , for there is as great opposition between the former two propositions before set downe , as in this , Cant●rbury cr●ss●th Yorke ; all England the north parts . And againe , omnis cannot stand with nullus , currit with non currit : and yet he will sooner bring Constantinople to Rome● and Yorke to Canterbury , then proue any contradictiō to be in the same . But let vs draw to an end of M. Barlows dispute . 62. I passe ouer the rest he addeth , concerning this matter , although his chiefest fraud and cosenage be conteyned in the same . For of an exhortatiue proposition in the Cardinall , he maketh an absolute and necessary , by cogging in the words is , & must , thus : mans confidence is to be reposed in the alone mercy of God , and , some confidence of man must be placed in his owne merits , which are his owne forgeryes , and not the Cardinalls assertions : and then further in falsly charging F. Persons , as though he said that good workes increase confidence in their owne nature , and therfore will needs haue his doctrine to be condemned by Pius V. amongst other like assertions of a Louain Doctor ; but all is forgery : for the Father speaketh not of our workes , as alone they proceed from vs , but as they proceed also from Gods grace within vs , and for that cause calleth them the good workes of a Christiā : & it is vnchristian dealing in this Prelate to say , that this proposition was euer condemned by Pius V. or any other Pope or Councell , who only speake of our workes as they are done by a Pagan , without grace , or any other supernaturall help ; and last of all for maliciously transposing the word any , to make it signifie that which the Father neuer dreamed of , thereby to make him contrary to B●llarmine , and contradictory to himself . For he maketh him to say , that a man may place any confidence in his owne merits , so he beware of prid● , which is a notorious vntruth . But I will not , as I said , further stand to refell these falshoodes , for that the Father himself hath very learnedly performed the same , and M. Barlow will neuer be able with any shew of truth o● learning to make any reply therunto . 63. And whereas for the last vpshot of this his dispute , he marshalleth forth in one rank togeather , a heape of contradictory speaches , giuing vs for a parting blow to make all sure a knocking Lye ; I shal with the same conclusion end also this matter , not entring into any other confutation thereof , then the bare rehearsall or skoring vp the vntruthes , which he hath couched togeather in this one number or paragraph , excepting only the last , in which I shall be forced to be a little more large . 64. First then he would faine make the Cardinall & F. Persons to disagree , by setting downe their contrary positions , and thē the Cardinall to fight with himself : the first part he proueth thus : Our owne good workes haue such an vncertainty in them , as that our whole confidence must be referred to Gods mercy saith the Cardinall : Our good workes in their owne nature are such as that they may giue hope and confidence of themselues , saith his Champion . So he . And here at the least are three lyes , if not more : for Bellarmine saith not , that our workes haue such an vncertainty in them , as no confidence can be reposed in them ; nether doth he say , that all our confidence must be referred vnto Gods mercy : neither doth F. Persons affirme , that our good workes IN THEIR OWNE NATVRE may giue hope and confidence of themselues , for they require Gods grace and promise of reward to make them meritorious , and to yield confidence . M. Barlow goeth on . Mans WHOLE confidence is to be placed in the mercy of God alone , saith Bellarmine : A man may willingly repose ANY confidence in his owne workes , saith F● Pers●n . Both are grosse lyes in M. Barlow . For these two proposi●ions are neither found in Bellarmyne , nor F. P●rsons , but forged by himselfe , & are both most false . 65. And truly , no meruaile though M. Barlow be very resolute in his refuting our opinions , when as he frameth an aduersary in the ayre , whom he may conquer ; & then telle●h in great sadnes the Reader , that he fighteth with vs , which as you know is no great ma●stery , but misery rather , both to the man and his cause . For hauing in this place in foure propositions told vs fiue lyes , thus he vaunteth ouer vs , saying : Betweene them both , they haue broached a goodly doctrine , and v●ry comfortable no doubt . But I haue now shewed that here is no broaching of theirs● but all of M. Barlowes owne brewing , and abusing their words & meaning . To his former lying , he addeth ignorance , & would make the Cardinall to contradict himselfe , saying in his behalfe , That good workes of their owne nature raise vp our con●idence towards God , and yet a man is vncertayne , whether they be good or no. The first part I haue shewed to be false , if by their owne nature he vnderstand them , as done without Gods grace inherent in th● doer . The second is true , if M. Barlow vnderstood it : for the word vncertaine excludeth not all certainty , as before I noted , but the certainty of faith . Secondly ( he saith ) man must be acertayned that the workes he ●●th be truly good , or els he may not trust in them , and yet no man can assure himself that they are so , vnles he haue a reuelation , saith the Cardinall , then which wh●t is more VNCERTAIN ? saepe fallax , semper incerta , are his owne words . So M. Barlow . 66. How men may be acertayned of their good workes , hath bene already declared , and how we may be acertayned of your truth and fidelity , if there were no other proofe , this one place alone were sufficient to demonstrate , and euince most plainly , that eyther your ignorance is intollerable , or your lying most shameles . The Cardinall sheweth , that without reuelation , we cannot haue absolute certaynty of our being in grace , or perseuerance in the same vnto the end , because this certainty being the certainty of faith , dependeth vpon Gods diuine reuelation , as her formall obiect , which is made cleer by the connexion of the present and future tymes in the Cardinall . For who but God can reueale to a man what shall be his end , eyther for blisse or woe ? Annunciate quae ventura sunt in futurum , & sci●mus quia Dij estis vos , saith the Prophet to the Gods of the Gentils : and by his owne plaine wordes in another place , where he saith , non posse qu●mquam sine peculiari reuelatione certò s●ire certitudine fidei sibi remissa ●sse peccata . No man without speciall reuelation can certainly know , with the ce●tainty of faith , that his sinns are forgiuen him , and consequently whether he be in state of grace , and Gods fauour or no. And is this reuelatiō trow you so vncertain ? Is it saep● fallax , sēper inc●rta ? Or is Bellarm. so blasphemous , as to auou●h the same ? It should seem by M. Barlow , that he is For he telleth the Reader that they are his owne word● ; but I must tell him the contrary , that it is M. Barlowes owne lye , and that he doth singularly abuse both his Reader , & the Cardinall togeather by this imposture , deluding the one , and slandering the other , and most of all disgracing himself . 67. But least he should seeme to impute this Atheisticall paradox of the vncertainty of Gods diuine reuelation to Bellarmine , without all proofe , he cyteth in the margent for his Readers direction lib. 1. de Verbo Dei cap. 2. where if he repayre to examine this matter , I assure him , he shall not find one word therof , but of the fanaticall opinion of the Swenkfeldians , who reiecting all written authority , as well Scriptures , as Fathers , would haue euery man to be directed by their owne inward spirits , which Bellarmine saith , is often deceiptfull , alwayes vncertayne . For thus he writeth : Quare cùm sacra Scriptura regula credendi certissima , tutissimaque sit , sanus profectò non cri● , qui ea neglecta spiritus interni saepe fallacis , & semper incerti iudicio se commiscrit : which is ; Wherfore seeing the holy Scripture is the most sure & safest rule of beliefe , truely he will not be thought to be well in his wits , who leauing the same shall betake himself to the iudgment of the inward spirit , often deceiptfull , and alwayes vncertayne . By which wordes he plainly sheweth , that he is so far from speaking of Gods diuine reuelation , as the wicked spirit of these hereticks is different from the spirit of Christ , to wit , as cleane opposite as Hell to Heauen , truth to falshood , darknes to light . And with what face or forhead the● can this Minister turne the masculine gender into the feminine , the Swenckfeldian●pirit ●pirit into Gods reuelatiō ? Yea , with what conscience can he say , that this reuelation may be an illusion ? As some superstitious people ( saith he ) take that fire for a walking spirit which is but ignis fatuus , an illuding meteor ; so Pharisaycall , and melancholick conceipts may thinke them to be infusions of the holy Ghost which are but speculatiue imaginations of their owne Ghost . Thus M. Barlow very profoundly , as you see , or rather most profanely , comparing God● reuelation ( for of that Bellarmine speaketh ) which is alwayes certayne and certainly knowne of him to whome it is made , to his walking spirit , or ignis fatuus , to Pharisaycall and melancholick conceipts ; as though the truth of the said reuelation depended on the disposition of the receauer , and not wholy vpon the infallible authority of Almighty God , who reuealeth the same . I will not say that M. Barlow is either Pharisaycall or melancholick , but that he is fatuus , or else fanaticus ; albeit I say it not , yet the thing it self will speake , if his malice were not greater then his folly in this point , which I meane not to discusse . 68. After all these vntruthes and manifold ignorances , he concludeth his disputation with a Sermon , and is become very deuout vpon the suddaine , and of a tender conscience , telling vs , that it is better for the Cardinall to acknowledge an ouersight in a long discourse , then to ouerthrow one soule redeemed by Christs bloud : Contradictions in assertions wounds but one opposite member ; but vnsoundnes in doctrine , concerning saluation , doth wound the weake conscience of a Christian. And then runneth on in the same descant ; which is as much , as if some Harlot after she had wearied her tongue with rayling and lying on her neighbour , should presently take vpon her the person and state of a graue vertuous Matrone , foris Helena , intus Hecuba , ( to vse S. Gregory Nazianz●ns phrase ) or a false thief preach of truth and honesty . For how many falshoodes , ignorances , and forgeryes haue bene shewed to be in this one dispute of his ? How many , and how grosse lyes haue bene detected ? whereof his booke is so fraught and furnished to the full , as it is hard to say , whether any one number be free from the same● For in one only thing in the compasse of little more then one page , in laying downe 14. proofes , he hath made at least 15. vntruthes , whereby the Reader may see , how I should be ouercloyed , if in laying forth examples of his dealing in this kind , which now I come to treat of , I should stand vpon all particulers . But I will take a shorter course , and to this disputation adioyne a short examen of some few lyes , and these such only , as concerne the person of his Aduersary , wherin as I am sure , that I haue left very many vntouched● so doe I also thinke , that some of them are more vrgent and iniurious , then those are which now I shall produce . 69. The cause wherefore immediatly after M. Barlows transparē● ignorance I adioyne his vntruthes● is for that if it be possible one of them may excuse the other , it being a receaued axiome amongst Deuines , that it is a lesse syn to lye out of ignorance then of malice● and the Apostle excused himself by this meane● when he said . Qui priùs blasph●mus fui , & persecutor , & contum●li●sus , sed misericordiam Dei consecutus sum , qui● ignorans feci in in●redulitate . I who before was a blasphemer , and a persecutor , and contumelious ; but I haue obteyned Gods mercy● because I did it being ignorant in incredulity . And I wish from my hart that this mercy , after so many blasphemyes , iniuryes done to Catholicks , and most contumelious reproaches against all sorts of men of neuer so singular sanctity & learning , powred now forth in the tyme of his ignorāt incredulity , may fall vpon M. Barlow , which is the worst and greatest reuenge I doe wish him . 70. This I say I would wish , but such as know the dispositiō of these mē , although they find thē ignorāt inough , yet not alwayes to offend of ignorance as it is a negatiō of knowledg , but rather of that which of the Deuines is called ignorātia prauae dispositionis , because they will follow their erroneous iudgmēt , & loue lyes , more then the truth ; howsoeuer to make fooles fayne , they cry out against Equiuocation , & such as do maintayne the same . For so did also our late woodden Embassadour at Venice , who against the Iesuits and their doctrine in this point , would be often very free , & as himself thought very ingenious also , but more free in this art of Lying . For being at Auspurge , & requested to write some motto , or sentence , with the subscription of his name thereunto , was not ashamed to professe it to be the chiefest point of his office , writing the definition of an Embassadour thus : Legatus est virbonus , peregrè missus ad mentiendum Reipublicae causa . Domino Ioanni Fleckhamero in perpetuum amicitiae pignus ; Henricus Wottonius Serenissimi Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae , & Hyberniae Regis Orator primus ad Venetos . Augustae Vindeliciae 16. Augusti , anno Christiano 1604. That is : An Embassadour is a good man , sent far from home to lye for the good of the Cōmon-wealth . To M. Iohn Fleckhamer for a perpetuall pledge of friendship , Henry Wotton the first Embassadour of the most Soueraigne King of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland to the Venetians . At Augusta Vindelica the 16. of August , in the Christian yeare 1604. 71. So this witty Gentleman , defining himselfe ( to vse M. Barlowes fantasticall phrase ) by his essentiall & * kindly parts , to with a good man that can lye well . And whether in the last tumults of Venice betwixt the Sea Apostolick and that Cōmon-wealth he discharged not throughly this part of his charge , and that very essentially & kindly also , I refer me to them who receaued his letters , and know what he wrote . Surely M. Barlow in this booke is so copious therein , that if other of his owne ranke in our Countrey , were to be defined by him , a Protestant English Bishop should be nothing els , but an ignorant Superintendent that can lye , raile , & flatter notoriously . Of his ignorance we haue already seene some proofe , now let vs see how well he can lye . 72. In the twelueth page he telleth the Reader , that F. Persons hauing wished the destruction of the Kings Maiesty by the gunpowder-plot , and by hope deuoured the same , he came on his iourney a good step ( as some report ) towards England , that he might haue song Te Deum in his natiue Countrey , for the good successe of that happy exployt . And this againe he repeats in the 217. page , saying : As if there were no difference between him that should say , F. Persons was almost vpon the Sea coast of England , expecting the issue of the powder-plot , and his , that should auer , that he was vpon the sea coast , and shipt for England . So he . 73. This vntruth both for the iniury done to F. Persons , & for the improbability of the thing it self , which hath not so much as any shaddow of truth , deserueth the first place ; all Rome knowing the contrary to be most true , that for the yeare before and after the powder-plot , the said Father was alwayes in the Citty , or in the places neere adioyning : and at this very tyme whē M. Barlow would haue him to be on the sea coast he was sick in bed , in which as his weakenes would permit either himselfe to write , or to dictate to another , he refuted the fifth part of Syr Edward Cookes Reports , which refutation is vnanswered as yet by him , and not answerable by any . Neyther can M. Barlow plead ignorance in this case , seeing that in the arraignment of F. Garnet , where there was so much forcing and streyning of things to the vttermost , as well against the said F. Persons in particuler , as the whole Order in generall , there was no mention made heerof , nor yet in the printed bookes both English and Latyn , which since haue been set forth of that matter . 74. VVas the thing so small , trow you , as that it deserued not a remembrance at least in that action in which far lesse presumptions then this were so tragically exaggerated ? Or could there haue byn imagined a more forcible proofe , or more direct meanes for the discrediting that Order , then to haue conuinced , by this iourney , the only Superiour of all the English mission , to haue knowne and approued the same ? No M. Barlow , had this happened , all you Ministers ( genus irritabile vatum ) had sounded it out with full mouth , all pulpits , all bookes had proclaimed it , all Princes Courts , yea all cornes of Christendome had been cloyed with Embassages , pamphlets , Inuectiues , and clamors against him : and therefore to set downe this fiction in print , well sheweth how far your malice ouerwent your wit , howsoeuer you temper the first place with this parenthesis ( as some report ) for you could not but know that they reported a lie ; as you doe againe with exceeding impudent malice , when you write , but proue it not , that F Persons had his hart , hand and head in the powder-plot . But I see that in you verified , pudet non esse impudentem , you are ashamed that you are not shamel●s● 75. In the 98. page of his booke he makes in a different letter cyting also the place , F. Persons to say : That as some of the Fathers , who to amimate the persecuted Christians , d●scribed the l●wd life and fearefull end of their pers●cutors ( as Nero and Domitian ) so he to comfort the Catholick traytors , must reuile and bely that worthy Queene , the rather for that she was a woman . So he : printing only the word bely in ordinary letters , as though all the rest had byn the words of the Father . But without any belying M. Barlow , I must tell him , that here are three lyes in two lynes : for neyther doth F. Persons call Catholiks Traitors , whome in most of his bookes he hath defended and cleared from that false imputation ; neyther doth he say , that he must reuyle Queene Elizabeth , neyther that he will doe it the rather , for that she is a woman : and yet M. Barlow presently replyeth , saying : If F. Persons haue no other comfort th●n to cheer them vp , because a woman quelled their insolency ; then may the diuell be comforted &c. What ●ill you say to this man ? F. Persons saith , that Q. Elizabeth was the first woman christian , or created , that tooke vpon her supreme power in spirituall or Ecclesiasticall matters , and M. Barlow cannot refell the same , nor doth he go about it : but from his owne chayr of Oracles , tels vs , without further proofe , that she was no vsurper by nouell-clayme , and that God had annexed it to her crowne ; and insteed of prouing this , entreth into the commendation of women , as if F. Persons had discommended them : but the truth is , he saw , that thereby he had more matter for talke , and authority for proofe , then in the barren subiect of the feminine Supremacy , of which before Q. Elizabeth no example can be shewed , and therfore he accommodated F. Persons text to serue to his purpose in that behalfe . 76. Againe M. Barlow saith , that F. Persons in his Viro doloso , his Doleman , had renounced his part in our Soueraigne , and pronounced him elswhere a desperate and forlorne hereticke ; yea they are his expresse words , whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant , is a most greiuous and d●mnable sinner . So he : and here I must tell him that this is an expresse lye , or rather that here be as many lyes as lynes ; for neither hath F. Persons renounced his part in our Soueraigne , neyther euer pronounced him elswhere a desperate and forlorne hereticke , with which none but some desperate forlorne hereticke indeed , like M Barlow , would euer haue charged him : neyther are the other F. Persons expresse words , for in that place he neyther nameth , nor meaneth a Protestant , more then a Puritan , Brownist , or else a Catholik , as in the place by me here cyted is by himselfe declared . And doth not thē M. Barlow for his writing deserue a good reward of a siluer ●hetstone ? Is this dealing Episcopall , or not rather Diabolicall by such lying and forged fictions to do so open iniury to others ? Another in this kind he maketh in his Commentary on these words of F. Persons , as he cyteth them ( for in the text they are other ) as I shall shew . As for Catholiks ( saith he ) they accept euen the least fauour gratefully , as hoping to haue receaued much greater ( as due vnto thē ) if his Ma●●sty had not bene preu●nt●d by sinister information . So M. Barlow relateth his words , by making a parenthesis at ( as due vnto them ) and then setting downe the other , as immediatly following , if his Mai●sty had not byn pr●uented by sinister information . But let vs heare F. Person● speak in his owne words , as they lye in the Letter , & thereby both the fidelity of M. Barlow in cyting them , and the truth of his answere in replying against them , will the better appeare . Thus then he saith : As for Catholicks , they accept gratefully whatsoeuer least fauour hath bene , or is done vnto th●m ; and do not doubt , but that if his Mai●sty had not bene preuented by sinist●r information , and perswasion of others , they had tasted of much great●r , as due vnto them , in that th●y are naturall borne subi●cts of the r●alme , most Loyall in hart , and aff●ction : and neuer meaning otherwise but to liue in most ord●rly & duti●ull subiection , & obedi●nce to his Highnes , as to their li●ge Lord and Souer●y●ne &c. So F. P●r●ons . And who could vse more myld and moderate words to expresse the dutifull mindes of Catholiks , towards his Maiesty , then he doth in these ? 77. But let vs see M. Barlowes Commentary by which alone will sufficiently appeare with what malignant spirit his mind is possessed . For if hell it self w●re let loose , it is hard to say , whether all the Diuells togeather would make a mo●e false , more w●●ked● or more iniurious Answere , then he hath done . For thus he writeth . H●re Iudas is turn●d into Caiphas , & sp●akes a truth as Pr●sident of the Couns●ll for the POWDER-PLOT : the reuealing thereof by a letter vnexpected , he cunningly calls a sinister information , which indeed preu●nted his Maiesty from feeling the euent of that dreadf●ll ●esigne , and them also of their gr●ater hopes , which here he c●lls their DVE , as if ALL but THEY were vsurpers : for had not the preu●ntion hapned , the greatest places of the land ( which THEY in hope had swallowed ) had ●ene now at their disposall , and this preuention he calls sinister , as vnlucky vnto them &c So this lying Minister . For that he doth here most loudly and lewdly lye , needeth no other proofe then the comparing of F. Persons words , with this answere of his , which can no more stand togeather , then fire and water , truth with falshood , or ( for that he playeth the beast so brutishly in this place ) to vse his owne example , no more th●n Moy●es his oxe and asse in on● yoake . 78. For were not his wit very little , and honesty lesse , he would neuer shew such fraudulent malignity in facing so heynous a matter without all ground , proofe , or semblable coniecture , especially seeing in F. Persons the fauour mentioned , to be meant only of that which his Maiesty shewed at his entrance . For these are his words almost in the next ensuing lines : If there had b●n● no p●rse●utiō before that treason , this might haue b●n● assign●d for some probable cause of the subs●quent tribulation● : but all England knoweth , that this is not so , but that his Mai●sties sweet and mild asp●ct towards Catholicks at his first entran●e , was soone by art of their en●myes , au●rted , long b●fore the conspiracy fell out &c. Which words fully declare , what he meant by sinister informati●n and perswasion of oth●rs , and M. Barlow willing to dazle the Readers eyes , and imprint in his mind a suspition of F. P●rs●ns his acknowledge of the powder-plot , first by a hist●ron proteron , inuerteth his words , cobling in some of his owne , and then frameth a glosse , which , notwithstanding all his dealing , agreeth not with the text : so good a writer he is , as he knoweth not of one thing how to inferre another , for these words , as hoping to haue receiued much gr●ater , cited by M Barlow in a different letter , are not F. P●rs●ns words ; neither doth F. Persons shut vp ( as due vnto them ) within a parēthesis , as immediatly following the former sentence ; and the wordes , if his Maiesty had not bene preuented by sinister information , in F. Persons goe before the other , as due vnto them , and are there so plainly explicated , as none but some malicious Minister could be ignorant of his meaning . 79. Yet after all this cutting off , transposition , inuersion , & changing in so short a sentence , to take it as it pleaseth M. Barlow to giue it , how will the conclusion drawne therof , agree with the premisses , Catholicks had receaued at his Maiesties hands greater fauours as due vnto them , if he had not bene preuented by sinister information ? How , I say , will it follow , that by sinister informatiō F. Persons meant the reuealing of the powder-plot by a letter , which , saith he , preuented his Maiesty from f●eling the euent of that dreadfull designe ? And againe : and this preuention he calls sinister , as vnlucky to them : adding moreouer , that the hopes which F. Persons meant to be due to the Catholiks , were those which should haue ensued vnto them by that treason , which ( saith M. Barlow ) here he calls their DVE , as if ALL , but THEY , were vsurpers . Are not these good inferences ? Is not this Christian and charitable proceeding ? What learning , truth , or modesty will allow this barbarous collection , and th●● in one who taketh vpon him to write in defence of a Prince , and would be reputed in the Church for a Bishop ? But wo be to those sheep , that are fed and led by so perfidious a Pastour . 80. The like perfidiousnes he sheweth in cyting F. Persons words , where he maketh him in a different letter to say , speaking of the warrs which some Popes haue had with the Emperours ; that eyther they were not vnlawfully done , or els the causes were iust , or ( saith M. Barlow , which is a pretty passage numb . 28. ) the Popes haue perswaded themselues they were iust , and therfore as a Generall in the field pursued them as open enemies , or as a Iudge vpon the Bench commaunded execution to be done vpon them , as MALEFACTORS . And hauing set downe these wordes , as if F. Persons had spoken them , be beginneth to reply against them with this insulting entrance . But first who girt the sword to the Popes side ? But I may better retort this interrogation vpon M. Barlow , and aske him ; But first , who taught him to ly so loud ? For in all the 28. nūber which he calles a pretty passage , where will he find these wordes ; And therefore as a Generall in the field pursued them as open enemies , or as a Iudge vpon the bench cōmaunded execution to be done vpon them , as MALEFACTORS ? And if these Wordes be neither there , nor in any other place of F. Persons , is not this a pretty passage , or rather a paltry cosenage , and lying liberty in this Minister , to make his aduersary to speake what himselfe listeth , and especially in such an odious manner and matter , as here he doth , printing the words MALEFACTORS , in great capitall letters , as though F. Persōs had said , that Popes may cōmaund execution to be done vpon Princes , as vpō MALEFACTORS , which is nothing els but the capital lying of M. Barlow ? 81. Perhaps the Reader heere will aske , vpon what ground this charge is made , for it is to be supposed , that he had some foundation for the same , in the discourse of F. Persons , albeit he followed not precisely the wordes , but their sense & meaning , from which it is to be thought that he hath no way swarued : but hereunto I answere , that neither the wordes or sense is to be found of this matter in the passage cyted , and all that can be drawne to this purpose in the 28. number are these very wordes of the beginning : And so if s●●● Popes haue had iust warrs with some Princes , Kings 〈◊〉 Emperours , or haue persuaded themselues that they we●● iust in respect of some supposed disorders of the said Prince● ( as here is mentioned the war and other hostile proceeding● of Pope Gregory the seauenth against the Emperour He●●● the fourth ) this is not contrary to the saying of Cardi●●● Bellarmine , that no Pope euer commaunded any Prince 〈◊〉 be murthered , or allowed thereof , after it was done by 〈◊〉 other . These are F. Persons words ; for which in his nam● M. Barlow guieth vs these : The Popes haue perswade● themselues the ( warrs ) were iust , and therefore as a Generall in the field pursued them as open enemyes , or as a Iudg● vpon the bench commaunded execution to be done vpon thē● as MALEFACTORS . And doe you not think● he hath played well his prize ? I will end this matter , where M. Barlow doth begyn it , to wit with his Ep●●stle Dedicatory , which although it be written to 〈◊〉 Maiesty , yet he blusheth not in the same to tell him , that F. Persons hath through his whole booke discharged his rancor both against his person and Apology . Againe : that he careth not what he writes , nor whome he reuiles , nor how t' is taken . And that , he hath in the basest sort with his scorning ribaldry defiled and b●smeared two sacred Princes successiuely raigning . And that , he cannot hould , but must needs regorge ( his spirit is so turbulēt and vnquiet : ) and as Hierome speaketh of Heluidius , maledicere omnibus bonae cōscientiae signum arbitratur , he thinks his conscience then best discharged when he hath reuiled most . And againe , if the obiection be , that I haue not spared from reproaching him , I deny it not . How could I forbear● , or who can blame me ? None that eyther hath loyall hart to your Maiestie , being our gracious Soueraigne , or Christian regard of her ( who late was ) that euer blessed Q●eene . 82. And that you may know the taske which he hath taken by interposing himselfe in this answere , between F. Persons and his Maiesty , how great it is , & with what resolution against all aduentures he is bent to goe through with the same , he sticketh not for courage to compare himselfe to the Roman Curtius , who cast himselfe into the stinkng gulfe ; and for patience to the holy Martyr S. Sebastian : for so out of S. Ambrose he sayth : Against me let him empty his whole quiuer of reproaches : all of them I hope will be like the Roman arrows shot against S. Sebastian , drawne with bent force , loos'● with much ease , but receaued with strong comfort . So is th●s valiant Captaine fenced against all assaultes and prepared with armour of proofe for all encounters . But yet euen in this very brauery of his , he cannot forbeare his wonted forgery . For S. Ambrose vpon the 118. psalme hath nor ●ny mentiō of S. Sebastiās arrows , and therfore M. Barlow out of his good pollicy cyted not the Octonary , but the whole volume , least if he had made any direct reference , the Reader had soone espied the deceipt . But this is a small fault in M. Barlow : we must be forced to ouerpasse & pardon much greater . 83. Hauing thus set forth himselfe , & as though he were a Spartan , a Curti●● , a S. Sebastian , he so contemptibly speake●h of his Aduersary , as if in respect of him he were b●t like a littl● mouse in the paw of a Liō , whom a man ( saith M. Barlow ) can neither auoid without calumny , nor encounter but with blot of infamy , nor cō●uer with hope of any ma●stery : and ●herefor● approueth ●is Mai●●ties opinion , who a● h● sai●● , ●●●●dged a rope the fittest answere for him : but in my booke in this very page here cited I find his Maiesty , to say , that an hangman is fittest to answere such an historian ; alluding worthily to M. Barlow who was to answere him : for hi● answere better befitteth a man of that trade then eyther a Bishop , or Deuine , or one that would be taken for both , to write and set forth , and yet notwithstanding in the end of his Epistle he vauntingly promiseth to himself security from any reply thereunto from F. Persons : for verbalize , ●e saith● he can , dispute he cannot : in Stories he is a great florisher , but a false relator of them● who so inioynes him a modest answere doth vndoe him . Neither his age , nor profession , neither shame of the world , nor feare of God , nor grace of the spirit , can mortifie his nature , or restraine his tongue . Thus to his M●●●stie : and after in his short Admonition to the Reader , he addeth : The stile in respect of my place and pr●fession may peraduenture be adiudged too bitter , but c●●pared with his person , and reuiling veyne against two such Christiā Monarches , no one Iote therof , in exact Surui●●● of better iudgment , is eyther pared off or spared at all . So M. Barlow . 84. And do you not thinke that he hath her● described some Cynicall Proteus , or railing Zoylus , 〈◊〉 raging Thiestes , whose tongue is so intemperate , and stile so contumelious , as would moue euen one that can beare all iniuries of other mens tongues , as p●tiently as S. Sebastian did his arrowes , to inueigh against him , and requite him in the same method and man●●● of speach ? And that none who beareth either loyall hart to his Maiesty , or Christian regard to M. Barlows deare deceassed Mistresse , can blame him for vsi●● this sharp reiection in their defence ? Moreouer , t●●● how bi●●●rly soeuer he speake against his Aduersar●es , yet compared with his person , and reuiling veyne against two Princes , no io●e was to be pared , and spared , because ( forsooth ) a modest answere would vndoe him , and therfore M. Barlow is forced to be immodest ( euen ●gains● his mild disposition you may be sure ) and to answere him with such intemperate scurrilitie as he doth , when as yet no modest man would euer be moued , much lesse forced thereunto , for that is the speciall praise of the vertuous , neuer to be drawne to d●● ill by the prouocation or bad example of the wicked . 85. But let vs examine the charge it sel● , which how much the greater and more grieuous it is , the more it requireth on his behalfe plaine and euident proofe : for none can be free where it sufficeth only to accuse . Wherefore seing that he is so copious in accusing with such variety of phrases and sentences , let vs consider a litle , how the thing it self is euicted , what words , what witnesses , what probable coniectures , inductions , or presumptiōs are brought for the same : we handle not now a speculatiue question , in which variety of iudgements may breed diuersity of opinions , neyther talke we of China or Mex●co , and what is done in them , from whence the length of the way as it may weary the trauaylers , so also weaken the credit of their reports : our controuersie is about a matter of fact , and that registred , as he will haue it , in a printed booke , in which if either M. Barlow or any other for him can find any r●uiling● ( such are the loathsome vnsauory phrases of this impure Minister ) against his Mai●sties person that now is ( as for Q. Elizabeth I remit him to the ensuing Discussion ) let M●●●●low be belieued , and me discredited , yea let all his raylying passe for modest reason , his lying for ●ruth● 〈◊〉 for an honest mā . But if no such thing be to be found , as I acertayne the Reader , that it cannot , them let M. Barlow be knowne to haue made a notoriou●ly to his Maiestie in print , and haue that credit hereafter which such shameles dealing doth deserue , and thereward also if you will , which such get who stand for the best game . 89. Truly so far is F. Persons from all reuyling or whatsoeuer else inciuility against his Maiesties person , whome he alwaies honoured , and whome after the attayning of the Crowne of England , as his dread Lord and Soueraigne he most dutifully respected , 〈◊〉 that he doth not any where speake of him without due regard and honour , commending his great humanity , royall nature , and noble disposition , with other partes and talents , wherewithall he is indued ; for which this Minister is much offended ( as being loath that any should prayse him but himselfe ) calling the Father Iudas , and comparing him to the diuell , who confessed CHRIST to be the Sonne of God ; and then makes his Maiesty to answere him ; What euill haue I done , vt hic tam nequam de me tam bene loqueretur , that so bad a fellow as this is , should speake so well of me ? Can we gather grapes of thrones , or figgs of thistles ? Is not this that selfe same Persons , who ( as the Priests witnes ) laboured to excommunicate so long agoe his Maiesty , as an obstinate and forlor●e Heretick● ? 90 Lo how M. Barlow taketh it to the hart that the Father should praise his Maiesty , and how scornfully he speaketh of so gra●e and ●eue●●●● a man. But such Ru●●ian-like immodes●y we mus● bea●e with●ll in this vnmānerly Minister , whose i●s●icall behauiour is such , as well shewes what his education hath bene , and of what vertuous disposition and iudgmēt , he is . For were I disposed to encounter with him in this veyne , I would say , that mutato nomine , de te fabula narratur , and his Maiesty hath more cause to fear the fawning flattery of such as seeke to raise themselues by other mens ruines , and are ready in case their fortunes should faile them whome now they flatter , to tread on their necks , defile , & besmeare them all they can in deed then of F. Persons , whose sincerity , iudgement , vertue● and constancie knowne to the world was such , as all the honours and preferments that the earth could yield him , of which he refused more then euer M● Barlow can hope to haue , were neuer able to bend him to this base seruility , as to turne his sailes with euery wind , praise and dispraise , now to kisse , and after to kill : which how much it raigneth in the other , for that all doe see , I shall for the present forbeare to speake . 91. And whereas for confirmation hereof he saith , or rather demaundeth , if this be not that Persons , who , as the Priests wittnes , laboured so long ago to excōmunicate his Maiesty , as an obstinate & forlorne heretick ? I an●were , that neyther the Priests , vnles he speake by E●●allage numeri , witnes any such thing , for it was but ●one Watson , & he also by M. Brancrost of Canterbury●aught ●aught in his seely Quodlibets how to lye in print . Nei●her did the Father euer attempt any such matter , or vse any such tearmes against his Maiesty at all : and it ●s a signe that M. Barlowes proofes are very beggarly , and his conscience and capacity not very good wh●● he stoopeth to gather vp these off●lls , out of that raylatiue lying-libell condemned by all modest men , as well Catholicks , as Protestants , and recalled w●●● grief by the writer himselfe at the hower of his death in the presence of many hundreds , when he asked the Iesuits forgiuenes that he had so slandered them , and much lamented that euer he had se● forth any such booke , which many thinke he would neuer haue do● , had not M. Mortons suggesting diuel R C. so much ●ēpted him therunto ; at lea●t he would haue for borre frō so open vntruthes , of which I can make ( when need shall be ) an euident demonstration , and therefore the testimonyes taken from that infamous libell , are with all wise men of as much credit , as if they had bene cyted out of AEsops fables , or the Acts and Monuments of Iohn Fox . 92. Yet least that the Reader should thinke M. Barlow so shameles , as without all colour and probability to make so false and iniurious a charge of F. Persons railing against his Maiesty : or himselfe complai●● of my cōcealing his arguments , as fearing their force , I shall very briefly touch some two or three of thē , which are so good and demonstratiue , as that they nee● no other answere to confute them , then their bare recitall . F. P●rs●ns thinking the Apology to haue ben● written by Thomas Montag●e , as most did here suppo●● before the cōming forth of the Premonition , put downe in the text T. M. but in the margent answering therunto , his name at length ; how doth M. Barlow , thinke you , draw an argument from hence to proue that all which is sayd against this Minister , was di●ectly spoken against the Kings Maiesty by F. P●rsons ? Strangly without doubt : for thus he writeth . By these two letters , if he will speake without ●quiuocatiō , he meant Tua or Tanta Maiestas . Thus he maketh F. P●rsons against his owne mind & meaning , to vnderstand by these letters what liketh him to forge ; for without this fiction of his , there were no d●filing , or b●smearing to be found against his Maiesty at all , vnles I say , he should turne Thomas Montague , into so great a Maiesty . But let vs see another . 9● . F. Persons shewing , that in an oath compoūded of many clauses , if one amongst them all be false , that the whole cannot be taken as it lyeth , and that the refusall of the whole , for that one clause excepted against , cannot infer the deniall of all the rest combined therewithall , which are not lyable to that exception . For cleerer explication hereof he bringeth forth two examples , saying● As if some would say , that Plato was a man borne in Gre●●● , of an exellent wit , skilfull in the Greeke language , most exellent of all other Philosophers , and would require this to be confirmed by an oath ; some Platonist perhaps would be content to sweare it : but if some St●ick , or Peripat●tick , or Professor of some other Sect in Philosophy , should refuse the said oath , in respect of the last clause , might a man infer against him in all the other clauses also , ●●go he denieth Plato to be a man ? He denyeth him to be borne in Greece ? He denyeth him to be of an exellent wit ? he denyeth him to be skilfull in the Greek tongue & c ? Were not this a bad kind of arguing ? 94. So in like māner , if an Arian , or Pelagian Prince should exact an oath at his Subiects hands , concerning diuers articles of religion , that were belieued by them both , & in the end , or middle thereof should insert some clauses soūding to the fauour of their ow●● sect , for which the Subiect should refuse the whole body of that Oath as it was conceyued ; could the other ●● iustice accuse him , for denying all the seuerall articles ●● his owne religiō also which therin are mētioned ? W●●● seeth not the iniustice of this manner of dealing● S● far F. Persons . Out of which discourse , what trow yo● doth M. Barlow infer ? He secretly ( saith he ) girds a his Maiesty , for being both a Philosopher ( which is h●● Maiest●es great glory & our Realmes happines● for true Philosophy ioyned to go●ernment , regulates the scepter , to the subiects comfort , and the Kingdomes renowne ) and an heretick also ; a perfect slaunder in them both : for by that religion which they call heresie , he doth truly glorifie the God of heauen . So he and who can deny● but that here is also besmearing as M. Barlow hath framed his Cōmētary ? but I verily thinke that God is little glorified by such bad glosses , so little coherent , yea so cleane repugnan● to the text . Let vs come to the last , for hasten to a● end of this Preface , & meane not to make any longer demurr vpon this kind of sycophancy . 95. The most potent proofe of all the rest to euince , that F. Persons wrote against his Maiesty and not T. M. which M. Barlow will haue to be demonstratiue , and therfore setteth it out with his Ministeriall eloquence and Episcopall grauity , is taken from these words of the said Father , where hauing āswered the obiectiōs made against the liues of some Pope● he concludeth thus . If a man would goe about to discredit Kingly authority , by all the misdeeds of particuler Kings that haue byn registred by Historiographers , since the tyme that Popes began , he should finde no doubt aboundāt ma●●er , and such , as could not be defended by any probability . And yet doth this preiudicate nothing to Princely power or dignity , and much lesse in our case , where the facts themselues obiected , are eyther exaggerated , increased , wrested , or● altogeater falsified . 96. To this what replyeth M. Barlow ? Here first ( saith he ) is verified that speach of Seneca , nemo personam diu ferre potest , Art cannot long estrange nature . But as the Apologue d●scrib●s Venus transformed waiting-mayde , who beeing trickt vp like a Gentlewomā , mink'st it a while till she spied a Mouse , but then made it knowne she was a Cat : So this Censurer , who all this while would make the Reader belieue that he confuted onely one T. M. the yonger , and would seeme to take no knowledge , that our Gra●ious Soueraigue had to doe in the Apology : now being exasp●rate with this round canuasin● of the Pope , and knowing that it will be descried for the stile and veine of more th●n an ordinary man , he forgets his dissembled aduersary● & lik● a perfit Iesuit retorts vpon the King. Thus he . But how is this proued ? Heare I pray , and admire the wisdome of Syr William . For if T. M. ( saith he ) were the tru● Apolog●r , the recrimination had bene more fit both in resp●ct of these precedēt instances of Popes , and that supp●s●d Author to haue made the comparison between Bishops & Minist●rs . But if I answere him againe , that it was more fitly made betweene King● & Popes in respect of their supreme authority which is not lost by the demerit of their liues , he hath nothing to reply therunto , but that all they who weare the habit , or are inuested into holy orders amongst Protestants ( I vse his ●wne words ) are not free from notorious vices and scandalous to the world : which I confesse , and none I thinke can with any reason or truth gaine-say the same . 97. By these then , and such like reasons he would proue F. Persons to haue written against hi● Maiesty : whatsoeuer he said against Thomas Mountague , and consequently to haue railed against him , which although they be very childish , ridiculous , and impertinent as you haue seene , prouing nothing but his owne sicophancy , yet as though they were cleerer mathematicall demons●rations then any in Euclide , he buildeth all his accusation vpon them , and sayth , as you haue heard , that he could not without touch of disloyaltie forbeare from reproach , and that in respect of F. Persons reuiling veyne , nothing at all was to be pared , or spared ; telling his Maiesty , that neyther the shame of the world , nor feare of God , nor grace of the spirit , can mortify his nature , or restraine his tongue , but citeth no sentēce , word or syllable for the same , but such as you haue heard . With M Barlow , whose rayling I meane heere to examine , I will deale more really , and out of his owne words shew , what feare of God he hath , what shame of the world , what grace of the spirit , what mortified nature , what mod●st tongue , and then leaue it to Readers iudgment to determine , whether in such brutish reuiling , no sparing , or paring were to be vsed or not . 98. In his Epistle Dedicatory which is not very long , besides the reproaches mentioned of rancour , scorning , ribaldry , defiling , besmearing , regorging , and the like , he calleth F. Persons a debos●ed abiect , and vnreformed Hypocrite ( belike M. Barlow is a reformed one ) a Rakeshame , Rabshekah , of a prostituted conscience & impudency , whose very name is the epitome of all contumely being as currant in a pro●erb as was once the name of Daedalus : In omni fabula & Daedali execratio : for no libell can come from Rome , but Persons is presently supposed and noysed to be Author , and the more vile , the more Persons like , a creature that doth rage & snarle &c. Thus much to his Maiesty himselfe . And is not this thinke you , fit for a Prince to read , or pre●ēded Prelate to write ? Is the grauity , learning , modesty , and vertue of the English Clergy , for which our Country before this reuolt was most famous , so lost , as insteed of answering like Deuines , to see one bearing himselfe for a Bishop , to renew the old Comedy , in an epistle to his Soueraigne & a Booke written in his defēce , which euē on the heathen stage was so much misliked & condemned by all ? 99. To this begining is sutable the whole worke which followes , or rather much worse . For in the very entrance after he hath set down what order he will obserue , and repeated some of F. Persons words , but falsly after his accustomed manner , he calleth him a ranging voluntary runnagate , an Hispanized Camelion , the brat of an Incubus , filius terrae , no true Englishman eyther in hart or by birth . This is his first assault , rude & Ruffianlike as you see : and then afterwardes he telleth of the disgorging the gall of his bitternes , and the venemous rancour of his cancred hart by his Rabshakeis pen ; that he is the abstract quintessence of all coynes , coggeries & forgeries , that lyes , dissembles , equiuocates at euery word ; this fugitiue tenebrio , Persons , Robin Cowbucke , parasite and trayterous clawbacke , a knowne incendiary , this serpens Epidaurius the Diuells schollar , his Deuillity reader , Spiritus mendax in ore omnium Prophetarum , this boutefeaux , he disgorgeth out of his filthy throat by his diuelish pen &c. And is there heer no paring , nor sparing to be vsed in the iudgment of M. Barlows exact Surueyers ? Truely eyther their Suru●y was not very exact , or their iudgmēt small , or els they were not his friēds , that would permit such scurrility to passe in print , without controlle , to his euerlasting shame and discredit . 100. There were no end , if I would stand on all particulers , for in lesse then the compasse of one leaffe he vseth all these reuiling ●earmes , A blackm●●thed Shemey , famous for nothing but for capitall infamies , a bastard by birth , a libeller by custome , a factionist in society , an expulst Academian , rung out with bells , as a carted strumpet with pannes , for a graceles companion , a Diabolicall Machiauellian , a staine of humanity , a corrupter of all honesty . Againe , a Camelion for his profession , a backsliding Apostata , a periured intruder , a dissolute Libertine in act , in choice , in mayntenanee , a fugitiue with discontented runnagates , a viperous complotter against his Country● a firebrand of treasonable combustious by pen and aduice ; and ( which of all other is most remarkeable ) a Iesuit b● proxye , a votary by substitution , a Paduan Mountebanke , and Empericall Quack-saluer , a disdainfull scorner of all reproofe or counsell , and yet a scorned vassall by all the Pope● he hath serued , a dog to snarle &c. this canker of youth● this spawne of vipers , this slaue of Sathan &c. a dead dog being whiles he liues a rotten carcase of a poisoned cur , infected in his entralls , and infecting with his fauour the ay●● he breathes , and the land where he had hi● first breath , a miching cur , a car●only cur &c. as if he were the porter of Had●s , Carons Mastiffe , Plutoes Cerberus , he ●arrowe● Tartar and ( I tremble to write it ) feignes with a wish ( Q. Elizabeths ) glorified soule in a gastly ghost to speake from hell . So he● And to all this there needeth no other answer , thē Medici mediā pertundite● venam . The ma● is more then halfe mad . 101. Only this by the way , I must tell him , ●hat here with his immodesty is conioyned exceeding great malignity , in calumniating the birth & parents of F. Persons , which though by some passionate and foolish Watson , in the heat of his dissention & contradiction against him , without all proofe or probability , was called into question , yet could not M. Barlow but know , that the sayd reproachfull slaunder was refuted by the Father himselfe , in his booke of Apology for the Archpriest , & Manifestation of folly and bad spirit , which ●ater M. Barlow doth often cyte ( and I thinke in one place , the very page where this is handled ) in which F. Persōs proueth how free his birth was frō all such suspition , and his proofes are so playne and pregnant , as M. Barlow , if he were set to proue his owne legitimation , would not , nay could not proue it better , & perhaps not so well . And it argueth little wit , and ●hame in the man , but much malice and great desire to hurt , in repeating againe these refuted slaūders , which as well for the falshood they contayne , and iniury to the said Father , he should by the rules of Christian charity and conscience haue forborne ; as also for the honour of their owne Clergy , in respect of his brother , who ( the more pitty ) by profession is one of M. Barlowes owne ranke , I meane a Protestant Minister , and is as much iniured by this infamous lye , as F. Persons himself . 102. For according to his wonted manner not of modesty but of reproachfull ribaldry , he calleth their mother ( a very graue Ma●rone ) Pasiphae , and he● husband Actaeon , and Minotaurus : belike his mother married one of her owne sonnes , for so was Mino●auru● to Pasiphae . And as for Actaeon , if I would learne by the example of M. Barlow to be immodest , I could tell him , if report● may be credited , where per●●●● neerer home he may finde a friend , who laying 〈◊〉 hand on his brest ( I will forbeare his forehead ) may truely say , Actaeon ego sum : but howsoeuer that be , s●●rely if from the dispositiō of the children a ghesse may be made of the parents deportment , as from the frui●● we gather of what nature the tree is that did beare it● well may we thinke that F. Persons mother was modest , wise , graue and vertuous , because himself wa● so ; and that M. Barlows mother was eyther some Hecuba , whome the Poets for her railing feigne to haue bene turned into a dog , or Proserpina that hath brought forth to the world this hellish spirit & serpētine tongue , inflámata à gehenna , that alwayes br●aketh forth into such virulent acerbity , lying , detraction , railing , and all manner of sycophancy , as in euery place almost , and passage of his booke we doe find . 103. His other example of an expulst Academi●● , rung out with bells , which M. Barlow adorneth with th●● comparison well beseeming his Episcopall grauiti● ( as a carted strumpet with panns ) we can eas●●y pardo● , as more tending to the Fathers honour , then any way at all to his disgrace For had not his feruour and forwardnes towards the Catholick Religion bene very singular , the professed enemyes thereof had neuer shewed such extreme spite , malice , and rancour ●gainst him , as they did vvhose iniury done in this behalfe is no more disparagemēt vnto him in the sight of God , his Angells , Saints , and all sober men , thē it was to the Apostles to be vvhipped by the Ievves , S. Fulgentius by the Arians , or S. Paul to fly from D●masco in a basket by the wall . If the cause be good , be the penalty neuer so sharp , base or shamefull i● the sight of men , yet in the eyes of him who aba●ed himselfe to death , & to the death of the Crosse for our sakes , whose followers and disciples we are , it is most pretious , most honorable , most glorious . Wherefore to F. Persons we may well apply that sentence of S. Hierome , where speaking of his zeale against hereticks he saith : Respondebo me numquam haereticis p●percisse , sed omni egisse studio , vt hostes Ecclesiae mei quoque hostes fie●ent . I will answer them , that I neuer spared hereticks but haue laboured by all meanes I could , that the enemyes of the Church , might also be my enemyes . So S. Hierome : and so F. Persons : and consequently if ●his zeale against them procured their enmitie , and their enmitie brake forth into this hereticall insolēcy , I nothing doubt , but that now as well his painfull endeauours in his workes and writings against them , as his patient endurance of the wrongs and iniuryes he receaued by them , are both crowned in heauen with their due reward of immortall glory . In which respect we may say to M. Barlow , as S. Bernard in the ●ike case did to another , Quid iustius , quid iucundius , quàm vt quem reprehendere intendis plùs commendes , vt praeconijs pro conuitijs vtaris nescius , & volens detrahere , laudes inuitus ? that is ; what is more iust , what more comfortable then that you should the more honour him whome you go about to reproue ; that vnwitting you shoul● for reproaches vse praises , and desiring to detract ( F. Persons ) that euen against your will you should commend him ? But let vs returne againe to the railing Rhetorick of M. Barlow . 104. Within some two leaues after , as though he were in deuotionis templo , at his praiers , or amongst the Lindians , or Coribantes at their Sacrifices , he saith , that F. Persons is bill'd by the deuill , and enrolled in 〈◊〉 Catalogue of the damned ; that he hath all the markes of 〈◊〉 r●probate ; his braine the forge of mischiefe ; his face the ●●uile of impudency ; his hart the minthouse of treasons to 〈◊〉 Country ; a libelling hand restles & truthles ; a rayling tong●● without measure or discretion ; his throat an open sepulcher● his feet swife for bloudshed , & interiora impietas , his very entralls the inwards of impiety ; in briefe the engarbled an●tomy of a damned wretch , beyng branded with Cai● marke , that no man may attach to punish ●ym heere &c. These are the Episcopall tearmes of M. Barlow , an● you may imagine what forceth him to this fury . Were the truth on their syde , they needed not defile their pen●s with this filth ; but leesers must haue leaue to talke , and the ignorant to raue , when they are not able to frame better answers . 105. Many more of these flowers of M. B●●●lowes folly , or rather frenzy , I might produce , if the Reader were delighted with their noysome sauour , whose most common title of the Father , is Curr , or Do●● for so you haue now heard him call him , a dogg to sna●●● a dead dog , a rotten carcase of a poys●ned curr , a mych●● curr , a carionly curr , Carons mastiffe , Plutoes Cerb●rus , & afterwards , a Curr that snarles , a currish bloudhound , an oppro●rious curr , base bone-gnawer . And whereas F. P●rsons made this demaund of the Author of the Apology whome he tooke to be Thomas Mountagne : A●● needeth no more , Syr , but this to condemne both ●onfesso●● and Popes of conspiring the last Queenes death ? M. Barlow answereth hereunto : There needs no more ( CVRR ) then that : writing the word CVRR , in great capitall letters , for else the Reader should not haue discouered him so well to be a great capitall foole . Moreouer he calleth him turpissima bestia , a practised Equiuocatour , an equiuocating Malepardus . From beasts and doggs , he cometh to the Diuell , and compareth the Father to him , as he is Diabolus , as he is Satan , as he is Lucifer : in respect of which , and the precedent tearmes , these which follow , that he is an impostume of all corruptions , a Sycophant , the Popes Scauinger , a misbegotten Catechristicall companion , cogging & shamles companion , perfidious Hypocrite , and the like , may seeme very mild and moderate , though yet most repugnant to the modesty of any honest or well-minded man. 106. And albeit this tempestuous storme of M. Barlowes immodest and vnchristianlike railing , do fall specially vpon F. Persons , yet he forbeareth not also others of higher calling , and more eminent degree , who ( euen by his owne rule ) are further from enuy , which ( as he telleth his Maiestie in the beginning of his Epistle ) stretcheth herselfe no higher then these which are a mans equalls , or somwhat his Superiours : and in that respect , and euen by the rules of cōmon ciuility should haue bene spared , had not this Minister after that once he had broken the limits of modesty , earnestly endeauoured to be egregiously impudent , and therefore he forbeareth none , but euen this present Pope for his mildnes , vertue , wisdome , and learning most laudable , he calleth out of M. Bluetts relation ( if you will beleiue him ) a rash speaker , & a heady vndertaket , of a most violent spirit , & impatient of contradiction : & in other places a busy polypragmon , a man wedded to his owne will , and newly possessed of Pope Ioanes Chaire , the Grandfather of the Romish ●rats , an only Breue-compounder . And as the man is witty , so he interpreteth the words of the Apocalyps , sciens quod breue tempus habet , thus● The ( Pope ) knowing that his tyme is but a Breue . Cardinal Bellarmyne he abuseth more grosly , for he calleth him , a Cardinall parasite , the lenocinating pander of the whore of Babylon , the whit-lyuerd red-cap , his roguing trycks , and the lyke . 107. Besyds these personall reproaches , he hath many also more generall of the whole order of Iesuits , in which liue so many men of great nobility of bloud , exquisite learning , & rare vertue , for which amongst all good men they are renowned , and hated specially of hereticks , Infidels , and bad Christians : this man measuring and describing them all by himselfe , & his fellow Ministers of England saith , that they are a Society , which like Anniballs army is gathered ex collu●●● omnium gentium , of the resuse & male-contents of all nations , cemented into a fraternity as the walls of Babylon , buylt with the demolished rubbish of Babells tower , nourished by the Pope as the Ianizaries by the Turke , to be the valiantest cut-throates of true christians their owne natiue Coutrymen . So in one passage without interruption : and in another he saith , that Iesuits are the principall Boutefeaux , and incendiary make-bates through all Christendome , who laying fuell to fire , with their doctrine kindle , & with their counsayle enflame the mynds of Princes in iealouzies ech of other , & the naturall subiects with disloyall cō● spiracyes against their lawfull Soueraignes . So he . But this ranke blast with them shaketh no corne , all Princes & people , with whom they liue , seeing with their eyes , and knowing by their experience the quite contrary . But rayling and lying with this Minister , to vse his owne phrase , seeme to be his very kindly & essentiall partes . 108. Neyther is he content with this immodesty against Christs Vicar , and other vertuous men , but loosing the raynes of his vnbridled tongue , as a ship without a sterne , is carried where the fury of his passion , like a strong winde , doth transport him , and opens his mouth against heauen it selfe , and the Saints therein , by storming or blasphemously speaking of three of them , to wit , S. Gregory , and S. Leo , both which are for their rare examples of life , admirable knowledge , & renowned labours surnamed the Great , & S. Martyn no lesse eminent in all māner of sanctity , for which all the learned Fathers since his tyme haue neuer spoken of him but with singular reuerence , and very speciall commēdation . Of S. Gregory with a solemnelye he telleth the Reader , that B●llarmyne maketh their great Sainted - Pope eyther an hypocryte to giue the Emperour a hayle - Maister ( whom in hart he contemned , yea accounted a persecutour , saith Persons ) or else a temporizing luke-warme Laodicaean , that for feare or constraint would yield to any thing against his consciēce , that the Emperour would commaund . And can there be any thing more contumeliously and Lucian-like spoken then this ? Neyther hath the Cardinall any word or clause , that can be drawne hereunto , without manifold iniurious wresting and peruerting of his whole scope , drift , & meaning , as the Reader , if he list ●o peruse the place will soone confesse . 109. Towards S. Leo he is much more exorbitant calling him the eloquent proud Pope , and saying , that he hath certayne hyperbolycall phrases , wherwith he sets forth S. Peters authority , especially that blasphemous speach of his , that our Lord did take S. Peter into the fellowship of the indiuisible Vnity , such an impious & prophanely proud assertion , as a Christian hart would tremble to imagine it , and his hand abhor to write it . So he . And I thinke that al● Christian harts will more tremble & abhor the impious and prophane proud audacity , and blasphemo●● villany of this wicked miscreant , for his base reuiling so glorious a Saint , then any words vsed by S. Leo , which by the author of the Supplement are defended , & proued to contayne nothing but true and Catholicke doctrine , consonant to the Scriptures , Counsell , & all antiquity S. Martyn he calleth a sullen surly Prelate , taxing his vnciuill vsing of the Emperour , and proud thoughts , from which he was so free , as he is by all writers specially commended for the contrary , & made a rare example and mirrour of humility . But M Barlow hath leaue as it should seeme of his exact Suru●yours ( as once the Clazemonians had of the Sparthians● indecorè facere , to spare none , but to rayle , lye , an● blaspheme the highest and lowest , lyuing and dead , Gods seruants on earth , & his Saints in heauen , with whome , vnlesse he repent , he will neuer haue any part or portion , Quia maledici regnum Dei non possidebunt . 110. There would be no end , if I should vnfold all that he hath in this kind , which I forbeare to do● any further as hauing already layd forth so much as may cloy the Reader , and cleerly shew the spirit of the man. For if , as Cassiodorus writeth , speculum cordis hominum verba sunt , the words of men are the looking glasse of their hart , for from the aboundance of the hart the mouth doth speake , we must needs see what a sinke of iniquity lyeth in the hart of this man , from which so many lyes , contumelies , slaunders , blasphemyes , and wicked impure words haue proceeded ; what immodest malice , that spareth none , abuseth all ; what malicious immodesty , that shameth not to a base ●t selfe to the most vile and beastly tearmes which be●ore haue bene set downe , and are too filthy here to ●e againe repeated . Truely whosoeuer will with vn●artia●l affection iudge hereof , will soone see , and confesse that M. Barlow is more trayned and better practised in his schoole , who is accusator Fratrum , or his , qui aperuit os suum in blasp●emias , then our Sauiours , whose wisdome as S. Iames saith , is pudica , pacifica &c. peaceable and modest , of which he shall find this Minister quite deuoid , without sēse or feeling at all . 111. And by this also he may further ghesse where to find the Diuels scholler indeed , and his D●uillity Reader ( to vse M. Barlows words ) if he list to seek him , for I report me to all modest men , whether this manner of writing or rather railing haue not more Deuillity , then Diuinity in it , and whether it doe not better beseeme a Diuell thus to speake , then a Deuine to write , vnles perhaps such a Deuine as for his degree of Doctorship made his positiō of the possessiō of Diuels , and in defending the negatiue ( a strange assertion ) was so much in the tearmes of obsession , circumsession & possession , answering & distinguishing so ridulously whē the Maister of Queens Colledge pressed him , as if he had bene some Coniurers boy , that had bene to go forth Maister of the black art , and not M● Barlow to proceed Doctor of Diuinity : and as none will deny but that the argument of possession of Diuels did very much fit his humour , so must I needs say , that Cambridge was a very vnfit place for such a Doctour , when as both the dogmaticall position , and disposition of the man deserued rather a B●dlam or Bridewell , then any Oxford or Cambridge to be stayned withall . For there is neyther mad man in the one , or bad woman in the other , but that may yet learne to raue and raile of M. Barlow , though he haue this speciall priuiledge more then they , to set that out in print to the view of all , which some of them perhaps would be ashamed to speake priuately in their chambers between themselues alone . 112. I could here out of better proofe then the infamous Quodlibets , or other such like Libells which are M. Barlows chiefest Authors and authorityes against F. Persons , shew other examples of his proud & insolent behauiour , I meane by such witnesses as both saw and heard what passed at Lincolne , for that he was not so honorably receaued as he did expect , though yet he had much more honour done him then he did deserue . For preaching in his parish at S. Edwards o● the feast of the Circumcision , not so much vpon the Ghospell and present solemnitie , as against Syr Ioh● Cuts there present ( for cutting belike some benefice , or part therof from him ) he was so enraged , as neyther the place , tyme , Auditory , or the matter he hādled could keep him from open reproach , but that he must needs tell that out of the pulpit , which s●an● be fitted an Alebench , that now euery Iack would become a Cutter , with other words to that effect , which I forbeare in this place , as myndfull of my promise not to bring witnesse or proofe against M. Barlow , but M. Barlow himself . These things with many other in a more ample processe may come forth hereafter , if insteed of answering our bookes he prouoke vs againe , as here he hath done with his intemperate scurrility . From his rayling let vs come to his flattery . 113. Witty was the answere of the Cynicke , who being asked what beast had sharpest teeth to byte , ●nswered , that of wyld beasts the Detractor or rayler , ●f tame the Flatterer . And the Fathers well note , ●hat commonly these two vices combyned togea●her in the same subiect . Parasitus ( saith S. Hierome ) ●n contumelijs gloriatur : the Parasite delighteth in reproa●hes . And S. Chrysostome : Nihil muliebrius est , quàm ●obor in lingua habere , & in conuicijs superbire , sicut Para●●ti & adulatores &c. Porci magis sunt quàm homines , ●uotquot in hoc gloriantur . There is nothing more effe●inate , then for a man to haue his strength in his ton●ue , to take pride in rayling , as Parasites & flatterers vse ●o doe . As many as doe glory in this are more to be ●steemed swyne then men . So this Father in this short ●entence , giuing a sharp censure of M. Barlowes booke ●o flattering , so raylatiue , as it passeth all modesty & measure . Of the later we haue already seene some ex●mples , now you shall see how he can fawne , that did before so reproachfully byte , but with all breuity , as being loath for some respects , to touch the most pregnant examples of this Parasite , for feare of further reproofe and check . 114. You haue heard him blaspheme three Saints of ours ( for none of them was a Protestant ) now you shall heare him make a new Saint of his owne . For hauing spent almost three pages togeather in extolling or rather belying Q. Elizabeth farr beyond all truth or desert , calling white black , and black white , making light darknes , & darknes light , after he hath made her of all liuing creatures the most admirable on earth , with many bōbasting ph●ases , setting forth her praise , who yet in her life tyme did nothing or very little ( God wot ) that was praise worthy , leauing after 44. yeares raigne , no other monument in the land of her liuing in it , but that she had pulled downe many Churches 〈◊〉 howses , and not so much as buylt or let vp one● or ●rected any thing for posterity to remayne after 〈◊〉 But as Xenophon in Cyrus did not so much write 〈◊〉 life , as in him describe what a good King should be● so M. Barlow in his transformed Queen Elizabeth , ●●●leth vs not so much what she was indeed , as what 〈◊〉 should haue bene , or as now they would for the cr●dit of their Ghospell wish that she had bene : After a●● these Encomions giuen of her life , I say , thus he ad●uaunceth her after her death to heauen , and witho●● authority will needs canonize her before her tyme , & to vse his owne phrase , make her an eternized Saint● His words be these● For her reward in heauen , if restraints of liberty , and pursuites of malice for Gods truth● inflicted through Iealousie , and indured with singular pat●●ence ; if a release from them vnexpected , followed with h●●nours , and blessings , neyther interrupted by others ( whe●ther treasons or inuasions ) nor blemished by herselfe with vice criminall , or continued ; if life shut vp after length 〈◊〉 dayes and a full age , with a courage defying death , with● pray●rs imploring mercy , with faith assuring the prayers , with testimo●ies witnessing her assurance , can be preceding coniectures , or rather euidences of vnspeakable happinesse● we may safely conclude , that she which passed through 〈◊〉 Crowne of thornes ( borne so constantly ) to a Crow●e of Gold ( worne so tryumphantly ) hath n●w gotten the thir● of Glory , to enioy for euerlasting . 115. So M. Barlow , with more to the same effect● telling how she was an example of v●rtue for her owne to follow , and a loadst irre for other Nations to admire , cōcluding with this Apostrophe : Now this renowned Queen , this eternized Saint &c. And not to enter into disput● of the truth of his words , nor yet to aske him by what ●ertainty he knowes , that she passed from one of these ●hree Crownes to another , especially from the gold ●o glory , which requireth other proofe then this ver●all florish of a few Rhetoricall figures , & bare imagi●ary coniectures of that courage , prayers , faith , and testimonies witnessing assurance , which this man sitting in his chamber doth faigne , but she at her death ( if we belieue eye witnesses of much better credit then himselfe ) did little feele ; to omit this , I say , as an idle fancy or fiction rather of this foolish Parasite , two things I would demaūd of him : the first that seeing he will needs draw his glorious Queen into the Calendar of Saints , what title or place she shall haue amongst them in the same , for that in ours there is no Saint of that sex , but is either Virgin , or Martyr , or both , or else nec Virgo , nec Martyr , as are Wiues , Widdowes , and repentāt sinners . M. Barlow shall do well in his next to tell vs , in which of these degrees this his new Sainted Queen Elizabeth is to be placed : perhaps when he hath thought better on the matter , he may find some perplexity , & be content to let her passe for one that was nec Virgo , nec Martyr , and thrice happy had it bene for her , if she had bene indeed a true repentant sinner . 116. The other thing is to know , what he thinketh of the renowned Mother of his Maiesty , whom by this canonizing of Q. Elizabeth , he must needs condemne to hell-fire , for it is impossible that one heauen should hold both these Queenes , in life and beliefe so quite opposite , the one , with great commendation of vertue , remayning in the vnity of the Catholick faith , in which , and for which she dyed , to the great admiration and amazement of the whole world , to 〈◊〉 a Queene & Mother of a King indeed for religion , 〈◊〉 vnder the colour of ●reason , to which foule spot , as 〈◊〉 Orator well noteth Royall dignity was neuer lyabl● against all law , with all disgrace , ●o l●ose her he●d , 〈◊〉 an ordinary malefactor by way of publick and cō 〈◊〉 iustice , whiles the other liued in all ruffe , pride , and pleasure , followed the fancyes of new vpstart Ghospellers , hated and persecuted that faith , wherin notwithstanding vntill the fall of her vnhappy Father , 〈◊〉 whole Iland frō the first Cōuersion had remayned , 〈◊〉 in the end shut vp a wicked lyfe with a miserable & p●tiful death if that may be sayd to be pitifull & miserable which was without all remorse of conscience for f●●mer sinnes , all remonstrance of piety in , and before her agony , all remembrance of her future weale o● woe in the life to come , all naming God as of her selfe , or enduring others that did name him for her , or put her in mind of him ; whatsoeuer this lying Minister who is true in nothing , with a few fine phrases chatteth and forgeth to the contrary . 117. And if it would but please his most Excellent Maiesty out of his Royall respect to his most Noble Mother to see , who in her person haue alwaies most honoured or dishonoured his , he should soone find , that as in her life tyme the Catholiks had her in highest esteeme : so since her death haue registred her in the rāke of Martyrs , of whome the glory of this age , Cardinal B●ronius ( to name one for all the rest ) writeth thus : Porrò eamd●m Eccl●siam nobiliss●mam &c. Moreouer God in this our age hath permitted that most noble Church ( of Scotland ) to be tempted , that it might yield a most noble example of Christian cōstancy , when as a mōgst ●ther Martyrs ( which no other Country hath hitherto ●ad ) it hath deserued to haue their owne Queene the ●●nguler glory and ornament of the Catholick faith , ●efore tryed by a long imprisonment for to be honou●ed with the Crowne of Martyrdome . So he . As con●rariwise in M. Barlows brethrens bookes both at home ●nd abroad he shall find the most iniurious slanders , ●●ying reports , and reproachfull villanies , powred forth ●gainst that innocent Princesse , as will make any mans ●ares to glow and hart to rue , to see so little respect of ●rincely Maiestie or such insufferable liberty in Pro●estant writers , conioyned with singular impudency ●nd fraudulent malignity in imputing the outragious ●ttempts of the trayterous subiects to the Queen her●elf , as though she had bene the Author of that mis●hiefe which in hart she detested , & with many bitter ●eares , the true tokens of vnfaygned griefe most pitti●ully bewailed ; let one Reusn●rus in his Geneal●gyes be ●eene ( whose words I abhore to set downe ) and the Reader will not thinke me too sharp ; and I must con●esse , that in respect of him M. Barlow may seeme pardonable , though yet he be well content to haue his Maiestyes Mother to lye in hell , so that he may aduance his owne Mistresse to heauen . 118. In flattering his Maiesty he is more diffuse , taking all occasions to blaze out his praise , and sometymes forcing occasions where none are offered , and that also on false grounds : in which albeit I will not say , to vse Syr Th●mas Mores phrase , that his Gloria Patri is a wayes without a Sicut erat ( for who knoweth not that there are many great and commendable parts in his Maiestie ? ) yet this I dare warrant , that in this booke of his , and the Relation of the Conference at Hampton-Court , not big for bulke , but rather small 〈◊〉 respect of many great volumes written by some of th● Iesuits Bellarmine , Suarez , Valentia , Vasquez , Salm●●● Tolet , and others , there shall be found more flattery to King Iames in this alone , then in all the bookes 〈◊〉 theirs togeather hitherto ●et forth in print , towards 〈◊〉 the Popes or Princes vnder whom they haue written , or to whom they haue dedicated their learned labours ; so cunning , so carefull , and so copious is th●● fawning Parasite to creep into credit , and to pray●● and please them by whom he may hope for prefermēt● Examples in this kind do not want , were it as safe 〈◊〉 alleadge them , as it is easie to find them . But I se● what will be answered by him and others of the same seruile spirit , that in reprehending their flattery 〈◊〉 shew our selues impatient of his Maiesties glory , and enuy at his worthines ; which how far it is from our thoughts , he who sees all secrets , and searches al● hartes doth know and see . And that I may not seeme● to suspect this without cause , I will only produce o●● passage of his , which will make both the one and the other most cleer . 119. After his 15. proofes and 16. lyes in the history of the second Frederick , this without any coherence with the matter in hand , by a needles digression he turneth his speach to speake of his Maiesty : It was hi● Mai●styes exceeding humility , that he would grace Bellarmine ( being but a Cardinall ) so much , as to vouchsafe him an answere ; t' is his eminent commendation , that he can readily vnderstand all Stories written in this kind or any other , it argues his singular industry , that after so many houres sp●nt in the higher af●aires of the Realme , he could take the paines to perus● th●se which he did ; it is his pregnant dex●erity , that he contriued and abridged the discourse with that methode and sincerity , but it was his admirable iudg●ent and wisdome in forbearing variety of other Authours which wrote but by heare-say , & deliuered what they wrote vpon the second hand , in this example to pitch principally vpon him who liued in that tyme , and saw & wrote what passed betweene the Emperour & the Pope , in euery particu●er . True Christians and well affected to God-ward , would reioyce to see so gr●at a Monarch , so learned , & so expert , considering what the ignorance of Kings hath bene heretofore : but this is the Catholike enuy and vexation , that not Eldad & Medad , but Monarchs also can prophesie and discouer their weaknesse ; so that whereas now they cannot ( as in former tymes ) enthrall them by superstition , and insult vpon their ignorance , they are enraged against their knowledge , accounting their learning forgerie , and their truth-●elling malice . So M. Barlow . 120. In which passage , drawne in without occasion , besides that the whole ground thereof is vntrue that Petrus de Vineis ( for of him he speaketh ) li●ed at ●he tyme ( of Frederick his death ) and saw and wrote what pass●d in euery particular ( for by a whole cloud of witnesses it is afterwards proued , that he was dead a whole yeare before the Emperour , whome they will haue to be poysoned ) the Reader doth see what insultation he makes ouer ignorant Kings of former tymes ( whome yet this ignorant Minister might well haue spared ) and ouer the Catholicks , for their en●y of his Maiestyes knowledge , of their enthralling men in superstition , accounting their l●arning forgery , and their truth-telling mali●e : which empty froath of idle words , and vntrue surmises we can well beare at his hands , who must needs say somewhat ; and you see what he will say in case I should produce more examples of his flattery , which 〈◊〉 as well to auoid all occasion of such obloquy , as fo● that I meane to draw to an end of this Preface do heare forbeare further to recount . 121. There remayneth after his rayling and flattery , that we speake a word or two of his leuity ( for a lewd tongue and light head are seldome separated ) in his manner of speach and stile , which I the rather no●e , for that it pleased M. Barlow to twyte F. Persons with the inkhorne tearmes of euacuating , shifting , and trifeling , which words notwithstanding are very vsuall i● our vulgar tongue : and he that should say , that M. Barlow doth nothing else but shift , & tryft , would I doub● not , be well vnderstood , albeit he should not speak● altogeather true , for besides that , he doth raile , lye , flatter , forge authorityes , corrupt histories , and the like . But the words which M. Barlow vseth are not only not vsuall , but very strāge & vncouth , some of thē being taken from the Latin , some from the Greek , so●e from the French , others I thinke from the Irish , fo● they are neyther Greek , Latin , Fr●nch , or English , not haue , as far as I see , affinity with any other tongues , Out of a great heape I will set downe a few . 122. The word Only ( saith he ) doth not so much signifie an hypocoristicall alleuiation , as a compendiary limitation . Is not this fine ? And in the same page , more e●pedit for euiden●e , a very per●u●siue forc● . After , Cat●●●guised on holy Thursday ; to vindicate his credit ; a mend●cious vanity : and then togeather : this reliance vnrepe●●●able , is it not in them thus tyed , a vassallage of slauery ? & i● the Pope thus bynding them ( look to himself ) an oultrec●i●dance of tyrany ? and in respect of Kings a license for disloyalty in their subiects , and their allumetts of treason to their ●ersons ? So he . And do you not thinke , that this Gētlemā can speak Frēch ? doe not these words well beseem & adorne an English stile ? In other places . Porter of Hades ; this boutife aux is acquainted ; if he renege and de●y his prof●ssion ; no enterparte for exchange ; a sarcasti●all ●corne ; pharmatized with ●uch druggs ; a coalition of distinct regimēts ; some so wild that no disciplyne will cicure them ; many vse to robb with the valures ; this fal●e atomite ; the profi●able mythologies of poetts fables ; insulting pseudo-Apostles ; ●ainted affections may marr good orisons ; the Apologer had ●hus metaphrased ; neyther was her a●thority any thing anoindred or made lesse ; treacherous and vnnaturall cheui●ance ; from his didacticall we must follow him to his historicall skill ; the Popes ouer-awing surquedry ; of an oultrecuidant Pope ; a diametrall renouncing ; an iteritious Pamphlet . These are his forrain phrases , fectht far from home , and therefore fit for Ladyes : let vs see some few of his that are more domesticall . 123. In the very first page he telleth F. Persons that he might haue left the blunting or disloding of the tripled wedge ( two pretty metaphors ) to him that weares the triple Crowne . A litle after . An itching arme desires still to be scrubd ; to retriue an Author ; Aiax the whipper wreaking his teene vpon a ram ; as sowters stretch leather with their teeth , he saith , that Christ gaue his body to the smy●ers , his cheekes to the nippers ; a burt in his throat ; the pudder of different opinions ; they should settle their conscience not startle it ; a frapting discourse ; fayned blandishments● to distinguish vpon any hint ; the Apostle aduised ●ot to draw in a count●r-ietting yoke with Infidells , in that orbytie and age to embroider the Popes ingratitude , in this iering scorn● ; a Priest and his recepter ; let them garr their wiues ; more awkward and violent ; a pingle of trifles ; a counterscarfe of examples ; an Empericall Quack-saluer ; rebecke by oppos●● prouokes to wrath ; to start into circumstances ; a strong c●●̄tershocke ; to detort or defalke ; a scorning flur ; a bloud gl●s●● , to besm●er with his glauering balme ; the rechaffment to disloyall attempts ; frampold dealing ; a decade of reasons to d●s● the Pope &c. I leaue more then I take of these tear●e● and yet here are more then I well vnderstand : he shall not doe amisse , if he write againe , for the ease of his Reader , to se● out some dictionary to the end he may the better know the signification of these new words , or elsse I verily suppose he will be mistaken in many . 124. I will end all this matter with that which is most vsuall , most grosse and palpable in M. Barlow , to wit his forgery , and corrupting of Authors by exchange , addition , or subtraction of their words , inuerting wholy their sense and meaning : as in others very often , as well anciēt as moderne , so for the most part alwayes when in a different character he setteth downe ( as he would haue it seeme ) the text of his aduersary , & then taketh occasion vpon his owne word● foysted in , to carpe , rayle , & insult ouer him● the occasion of which foule fault in him , I find to be eyther his owne praise , of which he is very desirous , the disgrace of his aduersary , or the reliefe of his cau●e , when by no other way he is else able to shift , & auoyd the force of the authorityes produced against him , in ech kind : but very briefly I will alleage an example , without any choyce as they shall occur to my handes , for who so listeth to read his booke , & examine what he readeth , shall hardly in any place misse of examples . 125. In the Epistle to his Maiesty , he saith , that against F. Persons rayling he will comfort himselfe with that conclusion of S. Hierom : Caninam facundiam seru●s D●mini pariter exp●riatur & vnctas , accounting it my glory ( saith he ) that the same creature should rage and sn●rle at ME , the Lords vnworthy Minister , which hath not spared TWO ROYALL MONARCHES the Lords annointed and amounted . This text is fit as you see , for M. Barlowes purpose : for none can deny it , to be a great glory to this vnworthy Minister , to be ioyned with royall Monarches the Lords annointed and amounted . But in the Author , I meane S. Hierome himselfe , there is no mention of any such Minister , or Monarch ; there is no annointing , no amounting ; for he only speaketh of the B. Virgin , and Mother of our Sauiour , saying , or rather concluding his whole dispute with this sentence . Caninam facundiam seruus Domini pariter experiatur & mater : I shall with cōfort endure his rayling , who togeather with me reuiles the Mother of our Lord. So he . which full little concerneth this Minister , who with his Mates rather ioine with Heluidius to dispraise her , then with S. Hierom & the Cath. Church to defend or commend her , as all the world doth see . 12● . Of abusing F. Persons words , I haue spoken before , in relating M. Barlowes vntruthes , & vpō other occasiōs : one place more I will here adioyne , in which wit● the forgery he sheweth great malice & other Ruffiālike misdemeanour , for thus he citeth F. P●rsons words . A third thing is an ABVSE offered by his Maiesty to the words & meaning of the Breue , namely that the King should charge the Pope with vndeuinelike Doctrine , for saying that the Oath conteyned many things apertly contrary to faith and saluation , as if therby the Pope should say or meane that naturall Allegiance to their Soueraigne and Kin● , were directly opposite to fayth and saluation of soules . So he printing and noting the wordes as taken out of F. Persons booke , with different characters , marginall comma's as in the beginning he promised the Reader to do , saying : The Iesuits speaches through this whole booke are printed in the smaller letter alwayes with this marke ● in the beginning of the line prefixed . And who then that shall read these wordes will not thinke them all to be the wordes of F. Persons ? and that he had in expresse tearmes abused his Maiesty , with the charge of offering ●buse to the Pope ? Especially seeing M. Barlow in his Reply against him to ●harpen his pen , & to dip it deep in gall with this Virulent answere . The high Priest himselfe would not haue vsed such a sawcy tearme of ABVSE as this rightly malepart , that is , misbegotten Catachristical● c●mpanion hath done , but if it appeare that the Popes words imply so much , and that necessarily , Quid dabitur viro ? what shal be done to him that knetcheth this opprobrious Curr ? for what is this vncircumcised Iesuite , that he should in so base tearmes scurri●ize so great a King. So he . 127. And none can deny but that here he hath shewed himselfe , both a feruent and furious defender of his Maiesty , for his rage doth ouer-runn his witt , & his words all modesty . But not to stand vpon his immodesty , which is a quality inseparable from the subiect , I would aske him in Christian charity , why he hath put downe these as the words of F. Persons , or where they are to be found in his booke ? Doth he euer say● that his Maiesty offered ABVSE ? or doth he vse the tearmes of vndeuinelike doctrine ? what malice , what forgery , or rather what villany is this , to make F. Persons directly to charge his Maiesty , as in his own words with offering abuse , who in his booke hath no one such word or sillable ? All that he hath , is against him , whom he tooke to be the author of the Apology , whom for the reasons he alleaged in the very begining of his letter , & for other respects he could not perswad himself to be his Maiesty , as all know who then liued and conuersed with him , and heard him seriously giue his iudgment thereof . The true words of F. Persons which M. Barlow should haue cyted are these : Heare now , what abuse is offered to the words and meaning of the Breue , euery simple Reader will see without any explycation from me . For that the Pope doth not prohibite naturall obedience in things lawfull ; nor doth say , that such naturall , or ciuill obedience is opposite to faith or saluation of soules ; nor that the oath is vnlawfull , for exhibiting such naturall or ciuill obedience : but for that , besides this exaction of naturall obedience , which is lawfull , it conteyneth diuers other points also , concerning matters of Catholicke religion &c. Let the Reader compare them , with those which in the Fathers name M. Barlow hath giuen vs , & he shal soone see how well , whē he is disposed to rayle , he can forge a text to befit his argumēt , & what cōscience he maketh to abuse his Reader , or slaunder his Aduersary . 128. Another notorious forgery he vseth in cutting away of words when he is so conuinced by them , as he cannot reply . For proofe that Henry the fourth Emperour was taken out of his graue the day after his buriall by the Popes commaundment , M. Barl●w will needs bring a clowd of witnesses , which F. Persons hath so dispersed , as that all the thunder and lightning will fall on M. Barlows owne head . For the Emperour dying at Liege where he was besi●ged by the yong Emperour his sonne , and being vnburied againe the next day after his buriall , how could the Pope procure it to be done ? Belike they dispatched M. Barlows Cut-speed the poast who in one night went from Liege to Rome 800. myles and returned againe ere morning . But least that this should be espied , M. Barlow out of his Authors pareth away the word pridie , the day before , and then leaues the tyme indeterminate in them all , as it may by his cyting thē as well seeme to haue byn done a yeare , as a day before : for which matter I refer him to the discussion it self , where this in due place is more largely handled . 129. I will end with one place more wherewith the forgery is ioyned also incredible impudency , as the Author of the Supplement doth more fully handle and cleerly euince against him . Yow haue before heard M. Barlows bould assertion , touching vnity of names about a place obiected out of S. Leo , saying , that S. Peter was assumpted in cōsortium indiuiduae vnitatis , which F. Persons sayd was answered long since by M. Harding , to be meant of vnity of Name . What saith M. Barlow hereunto ? Speake in sooth , honest censurer ( saith he ) is vnity of names Hardings owne distinction in answere to Bishop Iewel● ? Himself denieth it ; for M. Harding saith that Leo meāt therby an vnitie in Quality an vnity in grace , an vnity that is proper to Christ himself , and mention●th no vnity of NAME , for though he were a corrupt Doctor , yet was he a better D●uine then to speake so absurdly as Persons would heer make him . Is not this very confidētly spoken thinke you ? And yet the Reader must know that in this very place which M. Barlow himelf cyteth , in the margent , punctually setting downe the leaff , in this very leasse , I say , after the words of M. Barlow of vnity of quallity , vnity of grace he addeth againe and againe vnity of name , & neuer saith an vnity that is proper to Christ himself . And what then will you say to the brazen forhead of this shameles man , affirming that D. Harding mentioneth no vnity ●f Name ; yea that himself d●nyeth i● ? Againe , that he saith an Vnity that is proper to Christ hims●l● ? Truly I cannot heere but thinke of a sentence of S. Augustine which he wrote against one , vsing far lesse impudency then this , that if M. Barlow proceed on in this manner , puto quod ipsum libri sui atram●ntunm erubescendo conuertetur in minium : I thinke the very inke of his booke with blushing will become v●rmil●ion . I add no other examples of this perfidious dealing , yet if M. Barlow list to see them he shall find good store in the last chapter of the Supplement , to the which I remit him . 130. By these euictions gentle Reader ( that I may heere conclude all this matter ) of M. Barlows ignorance , Grammaticall , Historicall , Scripturall , Theologicall , of his lying , sycophancy rayling , fooleries and forgeries , of his bad di●puting , Thrasonicall vaūting , and other impertinencyes , and misdemeanour in writing , thow maiest without further proofe be able of thy self to iudge , how vnfit a Sparthan he was to enter this combat , & how true the Censure is which before I gaue of him , and of his booke : which the more I consider the more I admire , eyther how he was chosen to vvrite , being so vveake , or his writing suffered to passe with so sleight suruiew , and with the Apostle to say , Sic non erat inter vos sapiens &c. is your Ministery so bare , and Deuinity so barren , that no more learned man then this ignorant and shameles Superintendent could be found to defend his Maiesty or write in this controuersy ? Or is your cause become now so desperate , as that the weaknes and wickednes therof , enforceth you to these hard shifts , and disgracefull attempts ? Yf it be the truth you seeke , why vse you so many and so manifest lyes ? If the controuersy y●● handle belong to fayth , or good life , what needeth so fraudulēt , so faithles , & persidious dealing ? If all Authors stād for you , why do you corrupt their words , peruert their meaning ? If the Aduersary you answer be so weake as you make him , at least let him speake in his owne words , and then will your refutation in that respect carry with it the more credit . Say not that which you cannot proue : meddle not with that which you doe not vnderstand : forge not accusations , and then take the aduantage of your owne fictions : deale like Christiās , deale like Deuines if you haue any Diuinity at all amongst you ; let things be handled as their nature require , as it becomes the person of the writer , as is best for the Readers direction for finding the truth in case the iniquity of your cause , and weaknes of your ability can beare it , and then we will not complaine ; but setting aside all personall reproaches ( to which this Minister aboue his fellowes is more subiect ) insist only vpon the cause in controuersy vt res cum re , causa cum causa , ratio cum ratione concertet . 131. This course had M. Barlow or could he haue holden , we should not haue had so many ouersights , so grosse and childish ignorance , such lewd railing , such sycophancy , so many words , so little matter , so much chaffe without all substance , so huge a heape of vntruthes , so great brags , so weake proofes ; and is fine we should haue found some Diuinity besides Erasmus Chiliads , Martialls Epigrams and other Poets , for of such pedling and pelting stuff is his whole booke composed : we should not haue seene such false citations such mistaking , and corrupting of Authors , such strāge and vnchristian assertions , and other misdemeanours of which I haue laied forth some examples , but haue left many more then I haue taken , and in some of the heads touched more aduantagions also for the cause it self , then those which I haue alleadged , as who so listeth with any diligence to confer M. Barlows booke with F. Persons Letter , or examine the passages he cyteth of others , or his owne discourse , collections and inferences , will soone perceaue . 132. Wherefore I wish thee , good Reader , vpon that which hath bene said to weigh first the difference both in the spirit and method of these two men , and that by no other ballance then their owne bookes , for thereby thou shalt see where truth , where vertue , and learning is : and contrariwise where falshood , forgery , and ignorance . The letter is in many mens hands , and so is M. Barlow his booke , doe but confront them togeather and thou shalt in the one find grauity , iudgment , learning method in writing , modesty , truth & what else should be in one that handleth a question of that nature ; and in the other neyther stile , nor order , nor modesty or any grauity , learning , or truth at all : and for the manner of his writing , it is so harsh , patched togeather like a beggars cloake , and like a sick mans dreame so ill coherent ( vnles it be when he flatters , for then he striues of purpose to be eloquent ) as in reading the same I often thought of that censure of S. Hierome against Iouinian , who was as fond in his latin phrases as M. Barlow is in his English : Qu●tie●cumque cum legero , vbi me defecerit Spiritus , ibi est distinctio , totum incipit , totum pendet ex altero , nescias quid cui cohareat : As often as I read him where my breath shall faile me there is a full point : the whole begins , the whole depend● of some what else , that a man knowes not what coherence one thing hath with another . 133. Withall thow mayest obserue what strange impudency it was in M. Barlow to tell his Maiesty , that F. Persons railing was such , as neither his age , 〈◊〉 profession , neither shame of the world , nor feare of God , nor grace of the spirit , could mortifie his nature , or restraine his tongue : when as out of that Letter which he answereth , there is no sentence or syllable , that can sound of such insolency ; but his tongue hath so ouerlashed , as neither age , nor profession , nor shame , nor feare , no● grace could restraine it . And if that such intempera●● and vnsincere dealing be the grace of Protestants spirits , there needeth no great tryall to be made , for discerning them from what sourg or fountayne they proceed , or whether they be g●od or bad . And whereas he mentioneth prof●ssion , alluding , as I take it , to the religious profession of Father P●rsons , M. Barlow must know that in Catholicke doctrine , the state of a Bishop is of more perfection in it selfe ● then is the state of a Religious man , and so he taking himselfe for such a one , should haue shewed more modesty then F. Persons , in case he had bene immodest , as he was not . But men gather not grapes from thornes , nor from such religion , such Bishops , such spirits , expect any other flowers , or fruite then are wont to grow in such gardens , to wit , in the barren soile of ignorance , pride , and hereticall peruersity . 134. Againe consider I pray you , what regard is to be had to the Censures of these men , which they passe vpon Catholike bookes , that are set out against them . For not knowing which way to turne themselues to answere , they thinke it no ill policy to make the Reader belieue , that they are of no worth , the authors contemptible , their proofes none at all . This M. Barlow doth often ; & M. Andrews also maketh his first entrance with the same to his last booke . So likewise before them did M. Whitaker against the Rhemes Testament , and M. Iewell against Doctor Harding , which shamefull shift , they neuer vse so much , as when they know least what else to reply . For proofe whereof , if there were no other argument , let their owne writing against vs be seen , especially this answer of M. Barlow , in which his charges are fierce & frequent ; but when tryall is to be made , he falleth eyther to forging of texts , or corrupting of Authors , or idle & ignorant babling , or to worse dealing as hath bene shewed . On the contrary side , we for cleerer euidence and vpright dealing , charge him with no more then we do proue ; nor take any other proofe , then what is deduced from his owne words , or else plainly expressed by them ; & that without any mutation , addition , chopping , or any māner of wresting them to another sense & meaning , then they of their owne nature do beare , & M. Barlow himselfe when he wrote them did intend . 135. Last of all if M. Barlow mislike , that he is not stiled with a more honorable Ty●le , as well in this Preface , as in the Discussion & Supplement , besides that himself acknowledgeth it sufficiēt honour to haue the name Maister , which ( saith he ) put to the Surname of any man , is an addition of worship : so we must tell him , that we giue it not , for that we find no ground or foūdation for the same . For which cause neyther Harding against Iewell or Stapleton against Horne , or others against other of the Superintendents haue bestowed other tytle then Maister , as not acknowledging them to be any Byshops at all . And for mine owne part I take M. Barlowes wife , whether she be his Lady or Mistri● for the feminine sex ( to vse his owne words ) must predominate which way so●uer inclyned ) to be as much Bishop of Lincolne as he . And albeit M. Barlow say in one place , that sure Maister Iewell was as lawfull a Byshop , as M. Bellarmine is a Cardinall , and deserues the tytle as well ; surely I must tell him that he is much mistaken , for so much as of Cardinall Bellarmins being Cardinall there can be no doubt , seeing he was made by the Pope , who only can , & euer yet hath made Cardinalls , such as now we speake of . But of M. Iewells being Byshop we haue not so much certainty , yea we haue no certainty at all . For who I pray you made him ? Who gaue him his Iurisdiction ? Who imposed hands vpon him ? What orders had they ? What Byshops were they ? 136. True it is , that both He , Sands , Scory , Hor●e , Grindall , and others , ( if I mistake not their names ) in the beginning of the raigne of Q. Elizabeth mett at the Horse-head in Cheepside ( a fit signe for such a Sacrament ) and being disappointed of the Catholike Byshop of Landaffe , who should there haue come to consecrate them , they vsed the like art that the Lollards once did , in another matter , who being desirous to cate flesh on good friday , and yet fearing the penalties of the lawes in such cases appointed , tooke a pigge & d●uing him vnder the water , said downe pigge and vp pi●● , and then after constantly auouched that they had eaten no flesh bu● fi●h : So I say these graue Prelates assēbled as aforesayd , seeing the Byshop whom they expected came not , to consecrate them , they dealt with S●ory of H●r●ford to doe it , who when they were all on their knees , caused him , who kneeled downe Iohn Iewell , to rise vp Byshop of Salisbury , & he that was Robert Horne before , to rise vp Byshop of Winchester , and so forthwith all the rest● which Horse-head Ordering , was after confirmed Synodically by Parlament , wherin they were acknowledged for true Byshops : and it was further enacted , that none should make any doubt or call in question that ordination . 137. This was the first ordering of M. Iewell & the rest , as I haue bene enformed by one that heard it from M. Neale Reader of the Hebrw lecture in Oxford , * who was there present , & an eye witnes of what was done and passed . Perhaps for a further complemēt to supply all defects in the matter or forme of this ordering , Q. Elizabeth as Head of the Church , did as a noble Woman is said to haue done neere Vienna , of whom Schererius the Lutheran writeth : Ante paucos annos , non procul hinc mulier quaedam nobilis per impositionem muliebrium suarum manuum , & lintei quo praecingebatur loco stolae , filiorum suorum preceptorum ad praedicanticum officium vocauit , ordinauit , & consecrauit . A few yeares since , not farr from hence , a certayne Noble woman did call the Maister of her children , to the office of a Preacher ( or Minister ) and did order and consecrate him by the imposition of her hands , and of her apron which she did vse in steed of a stole . Whether any such imposition of hands , aprons , or kyrtles , were vsed to these first Prelates by Q. Elizabeth afterwards I know not : but I haue bene credibly enformed , that Maister Whitgift would not be Byshop of Canterbury vntill he had kneeled downe , & the Queene had laid her hands on his head : by which I suppose , ex opere operato ; he receaued no grace . 138. To conclude , seeing that against M. Doctor Harding , M. Iewell could neuer proue himself a Bishop● as the Reader may see at large , in the place here by 〈◊〉 cyted , I will not put M. Barlow to proue the same , f●● I see the length of his foote , & quid valeant humeri q●●● ferre recus●nt , where M. Iewell failed , to seeke M. Barlowes supply were ridiculous ; it shall suffice him to answere for al his owne ouersights in this booke , to learne to be modest , to take heed how he dealeth with Schoole men , to write truely , to study to vnderstand well the controuersie wherof he writeth , and finally to write as a Scholler , as a Deuine , at least as an honest man ( of all which the very easiest is too hard in my opinion for him to performe ) & thē I dare promise him , that with all candor , sincerity , and modesty by one or other , he shall be answered . And if in some things I might seeme to haue bene too sharp : yet in respect of his base and bitter veyne , whatsoeuer I haue said , will seeme I doubt not to be both myld and temperate . Faultes escaped in the Preface Quate●n . ( c ) pag. 1. nu . 10. in margine versus finem . adde , Nubrig . l. 5. cap. 21. Eodem quatern . pag. 3. lin . 26. nu . 12. species producatur , lege , species praedicatur . Quatern . ( d ) pag. 3. lin . 24. nu . 22. Iudge not , ●ege , I iudge not . Quatern . ( f ) pag. 7. lin . 30. num . 45. dele , the affirmatiue or negatiue . Quatern . ( k ) pag. 1. l. 6. nu . 73. F. Persons , lege Fathers person . OF POINTS CONCERNING THE NEVV OATH OF ALLEGIANCE , Handled in the Kings Apology ; before the Popes Breues : AND Discussed in my former Letter : CHAP. I. FOR as much as good order and method in writing giueth alwaies great light and ease to the Reader , my meaning is in this ensuing Worke to insist speci●lly vpon the three parts touc●ed rather then treat●d at large in my Letter against the Apology : which Letter M. Barlow hath in his booke pretended to answer● and that also in three parts according to the former diuision of the Epistle , wherof the first part doth conteine such points , as the Apology did handle by way of preface , as it were , before the Popes two Breues , especially concerning the substance , and circumstances of the new Oath . The second , such other matters , as by occasion of the sayd two Breues were brought into dispute by way eyther of impugnation , or defence . The third doth comprehend Cardinall Bellarmi●● his letter to M. Blackwell , togeather with the view , and examination of what had beene written in the Apology against the same . And albeit it doth grieue me not a little to be forced to leese so much good tyme , frō other more profitable exercises , as to goe ouer these matters againe , especially with so idle an aduersary , as you will find in eff●ct M. Barlow euery where to be : yet shall I endeuour to recōpence somewhat to the Reader this losse of time , by choosing out the principall matters only , & by drawing to light my said Aduersaries volunta●y , and affected obscurity , vsing also the greatest breuity that I may , without ouermuch preiudice to perspicuity , which I greatly loue , as the lanterne or rather looking glasse wherby to find out the truth , and for that cause so carefully fled by my aduersary , as in the progresse of this our contention will be discouered . For that as diuinely our Sauiour sayd : Qui male agit , odit lucem , & non venit ad lucem , ne arguantur op●ra eius : He that doth euill , hateth the light , and will not come at it , least his workes be discouered therby . But we must draw him hereunto , and for better method we shall reduce the most chiefe and principall heades of ech part vnto certayne Sections or Paragraphes , which may help the memory of the Reader . ABOVT THE TRVE Author of the Apology for the Oath of Allegiance . §. I. FIRST then , for that it hath byn sufficiently obserued before , and the reader hath byn aduertised also therof , that in all my aduersaries allegatiōs of my words ( when they are in any number ) he commonly falsifieth them , or offereth some other abuse to the same , by altering them to his purpose , or inserting his owne among mine , and yet setting downe all in a different letter , as if meerly they were myne ; I shal be inforced as occasion is offered , to repeat my owne lynes , as they ly in my owne Booke , that therby I may be vnderstood , and his answere to me conceaued , which hardly can be , as he hudleth vp both the one , and the other , desiring to walke in a mist of darknes : the euent shall shew , whether I speake this vpon good grounds , or no. Now to the narration it selfe . And so first hauing receaued from my friend in England the aforesayd Apology of triplex Cuneus , concerning the new Oath of Allegiance , now called the Kings , and perused the same with some attention , I wrote backe againe to my sayd friend , as followeth , being the very first lines . I cannot but yeild you harty thankes ( my louing friend ) for the new booke you sent me ouer by Guntar , at his last passage : for albeit I haue determined with my selfe in this my banis●ment to spend my tyme in other studies more profitable , then in contention about controuersies : Yet must I needs acc●pt kindly of your good will , in making me partaker of your newes there . And more glad should I haue byn , if you had aduertised me what your , and other mens opinion , was of the Booke in your partes , then that you request me to write our mens iudgment from hence . And yet for so much as you require it so earnestly at my hands , and that the party is to returne presently , I shall say somewhat with the greatest breuity that I can : albeit I do not doubt , but that the parties that are principally interessed there●●●ill answere the same much more largely . First then , for the Author , for so much as he setteth 〈◊〉 downe his name , it seemeth not so easy to ghesse : yet the more generall opinion in these partes is , that as that odious Discouery of Roman do●trine , and practises , which of late you haue seene answered , was cast forth against the Catholickes , vnder the cyphred name of T. M. with direction ( as he said ) from Superiours , the Autho●● being in deede but an inferiour Minister ; so diuers thinke it to be probable , that this other booke also cōmeth from some other T. M. of like condition , t●ough in respect of his office , somewhat neerer to his Mai●sty , to whom perhaps he might shew the same ( as the other dedicated his ) and thereupon might presume to set it forth Authoritate Regia , as in the first front of the booke is set downe somewhat dif●●rent from other bookes , and cause it to be printed by Barker his Mai●sties Printer , and adorned in the second page with the Kings Armes , and other like deuises , wherin our English Ministers do gr●● now , to be very bold , and do hope to haue in tyme the hand which Scottish Ministers once had . But I most certainly do perswade my selfe , that his Maiestie neuer read aduisedly all , that in this Booke is contayned . For that , I take him to be of such iudgement , & honour , as ●e would neuer haue let passe sundry thinges , that here are published , contrary to them both . Thus I wrote at that tyme , of my coniecture about the Author of the said Apology , alleaging also certayne reasons in both the foresayd kindes , which albeit they be ouerlong to be repeated heere , yet one or two of ech kind , especially such as Master Barlow pretendeth to answere , may not be pretermitted . As for example ( sayd I ) his Highnes great iudgmēt would presently haue discouered , that the state o● the q●●stion is twice or thrice changed in this Apology , and that thin● proued by allegations of Scriptures● Fathers● & Councels , which t●e a●uerse part d●ny●th not , as after in due place I shall shew . And againe ●e ●ould ●●u●r haue let passe so mani●est an ouersight , as is 〈…〉 o● Cardi●all Bell●●mine with ●leuen seuerall pla●es o●●●n●●ad●●●●●n to him●el●e in his workes , wheras in the true natu●e o● 〈…〉 , or contrariety no one of them can be proued , or mantayned , as euery man that vnderstandeth the latin●on●ue & will but looke vpon Bellarmine himselfe , will presen●ly find . This was one of my reasons , besides diuers other , that I alleaged in that place , all which for so much as it pleaseth Maister Barlow to deferre the answere thereof to another place afterwards , and now to satisfy a reason only of certaine contemptuous speach vsed against the Pope , and Cardinall Bellarmine , I shall here also make repetition of my wordes therein . Thus then I wrote . In like manner wheras his Maiestie is knowne to be a Prince of most honorable respects in treaty , and vsage of others , especially men of honour , & dignity , it is to be thought , that he would neuer haue consented , if he had but seene the Booke with any attention , that those phrases of contempt not only against the Pope ( at least as a temporall Prince ) but neyther against the Cardinall , calling him by the name of Maister Bellarmine , should haue passed . For so much , as both the Emperour and greatest Kings of Christēdome , do name that dignity with honour . And it seemeth no lesse dissonant , to cal a Cardinal Maister , then if a man should call the chiefest dignities of our Crowne by that name , as M. Chancellour , M. Treasurer , M. Duke , M. Earie , M. Archbishop , M. Bancroft , which I asure my selfe , his Maiestie would in law of Honour condemne , if any externe Subiect , or Prince should vse to men of that Sate in our countrey , though he were of different religion . Wherfore , I rest most assured , that this proceeded , either out of the Ministers lacke of modesty , or charity : & that if his Maiestie had had the perusall of the Booke , before it came forth , he would presently haue giuen a dash of his pen ouer it , with effectuall order to remedy such ouersights of inciuility . So I then . And if I were deceiued in iudgement as now it seemeth I was , for that it plea●eth his Maiesty to take the matter vpon himselfe , & to auouch that Booke to be his , yet in reason can it not be taken euill at my handes that followed those coniectures , and sought rather to deryue vpon others the pointes which in that booke I misliked , then to touch so great a personage as was , and is my Prince . Yea in all duty and good manners I had obligation to conceale his Maiesties name , for so much as himselfe concealed the same : and when any Prince will not be knowne to be a doer in action , as in this it seemeth he would not at that tyme , I know not with what dutifull respect any subiect might publish the same , though he did suspect that he had part therin . For that subiects must seeme to know no more in Princes affaires then themselues are willing to haue known . And consequently , when I saw that his Maiesty concealed his name , I thought it rather duty to seeke reasons to confirme & couer the same , then by presūption to enter into Princes secrets , and to reueale them . And hauing thus rendred a reason of my doings in this behalfe , it remaineth that wee see what Maister Barlow hath to say against it ; for somewhat he must say , wheresoeuer he find it , & though neuer so impertinent to the purpose , hauing taken vpon him to contradict , and plead against me in all pointes , and reaceaued his ●ee before hand , as may appeare , by the possession he hath gotten of a rich benefice , and hopeth for more . First then he runneth to a ridiculous imitation of my former reasons , whereby to seeke out whether Persons the Iesuite were the true author of my Lettter or no , & from passage to passage doth furnish his style with some railing offals out of M. VVatsons Quodlibets against him , which though the author recalled , and sore repented at his death , as is publikely knowne and testified by them that stood by , and heard him : yet this charitable Prelate wil not suffer his synne to dye with him , but will needs rayse , and reuiue the same agayne after his death , and make it his owne , by this sinfull & vnchristian exprobration therof . But what maketh this to the purpose we haue in hand ? surely nothing but to shew the malice , and misery of the slaunderer . For let Father Persons be a ranging voluntary runegate , and Hispanized Camelion , as here he is termed , or any thing els which an intemperate , loose , or lewde tongue can deuise for his con●umely , what is all this to the matter in hand , that is to say , to the writing of the former letter , or who was the author thereof ? Doth not here malyce , and folly striue which of them shall haue the vpper hand in M. Barlow ? But yet one point he hath more of singularity in folly , which I suppose will goe neere to make the reader laugh , if he be not in choler with him before for his malice . For wheras I had professed my selfe to be perswaded vpon the reasons set downe , that his Maiestie was not the penner of the Apologie , though it was printed by Barker his Printer , and set forth authoritate Regia , by the Kings authority , alleadging for example , that first of the minister T. M. knowne afterwardes to be Thomas Morton , who published some yeares gone , his lying and slaunderous Discouery against Catholikes , and gaue it this approbatio● , that it was set forth by direction from Superiours ( though perhaps no Superiour euer read it ) and the like I sayd , might be suspected that this other Apologie furnished with authoritate Regia , might perhaps proue to be the worke of some other T. M. to wit , Thomas Montague , somewhat neere to his Maiestie , by reason of his Ministeriall office , which then he held : all which declaration notwithstanding Maister Barlow is so set to haue men thinke , that I knew and perswaded my selfe , that it was the Kings booke indeed , and that by those two letters T. M. I meant Tua , or Tanta Maiestas . By those ciphers ( saith he ) of T. M. if he will speake without equiuocation he meant Tua , or Tanta Maiestas . And haue you euer heard such a dreame , or deliration in one that professeth wit ? Marke his sharpenes . I doe say , that this second T. M. doth signify Thomas Montague , & do sett it downe expresly in the margent . I doe describe the person , and office neere the king , as being then Deane of his Chapell though I name it not . I doe shew probabilities , how he might presume to write , and set forth that booke authoritate Regia , by shewing it only to the king . And how could I then by those two letters of T. M. meane Tua , or Tanta Maiestas ? or what sense of grammer , or coherence of phrase would those latyn wordes make , for so much as I wrot in English ? what shall I say ? is not he worthy to pretend a Bishopricke , that hath no more wit then this ? But let vs goe forward to examyne other poyntes . He standeth much vpon the exception taken , of calling Cardinall Bellarmine , Maister Bellarmine , and his defence consisteth in these poyntes , distended impertinently throughout diuers pages . That his Maiestie being so great a King , might call such an vpstart officer , that knoweth not where to rake for the beginning of his sublimity , Maister . That Christ our Sauiour was called Rabbi by Nicodemus , & Rabboni by Mary Magdalen : and that Christ himselfe acknowleged the title to his disciples Iohn 13. You call me Lord , & Maister , & you do well , for so I am . That S. Cypriā called Tertullian his Mai●ter , & Peter Lombard Bishop of Paris was called Maister o● the Sentences , in all which speaches , sayth he , the word Maister is taken for a name of credit , and not of reproach . These are his arguments . Wher●unto I answer first that the greater the Prince is , the more commonly they doe abound in courtesy of honorable speach , and consequently his Maiesties greatnes made rather for my coniecture , then otherwise : that if he had beene the Writer of the booke , he would not haue vsed that terme of contempt to such a man : and secondly for so much as concerneth the dignity & degree of a Cardinall in it self , so much scorned by M. Barlow , it shal be well , that he do read ouer the fourth chapter of Car●inall Bellarmines last booke of answer to his Maies●●es ●re●ace , De comparatione Regis & Cardinalis , where he sh●●l 〈◊〉 so much raked togeather ( to vse his owne phrase of conte●pt for the dignity , and high estimation of that state in the Catholike Church , as he wil be hardly ●b●e to di●perse the same in the sight of godly , and w●s● men , with all the contumelious speach he can vse therof , esp●c●ally for so much as Cardinall Bellarmine his worde● o●●●omise are these : Adducāiudicium , & testimonis Pa●●●m v●t●rum , qui primis q●●ngentis annis sloruerunt , quos à s● ●ecipi Rex ipse supra testatus est . I wil● bring forth the iudgment , and te●timonies ( saith he ) of the ancient Fathers which florished in the first fiue hundred yeares after Christ , whom the King before testified , that he doth admit , and receiue . So he . Thirdly where he alleageth , that Christ was called Rabbi and Rabboni , and acknowledged himselfe to be so , to wit a Maister , and Teacher , helpeth nothing Maister Barlowes purpose at all . For we graunt , that the word Maister may signify two thinges , first the authority of a teacher , or doctor , and so our Sauiour in respect of the high , and most excellent doctrine , that he was to ●each vnto the world for saluatiō of soules was called Maister by ex●ellen●y , yea the only Maister , for so doth our Sauiour expressely aff●●me in S. Matthews ghospell , Be you not called Maisters , for that Christ is only your Maister . In which sense he is also called Doctor by eminency in the Prophet Isay , who promised amōg other things in the behalf of God , to his people ; Non saciet a●ol●re ad tev●●●● Doctorem tuum . He wil not take frō you ag●ine your Doctor , or Maister . Iosue also in this sense writeth , that he called togeather Principes , Iudices , & Magist●os . The Princes , Iudges , & Maisters of the people . So as in this sense of teaching , gouerning , & directing , the word Maister beareth a great dignity , and our Sauiour ioyned the same with the word Lord , when he sayd you call me Lord & Maister , & you do well therin . And so if the Ap●loge● whosoeuer he were had this intentiō to hon●ur Card. Bellarmine with the dignity of Doctor , & teacher , whē he called him M. Bellarmine , I graunt that no discourtesy was offered vnto him by that title . But now there is another sense in vsing this word Ma●●ter , as it is a common title giuen to vulgar men , and the lea●t● & lowest of all other titles of courtesy accustomed to be giuen , for that aboue this is the word Syr , & aboue that agayne Lord , and then Excellency , Grace , Maiest● , and the like . And in this sense , and common acceptance of the word Maister , I sayd in my Letter , that it might be taken in contempt , when it was vsed to any person , to w●om the title o● higher dignity by common intendment was due , as i● a man should say Maist●r Chancellour , M. Treasurer , M. Earle , M . Archbishop , and the like . But l●t vs s●e the wily winding of M. Barlow here , for that ●●●ding hims●lfe much p●●ssed with these examples , he ●ound this deui●e to shi●t them of . S●ch a digni●y ( quoth he ) it may be , that Ma●s●●r prefixed be●ore it , may pr●●e a diminishing terme : but if you put it to the Syrname of any man , it is an addition of ●ors●ip . a●candalum ●candalum Magnatum ? W●e●●t● I answer , that this shi●t is more fond then the former . But let vs come to the practice of this deuise , & let a Sut●r at the Court , or Coun●ell ●or gayning the good ●ill , and fauour of the Coun●ellours , b●gin with this additiō o● worship to their S●rnames , saying in●teed o● Lord Chauncellour , M. Fgerton , I haue this , or that ●ute , wherein I craue fauour : so also , Mais●er ●ecill in●●e●d of Lord ●reasurer , M. Howard , M. ●albot , & others in 〈◊〉 of Honours , and Lordshippes : would Maister B●●low thinke to obtayne more ●auour by this addition of wor●hip to theyr Syrnames ? or did he vse perhaps this manner of speach , when he crouched to them , and his Ma●esty ●or gaining the Bishoprick , which he now pos●es●●th ? or will he teach this magisteriall doctrine o courtesy to be practised in the Court at this day ? How many scholle●s and disciples were he like to haue th●rin ? but among other examples , one there is wherin gl●dly I w●uld haue his answer . He profes●eth himselfe a great , and singul●r seruitour of the Queene past , and if this doctrine o● Ma●ster do hold in men of neuer so great honour for addition of worship , if it be giuen to the S●rn●me : then b● like proportion also , it must hould in the word Mist●●sse , giu●n to the S●rname of women , t●●ugh neu●r so gr●at , or Honorable . Yf then Maister Barlow , had gone vnto the s●yd Queene in neuer so good ● disposition , yea when he had betrayed his Maister the ●arle of Essex for her sake , and had preached again●t him that horrible Sermon , which he did a●ter his death , and should haue sayd vnto her , Good Mistres●e Tydder , this and this haue I done for your cause , I hope you wil reward me : what reward would you thinke that she would haue bestowed vpon him , for so great a courtesy ? And this shal be sufficient to shew the vanity of this euasion , wherein he pleaseth himselfe very much , and entertayneth his pen for diuers pages , as I haue said , pretermitting three or foure other in●tances of mine of much more force , for prouing my coniecture , that his Maiestie himselfe penned not the Apologie , promising to answer them after in their due place : but this place had bene most due to the matter in hand if the Minister had found himselfe ready , and sufficiently fraught with substance to refute them , and therfore it is to be presupposed , he would not haue pretermitted the occasion for shew at least of some furniture in this beginning , for so much as he hunteth so greedily after all occasions to say somewhat , though nothing to the purpose at all . Well then , thus remayneth the argument of this first Paragraph , about the true Author of the Apology ( which now his Maiestie confesseth to be his ) somewhat discussed , as you haue heard : the rest remayning for the place that M. Barlow hath promised to say more thereof afterwardes . The summe of all hitherto treated being , that I and infinit others being strangers to that which was done in secret , & thinking it not conuenient , nor dutifull for any subiect of his Mati● . to ascribe vnto so great a Prince , a thing that might be denyed afterwards , or called in controuersy by many : I did vpon the reasons alleadged , perswade my selfe , that it was the doing of some of his Maiesties Chaplaines , & namely of Maister Thomas Montague , as before I haue said by some generall licence , or approbation of his Highnes , rather then to haue bene penned by his Maiesty himselfe . And vpon this ground , did I frame my Letter and iudg●ment to my friend in England , with all mod●sty , r●uerence , and due respect vnto his Maiesties person , though sometymes I was forced by the very currēt of the matter it selfe , and by the iniurious dealing , as to me it seemed , o● the supposed Author to be more quick and earnest with him , then I would haue bene , if I had but imagined his Maiestie to haue bene the writer thero● . Whereby also appeareth the present iniquity of this other Minister VVilliam Barlow , who in all this Answer of his doth peremptorily conioyne himselfe with the person of the Prince , whose champion he maketh himselfe to be , reapeating all the wordes of the Apologer ( whom I tooke to be no better then himsel●e ) as the wordes of the King , and my confutation , as a confutation of his Maiestie , wherin he doth me open iniury : for that Er●or P●rsona mut at casum , say both Lawyers and Deuines , and he ought to haue taken me in the sense , & meaning that I supposed , whether it were true , or false . For as , if in an euening when it waxeth darke a man should meet one , whom ●e thinketh to be his enemy , & to haue greatly abused him , & should vse sharp speach vnto him according to his supposed deserts , and that this party should not be his enemy indeed , but rather his great friend , or Superiour ; he could not haue an action against him , that vttered these former words out of opinion , that he was his enemy , & had abused him : so much lesse here in this mistaking in so great obscurity of darkenes , there being so many probabilities and coni●ctures to the contrary , as now you haue heard . Wherfor I must require at M. Barlowes hands to lay down this deuise , and to r●peate my words throughout my whole Letter , a● spo●en to Thomas Montague , or some other of his state & condition , according to my perswasion , and supposition at that t●me , and not to his Mai●stie : and as often as he dot● otherwise , he offereth me open iniury , as he doth to ●i● Maiestie also ; and maketh himselfe ridicul●●●●o others . And with this condition shall we end t●is ●ir●t Paragraph , and passe to the rest . OF THE PRETENDED Cause of the new Oath , which is sayd to be the Powder-Treason . §. II. NEXT after the coniectures handled about the Author o● the Apologie , I comming in my Letter to touch the causes pretended of pres●ure to Catholikes by this new exacted oath , I proposed some of the Apologers words in his Preamble , concerning the detestatiō of the Powder-treason , in which detestation , though I willingly ioyned with him , yet complayned I of the iniquity of some that vrged continually the hatred therof against innocent men , for them that were culpable , contrary to his Maiesties honorable meaning , as appeared by the words vttered both in his Proclamation , & speach in the Parlament . To which passage of mine M. Barlow cōming to answer , setteth downe first my words and discourse in a different letter , as though they were punctually myne indeed , & nothing peruerted or corrupted by him , & then playeth vpon them as though this ground had bene true and sincere indeed . And for that this is his perpetuall vse throughout the whole answer , I shall for this once , put down his words , & after also my owne , whereby you may take a document now , at the beginning , how to trust him in the rest . Thus then he beginneth his first Paragraph num . 18. The preāble ( saith he ) is a Colloquintida vnto him , not so much in respect of the Epithetes giuen to the powder-t●eason of monstrous , rare , nay neuer heard of , treacherous , famous , and infamous attempt , it deserues them sayth he : but first , that it should be singular from all examples , there hauing bene the like done by Protestantes ( though not in specie , yet in indiuiduo ) as at Antwerp , the Hage , and in Scotland . Secondly that it should be Crambe bis posita , so o●ten repeated , the parties being executed . ●hirdly that the Kings promise , & Proclamation being , that other Catholikes shal not fare the worse for it : yet the innocēt for the nocent are punished , at lea●t oppressed , as by Libells , Inuectiues , and by searching of houses , with other outward a●●lictions ; so , aboue al , with this new deuised Oath for their inward pressure of soule and conscience . This is Mors in olla , and makes him dilate his stile into dolefully Rhetoricall expostulations . This is his relation of my Discourse , wherin to say nothing of the confused obscurity thereof , which euery ordinary reader will not vnderstand ( and therein consisteth a great part of his hope ) I haue no such word in my speach as Crambe bis posita ; and much lesse do I say , that such like examples of Powder-treasons , are to be foūd in Protestants although not in specie , yet in indiuidu● , for I should speake like a foole in so saying , and so doth M. Barlow in my opinion , or at least like one that vnderstandeth not what he saith , as presently I shall declare , after that I shall haue set down my owne words , as they ly in my Letter , and are these that ensue . The preamble beginneth with , The monstrous , rare nay neuer heard of treacherous , famous , and infamous attempt , plotted within these few yeares here in England ( of the powder-treason ) infinite in cruelty , singular from all exāple , crying loudly for vengeance from heauen &c. Al which Epithetes for due detestation of so rash , and heynous an attempt , Catholicks no lesse then Prot●stantes doe willingly admit ? though for singularity from all examples , if we respect speci●m , and not indiuiduum , that cannot be like to another in all poyntes , there be recounted in histories many attēpts of the same kind , and some also by Protestants , in our dayes : as that of them , who in Antwerp placed a whole barke of Powder in the vaulted great street of that Citty , where the P●ince of Parma , with his Nobility was to pas●e : & that o● him in Hage , that would ha●e blowne vp the whole Counsell of Holland , vpon priuate reuenge : as also that of Edenborough in Scotland , where the like trayne of Powder was laid for the cruell murther of his Maiesties Father , which not succeeding , his death was achieued by another no lesse bloudy , and barbarous violence . But why ( I pray you ) is this wofull attempt of those vnfortunate gētlemen , so often brought in againe , and repeated almost in euery corner of this booke ? Are they not executed , that were culpable therof ? And are not other Catholikes deliuered from the guylt therof by the long and diligent search of iustice made thereabout ? The Minister himselfe confesseth in his very next lynes , the equity of his Maiesty to be such , as he professed in his Proclamation , & Parlament-speach , that he would not vse other Catholikes the worse for that . Wherof it followeth that he held them for guiltlesse : and that all those pressures both of conscience , and externall affliction which since that tyme they haue suffered , and doe at this present , were designed before that , and begun also to be put in execution ( as indeed they were ) and that the powder-treason was not a cause of these afflictions , but an effect rather : that is to say , that those gentlemen forseeing or knowing the course that was designed to be taken , and partly also put in practice , resolued vppon that miserable medium to their owne destruction , & publick calamity . But alas is there no end of exprobration against the Innocent , for the nocent ? No compassion ? No commiseration ? If the clemency of his Maiesty in his gracious Proclamation ( as here is confessed ) gaue security , that notwithstanding that headlong action of those few Catholicke gentlemen , none of the profession should be the worse vsed for that cause : how commeth it to passe , that so many agri●uances haue beene heaped vpon them euer since , and are dayly , both by infamous libels published against them , as appeareth by the former ● . M. ●is slaunderous Discouery , and others mentioned in the answer thereunto ; as also by the new Oath deuised for t●e vtter ouerthrow , both in soule , if they take it again●t their conscience ; and of body , goods and citim●tion , if they refuse it ? How come so many searches of their houses , spoyles o● their goodes , apprehensions of their per●ons , af●l●ctions of their te●●●●ts , seruantes , and friendes , so many citations , attac●ments , vexations and molestations , that daily do ●low vpon them , as if they were the only malefactours of the land ? Thus farre in my Letter of this matter . And now gentle Reader , consider whether his phrases of Crambe bis posita , or mors in olla be mentioned by me or not . But spec●ally let the iudicious Reader note this foule ouerslippe in peruerting , and mistaking my wordes ( about likenes in specie , though not in indiuiduo ) to a quite contrarie absurd sense , which he would not do , but either out of great malice , or extreme ignorance , or both . For that my speach was playne , as now you haue heard , that wheras the Apologer said , that the Powder-plot of England was singular from all example , I named three of the same kind , or species practised by Protestāts of our dayes against their Princes , and Gouernours in Antwerpe , Hage and Edenborough , which plots though they were not like perhaps , in all particular and indiuiduall qu●lities , and circumstances ●for then as Logicke teacheth vs there should be identitas , and not similitudo ; ) yet were they like in specie at lea●t , for that they were Powder-plotes , and traynes of fire to destroy theyr Princes : and yet are not all Protestants continually c●st in teeth with these c●imes , nor all condemned for some few , nor ought , as by the iniquity of our Ministers , English Catholiks are . This was my speach and reason , now let vs see how this Minister relateth , and peruerteth the same , for he ●uouc●eth me to haue writtē , that the English plot could not ●e called singular from all examples , there hauing bene the like don● by Protestantes , though not in specie , yet in indiuiduo , as at Antwer● , H●ge , and in Sco●land . VVhich is the quite c●ntrary ●o that which I said , and meant . For I said that those three examples were like , if not in indiuid●● ( for that they might haue different indiuiduall qualities , and circumstances ) yet were they like in specie , kind , and nature : but he maketh me to say , that though they were not like in specie , yet they were in indi●iduo , which is most absurd , and ridiculous ; for it is as much as if , for examples fake , a man would say , that an oxe and an asse , that agree not in specie or kinde , may agree in indiuiduo : wheras all Philosophy teacheth that indiuiduall vnity and agreement being the last , presupposeth all other vnities going before , both specificall , & generical , and can neuer be without them : and consequently wheresoeuer specificall vnity , or agreement is not found , there can be no indiuidual . As for example , if Peter and Paul agree not in being men ( which is the species ) they can neuer agree in the indiuidual properties of being particuler , and singuler men , though contrarywise they may haue perfect agreement and likenes in the first , to wit ion being men , albeit they do differ , and disagree in the later , as hauing different indiuiduall , & personall proprieties , whereby they are distinguished , & made seuerall men . And so , to apply all this to our purpose , those three powder-plots by me mentioned , may well agree in the species , or genus , of being powder-plots , though they haue some particular , and indiuiduall differences , whereby in some partes they disagree , and are distinguished , but how they may agree in their indiuidual proprieties of being like powder-plotes , and yet not agree in the specificall , or genericall nature of powder-plotes , that is to say , without being powder-plotes at all , I see not how it can be imagined , and I suppose , that M. Doctor Barlow wil be laughed at by all Logitians in Cambridge for setting downe such doctrine , contrary to all rules of Logicke . And so much the more , for that a little before in the very same page , he vaūteth of his skill in Logicke , imputing great want therof vnto me , saying , That wheras I had deuided the Apology into three partes , it was made to my hand by others , for he sheweth not ( saith he ) so much Logicke in all his whole censure . A great peece of Logick●-learning no doubt , to be able to deuide a thing into three partes , that lyeth be●ore a mans eyes . When the Butler of Trinity - 〈◊〉 wherof he was Minister and Chaplain in Cambrige , did deuide a loafe into three partes , what Logicke was needfull th●●to ? Or when vpon the way an ho●tler deuideth a p●●ke o● oates to three ho●ses , what skil of Logicke is required to that diuision ? Is it not absurd , and ridiculous to call this skill of Logicke ? Much more Logicke was required in defending the indiuiduall and specificall vnities , and difference before mentioned , which M. Barlow cannot doe as it seemeth : then in deuiding so obuious , and materiall a thing into 3. partes as my Letter was , and therefore this exprobration of lacke of Logicke about so facile a thing , sheweth to haue come of stomacke , rather then iudgment . But here perhaps some man will say , that the speach before confuted of likenes of powder-plots , though not in sp●●ie , yet in indiuiduo are not set down as M. Barlow his words , but as myne , which I confes●e ; but yet do also deny them to be mine , but rather falsified , and peruerted by him , and i● he refuse them also , thē they be nobodies : but indeed he cānot refuse thē , for that in the very next ensuing page , he hath the same in his owne name , if not somewhat altered to the worse , saying , That howsoeuer the Censurer straines at it , the English powder-plot is both in specie & in indiuiduo singular ●rom all examples . Whereby he insinuateth , that the three examples by me mentioned , Antwe●p , Hage , and Edenborough , do differ from the London plot , not only numero but also specie , which we should more easily haue vnderstood if he had set downe the definition of a powder-treason in generall : for then we might haue seene , whether the said Flemish , and Scottish attempts of powder treason had agreed in substance & nature with that of England , though different in some circumstances , that are not so essentiall . But now we shall try the matter somewhat by his answers to these three instances of myne . To the first then of the powder plot of Antwerp he saith , T●at t●is was done in open hostility , what tyme ( saith he ) al actions ●or d●●●●s●ture are lawful either by fl●ig●t or force . But by his leaue , these that did practise this plot of powder against their Gouernour the Prince of Parma were his subiects ; and little it importeth , whether they were in open or priuy rebellion . For suppose that the other that practised the powder-plot in England had bene in publike rebellion also against his Mat●e . for what cause soeuer , yet had their powder plot bene a powder treason , nor would M. Barlow haue durst to defend the contrary ; and consequently , this plot of Antwerp must be graūted to haue bene of the same nature or species at least , with that of England , albeit they had some indiuiduall differences the one from the other . To the second fire-plot of Hage , he answereth , That it was but of one single man , and in reuenge vpon the States for giuing him discontentment , and by the report of some writers he was distracted , & mad . But all this maketh no essential , much lesse specificall difference , for whether the treason were complotted by one alone ( which is hard to be imagined against a whole Senate ) or by many , and for discontentmēt giuē by the States whome he would or haue blowne vp , that he was distracted , as some will fayne , for excusing the matter ; certayne it is , that it was Powder-treason , and directed , and intented to the ruyne of many , which is sufficient to make it of the same species at least , with that of Eng●and . But to the third of Edenborough in Scotland , for the ruyne of his Maiesties father , when he commeth to answer , he is exceedingly troubled , and entangled how to defend it , & therefore laying aside reasoning , he falleth to open rayling ; saying : But by his noting of the last ( Powder-plot of Scotland ) this Censurer discouereth the rancor of his hart against our Soueraigne : for though the execution of Parricides , and murthers vpon Princes haue est soones alighted vpon some of the greatest , and best of that Royall sort that euer were , and therefore no dishonour to them , nor their posterity : yet to cast vp such a disasterous example in his Maiesties teeth , proueth well , that he is sory , that his Maiestie escaped the like perill , whome he so earnestly wished to be his Fathers successour in such a fortune . So he . And who wil not thinke this malicious speach fitter for a Parasite , then for a pretended Prelate , yea for the Diuell of Lincolne , then for any VVilliam Lincolne , making no scruple to condemne me of Parricide , for that I make only mention o● so nay ●ous a wick●dnesse practised against hi● Mati●s . Fath●r by Ghospellers of M. Barlowes religiō , & companions in conscience ; who is not ashamed heere to say , that it is a good inserence , and proueth well , that I was sory , that 〈◊〉 Mai●stie escaped the like perill , ●or that I durst cast vp such a disasterous example in his Maiesties teeth . But who seeth not the malicious ●●cophancy o● this consequence ? I did not cast it vp ( to vse his absurde phrase ) into his Maiesties teeth , but only represented it to his eares , and memory with griefe , & detestation of the ●act . My casting it vp ( if any were ) was in M. Barlow his teeth , o● whom I doubt not , but if he had byn then a Preacher , he would haue bene as ready to haue allowed , and praised the fact , as generally most of his ●ellow Ministers , both English and Scottish did at that time , not only in regard , that the parricide was committed by them , as it was , & against a yong Prince suspected by them in r●l●giō , & therfore feared : but also for that his Noble Person , & growing fortunes were in such deep iealousy with the Queene of England , then regnant , as nothing more . But to leaue this to his Mati●s . prudent consideratiō , & the obscurity of his speach to the Readers due obseruation , I say , that this ●uagation , and digr●ssion of VVilliam of Lincolne doth proue nothing the poynt it should , to witt , that this Powder-treason of ●d●nborough was not of the same essence , nature , and species with the other of London , though lesse haynous , as not being directed perchance to the personall murders of so many particuler men , but yet to the publike ruvne of the State of the Common-weale , as the euent well declared . For that the ruyne of the Father brought also consequently the ruyne of his Maiesties Moth●r , wherin that VVilliam Barlow himselfe had not only a wish , but also a push , so farre forth as his wretched forces of tongue , and pen at that time could do her any hurt , I suppose he would thinke it a disgrace to deny it . But to returne to our controuersy in hand , whether thi● Powder-treason of Edenborough against his Maiesties fath●r were not of the same kind and species , that was the other d●signed in London against himselfe , which I affirme , and the Minister denyeth : let vs see one shif● of his more , as idle , and impertinent as the rest , to auoyd the force of truth . See ( saith he ) how malice blindeth iudgement in this his resemblā●e : the truth is that his Maiesties Father was not blowne vp with Gun-powder , but after the murtherers had strangled him in his bed sleeping , he was carried out to the garden , and then was the house blowne vp , to make the world belieue , that it was but a casuall accident o● fire : and so what semblance o● comparison is there betwene the Powder-treason ( of London ) and this ? VVhereto I answer , that the semblāce is very essential , that both were Powder-treasons , both of them traiterously directed by subiectes to the ouerthrow of their Princes ; and if that of Edenborough was not put in execution , as M. Barlow saith , but after the King was murthered ; no more was that of London , God be thanked , but was disc●uered and defeated , his Maiestie remayning in health , and sa●ety . And how will M. Barlow now defend this position , that they were not like in specie nor in indi●iduo ? VVill he not be ashamed to brag of Logike hearafter ? or to exprobrate the want thereof vnto me ? But we shall haue occasion to handle againe this matter in other passages that are to ensue . But yet before we passe from this matter of the powder-treason let vs heare how he insisteth therein , and triumpheth , as to himselfe he seemth , with all the most odious exaggerations that his venemous , and virulent tongue , accustomed to Satanicall maledictions , can vtter in spite of Catholikes , & especially of Iesuites , whom ( though neuer so innocent in that behalfe ) he will needes haue to be authors , and actors in that foule crime . And first of all he beginneth his railing with three or foure notorious lies at a clap : as namely , that Hall aliàs Ouldcorne the Iesuite said of this plot when it was discouered , that such actions are not commended , ●ut w●en they are finished . A thing most earnestly denied by h●m both at his death , and other times . And here M. Barlow is bare of alleadging any testimony at al for the same . Secondly he saith , that the Iesuits , if the Parlamēt house had burned , would haue song with Nero , the destructiō of Troy , & of this , saith , he doubteth not , other proofs he alleageth none . Thirdly he saith , that they would haue graced it with no lesse Epithetes thē Sixtus the Pope did the murther of King Henry the third of France in his Panegyricke , calling it A rare , & memorable fact ; & this also hath no other proofe , but his malicious coniecture , togeather with the knowne lye of Pope Sixtus Panegyricke , which was neuer yet heard of in Rome , as Cardinall Bellarmine testifieth in his Booke , who made diligent search to informe himselfe thereof . Fourthly he saith , that Garnet was the Coryphaeus of that complot , principall priuy Counsellour , and the like . Whereas notwithstanding the very actes , and examinatiōs set forth by his Aduersaries doe checke this ministeriall malignity in that behalfe , no more being proued therein , but that full against his will , and vnto his ●xceeding g●eat griefe he heard therof only in Confession not long before the matter brake forth . And albeit Syr VVilliam o● ●in●olne ( for so the man would gladly be called ) do iest here at the obligation of concealing thinges heard in Confession , calling it , An enammeling of hideous treasons , with the glorious pretence of Sacramentall Confession : yet al true Bishops of Lincolne for more then fiue hundred years before himself , that went in at the doore , and stole not in at the window , were of another opinion , touching the sacred seale of that Sacrament , all which must be dāned a most pitifull case ) if this Syr VVilliam can be saued , that so contemneth the said seale of Secresy , and betraied his Maister and Penitent , that is said to haue made his Confession vnto him , which though it were not Sacramentall , being made to a meere Lay-man ( as I take Syr VVilliam to be : ) yet was he bound by the law of natural secresy , not to haue published the same , without his licence , and consent thereunto . But as this Minister got his Bishoprick without Priest hood , so no meruaile , though he proceed not Priestly , but prophanely therin . And finally whereas he scoffeth so malignantly , and in●em●erately at that innocent man Maister Garnet , that loued peace no lesse then M. Barlow doth broiles , and gaue his life for defence of the integrity of his Priestly function , & obligation , being of as quyet a spirit , as the other is turbulent : whereas I say the Minister sco●●eth , and scorneth , saying , that his head and flesh was rotting vpon the bridge of London while his face did shyne in a straw for his goaly purity , I can say no more in this case , then that which all good men haue said , and done in the like , that the looser must haue his wordes : the time will come , when the Minister is like to pay for al , as other rauenous Persecutors haue done before . The straw we made not , nor inuented , & of this can be witnes diuers Noble , and principall persons of contrary religion to Father Garnet , who saw , and examined the same . But if God gaue , or will giue any such testimony or other , in this world , that may tend to the defence of any of his seruantes that suffer vniustly , by the malignity of wicked tongues ; what fault haue we therein to be carped at by the incredulity or in●idelity of such as belieue nothing , but what themselues list , which commonly is that by which they may gayne most . As for the rotting of his head , and flesh vpon London-bridge , there is no reason , that he should haue a priuiledge aboue other Seruants of God , of whom the Prophet sayd in lamenting-wi●e to God himselfe : They haue cast the dead bodies o● thy Seruants ●or birdes o● the ayre to feed vpon : and the flesh of thy ●aintes to ●e deuoured of beasts . If that be sanctity which was wont to be in ancient Diuinity consisting in true Catholik beliefe , and vertuous , pious and innocent life ; Father Garnet is knowne to haue lyued a Saynts life indeed , and to haue accomplished the same with a happy death , in dying for the defence of Iustice , and equity , that obliged him to silence , and secresy in the matter , which without sacriledge he could not reueale , or vtt●r , though neuer so much detesting the attempt pretented , and bewayling the knowledge thereof , which sore against his will was imparted vnto him . There followeth another notorious vntruth which is the fifth in this ranke , concerning Father Persons being priuy , & consenting to their powder-plot , wherof this Minister both in this place , and many other maketh no sc●uple resolutely to accuse him : wheras in the whole action ●et forth in print , there is no one such accusation against him , which is like would not haue bene omitted , if ●ny lea●t ground had beene found for the same . And moreouer he addeth another assertion , no lesse tem●rarious , which is , That Father Persons came on his iourney a good step towards England , that he might haue song a Te Deum in his natyue country for the good successe o● that happy exploit . So he . But for that he saw that this might be checked by the testimony of hundreds of witnesses , that knew , that he neuer departed from Rome in all that tyme , nor long before , nor after , the Calumniator addeth this defensiue Caueat in a parenthesis ( as some report ) and yet would he haue it belieued of all ; so little conscience hath he to cast out false accusatiōs without ground , as though there were no Iudge in heauen , or earth ●or false Calumniatours of their brethren . Lastly about this matter of the powder-treason he delighteth himselfe so greatly with the often mentiō , & repetition therof , as he saith , he will neuer cease from talking of that matter . Nor will wee ( saith he ) be silent thereof — rumpantur ilia Romae , so long as we haue pens to write , or tongues to speake , or a generation liuing , or a posterity succeeding . Do you see how earne●t the man is ? If we should imploy our pens & tongues in the continual repetition of such attempts , by Prote●tats against their Princes , you see now already we haue three for one in this kind of powder-plots , but many more in others . And let the last attempt in Scotland of the Gowryes for killing his Maiesty , & the first in England of Gray , Cobham , & R●●le● for imprisoning his person , giue testimony in this matter , whether they were not all professed Protestāts or no ? So as in this there is no place for — rumpantur ilia Romae , brought in by M. Barlow , with more gall , then discretion , as many other thinges are in this place , for diminishing of the pressures laid vpon Catholikes for their consciences in religion : amongst which he auoucheth resolutely that in fi●●y years of two Protestant Princes , scarce threes●ore persons haue bene executed , and all these as guilty of treasonable practises : wheras their owne recordes , & ours also forth in print , do shew aboue an hundred & thirty Priests , besides lay-men to haue bene put to death within the space by him mentioned , whereof not one could be conuicted of any other treason , or treasonable practice , then the exercise of their Priestly function . So as in this both for the number and cause , M. Barlow is taken with an open knowne falsity . HOW GREAT A PRESSVRE the vrging of the new Oath is to Catholikes that haue a contrary Conscience in Religion . §. III. IT followeth by order of M. Barlow his booke and mine , that we doe examine a little , how grieuous and burdensome the inforcemēt of the new Oath is to a Catholike conscience , that vnderstandeth diuers points of his Religion to be denied therby , and so much the more grieuous is it , by how much more desirous his Maiesties Catholick people are to giue him contentment , and satisfaction in all points of temporall obedience , belonging to true , and loyall subiects . I do say in my Letter , that the Apologer , supposed by me to be some Minister , did speake of the Oath , as of a thing of no pressure , or preiudice at all , for that he hauing spoken of the former asseueration of his Maiesty , That none of the Catholick professiō should be worse vsed for that cause , to wit , of the powder-t●eason ; he adioyneth presently : Only , sayth he , at the next sitting downe of Parlament a forme of Oath was framed to be taken by all his Maiesti●s subiects , wherby they should make their profession of their resolution faithfully to persist in his Maiesties obedience &c. By which exception of ( only ) a man may well perceiue , that the Minister maketh little accompt of taking , or not taking this Oath : for so much as he supposeth Catholick people to haue receyued no hard vsage therby , though they be brought therby into such extremities , as either they must sw●are against their owne iudgments , & consciences in sundry points p●rtaining to their religion , or els endure his Maiesties heauy displeasu●● with los●e of goods , and lands &c. These were my wordes . And now how do you thinke that M. Barlow will shift of this important point appert●●ning to conscience in Religion ? No doubt , but much according to the feeling himselfe hath of swearing , or not swearing , if the Princes fauour , or disfauour come betweene . Do you stand attent then , & you shal heare as eg●egious tris●ing , as euer you did perhaps in so graue a matter . The new Oath ( saith he ) of all other is the Phallaris Bull , the mo●● g●ieuous vexation . But ●herin standeth the agrieuance ? is it in the abstract , because there is an Oath commanded ? The highest iudge alloweth it both by ●is owne example , swearing by himselfe to Abrahā & by precept to vs. Thou shalt seare the Lord , & sweare by his name . But good Syr , we doe not deny the lawfulnes of swearing , either in abstract , or ●on●ret , but the sinne of false swearing , when we take an Oath against our iudgement , and conscience . He goeth further . Perhaps then the aggrieuance ( saith he ) is in the Epithete , because it is a new Oath . No syr . But because it is a faile Oath , when a man thinketh the thinges not true , that he sweareth . He goeth forward to proue , that a new Oath may be lawfull , when the occasion thereof is new . But I denied not this , and so M. Doctor beareth the ayre in vaine . Yet will he not leaue of , but taketh another medium , to prove that this Oath is not new , but old , concerning the matter therof . For that it is old ( saith he ) and hath byn vsuall in all nation● Christian and Heathen , that subiectes should bind their allegiance by Oath ●or thei● Soueraigns security . But who denieth this ? is it not a shame for a Doctor to wander vp & down from the purp●s●e ? And yet will he pas●e further therin , for lacke of better matter . It is grounded , saith he ( he meaneth of taking Oathes of f●delity to Princes ) vpon Scripture both in the examples of holy Kings , and the Apostles definition of an Oath , Hebr. 6. 16. n●mel● , That an Oath is the end of all contr●uersies . Of which speach I graunt the former part , concerning the examples of holy Kings , that haue taken Oathes of their subiects , though as I haue said , it be little , or nothing to ou● controuersy● Nor can I find Cardinall Bellarmines authority cited in the margent to this purpose , in his 7. booke de Romano Pon●ifice , he hauing written but fiue of that argument . Nor doth it import to find it , he saying nothing therein , which we doe not confesse . But as for the second part , where M. Barlow bringeth in the Apostles definition of an Oath to be the end of all controuersies , though I acknowledge it to be his sentence , and most true : yet not a definition . Nor doe I see , how M. Barlow wil be able handsomely to defend the same . For if the common axiome of Logitians knowne to euery scholler that studieth that art be true , that Definitio & defini●ū conuertuntur , so as whatsoeuer is comprehended vnder the one , is comprehended also vnder the other : and contrariwise whatsoeuer agreeth not to the one , agreeth not to the other : then cannot this proposition of the Apostle be a definition of an Oath , and consequently M. Barlow doth erre grossely in calling it so . Now then that this matter is so , and that euery Oath cannot end all controuersies , nor that euery controuersy is ended with an Oath , is euident by experience . For how many swearers haue you , that will offer to sweare twenty Oathes in a controuersy betweene them and others , if therby they might end , and gaine the controuersy ? But the other party admitteth them not , for that he hath not so much credit of sincerity in their Oath , that they wll sweare truly , as to belieue them . And so also on the other side , how many controuersies are there ended dayly without Oathes , and many cannot with Oathes . As for example , if M. Barlow should owe a peece of money , and being vrged to pay it , should offer to forsweare it , that were not like to end the controuersy , but rather the laying downe of the money : Ergo , all Oathes are not able to end all cōtrouersies , nor all controuersies are determinable by Oathes . You will demaund then , what is S. Paul his meaning , when he saith , as here M. Barlow relateth him , that an Oath is the end of all controuersies ? Surely S. Paules meaning had bene cleare inough , i● M. Barlow had let downe all the Apostles wordes , as they lie in the text , which are : Homines enim per maiorem sur iurant , & omnis controuersiae eorum finis ad confirma●●●● est iuramen●um . For men doe sweare by a greater then themselues , and the end of all their controuersy for the confirmation , is an oath . The intention of the Apostle is to strengthen our hope in God , for that he had confirmed his pr●mises to vs by Oath , which is the soundest confirmation that can be in the behalfe of the swearer , for no man can adde of his part more to bind , then an Oath . And for this cause he saith , That an Oath is the end of all controuersy for confirmatiō of truth in the behalf of the swearer , ●or he can passe no further : but not so in the behalfe of the other party that is interessed also in the cōtrouersy : for if he should mistrust the swearers sincerity of conscience , then would not his Oath be sufficient to end the controuersie , as before we haue said , & consequently the speach of S. Paul in this place , containeth no definitiō of an oath , as fondly M. Barlow dreameth , but expresseth rather the effect of an oath for confirmation of truth in the behalf of the swearer : which word of confirmation M. Barlow craftily left out , & thrust in two greeke words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the end of controuersie , most impertinētly , without a●y purpose in the world , as otherwise often he doth , to entāgle his vulgar Reader with ostētation o● greeke , wheras these words haue no speciall propriety , emphasis , or different signification in the world , so as he might as well put in a whole page of greeke out of S. Paules Epistles , as those two words . But these men , as els where I haue aduertised , doe seeke occasions of darkenes & obscurity , to hide the weakenes of their cause therin . But l●t v● goe forward . For hauing laboured all this while out of the list to proue the vse of Oathes to be lawfull , and ancient , which wee deny not in lawfull cases ; he commeth now to set downe the cō●rouersy more in particuler , that is , this very case , saith he , the Amilogiae , or controuersie , wherof is , VVhether any Romish Catholike can beare any true Allegiance in his heart to ●he Kings Maiesty . This Iesuit houldeth the ●ffi●matiue , we by effect , o● so many treasonable plots of ●riest● and Iesuites , doe hould the contrary : Yea the Priestes of the same religion are merely contradictory to him &c. And ther●ore his Maiestie hath taken this way of the Apostle to try the matter by both . But good Syr , are you not ashamed to trifle in this manner , and to be taken euery foote in false consequences ? Where did you learne your Logicke ? Or where did you frame your cons●ience ? If the question be , Whether any Romish Catholicke can beare true Allegiance in his hart to the Kinges Maiestie , how do you hould the negatiue vpon some effectes of treasonable plottes of Pries●es and Iesuites ? If it were true , that such were sound , doth the discouery of some such plotts in some Catholikes infer an impossibility , that no Catholike can beare any true Allegiance ? How say you to the plots of France , Flanders , and Scotland , and other parts , do they conuince , that no Protesta●t can be trusty ? Furthermore , if it be impossible for any Catholicke to beare true allegiance in his hart , what is his Maiestie like to gaine by vrging them to sweare ? For that either they must leaue to be Catholickes , or els swearing helpeth the matter nothing . For while they are Romish Catholickes you hould they cannot beare true Allegiance . And as for the Priestes of the same Religion , which you say do hould the same with you , and do quote in the margent the Quodlibets , if any such thing be ( for I haue not the booke , nor do meane to seeke for your allegations ) it was not the writing of Priests , but either of some one Priest in his passion , or rather of your High-Prie●t , whome some of your Puritans haue called the Taile of the Beast , which was the cheefe Author of that scandalous Booke , published by another . And as for all other Priestes their concord , and vnity in true , and Catholicke Religion against you is sufficiently knowne . There foloweth yet an impertinency or two more : as first , that the forme of the Oath , to be giuen tactis Euangeli●s , laying the hands of the swearer vpon the ghospell , is no new , or moderne inuention , but prescribed long since by Iustinian the Emperour , as though we had sayd the contrary , or that it made any thing to our controuersy . The second imper●●nency is , that w● are muc● grieued with th●● clause o● the Oath , that men mu●t sweare , in the tru●● fayth of a Christian , without Equiuocation ; for this , he sayth , is my greatest groane , and complaint , t●at the Oath excludes Catholicks from all Eq●iuocating : the tryall o● which complaint we re●erre , saith he , is●saith ●saith he ) ●●●us Ma●tix ( in that point ) F●ther Persons . Vnto both which points , I answere . To the first , that it is most false , that I did euer groane , or cōplaine of the exclusion of Equiuocatiō in this Oath , but haue alwayes held the quite contrary in my books again●t M. Morton , to wit , that no Equiuocation was , or is to be admitted in any Oath concerning Religion or our profession therof . Let M. Barlow read in my booke of Mi●ig●tion page 277. and be ashamed of his wilfull slaunder in this poynt . To the second , whether Maister Thomas Morton in the point ( of Equiuocation ) is a Mastix , or scourge to Father Persons , or the other to him , there needet● no other tryall , but only the last two books published against M. Morton , the one tearmed The Mitigation , the other The quiet , and sober ●eckoning , where there be so many lashes laid vpon him and his credit , as there be vnanswerable lyes proued , and conuinced against him . And if M. Barl●● could help out his brother-Minister in answering some of those lyes for him , he should do him no lesse ease , then if he had powred both wine and oyle vpon a man , that hath beene well whipped indeed . There followeth immediately after in the same place , an authority of S. Augustine quoted Epist. 214. ad Alipi●●● , where S. Augustine is sayd to allow , that the vse of an Oath is old , and ancient , and that the swearer ought to sweare to the Iudges mind , when he knoweth the same . But good Reader , shall we intreat M. Barlow once throughout all his booke , to make a good consequence . When did we euer deny , that the vse of an Oath in generall is not ancient , but that this Parlament-Oath in England lately deuised , is new both for time ( for that M. Barlow doth expresly in this very page , graunt that it was procured from his Maiesties prudent cogitation ) and for the forme , and contentes including matter both of ciuill Obedience vnto the Temporall Prince , and spirituall Disobedience to the Ecclesiasticall Prelate . And as for the second poynt of swearing to the intention of the iudge , when he is lawfull , and proceedeth lawfully , whosoeuer hath or will read any of the last two Books in Answere and Reply to M. Morton , will see it often , and often repeated , that no Equiuocation at all is admitted in that case : or when the examination is about religion , and con●equently he will wonder at M. Barlow his running from the matter so manifestly , to seeme to say somewhat . THE SAME ARGVMENT About the Pressure of the Oath is further discussed . §. IIII. BVT now after long gadding abroad to shew , that an Oath in generall is not vnlawfull , nor the matter of an Oath new , and the like , as you haue heard ; he returneth home for a while , saying : And now will we follow him to examine the weight of this pressure . And then , as if I had spoken to his Maiestie , when I spake to the Apologer T. M. ( ●or this iniury he offereth me at euery turne , to thrust in his Maiesty to vndergo my speache , meant to a Minister ) he saith , that I picke a quarrel about the word Only , vsed by the Apologer , as a diminitiue phrase of the pressure laid vpon Catholikes by this Oath ; and he maketh me speake after an ironicall scoffing manner , saying : that the King ●seth the word Only , when he talketh of the imposition of this Oath vpon Catholikes , as a matter of small , or no pressure , saying , That ( only ) an Oath was deuised to try their fidelity : and then he maketh me to add these wordes of Ironicall Sarcasmus , or bitter iest , as he calleth it , and setteth it downe in a different letter as my proper wordes , to wit , that I should say , as , If the taking of this Oath were so lightly to be esteemed as to be thurst vpon Catholickes , with an ( only : ) wheras I haue no such manner of speach , as the Reader may see in my owne wordes set downe at large in the XII . number of the first Paragraph . And therfore this perpetuall custome of falsifying in euery place lightly where he pretendeth to cite my wordes , would weary a man to deale with him . But that I haue resolued to haue patience with him yet somewhat further . My speach then about this word Only , was as you haue heard , that wheras , the Apologer had sayd that his Maiesties will was , that none of the Catholike profession should be the worse vsed for the powder-plot , he presently adioyned , That Only at the next sitting of Parlament a forme of an Oath was framed to be taken by all &c. By which word Only , I sayd , that the Apologer seemed to make small accompt of taking , or not taking this Oath ; for so much as he supposed the Catholicke people to haue no agrieuance , or pressure therby , for that otherwise , it had not bene true , that they should not fare the worse for the sayd powder-treason . And what will M. Barlow say to this ? You shall heare his owne wordes . Who knoweth not , sayth he , that this word Only , doth not so much signify an hypocoristicall alleuiation , as a compendiary limitation ? This is very high and profound stuffe , as you see , and most of his Readers I suppose must goe to the greeke Lexicon before they passe any further , if they will vnderstand him . But let vs see how he doth explicate himselfe by an example . He that sayd to our Sauiour ( sayth he ) Only speake the word , did not thereby extenuate the power of Christ , as is healing in absence by a speach had bene a more easy miracle , then by aproach to touch the party , but thereby wished a course more easefull to the body , not lesse powerfull to shew the deity of our Sauiour . But to what end is all this ? Doe not wee say the very same that the word Only is a diminitiue phrase in this place , signifying , that wheras our Sauiour offered to goe with the Centurion for the curing of the sickeman , he answered , that his Only word was sufficient , excluding the other of bodily going , as not being necessary . Wherefore the other Commentary annexed ●y M. Barlow , that the Centurion did not extenuate the power of Christ , is therefore impertinent , for that the co●parison was Only in his bodily going , or curing Only by word in absence , as he himselfe also confesseth . If a Noble man should say to his Tenantes , Certayne kynred , or friende , of yours haue done me such , & such displeasure , b●t none of you that are innocent shall fare the worse for that , Only you shall make me a certaine acknowledgement for my better satisfaction : who will deny , but that this word Only conteyneth a diminution , and importeth as much , that this acknowledgement is no grieuous matter , for otherwise it should not agree well with his promise , that they should not fare the worse for it . And so fareth it in our case . But if that Noble man should demaund at their hands a thing that importeth their liues , much more their soules , and life euerlasting : then would they iustly cry out , and complaine of this word Only , as gu●lefully vsed vnto them . And so much of this . About vrging Catholickes to sweare against their consciences , this our Doctour determineth peremptorily , as it were out of his Chayre , in this sort : You must know that a conscience may be misled by errour , or sti●ned with pertinacy , and then the Greeke Deuynes will tell you , that vnsoundenes in the iudgement , and obstinacy in the wil maketh but a nicknamed conscience , which is rather to be censured● then tendered . And thē he citeth in the margēt Chrysostome , and Oecumenius , without specifiyng any worke or place of theirs , who haue written diuers Volumes ; & this he obserueth ordinarily when he meaneth to follow the wild-goose chase , to vse his one phrase , and not to be foūd by his answerer . And not only he practiseth the same in his quotation here , but also in his determination of the doubt , for he flyeth the proper question , that most importeth the Reader to know , which is , whether a man be bound vnder sin , to follow an erroneous conscience or not , which Deuynes do hould that he is , to wit , eyther bound to follow it , or at least not to go against it : for in case the errour come of inuincible ignorance , then is he bound to follow 〈…〉 that he can haue no 〈…〉 it away : but i● the ignorance be vincible ( as 〈…〉 indeed he is bound to d●pose such a consciēc● , 〈◊〉 yet he can do nothing aga●●t it , as lōg as such an 〈◊〉 c●●s●ience r●mayn●th ; for that our will is alwa●●●●ound to ●o●●ow , or not to go against the direction of our re●son , whether the said reason do erre , or not , ●or that it cannot be but sin for our wil to imbrace that which our reason 〈◊〉 to be naught . And will M. Barlow deny thi● ? Or did he vnderstand it ? Why then had he not decided the question as became a learned man , and a Prelate indeed ? And yet it seemeth by those wordes of his repeated ( saying that such a conscience is rather to be censured , then tend●r●d ) that an erroneous conscience byndeth not , & that it is not sinne to do against a mans owne iudgement ; wherin he hath not only all schoole Deuynes against him , that proue the same out of Scripture , but the ancient Fathers in like manner ; especially in their Commentaries vpon Saint Paules●pistles ●pistles to the Romanes , where the said Apostle hādleth the matter largely , and concludeth : Qui antem discernit , 〈…〉 damnatu● est . He that disc●rneth , that he should not ●ate and yet eateth ( against his iudgement , and conscience ) is damned . Vpon which wordes S. Ambrose saith ( which 〈◊〉 serue for all ) Verum est , quia qui iudicat non edendum & edit , damnatus est . S. Paul sayth truly , for that , he that iudgeth t●at he should not eate , and yet eateth is damned . And with Saint Ambrose doth agree S. Chrysostome , Origen , Theophilact , Theodoret , Ans●lmus and others vpon the same place . And the s●me proueth S. Bernard . And as for Schoolemen after Saint Thomas , and Alexander de Hales , all other Deuynes do agree vpon the same commonly , and I would gladly know how Maister Barlow will answere them ? In the very same page , hauing set downe his Maiesties wordes , promising , that ●e●ther the Oath , nor penalty thereof was 〈…〉 any for their opinion , or conscience , but only for an ac 〈…〉 of their 〈◊〉 obedi●nce , he setteth downe my Answ●●e . ●f it be so ( 〈◊〉 I ) the matter is ended , for no ●atholicke 〈…〉 obedience that he oweth to his Maiestie . And there he cutting or my wordes , maketh a great scanning of the last , to wit , that he oweth to his Maiestie , calumniating my meaning therein , as though I meant to lymit this temporal obedience also . But if the malicious man had set down the wordes that do immediately ensue , my meaning had bene playne in my Booke , for I sayd this : I presume no Catholicke in England will deny to sweare all ciuill obedience , that he oweth to his Maiestie , or that any subiect hath euer in former Catholicke tymes sworne to their leige Lords , and Princes , or do in other Countryes at this day . Is not this playne inough ? And why then did M. Barlow cut them of ? What playne dealing is there in this ? Let vs heare how he prosecuteth his ●alumniation against me . Treason hatched in the hart cannot conceale it selfe , saith he , from vttering , though in hidden termes . For obserue those words , al obedience that he oweth to his Maiestie , what is that ? or how farre extends it ? S. Peter stretcheth it without limitation ; Submit your selues to all manner of ordinance for the Lords sake . So he . What ? all manner of ordinance ? and without limitation at all ? and that in a time of Infidell Princes , as was that of S. Peter , who might , and did ordaine many thinges against the Lord ? How then could the Apostles warrant their answere to the Magistrates of the Iewes , that they were to obey God rather then men , that is to say , to Christ rather then to them , that were Magistrates ? But I would aske here Maister Barlow , that is such a Grecian , and bringeth in Greeke phrases to no purpose at all , why he had not set downe the sentēce of S. Peter in Greeke , which is most different from his English ? and why he doth translate here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al māner of ordinance , wheras the words do import omni humanae creaturae : which all the ancient Fathers do vnderstand to be meant of all humane Princes , as by the context it selfe is euidēt . And as it were absurd to say that we must submit our selues to all humane creatures whatsoeuer ( the Apostle his discourse being of obedience to Princes ) : so it is much more ab●surd , to translate it , as M. Barlow doth , all manner of Ordinance , leauing quite out the word humane , and turning creature into ordinance . For who doth not see that many vnlawfull 〈◊〉 are made by Princes , and especially in S. Peters time , as now is said● and yet ( forsooth ) will not M. Barlow haue any limitation to be vnderstood in S. Peters wordes , nor yet the wordes themselues translated , as theyly in the originall text : so absolute Maisters will these men be , to make of Scriptures what they list . There followeth immediately vpon the former point , an other taken out of the Apologers speach , saying : had●reely ●reely taken the same Oath● whereby they both gaue his Mai●stie occasion to thinke the better of their fidelity , and l●kewise ●reed themselues of that heauy slaunder : and that his Maiestie punisheth none for conscience sake . Vpon which 〈◊〉 wordes I a●ked this question , VVhy are then M. Blackwell , M. 〈◊〉 and others that haue taken the Oath detained still in prison ? why 〈◊〉 Re●usantes punished , and fined for Recusancy , though they take the Oath o● Allegiance ? is not Recusancy a case of conscience ? To this last speach of mine , he answereth presently , differring the other for many pages after , and the summe of his answer is , That I would faine be a priuy Counsellour to kn●● the reason of thinges : and that to answer a scorne is folly : That he wi●● not indeauour to resolue this question either by coniecture or truth : he is not my intelligencer . Let Ma●ster Blackwell answer for himselfe AEtatem hab●t : perhaps it is better for them to stay in prison , then 〈◊〉 be dismissed least they should be made away by Iesuites , as the Bishop of C●ssano , Cardinal Allen , Tolle● , yea Pope Sixtus Quintu● hims●lfe , all f●●ged in a trice , for c●●ss●●g , or at least for not seruing the Iesuites humours . So he . And by this kind of answering the poore man sheweth of what humour he is himself , hauing nothing to say , nor conscience to discerne what to say , t●ue or false . For what probability can there be in this conscienceles calumniation , of fi●ging , and making away so many and great personages , as here are mentioned ? Doth this Pre●ate thinke there is a God ? or account to be giuen of such en●rmous slaunders , especially touching bloud ? Is he f●t to haue care of soules , that seemeth to haue no soule himselfe , or care what becommeth of other mens soules ? Would any Pagan , if otherwise a morall man be ●o 〈◊〉 , or proiect in s●aundering without any semblance , or shew of truth , vpon meere spite and malice ? Surely among other calamities happened vnto our vn●ortunate Coun●●ey in these daies , this may be thought to be one , and very great , that such a ●ellow should euer be thought worthy of a Bishopricke , not only by so iudicious a Prince as ou●s is , who perhaps may be deceaued by misinformation to bestow th● place vpon him : but that there should be found any Informer , that would not be ashamed to suggest the promotion of such a Pretender . But now let vs see what he saith to the former part of his speach , about such Catholicks , as were said freely to haue taken the Oath : which thou●● M. Barlow indeauoreth to huddle vp , as not willing to be well vnderstood : yet shall I seeke to cleare the matter somewhat more particularly : & to that effect , shall I first set downe my owne wordes , vpon that case of free swearing . Thus then I wrote . And now for so much as it is said here in like manner , that very many of his Maiesties Subiectes , that were Popishly affected , as well Priests , as Laicks did Freely take the same Oath ( which he calleth a blessed successe from God of this godly and wise intent , in deuising , and proposing the s●me : ) I shall be forced also to say somewhat of this matter , before I pas●e any further . And first of all , concerning the freedome , whereby it is here said , that Priestes & Laicks did ●reely take the same ; no man , I thinke , will deny , but that the taking of this Oath is proposed by the Statute it selfe vnde● paine of the losse of all goods , and landes and perpetual imprisonment to him , that shal refus● it ; which is the very same freedome , and no other , that a Merchant hath in a tempest , either to cast out his goods into the sea for lightening his ship , or to be drowned himselfe . And though Aristotle in his Ethicks doe seeme to hould it to be simpliciter inuoluntari●m , simply against the will of the do●r , & Catholik Deuines , that it is inuolu●tarium secundum quid , in part inuoluntary , and simply voluntary , for that all circūstances considered , he resolueth finally to be the be●t to ca●t out ●is goods & saue himself : yet all agree in this , that fredome is taken away by this constraint of t●e passion of feare . For that freedome requireth full liberty to ●oth extremes , or obiectes , that are proposed , which it not in our case . For that the displeasure of the Prince , the losse of goods , & liberty , the ruyne of his family , the terrour and perswasion of his friendes , are heauy poises , and do m●ghtely preponderate on the one side : and consequently the mention of this Freedome might haue bene pretermitted , for so much as no constraint of humane will can be greater then this . And yet it is said in the Oath , that he must doe it both willingly , & hartily , & as he belieueth in conscience . Let the discreet Reader consider what coherence there is in their tale . So I wrote at that tyme. Now what bringeth Maister Barlow to ouerthrow this doctrine ? First , sayth he , the Censurer denyeth not the assertion , that many Pries●es and Laycks di● take the Oath , but he stickes at the aduerbe ( freely ) God loueth Aduerbes , say the Canonists , the Diuell doth not . Doe you see how the man speaketh in mysteries ? I neither graunted , or denied , that many had taken the Oath : Yea very many , as the wordes of the Apologer were , for I know not whether they be true , or false : but that I doe sticke at Ad●erbes which God loueth , and the Diuel loueth not , as the Canonists are affirmed to say , may seeme to contayne some great mystery , wherin me thinketh he offereth iniury to the Diuell , in saying he loueth no Aduerbes , good or bad , for that bad Aduerbes must needes be as grateful to him , as good Aduerbes to Almighty God. For as , bene agere , or bene operari , to do or worke well pleaseth God : so malè agere , & m●le operari liketh the Diuell . And this is confirmed by M. Barlow his owne reason in this place , so far as concerneth God : For that the Aduerbe , sayth he , doth make the action commendalle yea denominateth the same , and this is an axiome both in Diuine and Humane learning . But good S●r , by your leaue , neither Diuine nor Humane learning dot● warr●nt this humane folly which here you do vtter , to wit , that the Aduerbe doth make the action commendable : as though no Aduerbe may not be reprehe●sible , which now I haue confuted . It doth denominate also the action , say you : which I graunt : but the denomination is good , or bad , as the quality requireth . It seemed that you blundered at a certaine speach of some spirituall writers though not wel vnderstood by you , who ●ay , sometimes , that God loueth rather the Aduerbe , then the Verbe ; ●or that the Verbe implieth only the action it self , but the Aduerbe the quality of the action : & as the good quality pleaseth good , so the bad pleaseth the Diuel . So as heere it seemeth to me , that this Doctor remayneth much foyled about Aduerbes in generall : now let vs see , what he can say about swearing freely in particular . WHAT FREEDOME MAY be sayd to be permitted to English Catholickes for swearing , or not swearing the new Oath . §. V. AS concerning this matter , M. Barlow after his former discourse about Aduerbes commeth to handle the point it selfe of freedome permitted to Catholickes in taking the Oath , beginning thus : And is there then ( saith he ) such a disagreement betweene the payne of a Statute-law , and the will of a su●iect , that he which obeyeth the law so inioyning , shall not be acco●●●d a free subiect for his obedience ! Then are all the people of the Christi●n ●o●ld slaues , not freemen : for what nation is there gouerned by lawes●●ot inioyned by sharpe penalties & c ? Yea the law of God it selfe is imposed with penalties , and yet mans obedience yeelded therunto is not thraldome , but freedome . So he . And do you see , how he seeketh a hole to runne out at ? We do not say , that penall Statutes are vnlawfull in a Common-wealth , or that they do make the subiectes no free subiectes , and much lesse that they doe make all th● people of the Christian world slaues and not free-men . This must needes be spoken out of great ignorance , not vnderstanding 〈◊〉 que●tion : or ou● of muc● ma●●ce , that would daz●e the Readers eyes with imp●r●●nent speach . The question is , whether the choice be free , w●en in any deliberation , t●ere is a heauy predominant poyse of one side , as whether a Merc●ant in a tempest should cast his goodes or no , out of the ship for sauing his li●e ? or Catholickes in England should take the Oath for auoyding the penaltyes of the Statute ? whether this choice , I say , be absolutely free , or no ? And I shewed before both out of Aristotle according to Philosophy , and out of Schoole-Doctours according to Diuinity , that this was not perfect freedome . For albeit Aristotle saith , the Merchant his act in casting out his goodes is simpliciter inuoluntarium , & voluntarium secundum quid , absolute inuoluntary , and voluntary but in part : & the Scholemē on the other side , that it is simply volūtary and in part inuoluntary : yet in effect , they say all the same , in different respects ; for that Aristotle calleth it simply inuoluntary , in respect of the obiect alone , without consideration of the circumstances , that do accompany the same , in which sense no doubt the act of casting out his goods is simply inuolūtary in the Merchāt . And the Schole Doctors doe call it simply voluntary in respect of the obiect accompanied , and conioyned with the circumstances , to wit , present perill of life , and the like ; which being considered , the Merchant doth simply & absolutely resolue , that all thinges considered , it is better to cast out his goodes then to d●taine them : & so in this sense of the Schole Deuines , it is simpliciter voluntarium , simply voluntary , and in the other sense of Aristotle simply inuoluntary ; for that simply and absolutely he would not cast out his goodes , if it were not for the perill , and danger of his life , which is a most ponderous circumstance , and ouerweigheth the ballance o● the whole consultation . And this is our present case also , about taking the Oath by those very many Catholicks , which the Apologer saith tooke it freely , if they were so many . For if they were Catholicks , and were informed , that there were diuers points therein contayned against their Religion , which must necessarily retayne them ●rom taking the same , and yet on the other syde there was losse of liberty , and goodes in refusing the same ; then sayd I , that neither according to Philosophy or Diuinity , was this deliberation of theirs altogeather free . And wheras M. Barlow would inferre therof , that thē there were no free subiect , for that all Common Wealths do propose lawes with penalties : I answere that there are two sortes of men in a Common wealth , good and bad : the good do willingly submit themselues to the lawes penall , made by the Prince , and Common wealth , and that for conscience sake , as S. Paul prescribeth , without respect of punishment , where they see no iniustice , & offence to God cōmanded ; in which sense the sayd Apostle saith , that the law is not giuen vnto the righteous man ( which is repeated here also by M. Barlow ) of which sort it is to be presupposed , that a great part of euery Cōmon wealth consisteth : but to the wicked . But now there are others , which being euill men , & slaues to their owne passions , do repyne at good lawes , and for these it is necessary , that punishments and penalties should be appoynted to inforce them to obey : and albeit this choyce of theyrs is not altogeather free , according to the nature of freedome before declared ; yet is the coactiō necessary , and profitable to themselues , nor haue they any iust reason , but only their disorderly passion to refuse the same , and consequently it is no reason , that they should haue free choice , and freedome of election permitted vnto them , in a matter so preiudiciall to the common wealth , and to themselues . All which is different in the case of Catholickes in taking the oath repugnant to theyr consciences . For as euill men doe not follow conscience , and iudgement , but passion as now hath bene said , in not obeying penall lawes : so may they be iustly forced thereunto : and in that sense may yet truly be said to be all free , that is to say , free to do euill without punishment . But Catholiks following the dictamen of their consciences , concerning pointes of their faith , receiued and continued in England since the beginning of christianity , cannot with any equity be constrained , or coacted to contradict the same ; no● can it be demed , but that so gri●●uous a punishmen● proposed , as the penalty of Premunire , was , and is a grea● coaction , that taketh away freedome . And consequently tho●e Catholickes , Priestes and Laicks , that are said to haue freely taken the Oath , had not indeed freedome therein ; but that only freedome , which before hath bene mention●d of the M●rchant , casting out his goodes into the ●ea , which according to the rules both of Philosophy , and Diuinity is not t●ue freedome , as now hath bene declared , & shal be more presently . For now you must see a new shift of M. Barlow , who finding hims●lfe sore graueled about my former speach of freedome , both out of the Philosophers , and Schole-Deuines w●nt to read Medina , a School● Doctor , about the matter of free choice , but vnderstanding him not , as it seemth by his pe●uerting of his meaning , hath cast himsel●● into 〈◊〉 greater broiles , and intanglements , then before ; you shall heare his discourse . Were th● Statute inforced peremptorily , and no leasure graunted for deliberation , or after deliberation no liberty of choice , but inforst vpon them to take it , whether they will or no : then might the Oath be accounted a pressure & the acceptance therof a slauery . But first tyme being giuen to consider therof , and after consideration leaue graunted to choose , or refuse ; this in their owne Schoole learning is true , and f●ll liberty . For to it they annexe these two conditions . 1. indetermination●m iud●ij ad deliberandum , an vnlimited scope for the iudgement to deliberate . 2. facultatem eligerdi v●l resutandi quod deliberatum est , power either to chose , or refuse what is deliberated . The first is radix libertatis , the sourse , or fontaine of liberty ; the other is ipsa libertas , freedome it selfe , saith Medina . And that is the very case betweene the King , and his subiects , in this matter of the Oath : so that the very refusall ( a●ter deliberation ) argues , that either to take it or no , they had liberty of choice ; but in r●fusing it no loyaltie of affection . Thus farre M. Barlow . And surely it pitti●th me that I must ●ere open so many de●ectes of his in this his discourse . For first he graunteth as you see , t●at the vrging of this Oath were a pre●sure , if t●e S●atute were inforced peremp●orily , and no leasure grau●ted for deliberation . But what dot● he meane by peremptory inforcement ? to beat men with ●●uo●s to take the Oath ? for otherwise the inforcement of the punishment of the law of Premunire , contayning the lo●se of lands , goods , and liberty , peremptorily proposed by the law to him that refuseth , is I thinke peremptory inforcement , su●ficient to make the action inuoluntary , no less● then t●e feare of death , inforceth the foresaid Merchāt to cast out his goods in a tempest . So as in this point M. Barlow findeth no refuge , for so much , as that which ●e sayth , if it were so , so it were a pressure indeed , and consequently he grau●●eth the Oath to be a pressure . But you will say , that he putteth another condition ●ecessary to make a thing inuoluntary , to wit , when the party hath no leasure to deliberate : and vpon this he standeth much , as radix libertatis , the root of liberty or fre choice , and foundeth himselfe in the doctrine of Michael Medina a Catholick Schoole Doctor of our dayes , and therof inferreth , for that the Catholicks haue a tyme to deliberate to take the Oath , and after deliberation haue choice to take it , or not , those that take it , take it freely . But I would put to M. Barlow this case . If a thiefe should meete him alone in a place , where he were not afraid to be discouered , and should will him , either to giue him his purse or his little finger to be cut of , and should giue him a whole day to deliberate , and after to choose , whether he would loose his purse , or his finger , and he chooseth to loose his purse , is this action free from inforcement , for that he hath time to deliberate , and after liberty to make his choice ? What man of sense will say this , but M. Barlow ? Or will M. Barlow himselfe say , that he gaue his purse ●reely , for that he had sufficient time to deliberate , and make choice after his deliberation ? I thinke he will not , were his tyme of deliberatiō giuen neuer so long . Nay in this point , he hath wholy peruerted , corrupted , and m●●●●derstood Medina , who neuer so much as named , or imagined this condition of tyme , or leasure graunted to deliberate : for alwaies it is to be presupposed , that in euery action good , or bad , there is sufficient time for our reason to deliberate , for otherwise there should be no deliberate action . But the pas●ime is , that M. Barlow falling vpon two conditions of liberty expressed by Medina , fir●● indeterminationem iudicij ad deli●erandum , the indetermination of our iudgment to deliberate , and for the power to choose , or refuse what is deliberated , he vnderstood the former condition to be of time , and so translateth it most ridiculously thus , an v●limited scope for the iudgment to deliberate , as who would say , that euery free action must haue an vnlimited scope of time to deliberate first , or that otherwise it were not free . As if M. Barlow when he is riding from London to Lincolne , and hath two waies to take , must needs haue an vnlimited scope of time for his determination , which way to ride , and this must be , not an hower , nor halfe a day , nor a day , nor a moneth , nor a yeare , but an vnlimited scope , so as he may sit a whole yeare , nay seauen yeares , yea twenty , or more to deliberate which way he will choose : which were good for his flocke , for so perchance the wolfe should neuer come amongst them . But was there euer such a Philosopher ? or any such Philosophy taught before , or Diuinity ? had he not euill luck at this his first stumbling vpon Medina so to mistake him . But you will say , what doth then Medina meane whē he saith , that the first condition required to liberty is indeterminatio iudicij ad deliberandum , the indetermination of our iudgment to deliberate , which he calleth the root of liberty ? Whereto I ans●ere , that he meaneth not an vnlimited scope of time to deliberate , as ignorantly M. Barlow imagineth , for of this now you haue seene the absurdity : but that the iudgment of him , that maketh the choice , be not determined and tyed already by instinct of nature , to any one part , or parcell of the obiect but that it be indifferēt of it se●fe , and in the power of the sayd chooser , to imploy it to what part he will , which is called indetermination of liberty , or indifferency of iu●gment , to thinke what the chooser will : vpon which indifferency of iudgment followeth liberty of choice in the will , as vpon the roote and ground therof . Medina his example is taken from the difference betweene the choice of a brute beast , & a man , for that the brute beast hath his iudgement , or estimatiue●power so tyed , & determined by ins●inct o● nature to one part of the obiect , as he cannot diuert from that to any other . As when you propose meate to a beast that is hungry , he cannot but be moued to admit the same , as thinking that best in this his estimate , or brutish iudgement : but mans iudgement , or vnderstanding is not so determined to one par● by instinct of nature , but may apply it selfe also to consider of the opposite . I shall alleadge the wordes of Medina , which will make all the matter cleare . Libertatem voluntatis ( saith he ) antecedit indeterminatio , & indifferentia iudicij ex parte intellecius : appetitio emin sequitur cognitionem : igitur vniuersa libertas nostra ex cognitione originem trahit . Before the liberty of the will goeth the indete●mination , & indifferency of the iudgement or estimate , on the behalfe of the vnderstanding , for that the appetite , or will doth follow knowledg ; & therefore all the liberty of our will hath her beginning or origen frō knowledge . So Medina : laying this for a foundation , that if the iudgement in a man , or estimate in a beast doe not first know , & discerne the obiect , there can no appetition , or choice follow in the will or appetite But Medina doth explaine himselfe further , shewing that this knowledge of the vnderstanding or estimate , which he calleth here iudgement , if it goe not before the choice , no choice at all can be made : bu● further also it must be indifferent , and indeterminate to both partes of the obiect , & not dete●mined , or tied to any one , as he proueth by the example of a sheepe , whose vnderstanding or estimate is so determined by instinct of nature to fly a wolfe , when shee seeth him , as shee cannot thinke on the contrary ; and consequently can haue no election to fly him , or not fly him ; as not only a man , but a dog also may , which hath strengh , and courage to resist him , and fight with him . But let vs heare the rest of Medina his discourse to shew M. Barlow his ignorance . Itaque ( saith he ) si iu●icium no● suerit in facultate iudican●is , se● determinatum ex iustinctu naturae &c. Where●ore if the iudgement be not ●reely in the power of the iudger , but be determined by the instinct of nature to one part ; then the appetition or choice that followeth thereof is not free , and indifferent , but determined to one part . As for example : forsomuch as a sheep hath this iudgment imprinted in her by nature , that a wolfe is to be fled , shee cannot choose but fly the same . But when the iudgement is in the power of the Iudger , so as he is able to iudge this , or the opposite , or contrary thereof ; then the choice ensuing is free , and indi●ferent : as in a man that may iudge whether a wolfe ●e to be fled , or no , and vpon this iudgement of vnderstanding may make free election out of the freedome of his w●ll , which freedome as you see doth consist formally in the will , but fundamentally in the iudgement , or vnderstanding . Hitherto is the discourse of Medina about the two partes , wherein the liberty of choice consisteth both of men and beastes , to wit , iudgement , and will : though concerning free will in man , he referreth his Reader to a further , and far larger disputation , wherein he saith , he is to dispute fusissimè contra Lutheranos , most largely against the Lutherans , that deny free will. And then he commeth to conclude with these two conditions before mentioned , related , but grossely misunderstood by M. Barlow , of indetermination , or indifferency of the vnderstanding , and choice of will. Modò definitum sit ( saith he ) quòd ad libertatem dua condi●iones sunt necessariae ; alia est indifferentia & indeterminatio iudi●ij ad deliberandum , alia est post deli●erationem fa●ul●as elegendi , vel refutandi id quod deliberatum est . Prima conditio est sons , & radix libertatis : secunda est ipsa libertas . And now let it remayne determined , that two conditions are nece●sary to liberty of freedome , the one is the indifferency , and indetermination of the iudgment to deliberate what is to be done : the oth●● is power to choose or refuse that which is deliberated in iudgement . The first condition is the fountayne , and root of freedome , the second is freedome itselfe . So he . And now let vs behould M. Barlow his good vnderstāding , and skill in School diuinity , that cannot vnderstand the very termes therof , nor conceiue the meaning of his owne author Medina , which he alleageth , though ( as you see ) it be cleare inough , but ignorantly by him per●erted , especially when he translated i●determinationem iudicij ad deliberandum , an vnlimited scope ( o● tyme ) ●or the iudgement to deliberate , and thereupon vrgeth the Catholikes , that they haue t●me to deliberate , in swearing . So as according to his doctrine , If you gaue the sheepe mentioned , tyme inough to deliberate , when she seeth a wol●e , whether it be be●● for her to fly or noe , shee may chance resolue not to f●y . And is not this a very sheepish apprehension indeed ? Did not M. Barlow read all this discourse now by me related in Medina himselfe , how the sheepes iudgement , estimate , or vnderstanding is tied , and determined to one part only by instinct of nature ? to wit , that shee must fly , when shee seeth the wolfe ? And how could he conceiue then , that Medina should meane , that this sheep must haue time to cōsult , whether shee must fly , or no ? Hath he euer seene any sheep in this deliberation ? Men-sheep may well do it , and ought to do it , & would God his Lincolne-sheep , that by this false proceeding of his , & many other of his words & actiōs do or may discouer him for a wolfe indeed , would enter into serious deliberatiō how to fly him for safety of their soules , whereunto according to his owne doctrine they are allowed an vnlimited scope for their iudgement to deliberate . God grant their wils be correspōdent to make choice of that , which God in their iudgements shall tell them to be the best . But now to his last conclusion , which is , as before you haue heard him say , that this is the very case betweene the King , and his subiects in this matter of the Oath , so that , the very refusall after deliberation ( saith he ) argues that they had liberty of choice , to take or not , but in refusing it no loyalty of a●●●●tion . Which last wordes , are wordes of slaunder , and ●cophancy , as now hath bene sufficiently declared , not founded vpon reason , or any lawfull inference at all . For to repeate briefly againe some of that which before hath bene more largely treated , how doth the very refusall of the Oath proue , or argue this disloyalty , or that they haue freedome of choice ? Is euery thing that is re●used , refused freely without coaction ? What say you then to the refusall of Eleazar in the Machabees , that refused with losse of life to eate swines-flesh ? Was there freedome in that choice ? and yet , had he not sufficient time to deliberate ? or did the very refusall argue , as there is said , that he had liberty of choice , and therupon disloyalty of affection ? who can say so but vpon ignorance , or malice ? VVhen time is giuen to consider ( saith M● Barlow ) and after liberty leaue giuen to choose or refuse , this in their owne Schoole-learning is true and full liberty . But this of Schoole-learning M. Barlow , we haue now discussed , and haue found both true , and full folly , and ignorance in your collection . For Schoolemen do not talke of indetermination of time , and much lesse of vnlimited scop● , but of indetermination , and indifferency of vnderstanding to be able to deliberate : which being in the iudiciall part , then is there required power in the will , or appetite to choose or refuse freely , without ballancing on eyther part , eyther by feare , hurt , preferment , hatred , interest , or other potent , and forcible impositions . By which doctrine if you ponder well , you shall find that Catholikes had not free choice to sweare the O●th , when losse of goods , and lands do ballance on one side : nor you perhaps M. Barlow , may be said to haue free power , or liberty to refuse it : for so much as the current of the time , the Princes fauour , the weight of so fat a benefice as the Bishoprick of Lincolne is , and other crummes that you haue gathered togeather , and hope to increase , do so power●ully preponderate on the one side , that you haue your iudgment so fast fixed to that obiect as the sheepe by nature hath hers . And if you haue not this tye or indetermination in your iudgement ; yet in your will and affection : which is sufficient to make you no free-man , from which thraldome Almighty God deliuer you , who onely can do it , and breake your bandes . For as our Sauiour saith . If the sonne of God deliuer you , then shall you be truly free indeed . And so much of this matter , concerning our freedome to sweare or not to sweare : wherin I haue detayned my self some what longer , then I had purposed , for that it is the most principall question of this our contro●●●sy . whether there be free election giuen in taking the Oath , or n● ? ABOVT RECOVRSE MADE to the Bishop of Rome for decision , whether the Oath might lawfully be taken by English Catholiks , or no ? wherin also the present Pope his person is defended against sundry calumniations . §. VI. AND now hauing followed M. Barlow thus farre in this controuersy , we must turne back againe some pages to take the whole argument with vs , which he had ouerrunne , to handle the question of freedome before mētioned . And first he telleth vs , that when the Oath came forth , and was vrged , the Garnettistes did differ from the Black●e●i●tes , some a●●owing Equiuocation ( saith he ) in matters of ●aith , and others no● , which is a notorious vntruth . For the question was not whether the Oath might be taken with Equiuocation , but whether it might lawfully be takē , as it lay , with a good exposition ? wherin some difference being found of opinion● , it seemed a iust cause to referre the decision to the vniuersall Pastour : about which point M. Barlow dealeth not vprightly , as commonly neuer he doth in alleaging my words , but with notorious corruptions . I shal be forced to repeat againe briefly , what I then said . My wordes were these . What should Catholikes do ? they first consulted the case with learned a men at home : then also abroad . And albeit at home some were moued in respect of the compassion they had of the present perill , if it were refused , 〈◊〉 thinke , that in some sense the Oath might be taken : yet none abroad were of that mind . For that they allowed 〈◊〉 of any sort of Equiuocation in matters touching faith and religion . And in these I hearesay , that the Iesuites were among the chiefe , and most forward , as heere also is confessed : who notwithstanding before were most accused , bayted , and exagitated , both in bookes , pulpits , and tribunalls , for allowing , in some points , the lawfull vse of Equiuocation . About which doubt , Catholikes , according to their rule of subordination , and spirituall obedience in such affaires , referring the matter to the iudgement , and consultation of their supreme Pastour , whome by the principles of their religion they belieue , that our Sauiour giueth assistance , for the direction of mens soules , they receyued from him , after due deliberation , this answere . That the whole Oath as it lay could not be admitted with the integrity of Catholike faith For that albeit diuers parts therof were lawfull , to wit , all such clauses , as appertayned to the promise of ciuil and temporall obedience : yet other things being interlaced and mixt therwith , which doe detract from the spirituall authority of their said highest Pastour ( at least wise indirectly ) the whole Oath , as it lyeth , was made thereby vnlawfull . And this I vnderstand to be the substance of the Popes resolution and answer , though all these particularities be not set downe in his Breues , but only the Oath declared to be vnlawfull in conscience to Catholike men , as it lieth , without distinction . And what malicious tricke of the Diuel then this may be thought , where sheepe do make recourse to their spirituall Pastour , in so great and important occasions of their soules , as these are , I see not . Doe English Catholicks any other thing in this , then that which all English subiects , both great & small , learned & vnlearned haue done , and practised from our first Christian Kinges , ●ntill the ti●e of King Henry the eight vpon the point of a 〈◊〉 and yeares ? Let t●e answere to Syr Edward Cooks Book o● Reportes lately set forth be examined , wether it doth not sh●w , that in all those ages , recourse was euer made to the Sea Apostolicke in like occasions , without preiudice of sub●ects temporall duties to their temporall Princes . No one English Christian King ( though they were many ) did euer a●solutely deny recourse to Rome in spirituall thinges ) notwithstanding in some other ciuill , or mixt matters , vpon different occasions some restraints were sometimes made ) frō our first King Ethelbert to King Henry the Eight , as by the said discourse and answere is euidently proued : and much more throughout the whole ●anke of the Christian Kings of Scotland , his Maiesties Progenitours , vntill his most Renowned Progenitrix ( by whome , and from whom he hath his Royall Right of both Crownes ) who is knowne , and reputed throughout Christendome to haue died for defence of this Catholike Doctrine . For so much , as if she would haue abandoned that , there had bene little doubt of making her away . And the like may be said of all other great Christian , & Catholicke Princes of our daies , as the Emperour himselfe , the Potent Kinges and Monarches of Spaine , France , Polonia , and other States , Common-wealthes , and Po●entates , doe not thinke it any disgrace , diminution of honour , perill , or iniury vnto them , that their subiects , for matters of conscience , doe make recourse to the Sea Apostolicke , or that which is consequent thereof , the said Sea , or generall Pastour doe interpose his iudgement , declaration , or decision in such affaires . This is the Catholike doctrine & practice : this hath bene in vse throughout Christendome from all antiquity : and no where more then in our Realmes of England & Scotland , as hath bene said . In this beliefe and practice , liued , and died all our forefathers , and our Noble Kinges , that were our Soueraignes , all our Bishops and Prelates that were our Pastours , all our great Counsellours , and Lawiers , that by their wisdome & learning gouerned the Land , all our Nobility , Gentry , Priests , & Laity . So as if now this be houlden for a malicious tricke o● the Diuel , dish●●●●●ble , and preiudiciall to his Maiesty , his Soueraignty , Crowne , Dignity and security , as here is insinuated , it must needes be , for that the Diuell indeed hath made some change in other men & matters , by altering of opinions , and apprehensions . For the Catholickes are the same , that they were wont to be , & do thinke the same , belieue the same , teach the same , and practice the same , that all their Predeces●ours haue done before them . This was my declaration & discourse . What substantiall answer , or argument can M. Barlow bring against this● You shall see , how he will gnibble at the matter , as a mouse at the cheese-vate , and cannot enter . He saith first , that I am in my element , when I am in this argument of recourse to Rome , vsed to be made from age to age , by our ancient Christian English people , Prelates and Princes , & that there is scarce any Epistle , Preface , Pamphlet , Booke , or Petition of myne , but that this is therein the Cypres-tree , to make Rome the loadstone for drawing thither the tryall of our gould in both senses , and the like : That I borrowed all from Cardinall Allen in his Apology : that we haue receyued full satisfactory answers in this behalfe , to wit , that when the Bishops of Rome in purer times did beare thēselues as religious members , not as presumptuous heads of the Church , and lyued as ghostly Fathers to counsaile , not as Superiors to controle , our realme being then also rude , and learning scant , Religion new sprong vp , and no where setled , I say then , and in those dayes , M. Barlow graunteth , that the recourse was made to Rome , but yet vpon deuotion , and mere necessity , and not then neither , without leaue of the Prince . This is his tale . And doe you not see what gnibling this is ? Doe you not behould the poore man in what straites he is , to say somewhat ? What more euident , or more strong demonstration could , or can be made ( if he would ioyne really to see , and confesse the truth ) to proue the right , and continuance of the Bishop of Rome his supreme spirituall authori●y ouer England , and recourse made vnto him therein , then that which was made against Syr Edward C●●ke , in the answer of the fifth part of Reportes , that from King Ethelbert our first Christiā King , vntil the defection of King Henry the eight , vpon the poynt of a thousand yeares , and almost a hundred Christian Kinges , it was inuiolably obserued in England to make such recourse in matters of doubt , concerning Ecclesiasticall , and spirituall affaires , vnto the Sea Apostolike and the vniuersall Pastour thereof , as lawfull iudge , not for counsaile only , but for sentence , determination , and decision , both be●ore , & after the Conquest . So as except M. Barlow do see more then all they did , and haue more learning , and piety then any of them , who ●ollowed also therein not their owne sense , and iudgement only , but that of the whole Christian world besides : all these spruse , and princocke exceptions of ●urer tymes , rudenesse of the land , lacke of learning , theyr being of new Christians , and the like , are but ridiculous inuentions of an idle busy-head , and so not worth the standing vpon to answer them , for that they are euidently false in the eyes of al the world . And like vnto these are the other ●oyes , that do ensue pag. 25. 26.27 . As for example , that there was no need to make recourse to Rome for deciding the doubts about the Oath , which he proueth , forsooth , and that very ●oberly , out of S. Paul 1. Cor. 6. Is there not a wise man among you ? among al the Priests secular & ●esuited in Englād , that can determine a controuersy about the Oath of Allegiance ? Might not your Arch-Priest Blackwell so authorized by the Pope , so commended . and countenanced by two Cardinals , Cai●tan and Burghesius be sufficient ? But al this is simple geere , as you see , and hangeth not togeather , but rather maketh for his aduersary . For if the Arch-Priest that then was , had his authority from the Pope , then reason was it , that in so great a doubt concerning the soules of so many , the matter should be consulted with the Superiour , as we see it vsuall in England , that lower Iudges in difficult cases doe consult with them , from whom they had their authority . Neyther doth S. Paul here alleaged , meane that the Corinthians should choose some contemptible man to be their iudge in Spirituall , or Eccle●a●ticall matters for in all those he biddet● all Christians to be subiect to their Bishops , & spiritu●ll Pastours , that haue to render accoūt for their soules ; but h● meaneth in temporall matters , and particuler sutes , and ciuill controuersies betweene man , & man , which he houldeth to be contemptible thinges in respect of the spirituall , and especially to contend for the same before Infidell Iudges , as they did . And so doth M. Barl●● wholy peruert S. Paul , as his fashion is commonly in most Scriptures , and authorityes that he alleageth . But now we come to another argument of his , against our recourse made to Rome for decision of this great doubt , concerning the taking , or not taking the Oath . And albeit you haue heard how many impertinent and childish arguments he hath vsed before about the same , yet none of them can be compared with this for absurdity , and impertinency : and it consisteth in taking exceptions against the very person of the Pope , Paulus Quintus , that now sitteth in the Sea : who being so eminent for his good partes , & rare vertues , as laying aside his supreme dignity of Vniuersall Father of Christs Catholick Church , the same doth grieue exceedingly the hartes of all Heretickes , that hate the Aposto●●cke Sea , and him only , for that he sitteth and gouerneth so worthily therein , which they cannot abyde● But let vs see , what they obiect against him in this behalfe . VVhat is there ( saith he ) in this Pope for his iudgment in Diuinity , that his determination should be expected about this Oath of Alleg●●●ce to his Maiestie , more then in his predecessour Clemens , whose opinion was not inquired of about the Oath for conspiracy against the whole Realme ? Wherunto I answer that for so much as the other Oath of conspiracy ( if any such were ) was but betweene certaine particuler men , who did vpon discontentmēt cōspyre togeather , and bynd one the other by Oath to secresy , & did presume , that both Pope Clement , & this Pope if they had bene made priuy therof , would haue letted their bad intentions , therfore the conspirators neuer proposed the m●●ter vnto them , but concealed it from their knowledge whome they as●ur●d to find opposite to their designements in such like attempts . But this other Oath called of Allegi●●ce , for that it was a publike matter , and vrged publikly to be taken by all Catholicks , with most grieuous penalties of lo●se of goods , landes , & liberty proposed for the refusers , and for that the sayd Catholikes had a great doubt , whether they might receiue the same with a safe conscience in respect of diuers clauses therein contayned , tending to the deniall , or calling into question the Popes supreme authority ouer Christian soules , therefore they thought it necessary to make recourse to the Sea Apostolicke , and to demaund resolution thereof , according to the custome that had bene obserued in the like cases in England , during the raigne of all Catholike Christian Kinges from their beginning of Christianity vntill king Henry the eight , as else where largely hath bene proued by a seuerall booke writtē lately of that argument . And as the English Catholickes were desirous to exhibite vnto their King all duti●ull obedience , and subiection in temporall matters : so were they desirous also not to doe any thing against their consciences in spirituall affaires towardes their supreme Pastour , whome they acknowledge to gouerne them in place of Christ our Sauiour . And this was the cause , why the one Oath was not consulted with Pope Clement the Eight , & the other was with Pope Paulus the fifth , not somuch for his particuler and personall iudgemēt in Diuinity ( though it be great ) as in respect of his place , and the most certaine assistanc● , which almighty God giueth him , and all other in that place for gouerning of his people : as also for the particule● obligation , that all Catholick Christians haue to obey their supreme Pastour , whose authority receaued from our Sauiour , is more to be respected , then the gift of humane learning , which I suppose M. Barlow in the Kinges Royall Authorit● , and Person will not dare to deny ; or thinke it good dealing , or law●ull proceeding , if when he setteth our a Proclamation , his Subiectes should demād what skill in Law or Diuinity he hath for auouching ●he same ? And much more if the question had bene made in the time of Q. Elizabeth who profe●●ed not so much learning as this King , and yet would be obeyed no lesse then he , i● her dayes , euen in matters Ecclesiastical , although I think , that the neuer studied Diuinity . It followeth in M. Barlow . Of Pius Quintus ( saith he ) who absolued the Queenes s●●iects ●rom their obedience , it was said by some of his owne , that he was homo pius & doctus , sed nimis credulus , religious and learned , but too easy of beliefe . But of this Paulus Quintus who hath inter●●cted the Subiects of our Soueraigne King to sweare their obedience , eyther for his Diuinity , or Piety we haue heard nothing . Whereunto the answer is easy , for if you haue not heard therof , it is for that you are loath to heare so much good , as you may , of his Holines in both points . His profession was not the faculty of Diuinity , but rather of Ciuill , and Canon law , before God did choose him to the place & dignity , where now he is . It is well knowne that his Holines hath great sufficiency also in the other , for discharging of his obligation in that high Office : and hath moreouer so many learned men about him in all sciences to consult withall , whē matters of weight do occurre , as this poore exception of the Hereticke about learning in his Holines , is a good witnes of his want of better matter , what to speake to the purpose . And as for his Piety , which is the other point , let his Holines life , and actions be looked vpon , as we know they are by all Heretikes in the world , and curiously pried into ; not only at home in their owne Countreys , but in Rome it selfe , where many do go to certify thēselues in this , and sundry other like pointes , and do depart much edified therby , and sundry of them conuerted dayly by seeing the contrary to that which before they heard : wherof my selfe among others , can be a good witnes , that haue seene the effect hereof in sundry of our Nation , as others can say the like by theirs . And this amongst other things is very notable and knowne , spoken and confessed by all sortes of people in Rome to be in him , to wit , an Angelicall purity of life , throughout the whole course therof : in so much that he was neuer yet stained with the least blemish of suspicion to the contrary . Which publike voice , & testimony how well it hath bene deserued of M. Barlow & his Mates● I remit my selfe to the common fame of their next Neighbours , or such as know them best . As for that he saith of Pope Pius Quintus , that he was accompted by Catholikes themselues , nimis credulus , notwithstanding he was homo pius , & doct●s , as it is no great accus●tion : so is it spoken and vttered without any testimony at all , and therfore of small credit , as comming from one , that is found so full of vntruthes in most of his allegations , wherof we haue giuen so many examples , and shall do more in the residue of this our Answere , as I doubt not , but that he will scarsely seeme worthy to be belieued , when he bringeth witnesses , and much lesse without them . But there remayneth a more large impertinency of M. Barlow cōcerning this Pope his skill in Diuinity , setdown in these wordes , taken from the comparison of S. Peter , & S. Paul. S. Peter ( saith he ) whose successour he is stiled , and S. Paul● whose name he hath borrowed , had their Diuinity indeed by in●●s●●n , but their writings , reuealed it to the world . So that Peter we know , and Paul we know to be singular D●uines ; but who is this ? No men that seeketh to be ●amous doth any thing in secret , say the bretheren of our Sauiour . VVhere then are his labours ? his Sermons ? his Treatises ? his Commentaryes ? his Epistles Theologicall ? his doctrinall determinations ? his Iudiciall Decis●●s ? all which are vsuall attractiues to draw an opinion vpon a man , that he is a sound resoluer . So he . But Syr , stay your Maister-ship : these are no sound groundes to build the certainty of resolution vpon in a Magistrate , especially such as the supreme Pastour is , but rather the promised assistance , that Christ our Sauiour made to S. Peter and his successours , sitting in the Apostolike Chaire , That Hell-gates should neuer preuaile against the same . And how many haue written Sermons , Treatises , Commentaries , Epistles , Determinations , and Decisions , and do write dayly , to whome notwithstanding we ascribe not this certainty : albeit the last two , for Determinatiōs , and Decisions , I doubt not but his Holines hath ma●● many in his dayes , and those very profound , and learned , hauing bene a Iudge in diuers great affaires , as the world knoweth , before he came to this dignity , whereto he ascended , not by fortune , or fauour , or negotiation , but by the merit of his great and rare vertue , correspondent to the worthines of the noble and ancient family , from the which he is descended . And this wil be euident to any man that shall consider the eminent offices and dignityes , wherwith he hath bene honoured euen from his youth , as of Referendary in the high Court of Signatura de Gratia , of Vice-Legate in Bologna , of Nuntius Apostolicus into Spaine for most important matters , and of Auditor de Camera ; in all which charges , and imployments , he gayned such reputation of learning , wisedome , and integrity , that Pope Clement the eight of blessed memory , held him to be most worthy of the dignity of a Cardinall , wherto he aduaunced him ; and afterward neuer ceased to imploy him in the gra●est and weightiest affaires of the Sea Apostolike , partly in the holy Congregation of the Inquisition , and partly in the Office of Vic●r-generall of Rome : besides other continuall occupations in diuers Congregations , and particuler commissions which the said Pope Clement daily commēded vnto him , as to one of the wisest , and most confident Counsellours he had . So that all this being considered , malice it selfe cannot deny , but that his singular partes of learning , wisdome , experience , and all vertue opened him the ga●e to the soueraigne dignity of supreme Pastour , wherto Almighty God of his particuler prouidence ( no doubt ) hath exalted him , for the speciall good of his Church . But M. Barlow misseth in the very ground of our Catholike certainty , and infallibility , and so rangeth most ridiculously to matters nothing to the purpose . For 〈◊〉 what end I pray you , or with what iudgement , doth he bring in that speach of our Sauiours brethren , in S. I●●●s ghospell , No man that seeketh to be famous , doth any thing insecret ? doth it appertaine any thing to our purpose ? Or doth his Holines seeke fame by learning , or in secret , when he determineth any matter ? Surely it seemeth that this false Bishop will needes make himselfe famous by his folly and false dealing ; and yet we must heare him out a little further for that the further he goeth , the more gall and malice he sheweth against the person , and dignity of Pope Paulus Quintus . Now then he will needes bring in the testimony of certayne secular Priestes , as he calleth them , agaynst the person of his Holines ; though in this he deserue as little credi● , as in the rest . His wordes are these . Into his qualyties I will not enter : he standeth , and falls to his owne Maister . But if he be that Cardinall Burghesius whome some of the secular Priestes haue sometimes described , and haue assured vs to be true in him , which is spoken of Tiberius Gracchus , that he is a rash speaker , and an headdy vndertaker , of a most violent spirit , and impatient of contradiction , in whatsoeuer he hath but once imagined . If this , I say , be true ( which God forbid in so great a Church-man ) now surely he is not the fittest Iudge to be resorted vnto in cases of conscience , especially of such a nature , and consequence as this in hand . So he . Where first the Reader may note , that he sayth , he wil not enter into the Pope his personall qualities , and yet he doth : shewing thereby , that his aboundance of malice ouercame his iudgement , & first intention . And if you stand attent , you shal see , that Sathan the Author , & Inspirer of all malignity , to worke this Heretikes greater shame , made him lay hands vpō such a calūniation as all the world both Catholiks , & Heretiks that haue any knowledg of his Holines person will testify , to be a meere slander , to accuse Cardinall Burghesius , before he was Pope , to be a rash speaker , an headdy vndertaker , a violent spirit , & impatient of contradiction , is as probable an accusatiō among thē that know him , as to say , that S. Francis was couetous , S. Thomas vnlearned , S. Bernard indeuout , S. Dominicke without zeale of soules at all ; that is to say , to ascribe the cōtrary vices to him that was singular , & eminēt in the opposite vertues . And this is so euident , & notorius in the present calūniation , that whosoeuer did but come to Rome , and did discourse of Cardinalls , of their qualities , and conditions ( as men are wont to doe ) but much more , if they conuersed with him , should vnderstād that he was so ●arre of from rash speaking , headdy vnderta●●●●●iolent spirit , and the like ; as the contrary vertues were ●●●gularly respected in him , to wit , of prudent speach , of slow and moderate enterprizing , suauity of spirit , and patience in hearing euery man with lenity , as it pleased the diuine Prudence of almighty God afterwards to vse this generall opinion , and conceipt of him , as a potent meanes among others , to induce the Cardinalls to choose him to the place and dignity that now he houldeth . So as any other slaunder , or calumination might sooner find place against him , then this . And whereas he alleageth some of the secular English Priestes to haue bene Authors of this false accusation against his Holines , quoting in the margent M. Bluet &c. whereby he would signify , that he , and his fellowes had affirmed the same ; it seemeth that he doth allude vnto the time , when the said M. Bluet and three other Priestes went to Rome , vpon a certaine appeale ; and so at their returne , might make this description , as he calleth it . But why doth he name one only , and he dead ? No doubt , but that the fal●e Bishop did foresee , that if he had named them all , or the most part of them , the slaunder would haue bene answered by some of them that are aliue : but by naming a dead man that answereth not , he thought he might scape Scot-free from reprehension of the slaunder . And this is no vnusuall art of heresy , that seeketh to maintaine it selfe by lying , and forgery . And thus much now be spoken about the thing it selfe to wit , how vnius●ly these Phrases , and Epithets are ascribed vnto the person of his Holines , supposing that the H●r●tick had deal● vprightly in alleadging them out of Plutarke , as giuen to Tyberius Grac●hus : but the truth is , that in no one thing commonly shall you euer find him true : & so here he both falsifieth Plutarke , & iniureth Tyberius Gr●●chus . For Plutarke hath nothing so much of Tyberius Gracch●● , as here in English is fett downe , neither that which he hath , is spoken by him in such reproach , as Maister Barl●● would haue it seeme . For Plutarke relateth the contention had before the people betweene Tyberius Gracc●us , and Titus A●r●us , the first a most eloquent man in speach , the second craf●y in proposing subtile questions , whereof hauing proposed one at their first encounter that did sting Gracc●us , Plutarke saith : Ad hanc quaestionem reserunt ita Tyberium hasitasse , ●t qui omnium esset ad dicendum expectitissimus , & proiectissimus ad ●udendum , obmutuerit . At this question of ●itus Annius men say , that Tyberius Gracchus did so sticke , as that he held his peace , though he were of all other men , the most prōpt to speake , and most bold to attempt . This is all that Plutarke saith : so as the rest which M. Barlow addeth , of a most violent spirit and most impatient of contradictiō , in what he hath but once imagined , is his owne imaginary fiction , and not Plutarkes relation , as indeed he is forced also to confesse in the eye of the learned by setting downe the sentence it selfe in gre●ke , amplifying the same in the English tongue , for the deceiuing of the vnlearned English Reader : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prompt in speaking , and bould in attempting , which later , though it be taken for the most part in ill sense , yet sometimes also in good , that is for magnanimus animosus &c. as out of Plato , Aristophanes , and other Greeke Authors may be proued . And albeit I will not stand to defend that in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 M. Barlow doth wrong Plutarke and Gracchus in translating , headdy vndertaker , rather then magnanimous ; yet doth he offer them open iniury in translating the other epithete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a rash speaker , whereas indeed it signifyeth to Gracc●us his praise , a prompt , and ready man in speaking , eloquent , copious , and the like . But as for the other exprobrations of a most violent spirit impatient of contradiction , and the rest ; he abuseth ●gregiously both Gracchus , & Plutarke : for not only are those reproaches not found there , as applyable to Gracchus , but the very contrary is sayd of him , and therin is he preferred before his brother Caius in these words of Plutarke : Vul●u & obtutu , & motu bla●d● erat & compositus Tyberius , acer Caius & vehemēs : Deinde or ati● suln●nans Caij , dulcior Tyberij : pari modo in victu , & mensa frugalis , & s●●rplex Tyberius &c. lenis etiam & placidus : confragosus alter & seruidus . Tyberius both in countenance and motion was a●●●ble and composed , Caius sharpe and vehement ; and consequently to this the Orations of Caius were thundering , but those of Tyberius more sweete : and in like manner Tyberi●● was more frugall and simple in his dyet , and table , then his brother Caius : he was also very gentle , and pleasing in his behauiour and speach ; but the other was rough and feruent &c. Now then , let the prudent reader see , and consider how all this doth agree to the description of Tyberi●● set downe by M. Barlow , and how true a man he is in all his assertions . And how false soeuer he was in the allegation , certaine it is , that he dealt most wickedly in the application of all to the person of his Holines that now liueth . And this much shall suffice about this matter . It followeth pag 27. & 28. after he had discharged such a storme against the Popes owne person , as now you haue heard , for his medling in this Oath , and giuing his decisiō therof , he sayth , that this was to be Iudg in his owne cause , alleaging a Poet for his proofe , about sur & latro , one pleading at the barre , & the other sitting at the bench . But doth not the malicious man see , that this his cauillation toucheth the interest of all Princes , as though they might not be Iudges , or giue sentence in cases wherein themselues haue a part , if law stand with thē . For to cause other men to do it in their name , by their authority , is as much as to do it themselues . And what did the Pope more in this case thē this ? making a decision by counsaile of his learned men , according to Christian law , that this case of England touched points of Religion concerning the Sea Apostolick ; which authority no Pope can infringe or diminish without sinne , if he would ; for that it was giuē not only to him , but to his ant●cessors , and successors in like māner to indure for the good of the whole Church , to the worlds end . But ( saith M. Barlow ) it had bene plaine dealing in the Pope , if before he had sent his Breues of Interdiction , he had acquainted his Mai●stie with encounters of doubt that bred the quarrell , and the ouer-swaying reason that carried him to the negatiue . Very wisely spoken , and worth the wit of M. Barlow . And would his Maiesty haue admitted the messenger , or message ? who seeth not , that there is nothing heere but trifling , and caueling ? But I may adde also scoulding , for he breaketh presently into a most desperate blast of rayling against F. Perso●s , calling him , trayterous Absolom , that careth not to set his ●●●e friendes , land , yea to see his natiue soile on a light fire , so he may purchase the Popes fauour . All which is spoken with much passion , & little reason , for that the probability is much more that Maister Barlow flattereth the Kinges Maiesty for hope of preferment , whereof he is capable , and hath gotten possession of a good part already , then ●a . Persons the Pope , whose state and condition of life hath no need of such preferment ; nor can it be proued , that euer Father Persons spake for a fee , forward , and backward as M. Barlow hath done , in his best Patrones cause . As for the authority of the sixt Councell of Carthage , about appellations to Rome noted in the margent , it is not worth the answering , both for that the words nor sense alleadged by him are there found , and the controuersie about Appeales to Rome from Africa is so handled by me at large in my last Reckoning with M. Morton , and he found so faulty , and defectuous in that accompt● as if M. Barlow will take vpon him to pay that debt , and to answer that only Paragraph for him , I shall say , that he is his friend indeed . Wherefore I expect the euent . In the very next lines following M. Barlow doth so brokenly recite my wordes about M●●●is aliena , another mans haruest ( for so did the Apologer write , that English Catholikes are to the Pope ) that he maketh neyther me , nor himselfe to be vnderstood . Read I pray you his relation of my wordes pag. 29. numb . 5. and see whether you can vnderstand him , about M●ss●●aliena . My words were plaine inough , for thus I wrote page 12. numb . 20. by him cited . For first about putting the Popes hooke in ano●●er mans haruest , supposing , as we do , that we ●●●a●e of Cat●olike people onely , and according to Catholike doctrine , and in matters belonging to Catholike m●ns soules , and consciences ; it cannot be called Messisali●na , another mans haruest , that the Pope dealeth in England , with such kind of people , & in such cases , as well as in Spaine , France , Flaunders , Italy , Germany , Polonia , and other States , and kingdomes : for that they are no lesse appertayning to his ●●ock , care , charge , and haruest , then the rest . Neyther doth the materiall separation of our Iland , separate vs from the vnion of one body , nor of one obedience , to one and the selfe same generall head and Pastour , no more then it doth frō the vnion of one beliefe , and of one number and forme of Sacraments , of one manner of seruice , and other like pointes , belonging to the internall , and externall vnity of Catholike Religion . And is not this plaine inough ? How doth he reply ? You shall heare it in his owne wordes , and he will so imbroyle himselfe therin , as he will let fall neere halfe a dozen of absurdities , ignorances , and open falsities by the way . Do you stand attent then ● thus he bringeth his answere to my former discourse of Messis aliena . This is a 〈◊〉 argument no doubt ( quoth he ) the Pope hath to do in England sait● the Censurer , because some Catholikes suppose he hath , but before this supposall be brought into a positiue resolute conclusion , it will aske a longer time , then such a Pamphlet &c. Where you see first , that he quite mistaketh me , eyther of ouersight , or of purpose . For I do not make that argument , which he frameth i● my name , that the Pope hath to do in England , because some Catholickes suppose he hath . Nor is the word supposing vsed by me , applied to some Catholikes , as though they supposed ; but to my selfe , that I supposed : and so this change of the person , as you see , is a foule ouersight in repeating his aduersaries argument . There followeth the like change of the subiect , for my supposall was not , that the Pope had to do in England , but that we treated , and spake in that place of Catholike people , according to Catholike Doctrine , and of Catholike consciences , not of Protestants consciences , or iudgements , for that the question was not , whether Protestan●s with a good conscience might take the Oath , or not , but Catholikes with the integrity of their Religion . Out of which supposall is inferred , that forsomuch , as Catholike doctrine in all Schools of the world , as well of Spaine , France , Italy , and others , do teach , and define , that all Catholike people , whether they be farre , or neere , without exception , are equally subiect to the supreme Pastour of the Church , wherof they are members : it followeth , I say , that dwell they neuer so farre of , they cannot be called , nor accounted Messis aliena to their said vniuersall Pastour . But let vs heare M. Barlow further , vttering other ignorances intolerable in the eares of learned men . But before this supposall ( saith he ) be brought into a positiue , and resolute conclusion , will require more tyme &c. What , M. Barlow this supposall , that we treated of Catholike people only and according to Catholike Doctrine , and not of Protestants ? My wordes are playne , do you read them ouer againe , supposing as we doe ( quoth I ) that we treat of Catholike people only , and according to Catholik doctrine . You see my words : this was my supposall : what difficulty is there now , to reduce them to a positiue , and resolute conclusion , saying and affirming resolutely that which then I supposed , to wi● , that I treated in that place of Catholikes only and their consciences according to Catholike doctrine , and not of Protestants ? Do you see , how hard a matter this is to bring a supposall into a conclusion ? And doth not your Reader see , to what straites of absurdityes , your folly hath brought you ? But yet the Reader must further know , that there is included in your wordes , greater ignorance perhaps , thē any of the former ; for you imagine , as by your sequent wordes appeareth , that a supposall is of much lesse certainty , then is a positiue , and res●lute conclusion , which is quite contrary : for that a positiue conclusion , how resolute soeuer it be on the behalfe of the defender , yet may it be controuerted , and called into question , or disputed of : but a supposall cannot , for that it is supposed , and graunted by both partes . Let vs see then M. Barlow his acumen in this matter . Thus he writeth of me , and my supposall . It argued ( say you ) some ingenuity in the man , that he made it but a supposall , and a●terward againe , talking of a proposition , or conclusion of Cardinall Bellarmine , about the Mother-Church of Rome , you say , the best writing Iesuits do indeed make it a supposall , and the most ●auorable of them , that it is b● likely . Whereby it is plaine , that the silly man houldeth , that a supposal in Diuinity , or Philosophy is more vncertaine , then a resolute proposition or conclusion , and in effect he takes it for only a Likelihood , or probability , which onely to heare is ●idiculous amongs● learned men : for that alwaies the thinges supposed in any silence , are taken for most ●ue , and vndoubted , as graunted by both partes , yea they are the very groundes and principles of all sciences , wheron the certainty of all conclusions , throughout those sciences , doth depend . And so we see , for examples sake , the ●uclide in the beginning of his bookes of Ge●●●● doth suppose certaine principles , and groundes of that science , as that , 〈◊〉 est main sua parte , euery whole is greater then the part therof : Si ab aequalibus aequalia domas , ●●liqua e●●nt aequalia : i● from equall thinges you take equally away , the rest which remaine shall be equall , and many such other like suppositions , which are to be seene in t●e ●●st ●ooke of these 15. which ●uclide calleth de Element●s , ●● t●e ●l●ments , or principles of Ge●metry . And now to say , that these supposalls are of les●e certainty then positiue o● r●sol●t● conclusions deduced from them , and grounded vpon them , as M. Barlow imagineth , is so absurd , as nothing can be more , ●or that the conclusions may be denyed or dis●uted 〈◊〉 , but the supposals may not . A●is●otle a●so when he treateth of the Principles of 〈…〉 wh●c● as P●●lus testif●eth , he calleth suppos●io●● , a 〈…〉 or supposalls , quia supponenda sunt , for that 〈◊〉 are to be ●●ppos●d , and not to be proued ; sheweth that 〈…〉 supposals is infallible , for that they 〈…〉 partes , for which let this one example 〈…〉 C●ris●i●n should contend with a l●w , about 〈…〉 . Death or Resurrection of our Sauiour , & 〈…〉 , fi●st as a thing euident , & acknowledged 〈◊〉 both , that whatsoeuer is contained in the old Testament , is o● infallible truth , & authority , and therevpon should frame many positiue and resolute Conclusions from the predictions of the ancient Prophets about these mysteries of Christ ; should these conclusions be of more certainty , then the foresayd supposals vpon which they stand ? Or shall it be but likely only , and probable , that the old Testament is true , for that it was only supposed , and not proued at the beginning ? What can be more ignorantly spoken then this , concerning the comparison of conclusions , and suppositions ? Nor can he run out , by saying that he agreed not to my supposall at the beginning , for that there are certaine supposalls so euidēt of themselues , as they require no consent of the aduersary , as were those of Euclide before mentioned : and so was this of mine in the passage of my Letter already cited , where I supposed that I treated of Catholike people only , and acording to Catholike Doctrine , and in matters belonging to Catholicke mens soules , and consciences , , and not of Protestants : which supposall no man can contradict , for that it is most cleare and euident by my owne wordes , and therefore consequently M. Barlow hath shewed himselfe but a very poore Philosopher , and a worse Deuine in this place . But the two notorious vntruthes , which he vttereth presently in the next ensuing lynes ( though I be weary now of such stuffe ) may not be pretermitted . The first is against Cardinall Bellarmine , the second is against the Pope concerning his prohibition of the Oath . His wordes for the first are these . If all the rest of the Apostles were not ordered Bishops by S. Peter ( saith Bellarmine ) then cannot the Church of Rome be Mother of all other Churches ( much lesse the Bishop ) and whether it were so or no , the best writing Iesuites doe indeed make it but a supposall . But now for the chastisemēt of his folly , for saying but a supposal , as though it were a speach of vncertainty I haue said sufficiēt before . There remaineth his vntruth in saying that Bellar. doth suppose , that if the rest of the Apostles were not made Bishops by S Peter , then cannot the Church of Rome be the Mother-Church of other Churches , nor the Bishop vniuersal Bishop . For first as cōcerning the latter part , about the Vniuersall Bishop , Bellarmine hath no one word thereof , but teacheth the quite contrary , founding the power , and authority of S. Peter ouer all other Churches , vpon other groundes , and namely vpon the commission of Christ , Matth. 16. & ●oan . 20. & not vpon his ordayning or not ordayning Bishops of the other Apostles : about which question , he doth but set downe the opinion of Ioannes de Tu●re●remata lib. 2. Summae de Ecclesia . Cap. 32. with his reasons ●or the same , and consequently , doth not ●et it downe , as a supposall , certaine ground , or principle , but as a probable , and disputable opinion , though himself hould the opinion of Turrecremata to be more probable . But on the other side Franciscus de Victoria heere cited by M. Barlow himsel●e , though he be of a contrary opinion to Turrecremata , and to Bellarmine , about the Ordination of all the Apostles by S. Peter : yet doth he in the very same place professe , that S. Peter was Vniuersall Bishop ouer all the Church of God. Primus , & Princeps cum summa supertotam Ecclesiam pot●state . That among the Apostles he was the first , and principall , with supreme power ouer all the Church . So as the denial of this particul●r priuiledge in S. Peter , that he ordained all other Apostles Bishops , doth not in●e●e , that he was not vniuersall Bishop of the whole Church , as here we see M. Barlow most falsely to inferre . And whereas he noteth in the margent with great diligence diuers Catholicke writers , that d●● hold the question to be probable on both sids , as Salmeron , Victoria , Suarez , and Gregorius de Val●ntia , that is but an old trick to shu●●le and make a noice , where there is no need : for Bellarmine doth not hold the thing to be de fide , or infallible supposall , and consequently it little importeth to bring in this diuersity of opinions of the a●oresayd Authors , about the matter . Now then to come to the second vntruth , that the Pope by decreeing the Oath , as it lay , was vnlawfull , did also forbid euen that very point of s●earing ciuill obedience , which is so notoriously vntrue , as whosoeuer doth but read the Popes Breue it selfe , or Cardinall Bellarmine his explication therof , or my Letter , wherin the contrary is euery where protested , wil maruaile to see such impudent proceeding . But of this more afterward . Now wee shall passe to discusse , whether there be any pointes in the sayd Oath , concerning the religion , and consciences of Catholicks , whereby the taking thereof was made vnlawfull vnto them . For this doth Maister Barlow vtterly deny , as now you shall heare . WHETHER THE OATH BE ONLY OF CIVILL OBEDIENCE ? Or whether there be any clauses in it against Catholicke Religion ? CHAP. II. THIS point being one of the most chief of al my Treatise about the Oath , is hādled by me somewhat largely pag. 13. of my Letter , where , vpon the deni●ll of the Apologer , that any thing is there required but Ciuill obedience , my wordes are these : And how shall we cleare t●is important matter , to wit , VVhether there be any poyntes in th● Oath belonging to religion , besides ciuill obedience ? and I do answer that it is v●ry easy to cleare the same by fower seuerall , and distinct wa●es . First , by the expresse wordes , sense , and drift of the Oath it selfe , that besides the acknowledgemen● of temporall respects , to wit , that our Soueraigne is t●●● K●ng , right●ull Lord ouer all his dominions , and ●hat the swearer is his true loyall subiect , to obey him in all temporall affayres , and other like clauses , whereat no man sticketh , or maketh difficulty ; there be other clauses also against the authority of the Supreme Pastour , which doe iustly breed scruple of conscience to a Catholicke to ●dmit , or take the same . Secondly I shewed the same , by the Popes wordes in his Breues , wherin he doth conioyne the taking of this Oath with the going to the Churches , and Seruice of a different Religion , pronouncing the one and the other to be vnlawfull . Thirdly I declared the same out of the iudgment of Cardinall Bellarmine , & other learned men , who hauing considered well the nature of this Oath , and different clauses therin cōtayned , do hold it for so cautelously compounded by artificially ioyning togeather Temporal and Spirituall thinges , to wit Ciuill Obedience , & forswearing the Popes supreme Ecclesiasticall Authority , as no man can thereby prof●sse his temporall subiection , and detest treason and conspiracy , which all Catholikes are most willing to doe , but he must be forced also to renoūce the Primacy of the Sea Apostolicke , from which all good Catho●ick consciences do iustly abhorre . Fourthly , for a more full , and finall clearing of this matter , that I could thinke of no better , nor more forcible meane , then to make this reall offer on the behalfe of euery English Catholicke , for better satisfaction of his Maiestie in this poynt so much vrged of their ciuill , and temporall obedience . First that he will sweare , and acknowledge most willingly all those partes , and clauses of the Oath , that do any way appertayne to the Ciuil , and Temporall obedience due to his Maiesty , whom he acknowledgeth for his true , and lawfull King , and Soueraigne ouer all his dominions : and that he will sweare vnto him as much loyalty , as euer any Catholicke Subiect of England , did vnto their lawfull Kinges in former tymes and ages , before the change of King Henry the eight : or that a●y forrayne subiect oweth , or ought to sweare to any Catholicke Prince whatsoeuer at this day . These were the ●oure wayes , which then occurred 〈◊〉 my mind , wherunto it shall be good , to examine brie●●y , what M. Barlow hath bene able to say in this his answ●●● He beginneth resolu●ely , as though he had intention 〈◊〉 ioyn● really indeed . Now then ( saith he ) this must be cle●●●● , whether the Oath doth onely concerne ciuill obedience , yea or no : 〈◊〉 that it doth not , the Censurer taketh vpon him , to satisfy in eight ●●●bers ●rom the 20. to the 28. , and that foure seuerall waies . So ●e . And what doth he alleage against these foure waie● ? 〈◊〉 e●fect no word at all , though he babble not a little of diuers matters impertinent to the purpose . VVe laying this 〈◊〉 our ground , saith he , that first both swearing , and performing 〈◊〉 obedience , is aswell negative against any intruder , challenger , or vs●●per , as affirmatiue ●or the lawfull gouernours , and Soueraignes . Secondly that this challeng of the Pope in dethroning , and deposing of Pri●ces is a temporall intrusion , and no spirituall iurisdi●tion ; do c●●cl●●● with a strong and apparant euidence , that the whole bulke of the O●●● both in the submissiue , and exclusiue part , doth onely concerne ci●ill obedience . All which speach of his , if I should grant , as by hi● it is vttered , yet doth it not so much as impugne any of the former foure waies , wherby it was shewed , that diuers points of Catholike religion are touched in the said Oath and impugned therby : so as a Catholike man cannot admit the same without preiudice of his conscience , which these groundes do nothing impugne . But now let vs see how well grounded are these his two groundes impertinently brought in for some shew of answere . The first is , that ciuill obedience to a lawfull Prince requireth the subiect to sweare , not onely affirmatiuely , that he is his lawful Soueraigne , but also negatiuely against any intruder , challenger , or vsurper , which we deny not : but do deny that the Pope as supreme Pastour ouer al● Christendome is to be called an Intruder , Challenger , or Vsurper , when for preseruation of Christian Religion , he doth interpose his authority for the restraint of any Christian Prince , that is , or ought to be vnder his iurisd●ction . And as for his second ground , that this authority of the Pope is a temporall intrusion , and no spirituall iurisdiction , we deny it in like sort : for though it be temporall in some respects , yet is it no intrusion , but giuen by Christ himselfe , as contained in the most ample spirituall charge and commission deliuered to S. Peter for gouerning of all soules belonging to the sayd charge , which cannot be sufficiently gouerned and prouided for , if there had not beene such power left also , whereby euill Princes might be restayned from peruerting their Kingdomes , especially by infection of heresy . And whereas for proofe of this temporall intrusion , as he calleth it , he saith , that for to doe me a fauour he will remit me to T. M. the elder , to wit to Thomas Morton ●is full Satisfactiō part . 3. ( whom he saith , I doe feare as the racke ) who among many others haue canuased ( saith he ) this point , in a Confutation , to the Popes confusion : I will to quit his fauou● send him backe to the sayd M. Morton againe recanuased by me vpon this point in two seuerall Bookes of answere , wherein so many notorious lyes are charged , and convinced vpon him , as may serue not only for his Confutation , but also for the Confusion of all his friendes , wherof this Copes-mate M. Barlow may well be one : and so much the more iustly be shamed therein , for that he may be presumed to haue seene one at least of my sayd bookes , and the lies therein so openly layd forth , and pressed , as he cannot but with impudency speake here as he doth , in remitting me to M. Mortons canuase , and that , I ●eared it as the racke &c. But now let vs come to looke a little into M. Barlowes impugnation of the Popes authority ouer kinges . This authority of the Pope ( saith he ) if it be a spirituall Iurisdiction , it must be either from heauen , or of men , grounded vpon law , either Diuine , or Ecclesiasticall : Nam quod ampli●u est , à malo est , sayth a deuout Father to a great Pope : all execution therof not deriued from eyther of these , implyes a Tyranny , importes no right . If vpon diuine law , then eyther the Old , or the New Testament : not the Old , the Priestes among the Iewes had no such authority ouer thei● Kinges , eyther vnited to their Priesthood by God , or assumed by themselues , confessed so by a Iesuite , that the Sta●e of the Iewes was rather earthly , then heauenly : therfore the carnall part was more eminent , that is , Kinges had the soueraigntie ouer the Priestes . Not in the new , for then S. Peter should haue had it , eyther when the Keyes were giuen him , Matt. 16. or whē that trebled Pasce was inioyned him , Ioan. 21. If it be so , then had he this Iurisdiction directly from Christ , and ●●●uersally ouer the world : but that is not so , saith Robert the Cardinall , & this Robert his Eccho , but only ouer Christian Princes , and that indirectly and obliquely in ordine ad De●●● nay neither directly nor indirectly , saith Sanders ; for there being a dubble power of Christiā fortitude , constant suffering , & couragious attempting , that power of suffering ( as the more excellent ) Christ chose , as the fittest sibi & suis , for himselfe and those that belong to him : or if you will , for himsel●e and his Apostles . So then , to suffer oppression vnder kinges , not to inferre vpon them Rebellion , and disloalty , was the power Apostolicall in respect of Princes . This is M. Barl. his assault , which I haue thought good to set downe at large , both faithfully , and punctually in his owne very words , as my custome is , & not contractedly and perfidiously peruerted , as he euery where vseth to set downe myne , and that in a different letter ( as often I am forced to complain ) as though they were my wordes indeed . And now to this passage of his I say , that there is much impertinent stuffe , many falsities , sundry great abuses , misapplications , and wrong senses from the Authors owne meaning whom he citeth . For first it was impertinent to cite that sentence of S. Bernard , Nam quod amplius est , à malo est : for that he vseth the same to a far different purpose , as euery man may see , that will read the place in his second booke de Consideratione , which particular quotation Maister Barlow did pretermitt , citing only Bern. ad Eugen. therby to make the finding thereof more hard , S. Bernard hauing written fiue bookes to Eugenius . Secondly that which he alleageth out of Salmeron that the State of the Iewes , was rather earthly , then heauenly , and therefore the carnall part was more eminent , that is , Kings had the soueraignty ouer Priestes , is notably both peruerted and falsifyed . For first Salmerons wordes ( speaking of the Ecclesiasticall gouernment of the Iewes in comparison of that , which was giuen to the Christian Churches ) are , Synagoga Iudaeorum dicebatur terrenum potiùs quàm caeleste regnum . The Synagogue of the Iewes was called rather an earthly , then a heauenly kingdome : meaning that their Power was but earthly , their Sacrifices earthly , their promises and blessinges earthly , in respect of the heauenly and spirituall power , Sacramentes , Sacrifice , and Promises of the new Testament . Nor doth he make comparison betweene the Kings power , and the power of Priestes , calling the former earthly and carnall , & the other heauenly , as most falsely & seditiously M. Barlow here , after M. Morton , doth auer : but only the Ecclesiasticall authority of the Iewes Synagogue , with the excellent spirituall power of the Christian Church . And as for the comparison betweene kingly , & Priestly eminency amongst the Iewes , the said Salmeron in the same place , doth not only affirme , but proueth also by sundry arguments , and one , by the worthines of the Sacrifice offered in the first place for the Priest before the King : that Priestly dignity , was aboue Princely in that people , and much more amongst the Christians . So as here is notorious falshood on M. Barlowes behalfe , which is much the more malicious , and intolerable in him , for that he had seene me to haue obiected the same falsehood , and vntrue dealing vnto M. Morton in my booke of Mitigation : & that the sayd M. Morton was so farre of from being able to answer the same , as in his last Reply he left it quite out : & now lately I haue obiected the ●ame to him again in my last Reckoning with him cap. 6. & 7. whervnto I refer M. Barl. to help him out . And so much of this point . It followeth in M. Barlowes speach , that i● S. Peter had receiued of Christ with the keyes , Math. 16. this Iurisdictiō ouer Princes which we pretend , then had it bene directly , & vniuersally ouer the whole world . But this is not necessary , for he might recei●● the same indirectly , as included and comprehended in the spirituall , to be vsed for the preseruation of the Church , when spirituall necessity should require , as before ha●● bene said . And as for Vniuersall ouer the world , it is sufficient that it be ouer Christian Princes and people only , w●● are properly the sheep and lambes that are commended 〈◊〉 the chiefe Pastours feeding or gouernement , Ioan. 21● though vpon Infidell Princes also he may haue some power , in certaine cases ; as when they will go about to let the preaching of the Ghospell authorized by these wordes , Praedicate Euangelium omni creaturae . But this appertayneth not to our question . But wheras he sayth , that Cardinall Bellarmi●e & I do affirme , that the Pope hath only authority ouer Princes , indirectly , & obliquely in ordine ad Deū : we graunt the word indirectly , but as for obliquely in ordine ad Deum , he will not I thinke find the phrase in any writing of ours , but only ●● ordine ad spiritualia , which is to say , that the Pope hath such authority vpon Princes , when the preseruation of the spirituall affaires doth so require , to wit , the saluation of souls : & he that shall read the place of Bellarmin here by M. Barlow quoted ( for of myne he citteth nothing ) to wit , lib. 5. de Pontif. cap. 4. & 6. shall find this sentence , in ordine ad spiritualia , but neuer I suppose in ordine ad Deum : for that all power of the Pope is in ordine ad Deum , & propter Deum , whether it be spirituall , or temporall : but in ordine ad spiritualia hath an other meaning , as now hath bene shewed , to wit that the Pope hatH directly only spirituall authority to execute spirituall functions : but when this cannot be cōs●●u●d , or executed without the help of temporall , he may vse that also for defence of the other . So as it seemeth , that this our great Doctour doth not vnderstād the very terms of Deuinity , in this matter wherof he disputeth : and this his ignorance sheweth it selfe no lesse here , then before , about indeterminatio iudicy , in free choice . Nor doth he onl● relate falsely , & ignorantly this point , as out o● Cardinall Bellarmine and me , but much more doth he abuse the name of D. Sanders in the very next words , that do ensue , as though he should say , that neither directly , nor indirectly hath the Pope this temporall authority from Christ , but rather power to suffer , as now you haue heard him say , he citing for it de claue Dauid lib. 2. cap. 13. wheras D. Sanders doth hold the quite contrary in that booke throughout sundry Chapters , to wit , that the Pope hath receaued from Christ vtrumque gladium , temporalem & spiritualem , both swords , that is , both temporall and spirituall authority , and proueth it by many arguments , and demonstrations : only in the 13. Chapter he demandeth , why thē had not the Apostoles depriued Nero and Domitius of their Empires ? Whereto he answereth , among other causes , that these were Pagan Tyrants , and not vnder the charge and power that was giuen to the Church ouer sheepe , & lambes . And then in the 14. Chapter , he demandeth further , why the Apostles , & first Christians had not elected some new King Christan for the good of the Church at the beginning ? Whereto he answereth , alleaging sundry reasons , why it was not conuenient , that the Christian Church should be planted with violence , but that for the space , and time appointed by Gods prouidence Christians should exercise the other part of Christiā fortitude which cōsisteth in suffering , as is before touched● but yet he neuer denyeth notwithstanding that the sayd temporall power ouer Christian Princes was in the Church , & Head therof ( though that season admitted not the vse ) but rather proueth it expressely : and consequently is egregiously abused , and falsifyed by M. Barlow , when he sayth Doctor Sanders to affirme , that the Pope had neyther directly , or indirectly any such power from Christ. But will you see this our doughty Doctour ouerthrown & confoūded both in him selfe , and by himselfe ? then harken to his words in the very next page . It is so , sayth Sanders : S. Peter with the Keyes receyued both powers , temporall and ciuill . Is it so Syr ? and why then did you euen now deny it ? Are you so mutable within the compasse of two pages ? What misery is this of your cause to be driu●n to these shiftes ? But let vs see another deuise , which is ●● oppose Franciscus de Victoria to this saying of Sanders ; 〈◊〉 thus you bring him in , No , not so , sayth a Iesuit , for this power o● the Keyes , est alia à ciuili potestate : is another power diffe●●● from the ciuill : thus they iarre , say you . But whether we iarre or no , one Catholike writer with another ; sure I am ●●at you iarre with your selfe , and seeme not to ha●● your witts at home . For euen now you cited Docto●● Sanders , as denying the Popes temporall power , to co●● neyther directly nor indirectly from Christ : and now you say him to affirme , that S. Peter receyued both powers with the Keyes . Are not these playne contradictions ? How can this iarre be excused by you ? But I haue further to say to you yet in this matter , fo● that in the very next wordes , where you would make a contradiction betweene Doctor Sanders , & Franciscus de Victoria , you shew much more folly , if not a worse quality . For wheras you write , that a Iesuite sayth , No not so , for 〈◊〉 the power of the keyes is different from ciuill power , and do quo● the place of Victoria in the margent : first , in calling him Iesuite , who was a Dominican fryar , you shew much ignorance , if you erre not of purpose . For who knoweth not , that Iesuites and Dominicans are two different Religious Orders ? & the very first page of the booke , and words of the title , which are Reuerendi Patris Francisci de Victoria Ordinis Praedicatorum Relectiones &c. might haue taught you , that Victoria was no Iesuite : but it may be , that you seeing the words Ordinis Praedicatorum , and vnderstanding that Iesuits did vse to preach also , you did ( full wisely ) imagine Victoria to be a Iesuite , and by the same reason , you might ●●well haue imagined him to be a Minister of your coat , for you preach also , if I be not deceaued , though with shame inough somtims , as you did against your Maister the Earle of Essex after that you had heard his Confession ; and cons●quently in this your sense , you may be counted in like manne● Ordinis Praedicatorum , of the order of Preachers , and so a Iesuite . But this is ridiculous . Let vs come to that which is more malicious . You write that the Iesuite Victoria doth iarre with Doctor Sanders about this temporall power of the Pope : for that wheras Doctor Sanders sayth , that the Pope receiued both powers , spirituall and ciuill , together with the keyes , you make Victoria to contradict him , saying : No , not so , for that this power of the keyes , is another power different from the ciuill . But what iarre is this ? both speaches are true in both Authors senses , and meanings . For as it is true , that S. Peter with the keyes , receyued both powers , spirituall and tēporall , the one directly , and the other indirectly , as Doctour Sanders teacheth : so yt is also true , which Victoria writeth , that these two powers are different one from the other , in their owne natures , especially when they are in different subiectes , as the one in the Pope , and the other in the King ( in which sense Victoria spake ) yea also , and when they are found in one , and the selfe same man , as namely the Pope , for that he hath them by different manners , the one immediatly and directly , which is the spirituall , the other secondarily , and indirectly , which is the temporall : so as here is no iarre , or contradiction , but a cosenage rather of M. Barlow in misalleadging the playne meaning of this new made-Iesuite Franciscus de Victoria . And no lesse abuse doth he offer to Cardinall B●llarmine in alleadging him quite against his owne meaning in the very last vpshot of his pretended proofes , out of Scriptures a little before , wherof he maketh his Conclusion in these wordes : By law Diuine then ( sayth he ) it was excluded ( to wit this temporall authority giuen to S. Peter ) for no man can trāsferre that to another , which he hath not himselfe : but this royall Soueraignty ouer Princes , to depose them , or dispose of their States , Christ ●ad not , as he was man ( and yet he sayd , Omnis potestas data est mihi in caelo , & in terra ) yea such power had bene vnprofitable and superfluous ( sayth the Grand Cardinall ) therefore he could not trāsferre it to S. Peter , or the rest . This is his Conclusion , that this temporall po●●r was excluded by Gods law , which he promised to proue out of the old , and new Testament ; and it is to be considered how substantially he hath performed it . For out o● the old Testament , he hath alleadged no one proofe , sentēce , or example , but only brought in the Iesuite Salmer●● to affirme the same , who hath no such matter , but proueth of purpose the playne contrary . And out of the new Testament hath as little , though he falsify and wrest both D. S●ders & Franciscus de Victoria to make some shew ; but especially the Grand Cardinall ( to vse his owne wordes ) whom mo●● notably he abuseth . For albeit the Cardinall doth affirme , that Christ as he was man , and as he came to worke ou● redemption had not any temporall kingdome , for that it was not needfull , or profitable to the high spirituall end of our saluation which he had before his eyes , yet had he by his supreme spirituall authority , power also to dispos● of all temporall affaires whatsoeuer , so far forth , as should be needfull to that spirituall end of his ; for so teacheth the Cardinall expressely , in these words : Finis adue●us Christi in mundum &c. The end of Christ his comming into the world , was the redemption of mankind , and to this end temporall authority was not needfull , but spirituall ; for so much as by this spirituall authority Christ had power to dispose of all temporall things also , as he thought to be expedient to mans redemption . So the Cardinall : whereby is euident , that albeit he holdeth with the commō opinion of Deuines , that Christ vpon earth had no meere tēporall kingdome or ciuill power , yet could he by his spirituall power dispose of all tēporall matters in order to his spirituall end , and that this power he gaue also to S. Peter , to wit , indirectly , and in ordine ad finem spiritualem . So as the Grand Cardinall denieth not this , but proueth the same at large for diuers Chapters togeather , both by Scriptures , reasons , and examples , out of ●n my Histories both diuine , & Ecclesiasticall ; and it had bene good , that M. Barlow had answered to some of them , if he had thought him selfe able to meddle in this matter ; or at leastwise he ought not to haue so fraudulently cited Card. Bellarmine against his owne meaning , as now you haue seene . But now next after Scriptures M. Barlow commeth to Ecclesiastical law , requiring to haue this power proued by Canons , Councells , Decrees , and Practises , for which I referre him to the Booke , & Chapters now cited in Bellarmine . And for so much as this temporall power of S. Peter , is founded vpon his spirituall commission as a thing necessarily following the same , and needfull therunto , for the perfect gouerment of the whole Church , & that this spirituall power is founded most euidently & aboundantly in the new Testament , and consent of all antiquity vpon the same , as the sayd Cardinall doth proue , and demonstrate throughout many Chapters of his first , and second Bookes De Romano Pontifice , I will weary the Reader no longer in this matter , but remit him thither , I meane to the foresaid Cardinall Bellarmine , where he shall find store of proofes for both powers in the Pope , I meane both spirituall and temporall , though differently deriued vnto him , the one immediatly and directly , the other secondarily and indirectly . And albeit this were sufficient for this point , yet to the end that M. Barlow shall not say , that I doe leaue out any thing of momēt , which herein he setteth down● , I shall repeat his owne wordes of conclusion in this ma●ter , with far more fidelity , then he doth mine . Thus then he writeth , borrowing all in effect out of M. Morton in his late Preambulatory Reply . For Ecclesiastical law , no Canon , Councel , Decree , Practice extāt , reckon to 600. years after Christ , by Bellarm. confession , yea to 1000. & ampliùs saith one of their own writers , doth ●uow it ; in so much that a Friar of account , writing in the year 1088. cals then the Doctrine therof a Nouel●y , if not an ●eresie : & that act of Hildebrand , that famously infamous Pope , who first tooke vpon him to depriue an Emperour of his Regiment , is by a Popish Deuine called nouellum Schisma , a rent , & ● rent of nouelty . The challeng of this authority vtterly vnknowne to the Fathers , who haue pro●ounced Kings to be no way liable to any violent Censure , or penal law of man , ●●i Imperij potestate , their Empire & Soueraignty exempting & priuileging them therfrom . This is his discourse , whereof he inferreth that 〈◊〉 temporall authority of the Pope by vs pretended , bei●● but humanum inuentum , a humane inuention , or rat●●● intrusion , or vsurpation , as he calleth it ; the matter of the Oath , wherby the same is excluded , must need●● 〈◊〉 meerly Ciuill , no lesse , then if it were against any o●●●● meere temporall Prince , that would vsurpe any part of our Soueraignes temporall right or Crowne . Whereun●● I answer that if this were so , and that it could be proued , that this temporall power of the Pope as we teach it , were but a humane inuention indeed , and not founded in any authority diuine , or humane ; then M. Barlow had sayd somewhat to the matter , and the comparison of an Oath taken against any other tēporal Prince might haue place . But for that we haue shewed now , that this is not 〈◊〉 , but that there is great difference betweene this temporall power of the Pope deriued from his supreme spirituall authority , as vniuersall Pastour ( which no temporall Prince is ) and the pretension of any meere temporall Potentate ; therfore is the swearing against the one , but a ciuil obedience , and the other a point belonging to conscience , and religion , with those that belieue the sayd power to come from God. But now for answering this his last collection of authors : I say first , that Bellarmine in the place by hi● cited , hath no one word of any such matter , his booke being de Concilys : and his purpose is to shew both in the 13. Chapter here cited , as also in the precedent , C●i● s● cong●egare Concil●a , to whome it belongeth to gather Councels , which he sheweth to appertaine , & to haue appertained alwaies to the Bishops of Rome , and not to Kings and Emperoures , albeit they being the Lordes of the world , the sayd Councels could not well be gathered witho●● their consent , and power . But of Excommunication , or of deposition of Princes B●llarmine hath no one word in this place : and so M. Barlowes assertion and quotation i● both false and impertinent , about the first six hundred yeares after Christ. But if he will looke vpon Bellarmine in other places , where he handleth this argument of Excommunication● , and depositions of Princes , as namely in his second , and fi●th booke de Rom. Pontis . he will find more ancient examples , at least of Excommunicatiō , which is the ground of the other , then the six hundred yeares assigned out of Bellarmine . For that Bellarm. beginneth with the Excommunication of the Emperour Arcadiu● and Eudoxia his wife by Pope Innocenti●● the first , for the persecution of S. Iohn Chrysostome , which was about two hundred yeares before this tyme assigned by M. Barlow , and diuers other examples , more ancient then the 1000. years allotted by Doctor Barkley the Scottishman here alleadged , as the excommunication of Leo Isauricu● , surnamed the Image-breaker , by Pope Gregory the second ; the example also of King Chilperi●us of France , by Zacharias the Pope : the example also of Pope Leo the third , that translated the Empyre from the East to the West . And as for the Friar Sigebert brought in here for a witnesse ( he should haue sayd the Monke , for that the religious orders of Fryars were not instituted a good while after this ) who is sayd to call the doctrine of the Popes power to depose Princes A Nouelty , is not an Heresy , it is a notable calumniation , as may be seene in the wordes of Sigebert himselfe , in the very place cyted by M. Barlow . For though Sigebert following somewhat the faction of the Emperour Henry the third , excommunicated by Pope Vrbanus the second , did often speake partially concerning the actions , that passed betweene them , which many tymes seemed to proceed of passion , more then of reason and iustice : yet doth he neuer deny such power of Excommunicating , & deposing for iust causes to belawfull in the Pope , but the playne contrary . Neyther doth he call that doctrine No●elty , or Heresy , that the Pope hath this authority , as falsely M. Barlow doth here affirme ; but only that it seemed to him a new doctrine , which he would not call Heresy , to teach , that vicious Princes were not to be obeyed , for so are his wordes ; Nimirum ( vt pace omnium dixerim ) haec sola noui●as ( non dicam h●resis ) necdum in mundo emerserat , vt 〈◊〉 Dei doceant populum , qu●d mali● Regibus nullam debe●●t 〈◊〉 To wit ( that I may speake without offence of all ) this only nouelty ( I will not say Heresy ) was not yet sp●●●● vp in the world , that the Priestes of God should teach 〈◊〉 people , that they ought no obedience at all to euill Pri●ces &c. In which wordes , you see , that Sigebert doth 〈◊〉 deny or reproue the authority of Excommunication , 〈◊〉 deposition of Princes ( especially if they be for heresy ) b●● only the Doctrine , that no subiection or obedience is d●● to vicious , or cuill-liuing Princes , which is false , and scandalous doctrine indeed . As for the fourth Author alleadged in this place , 〈◊〉 wit Claudius Espencaeus , that he should call the fact of Pope Gregory the seauenth his excommunicating Henry the thi●d Nouellum schisma , a new rent , or schisme ( which is borrowed out of M. Morton , as the rest , which in this poynt he alleageth ) I will referre him for his answer , to the answer that is made of late to M. Morton himselfe , which is called The quiet , and sober Reckoning , where this matter is returned vpon him with so ●uident a conuiction of wilful falsity , as is impossible for him to cleare his credit therin . For that these wordes are not spoken by Espencaeus himself●● but related only by him , out of a certaine angry Epistle written by certaine schismaticall Priestes of Liege , that were commaunded by Paschalis the second to be chastised by Robert●arle ●arle o● ●landers , and his souldiers , newly come from Ierusalem , about the yeare 1102. for their rebellious behauyour . Which passionate letter of theirs Espenca●● doth only relate out of the second Tome of Councells , expresly protesting , that he wil not medle with that controuer●y of fighting betweene Popes , and Emperours , though he pr●ue in that pl●ce by sundry ex●mples both of Scriptures , Fathers , and Councels , that in some cases it is lawful for Priests to vse temporal armes also , when need & iustice requireth . So as this falsification must now fall aswell vpon M. Barlow as vpon M. Morton before , and we shall expect his answere for his d●fence in this behalfe . As for the last authority of S. Ambrose , that Kinges , and Emperours be tuti Imperij potestate , sate by power of their Empire from any violent censure ; though I find no such matter in any of the two Chapters quoted by M. Barlow out of his Apologia Dauid : yet seeking ●urther into other bookes of his , I find the wordes , which is a token that our Doctor writeth out of note-bookes of some Brother , and neuer seeth the places himselfe : but though I find the wordes , yet not the sense which he will inferre , but wholy peruerted to another meaning . For that if S. Ambrose had bene of opiniō , that Kinges and Emperours had bene so priuiledged by the power of their Empire , a● they might not be censured by the high Pastours and Prelates , himselfe would neuer haue cen●ured , and excomunicated his Emperour Theodosius , as he did . The wordes then are found not in S. Ambrose his Booke de Apologia Dauid cap. 4 & 10. as here is cited , for there are two Apolygies prior and posterior , which M. Barlow by his citation seemeth not to haue vnderstood , and the first contain●th but 7. Chapters in all , and in the 4 is only this sentence , talking of the pennance of King Dauid , Qui ●ullis tenebatur legibus humanis , indulgentiam petebat , cùm qui tenentur legibu● , aeudent suum negare peccat●m . King Dauid that was subiect to no humane lawes , asked forgiu●nes , when they that are bound by lawes presume to deny their sinnes . But in his enarration vpon the 50. psalme of Dauid , he hath the thing more plainely , for thus he saith . Rex vtique erat , nullis ipse legibu● tenebatur , quia liberi sunt Reges à vinculis delictorum , neque enim illi ad poenam vocātur legibus , tuti Imperij potestate . Dauid was a King , and thereby was not vnder lawes for that Kinges are free from the bandes of their offences , for that they are not called to punishment by lawes , being safe by the power of their Empire . So S. Ambrose . Wereby is seene , that he vnderstandeth , that Princes commonly are not subiect to humane lawes , for that they will not , nor may be called to accompt for their offences , as priuate mē are , being free by their pow●r , or that no man is able to compell them . And this priuiledge perhaps is tolerable in their priuate and personall sinnes : but if the same should breake out in publicke , and against the vniuersall good of Christians , then may we learne by the foresaid act o● S. Ambrose in Excommunicating the Emperour Teodosius , that God hath le●t some power by diuine law to r●straine them , for the cōseruation of his Church and Kingdome . And so we may see , that al that which M. Barlow hath chirped here to the contrary , is not worth a rush , but to shew his penury and misery , hauing bene forced of eight Authors heere alleadged by him , to wit , Salmeron , Sa●ders Victoria , Bellarmine , Barkley , Sigebert , Espencaeus , & S. Ambrose to misalledge and falsify seauen , as you haue heard , that is to say all of them sauing Barkley , who in this matter is of lesse accompt , then any of the rest ( if the booke be his which is extāt vnder his name . ) For that he being no Deuine hath taken vpon him to defend a Paradoxe out of his owne head only , different from all other writers of our dayes , both Catholiks & Heretiks , graunting against the later all spiritual authority vnto the Pope ouer Princes & Christian People throughout the world , but denying against the former all temporall authority eyther directly or indirectly annexed vnto the spirituall : wherin as he is singular from all , so he is like to be impugned by all , and is by M. Barlow in this place , for the Protestants , calling him our owne Writer . And for the Catholikes , Cardinall Bellarmine hath lately written a most learned booke against him by name , confuting his priuat fancy , by the publique authority , weight and testimonies of all Catholike Deuines . And so much for this . OF CERTAINE NOTORIOVS Calumniations vsed by M. Barlow against his aduersary , which no wayes can be excused from malice , & witting errour . §. II. AS the former fraud discouered and conuinced against M. Barlow , of abusing authors against their owne wordes and meaning , is a foule fault and very shāfull in him that pretendeth to haue conscience or care of his credit : so is the crime of apparēt and willfull Calumniation , bearing no shew of truth or reason at all , much more foolish & wicked . Foolish , for that it doth wholy discredit the Calumniator with his Readers : wicked , for that it sheweth plaine malice , and will to hurt , although with his owne greater losse . So then it falleth out in this place , that M. Barlow finding himselfe much pressed and strained with the reasonable and moderate speach which I vsed in my Epistle throughout three numbers togeather , concerning the Oath freely taken ( as was said by many Catholikes , both Priests and Laicks expounding their taking of the Oath in a good sense ) he doth so malignantly peruert the same , by open calumniatiōs , as euery child may discouer , not only the falshood , but the fury also of his passion against me , nothing being in his answere but exorbitant rayling , & apparent lying . For whereas I in reason deserued rather approbation , and commendation from him , for expounding plainly and sincerely that meaning which those Catholikes , ( if they were Catholikes ) had , or could haue in their taking of the Oath , without all Equiuocation or mentall reseruation , which I condemned in an Oath , as altogeather vnlawfull concerning any point of religion , that ought to be confessed ; he not being able to abide the light of this truth , and plaine dealing , falleth into a certaine frenzy of rayling against me , & for the ground of his accusation ●ayeth hi● owne fiction , that I doe teach them & perswade them 〈◊〉 Equiuocate in this very case . For cleare confutati●● wherof , it shal be sufficiēt first to set down my own word● as they ly in my epistle , and then to consider and ponder the collections and inferences that he maketh vpon the● . And if by this you doe not finde him to be one of the loosest conscience , and law●est tongue , and least respectiu● of his owne credit & honesty , that euer yow saw , I am much deceiued . My words then were these that follow . As for that multitude of Priestes , and L●ickes , which he sayth , haue freely tak●n the Oath ; as their freedome was that , which now I haue mentioned , and a principall motiue ( as may be presumed ) the desire they had to gi●e his Maiesty satisfaction , and deliuer themselues , and othe●● so much as lay in them , from that inference of disloyall meaning , which vpon the denyall therof , some do vse 〈◊〉 make : so I cannot but in charity assure my selfe , that they being Catholikes tooke the sayd Oath ( for so much as co●cerneth the Popes authority in dealing with temporall Princes ) in ●ome such lawfull sense , and interpretation , as ( being by them expressed , and accepted by the Magistrate ) may stand with the integrity , and sincerity of true Catholike doctrine , and fayth : to witt , that the Pope hath not authority without iust cause , to proceed again●● them , Quia illud possum●● , quod iure possumus , saith the law : ou● authority is limited by Iustice. Directly also the Pope may be denyed to haue such authority against Princes , but indirectly only , in ordine ad spiritualia , & when certayne great , important , and vrgent cases , concerning Christian religion fall out , which we hope will neuer be , betweene ou● Soueraigne , and the Sea Apostolicke ; for so much as they haue past already many yeares ( though in different Relions ) in peace , and quietnes , euen since his Maiesty beg●● first to rai●ne . But concerning the generall Question , to deny simply and absolutely , That the Pope is supreme Pastour of the Catholi●● Church , hath any authority le●t him by Christ , eyther directly or ●●●●●●ctly , with cause , or without cause , in neuer so great a necessity , or for ●euer so great and publicke an v●ility of the C●ristian Religion , to proceed against any Prince whatsoeuer temporally , ●or his restraint or a●endme●● , or to per●it other Princes to do the s●me : this , I suppose , was neuer t●eir meaning that tooke the Oath , for that they should therby contradict the generall conse●t of all Catholicke Deuines , and con●●sse , that Gods prouidence , for the conseruation , and preseruation of his Church , and Kingdome vpon earth , had bene defectuous , for that he should haue left no lawfull remedy , for so great and excessiue an euill , as that way might fall out● Wherefore , for so much as some such moderate meaning , must needs be presumed , to haue bene in those that tooke the Oath , for safeguard of their Consciences ; if it might please his Maiesty to like well , and allow of this moderation , and fauourable interpretation , as all forraine Catholicke Kings and Monarchs doe , without any preiudice at all of their safety , dignity , or Imperiall prehemi●ence : I doubt not but he should find most ready conformity in all his said English Catholicke Subiects , to take the said Oath , who now haue great scruple and repugnance of Conscience therin : both for that the chiefe●t learned men of their Church , doe hold the same for vtterly vnlawfull , being mixed and compounded , as it is , and the voyce of their chiefe Pastour , to whome by the rules of their Religion , they thinke themselues bound to harken in like cases , hath vtterly condemned the same : and the very tenour of the Oath it selfe , and last lines therof are , That euery ●●e shall sweare without any Equiuocation , or mentall reseruation at ●●l , that is to say , hartily , willingly , and truely vpon the true fayth of a Christian. Which being so , they see not how they may take the said Oath in truth of conscience : for so much , as they find no such willingnes in their harts , nor can they induce themselues in a matter so neerely concerning the Confession of their faith● to Equiuocate or sweare in any other sense , then from his Maiesty is proposed : and therfore do thinke it lesse hurt to deny plainly , a●d sincerely to sweare , then by swearing , neyther to giue satisfaction to God , nor to his Maiesty , nor to themsel●●●● nor to their neighbours . And so much for this point . Hitherto haue I thought good to relate my for●●● words somewhat at large , to the end the Reader may se● my reasonable and duti●ull speach in this behalfe , a●● vpon what ground M. Barlow hath fallen into such a ra●e against me , as now shall appeare by his reply . First of a●● he condēneth me of h●pocrisy , saying : Let the Reader c●●●●der ●●at an ●ypocrite he is , for it is an inseparable marke of ●n hyp●c●●●● to iudge o● othe● m●ns con●●iences ; the hart of man is Gods peculi●● , & ●o● an● man to place his cons●s●ory there , is high presump●ion : & so be ●●nneth out in that comon place which maketh nothing at all to ou● purpose as you see . For I did not iudg●t or con●●mne then con●ci●nces that tooke the Oath , but exc●s●● the same , yea interpreted their ●act in good sense , giuing my ●ea●ons for it● that they being good Catholike could not be presu●●d to meane otherwise then the in●●gritie of Catholicke doctrine did permit them , for that otherwise they should be no good Cat●olickes , if they should haue done any thing contrary to that whic● the● selues held to appertaine to the same , in which I did not excuse their fact , which my whole booke proueth to be vnlaw●ull , but only their intention , and meaning touching the integrity of Catholick doctrine . And this is far dif●erent from the nature of hypocrisy which forbiddeth not all iudging , but only euill and rash iudging of other m●ns actions or intentiōs , thereby to seeme better & more i●st then they . For if two ( for example sake ) should see M. Barlow to sup largely with flesh and other good meate vpon a vigill or fasting-day , and the one should iudge it in the worst part , saying , that he did it for the loue of h●s belly , and sensuality , the other should interpret the same spiritually , as done for glorifying God in his creatures , by his thanks-giuing for the same , for liberty also of the ghospell , and for to make him the more strong & able to ●peake & preach his Seruice and Sermon the next day , I doubt no● but that this second iudgement would not be censured by him for hypocriticall . And this is ou● very case with those that tooke the Oath . For that I hearing what they had done , and that they were Catholicks , did interprete their meaning to the best sense . And was not this rather charity , then hypocrisy ? But let vs see a little if you please how M. Barlow can defend this generall proposition of his , that , it is an inseparable m●rke of an hypocrite to iudge of other mens consciences . You haue heard before how wisely he defended a certain definition which he gaue of an Oath : now you shall see him as wisely & learnedly defend an inseparable propriety or marke of an hypocrite . And first you see that here is no distinction or limitation at all , whether he iudg well or ill , with cause or without cause , rashly or maturely , how then if wee should heare a man or woman speake ordinarily lewd wordes , can no iudgement be made of the speakers consciences without hypocrisie ? If a man should see another frequēt bad howses , or exercise wicked actions , may no man iudge him to haue an ill conscience , from whence these things doe proceed , but he must be ●n hypocrite ? Moreouer if this bee an inseparable marke or propriety , as he saith , then according to Aristotle & Porphyri●● it must conuenire omni , soli , & semper , agree to all , only , and euer . For if it do not agree to all , and euer , it is not inseparable : and if it agree to others besides hypocrites , it is not alwaies the marke of an hypocrite : and therefore albeit that I had iudged their consciences , as M. Barlow imposeth vpon me , he could not by good consequēce haue inferred , that I was an hypocrite . But this is ridiculous that all hypocrites , and only hypocrites iudge of mens consciences : for first the hypo●rite , that soundeth a trumpet before his almes , whose conscience doth he iudge ? The other also that kneeleth and prayeth in the corners of streetes , whose conscience doth he iudge , or condemne ? Those also that came to tempt Christ about the woman taken in ●dultery , and about Tribute to be payd to Cesar , I reade not whose consciences they iudged , and therefore would be loath to doe them iniury , except M. ●arlow can bring any iust accusation against them : and yet were they called hypocrites by our Sauiour , whereby i● inferred that all hypocrisy is not subiect to this ●axatio ●f iudging consciences , and consequently this is no insepar●ble marke that agreeth to all . In like manner also it agr●●●● not soli , that is , only to the sinne of hypocrisie , to iudge● of other mens consciences ; for pride may do it , anger may do it , temerity may do it , reuenge may do it , & this witho●● hypocrisy or iustifying of himselfe . For if to a knowne vs●rer , for example , you should obiect or exprobrate the finne of vsury , & he answere you againe , that he suspected yo●● consciēce of like sinne , here he iudgeth of your conscience perhaps falsly , and yet not by hypocrisie : for he iustifiet● not himselfe , ergo , this is not , propriū quarto modo , any inse●arable marke or propriety of hypocrisie to iudge of other mens con●ciences . Lastly let vs consider , if you please , the definition of hypocrisy , which should indeed haue bene the first i● consideration , for trying out of the true nature of this marke & propriety ; for so much as according to Aristotles doctrine , and the thing in it selfe is euident by Philosophy , pr●pri● passiones fl●unt ab essentijs rerum , proprieties doe flow from the essence of things , and therefore they are best vnderstood & knowne by re●erence to the sayd natures and essences conteyned ( as Aristotle sayth ) in their definitions . The definition thē of hypocrisie is , according to S. Isidorus in his Etimologies , simulatio alienae personae , when a man pretendeth to be another ma● , and better then he is , and according to S. Augustine , Qui se vult vide●iqu●d non est , hypocrita est , h● that will seeme to be that which he is not , is an hypocrite ( which the greeke word also whereof it is deriued , to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth confirme , that it signifieth dissimulation ) this definition I say , which must conuer●i cum de●ini●o , cl●areth vs , that this i●separable marke , or propriety deuised by M. Barl● to be in all hypocrisie , is both ignorantly & falsly ●eygned by himselfe , as not knowing the true nature of propri● pas●● , for that there be many wayes of dissimulation of ●eyg●ing our selues to be better then we are , without iudging othe● mens consciences , that is to say , there be many s●e●i● and kin●s o● hypocrisie and hypocrites that haue not this marke & propriety , as before hath byn shewed , & consequently not inseparable , that is , no proper or inseparable propriety at all , no more then it is to ●ay , that it is an inseparable propriety to horses to be white , for that some few are found white . And so we see M. Barlow when he cōmeth to speake of any matter of substance and learning , sheweth himsel●e a very feeble man , scarce to vnderstand the very termes , and first principles of the same . But let vs passe on now to another more grieuous calumniation against me . He is not content to make the former outcry against me for hypocrisie and iudging mens consciences , but addeth also another assault , ●saying , that I doe teach Equiuocation to be vsed in thi● Oath , which is so far frō all truth as I do teach the playne contrary , as now hath appeared by my owne words before alledged . For I say there of them that tooke the Oath , I cannot in charity but assure 〈◊〉 selfe , that they being Catholikes , tooke the sayd Oath , for so much as concerneth the Popes authority in dealing with temporall Princes , in s●me such lawfull sense and interpretation , as ( being by them expressed , and accepted by the Magistrate ) may stand with the integrity and since●i●y of true Christian doctrine , and fayth : to witt , that the Pope hath ●ot ●uthority ●ithout iust cause , nor directly , but indirectly only , in ●●dine ad spiritualia . So I wrote then : and the cleare addition that these exceptions and clauses must be expressed by the swearers , and accepted by the Magistrate , doth clearly exclude Equiuocation , which consisteth of mentall reseruation , not expressed , nor vnderstood , or accepted of him to whom it is vsed : and moreouer within very few lines after continuing my speach , and desiring his Maiesty to accept of these clauses of moderation & Catholike exposition , I doe yield this reason , that Cat●olikes do● not hold it l●wfull in a matter so ne●rely concerning the Con●ession of their sayth , to equiuocate , or sweare in any other sense , then from his Maiesty is proposed . Can any thing be spoken more plainly ? With what face then can M. Barlow accuse me of the quite contrary , and so reuile against me for the same ? Wherof some shal be here set downe . Let the Reader b●hold ( sayth he ) a malicious trick of a notable Equiuoca●●u● , that cannot be contented to be him selfe alone the Diuells sch●ller ( that ancient Equi●ocatour● but must be 〈◊〉 his Deuility Reader , or Schoole-man to teach others ●o distinguish themselues t● hell fire , sheweth him selfe to be verè spiritus menda● i● ore Prop●●tarum , framing two distinctions , like the two 〈◊〉 of Sedecias , the false Prophet ( such another as himselfe , fu●● of th● spirit ) & putting them into their mo●thes . the first , that the Pope 〈◊〉 not Authority withou● iust cause to procee● against Princes : the sec●●● , that the Pope hath not this authority directly , but indirectly , & in ordine ad spiritualia &c. So he . Whereby wee see how much the man delighteth himselfe , in comparing these two distinctions or explications of mine to the two iron-hornes of Sedecias , though the Scripture hath not the particuler number of two : but M. Barlow addeth that of ●is owne , to make the● meet the more fitly with the number of my two distinctions , for besides the parity of number ( which yet is false ) there is no other parity or likenes at all . For what haue hornes to do with distinctions ? And yet after a large and lewd blast of rayling against me for the same , he concludeth thus : And now let the Christian Reader , that maketh a conscience eyther of God or common honesty , consider whether this be not the profunda Sathanae , in the Reuelatió , euen the very mist and mysterie of Iniquitie . But what Syr , to distinguish or vse distinctions in a matter that may haue diuers senses or intendmēts ? Is this the profund●tie of Sathan ? or is not this rather profound ignorance and absurdity in you to say so ? Doe not you know that to distinguish belongeth to the wise and learned , according to Aristotle , and not to distinguish est imper●●● mul●itudinis , appertaineth ( saith he ) to the vnlearned vulgar sort ? Doth not reason and expe●ience teach vs , that to di●tinguish matters that be obscure & perplexed , into their cleere s●nses , or that be confused into their seuerall parts & members , or that may haue many senses , into their different significations , is a high worke of wit , that giueth life to our vnderstanding to conceiue the truth , and light to our will to make choice of the same ? How many foule heresies in the Church o● Chris● since her beginning haue beene beaten downe principally by pious and prudent distinguishing , which otherwise would neuer perhaps haue bene ouercome ? As namely the Arians , when they alleaged such aboundance of Scriptures to proue or infer , that God the Father is greater then Christ Iesu● his Sonne , what other way was there for Catholicks to say , but that I distinguish : as Christ Iesu● was man , he was in●erior to his Father , & his Father greater then he , but as Christ Iesu● is God as well as Man , he is equall to his Father ? Will M. Barlow heere compare these two distinctions to Sedecias his two hornes ? Or will he call them pro●unda Sathanae , the profound mysteries of Sathan and iniquity ? And the like examples I might alleadg in great store of many other heresies discouered and dis●olued by the help of distinctions , as namely that of the Euti●hians , that denied two distinct natures in Christ : that of the Nestorians , that affirmed two persons to be in Christ : that of the Monothelites , that held one only Will to be in Christ , by distinguishing on the Catholick party , were v●●erly ouerthrowne , and confounded . And now in these our dayes when the Anabaptists deny al Magistrates authority in iudging Christians ( especially in matters of life and death ) all●dging for their ground these words of our Sauiour , ●olit● iudicare , do not iudge , we haue no refuge , but a distinction , that we are forbidden to iudge rashly , and without iust cause , and without due authority : but with these circumstances we may iudge , and Magistrates are lawfull . And will here M. Barlow againe cry out of Pro●●nda Sathanae , and of the hornes of Sedecias ? if he do I will send him to Scotland to be horned there . For truely he is worthy of it , to wit to be horned from the company of all l●arned & sober men , if he persist in these absurdities , for that I dare auouch against him , that there are many hundred places in the Bible that cannot rightly be vnderstood , nor expounded without the vse of some distinction . Well then distinctions in generall cannot be reproued without profunditie of folly . Perhaps then my two distinctions here in particular are inueyghed against , for 〈◊〉 they are false , or not incident vnto the matter , or of a●y moment , or necessity , for explic●tion of the thing a●d controuersy in hand , or for direction of consci●nce● of Catholike men , that are pressed to take the Oath . Th●● then let vs examine in a word or two , and that as briefly and perspicuously as wee may . The question is whether the Bishop of Rome as vniuersall Pa●tour of Christendome , by Catholike doctrine● may at his pleasure by that Pastorall power of his , depose Princes , and dispose of their Kingdomes at his pleasure , for so is the cōmon obiection framed against vs. Vnto which question the answer may be made , eyther affirmatiue or negatiue , according to the different senses and interpretations of the words , which cannot be done but by disti●guishing , to wit , that if we vnderstand that the Pope may depose at his pleasure , without iust cause , it is denied , but with iust cause Catholicke doctrine doth allow it . And s● againe to vnderstand that the Pope may do it by his Pastorall power directly or immediately , it is denied , for that this power is spirituall and giuen to a spirituall end , and to spirituall actions : but if we vnderstand it indirectly , as included in the other , for defence and conseruation of the spirituall , it is graunted . And are not these distinctions needfull in this affaire ? Do they not cleare the doubt in controuersy ? Do they not remoue confusion ? Would M. Barlow haue Christian men to sweare , & swallow vp a bundle of word● knit togeather , without opening and looking into the● ? That is meete for his conscience that hath no eies perhaps to see , nor will to receiue light , but is ready to sweare any thing that may turne to his temporall commodity : but Catholikes that feare God , are not so taught , but rather to looke before they leap , and to examine well what they say or sweare , for so much as they shall giue an accompt to Almighty God , either to their saluation or damnation for the same . By ●h●s then wee see the Iniquity of M. Barlow his proceeding in exclaming against me so exorbitantly , for vsing the forme of two distinctiōs , or explanations about taking the Oath ; and aboue al the iniury offered me , or rather to himselfe and his owne credit , in saying , that I doe teach Equiuocation here in this Oath num . 30. contrary to that I taught a little before numb . 14. His wordes are these : No sort of Equiuocations is law●ull , saith Father Persons , in matters of fayth and religion , and yet sayth the same Father Persons , Equi●●cating in this matter of faith is law●ull , and may stand with the integ●i●y and sincerity of true Catholik religion : so then in matters of faith and religion it is not lawfull in any sort to equiuocate , but yet in this mat●●r , though it concerne ●ayth & religion , F. Persons sayth it is lawfull . These are my contradictions according to M. Barlow . And truly I confes●e I should blush & acknowledge my ouersight , if they were truly related , but being falsely eyther of malice or ignorance collected by him , he ought to blush , and be sory for his sin . For as I doe confesse the former part numb . 14. that I allowed not any sort of Equiuocation in matters concerning faith and Religion : so doe I vtterly deny the later clause num . 30. that I doe allow Equiuocation in this particuler fact of taking the Oath . Let the places be read in my booke & thereby he will remayne conuinced . For I do say expresly that these two clauses of explication added by me , that the Popes power in deposing Princes is indirectly , & with iust cause , must both be expressed by the swearer , and accepted by the Magistrate , and then are they no Equiuocations at all ; but direct assertions . For that they are no mentall reseruations wherein consisteth the nature and force of Equiuocation . Here then M. Barlow that accused me a litle before of making no conscience of God or common honesty , must looke how he will defend his owne , eyther conscience or honesty ( if he haue any ) in this foule calumniation , wherein I doe not see what tergiuersation he can vse for his excuse . And so I would leaue him in this matter , if he did not continue on his rayling and raging beyond all measure , as though by this my explication & distinction vsed , I had committed the greatest crime in the world . I will demaund ( saith he ) of this Iesuit : first , whether ●his be not a Paganish delusion of God and men ? VVherto I answer , that it is ●● delusion at all , but rather an instruction , and a necess●●y explication , not Paganish , but Christian , for directi●● mens consciences . Nay , saith M. Barlow , it is the very 〈◊〉 o● Lisander , that children are to be mocked with toyes , and 〈…〉 Oathes . Indeed Plutarke in his comparison of Lis●●der and Silla recordeth , that one said of Lisander . Leuem esse ap●d Li●●●drum iurisiurandi religionem : Lisander made no scruple of a● Oath , that he gaue coūsaile to deceiue men with Oathes , as children with toyes and bables . This was the fact of a Pagan Atheist . What doth the matter appertayne to vs● do we esteeme so litle a false Oath ? Why then doe Catholickes stand so much in England against the receiuing of this Oath ? Why doe they put themselues in danger of leesing the Princes fauour , their goods , theyr lands , their Countrie , their liues , rather then to take the same again●● their consciences ? It seemeth rather , that M. Barl●● concurreth with Lisanders opinion , who will haue the● take it , although it be against their consciences , for thi● is to haue leuem iurisiurandi religionem , little conscience of an Oath . But yet he goeth further in this matter , and cannot get out of it , for he will needs proue this my distinctio● , and as he calleth it Equiuocation , not only to be Paga●i●● , but more then Heatheni●h , & that euen by Aristotles testimony in his Booke of Rhetoricke to King Alexander : his wordes are these : Nay this delusion is more then Heathenish , ●or Aristotle was of opinion that he which doubteth in his Oath , for th●● i● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sweare with a mentall addi●ion , hath neither ●ear o● Go●● v●ngeance , or sh●me o● mens reproof . But truely I hauing con●idered the place of Aristotle how far his meaning is from that which here is alledged in his name , me thinkes that M. Barlow should feare these two last pointes of Gods vengeāce & mans reprofe . For Aristotle hath not a word of d●●b●ing in his Oath , or of mentall addition , or reseruatiō in an Oath , b●t only of plaine forswearing . For his argument is , hauing treated in that booke to Alexander , how by the preceptes of Rhetoricke an Orator may proue or improue any fact or crime that shall come in question , as by signes , by arguments , by coniectures , by probability , by witnesse , and by torture , he cōmeth at lēgth to shew how it may be proued or improued by an Oath . His words are these : Iufiurandu● est cum diuina veneratione dictio probationis expe●s &c. An Oath is a speach without proofes with diuine veneration : wheref●re if we will confirme our Oath and the credit thereof , we must say th●● , no man truly will forsweare himselfe , both in respect of the ●eare of punishment from the Gods , as also of disgrace among men ; and we may add , that men may be deceyued , but the Gods cannot . But now if the aduersary will flie also to an Oath , and we would extenuate or discredit the same , then we must shew that the man that will not sticke to d●e euill , will not sticke also to forsweare himself , for that he which thinketh he may ly hidden from the Gods after he hath committed an e●ill ●act , will thinke that he may also escape punishment after he hath ●orsworne himselfe . This is Aristotles discourse , which maketh no mention at all , as you see of doubting in an Oath , and much lesse of mentall addition or reseruation . And albeit M. Barlow do bouldly and ignorantly say that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which by all Interpreters doth signifie peierare , to periure , or forsweare , doth import also to sweare with mental addition : yet is this only a fiction of his , nor can he bring forth one example out of Aristotle or any Greeke writer which doth vse it in that sense , nor could Aristotle vse it so in this place , where he vseth the sayd wordes thrice in these lines by me alleaged alwaies for peierare , to forsweare , and neuer for doubting or mentall addition . Nay it cannot stand with any sense of Aristotles discourse , for if Aristotle should say , that no man truly will doubt in his Oath , or haue a mētall reseruation both for feare of Gods chastisement , & discredit amongst men , it were a ridiculous speach : for that men do not knowe when a mentall reseruation is made , or when a man doubteth in his Oath , but when he forsweareth himselfe it may come to be knowne . And in like manner it is more ridiculous , to say against the aduersary , as Aristotle teacheth vs , that he which sticketh not to doe wickedly , will not sticke to doubt also in his Oath , or to vse a mentall addition , which no man I thinke would vnderstand , or can read without laughing . Wherfore seing that Aristotle speaketh only of forswe●ring , and that the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is so taken by him and by all other Greeke Authors , wherof we might he●● alledge infinite examples , & M Barlow cannot alleadge one for his fiction ; it is euidently seene , that he , miserable man , is sore pressed , when to sustaine his bad cause , he is forced to falsifie and corrupt Authours , by peruerting and wresting them aside , quite contrary to their meaning , & purpose . But now we shall passe to some other poyntes . THE REASON IS EXAMINED WHETHER GODS PROVIDENCE MIGHT SEEME DEFECTVOVS , if no authority had bene left in the Christian hurch to restraine and punish euill Kings . AND Whether God be so wary in dealing with Kings , as M. Barlow maketh him . CHAP. III. I SAID in my former Letter , as in the precedent Chapter hath bene seene , that I could not perswade my self , that such Catholikes as were sayd to haue accepted the Oath , did meane to abiure al authority of the Pope for depo●ing temporall Princes for any cause whatsoeuer , for that therin they should contradict the g●nerall consent of all Catholike Deuines , and confesse that Gods prouidence for the conseruation and preseruati●● of his Church , and Kingdome vpon earth had bene defectuous . For that he should haue left no lawfull remedy for so great & perilous an euill as that way might fall out , by the exorbitant actions of some incorrigible Prince . To this my speach M. Barlow answereth thus : If by Catholike Deuines he meaneth Scriptures , Councells , Fathers , Stories , for a thousand yeares after Christ , the Reader must take it for a mendacious vanity , and let it passe for no better . Wherto I reply , that as I do meane it , it is no mendacious vanity , but a religio●● verity , for that I meane by Catholike Deuines in this place , all such of that profession as haue handled the question particularly of this temporall Authority of the Pope in certaine vrgent occasions , which are principally Scholasticall Deuines , especially those of this age , that haue written against all sorts of Heretikes that denied the same . And albeit M. Barlow in his rayling vayne , do challenge the Schoole-men , as blasphemously detorting Scriptures ; yet he that shall read them with iudgment and attention , without this furious passion of hatred against them , and lacke of capacity to vnderstand them , shall quickly perceiue that their skill in Scriptures , Councels , Fathers , & Stories is far superiour by infinite degrees to that of M. Barlow , and his Mates , that crake so much against them , and their sincerity in expounding them according to their true meaning ; and is also without comparison more sound , as may appeare by the many grosse and wilfull corruptions , which I haue noted in him before in that kind . And albeit in some hundreds of yeares after Christ , there had not occurred any such particular occasion of actuall deposing of temporall Princes , as did afterwards , wherof wee haue treated before , for that Princes were not so exorbitant : yet the ground and origen of deposing Princes , which is excommunication and exclusion from the body of the Church , cannot be denied to haue byn practised often in those former ages . And when a temporall Prince is so cast out of the Church by excommunication , & made no member therof ( & much lesse may he be Head ) if he perseuere obstinate , and seeke to infect , and destroy the whole body ; I say in this case what shall the sayd Church and Gouernours therof doe with such a Prince ? Wherin I sayd that all Catholike Deuines doe agree , that our Sauiour in this case hath not left his Church vnprouided of some remedy , for that otherwise his diuine prouidence might seeme to haue bene defectuous , not to haue left a remedy for so great and vniuersall an euill . But now at this reason , as strongly pressing him , M. Barlow stormeth and stampeth exceedingly , saying , first it is a tryuiall obiection borrowed by me from Cardinall Allens Apology , and by vs both from one Bertrand that vseth the same in his glosse vpon a place of the Canon law . But what if all this were true , as it is not ? What were this to the purpose ? Let the force of the reason be considered , for that only importeth . Nay , but M. Barlow will make vs first a little merriment as he calleth it , related out of Ludonicus Vi●es , who telleth this tale , affirming that a certaine Countrey man , whose Asse drunke at a water , where the moone shined , and after the sayd moone-light vanished away , the Countrey-man sayd that the moone was lost , or els it was in his Asses belly , and this tale he very fondly applyeth to our present matter , that eyther the Popes triple Crowne must haue power ouer Princes , or Gods prouidence in the world must be lost ; and so from this merriment he passeth to a veyne of serious rayling , saying , that this speach of mine is irreuerent against God , yea blasphemous and sauouring of the very spirit of Antichrist . But this shall appeare presently by the discussion that is to ensue & thereby also will appeare what spirit speaketh in this Minister , to wit the most base and abiect spirit of prophane fl●ttery towards Princes that euer proceeded from any Christian tongue or pen : for he maketh God afraid of temporal Kings , & to walke so warily in his speaches towards them , especially in their iealousies , as if he were in dread of their power and anger . The discourse is rare , and singular , and I neuer read the deuise in any before , at leastwise so playnly set downe , and therfore I beseech the Reader to lend me an attentiue eare whilst it is discussed . He beginneth this flattery thus , ( for I will set downe his speach more faithfully then he hath any thing of mine , which he continually corrupteth and peruerteth as diuers times now I haue aduer●ised . ) It is naturall to Kings to be iealous of their thrones , wherin they can abide neither M●te for diuision , not Check-mate for scorne . It cost Adoniah his life for asking Abishag to wife , because Salomon did therby take occasion ●● suspect , that he which desired the Fathers bedfellow , would also aspire t● the brothers throne . It was not the blasphemie layd to our Sauiours charge by the Iewes , that moued Pilate to sentence him ; that which hastened his death , was a iealous opinion , though a false perswasion , that he should be a King , and therby defeate Caesar of his claime to Iury. In that poynt we shall see God himselfe to be very wary ; for 〈◊〉 that Psalme , which of the Scriptures is the most threatfull to Kings , & begins with a thundring expostulatiō , Quare ●remu●runt gentes , & a●●iterunt Reges , it pleaseth him to conclude it , not with a men●cing extrusion , but with a calme perswasion , Osculemini filium , or as the vulgar hath it , Apprehendite disciplinam . And what is that ? Be wise ô ye Kings , and serue the Lord in feare : if not , w●at● the danger ? Ne per●atis de via iu●ta , that is , least you loose the right way to heauen , and your right in the Crowne of heauen : he sayd ●ot , your Titles to your Kingdomes , nor right to your Crownes on earth . God neuer thought it fit to support his Church , by daring of Princes , prosessors of his name ; for that had bene the way to haue made them not nourishing Fathers , but eyther pinching suppressours , or at least cold and wary sauourers of the same . Thus far M. Barlow , to shew that Almighty God dealeth more warily and respectiuely with temporall Princes , thē doth the Pope , which threatneth them losse of their Kingdomes if they be incorrigible : and to this effect abuseth pittifully this Psalme here alledged , as presently we shall shew . But first I would demaund of him , why he bringeth in that iealousy of Princes concerning their thrones , and that Mate for diuision , or Check-mate for scorne ? Doth he allow of these iealousies as proceeding from sanctity ? Doth he commend that fact of Salomon for making away his brother Adoniah , for asking only Abishag to be his wife ? Sure I am , that diuers ancient Fathers do condemne the same , & a learned interpreter of this age , sayth : Excuset qui scit , mihi 〈◊〉 occurrit legiti●●a Salomonis excusatio &c. Let him defend Salomon that knoweth how to do it , for vnto me no lawfull excuse of Salomons fact occurreth , for that the sentence of death seemeth to me not only seuere , but also vniust . So he . Now as for the iealousie of Pilate wherby he made away our Sauiour , I suppose M. Barlow will not be so shamelesse as to commend the same , except Pilate were aliue againe , and he his Chaplaine , for then perhaps the matter were doubtfull . But wherto now doth all this Preface pertaine , of Princes iealousies ? The matter is cleare , that it tendeth to shew what great reason God hath to walke warily , least he offend Kings and Princes . For so it followeth imediately in that point . Therefore ( and marke the inference therefore ) we shall see God himselfe to be very wary . But wherof M. Barlow ? Is he so wary of not putting Kings and Princes in feare & iealousie of their thrones as you call them ? Why is God afrayd of them ? For that your ( therefore ) would seeme to infer . Or is his throne lesse or more weake thē theirs ? How then is it ascribed vnto him as a peculiar property , Deposuit Potentes de sede , & exaltauit hu●riles , he hath put downe the powerfull from their seates , and thrones , and exalted the humble ? How is it sayd of him , Qui aufert spiritum Principum , & est terribilis Regibus terrae , who taketh away the spirit of Princes , and is terrible to the Kings of the earth ? And yet further qui balteum Regum dissoluit , & pracingit fune renes eorum , he that doth loose & take from thē the warlike girdle , & girdeth their loynes with a rope . And in another Psalme , how dareth God to say , if he be so very wary , Ad alligandos Reges eorum in compedib●s , & Nobiles eorum in manicis serre● : to bind Kings in fe●ters , and their Noble men in iron manacles ? And finally how warily was this spoken by the holy Ghost , not offending Princes & Potentates , when he sayth , Potentes potenter tormenta pa●ientur ; powerfull men shall suffer powe●full tormēts ? Was almighty God wary in these speaches ? But let vs see , how this Prince-flatterer doth go about to proue this his foolish impie●y out of the Scripture it selfe , to wit , out of the second Psalme before cited , and thereby let the Reader learne what assurance men haue of the true sense of any Scripture by him and his alleaged , when it is powdered and seasoned with their exposition , God himselfe is very wary ( saith he ) in speaking to Princes , for that Psalme , which of all the Psalmes is most dred●ull to Kings , and begins with a thundring expostulation , Quare fremuerunt gentes & Reges astiterunt ? it pleaseth him to conclude , not with a menacing extrusion , but with a calme persuasion , Osculemini filium , ne irascatur , Kisse the sonne , lea●t he be angry , or as the vulgar hath it , Apprehendite disciplinā , ad●●it discipline . And is not this a goodly discourse of Maister Barlow , to proue the greatnesse of Princes , and that God himselfe doth speake very wari●● vnto thē ? The hebrew phrase Kisse the Sonne , is as much to say , as adore the sonne of God , when he shal be man , and acknowledg and obey him as your King. For as learned Vatablu● in his notes vpon the Hebrew text doth obserue , it was a signe of submission & subiectiō amōgst the Iewes to kisse the Princes hand , which is here meant by the phrase of the Psalmist , Osculemini filium , that is kisse his hands , and adore him for your King , which the Septuaginta Interpreters well vnderstāding , did many years before the Natiuity of our Sauiour , as the Chaldean Paraphrasis in like manner , translate it , Apprehendite disciplin●● , doe you apprehend or admit the discipline , and doctrine of the Sonne of God when he shall appeare in flesh , and so do all the ancient Greeke and Latin Fathers interprete this passage of the Psalme : nor can I see with what shew of reason or probability M. Barlow can bring it for his purpose of flattering Kings in this place : he saith , that God concludeth not here , with a menacing extrusion ( of Kinges ) but with a calme persuasion , Kisse the sonne : this kissing seemes perhaps to him an amiable thing : but if it be interpreted , as now I haue shewed , and S. Hierome doth expound it , for a matter of subiection , humiliation , and of admitting discipline , it seemeth not oftentimes so sweet & pleasant to Princes , as M. Barlow would haue it . But what shall we say to other phrases here contayned , as whē Kings & Princes do swell , & take counsaile against God and his Christ , saying : Let vs breake their bands and cast of their yoake , then sayth the Prophet : He that sitteth in heauen will scorne them , and our Lord will scoffe at them . Then will he speake vnto them in his wrath , and terrify them in his fury . A little after he sayth , That , he shall rule them with an iron-rod , and shall breake thē in pieces like a potters vessell . And now M. Barlow , is this a calme perswasiō ? is here no menacing extrusion threatned to Princes whē they are threatned to be crushed like a potters vessell ? Nay marke also the subsequēt perswasiō , Nunc ergo Reges intelligite &c. Now therfore vnderstād , ô ye Kings , & be wise : Learne how to iudg the earth . Serue god in feare , and reioyce in him with trembling . Admit discipline least he wax angry , and you perish frō your way ( for so hath the Hebrue text : ) whē his wrath shal be but a little kindled , happy are all those that trust in him . What can be spoken more seuerely to Princes then all this ? Or was this Psalme well chosen by M. Barlow for his purpose of flattering Kinges and Princes , in respect of Gods warynes in his speaches ? Whereas no Psalme amongst all the rest vttereth so much terror vnto them , only the words osculemini Filium do seeme to haue drawne him to this impertinent imagination . But now let vs see his Conclusion , and application against the Popes pretending authority ouer Kinges , for which all the rest hitherto hath bene brought in , Ne pereatis de via iusta : least you loose the right way to heauen , and your right in the crowne of heauen : he sayd not , your titles to your Kingdomes , nor right to your Crownes vpon earth : God thought it neuer fit to support his Church by daring of Princes , Professors of his name . A Godly speach , & fitting for soe spirituall a man , as this Doctour seemeth to bee , if for refusing discipline and obedience God doth threaten to Princes the losse of heauen , with all the right they haue to that euerlasting Crowne and Kingdome , which includeth also their eternall condemnation to hell-fire and torments ! What great priuiledge is it to spare their titles to their temporall crownes & kingdomes on earth , that may be lost in an instant , and long cannot indure , why should God thinke it so inconuenient to support his Church by daring of Princes , least perhaps they should wax angry , and dare him againe ? For so it seemeth by the reason giuen heere , least by daring they should not be nourishing Fathers to the sayd Church , but eyther pinchi●g suppressors , or cold sauourers . And why ? For that God dareth them forsooth with leesing their temporall states . His daring for leesing of heauen seemeth not to trouble them so much , but their perill to loose their temporall kingdome , if they be incorrigible , is the thing that principally troubleth them , according to this wise discourse of M. Barlow . Doe not his friends take pitty of his folly ? If I would take vpon me to lay forth the examples that are found in Scriptures of Gods plaine speaches , & menacing threates vnto Princes ( let M. Barlow call them darings if he will ) it would quickly appeare how vaine , and prophane the former obseruation of his is , that God is so very wary in his speaches towards them . For what will you say to that speach of his to King Sennacherib : Ponam circulum in naribus tuis , & camum in labijs t●●s , & reducā in viam per quam venisti . I will put a ring in thy nostrills , & a bit in thy mouth , and will bring thee back into the way by which thou didest come . That also of Nabuchodonosor the most potent King of Babylon , as the Scripture calleth him : Eijcient te ab hominibus , & cum bestijs serisque erit habitatio tua , & soenum vt bos comedes . They shall cast thee out from the company of men , and thy dwelling shal be amongst wild beasts , thou shalt eat hay as an oxe . Was this a wary and respect●ue speach to so great a King , and Monarch ? That other speach also of God to King Achab of Israel : D●m●tam posteriora tua , & interficiam de Achab mingentem ad parietem . Si mort●us fu●rit Achab in Ciuitate , comedent eum canes : si autem in agro , comedēt eum volucres caeli . The hinder part of thy life I shall cut o● , & shall kill of thy stocke , that shall make water ag●inst the wall . And if that Achab dye in the Citty , the d●●gs shall e●t him : and if he dye in the field , the birds of the ●air● shall deuoure him . And the like to his Queene Iezabell : The doggs shall eat ●ezabel in the field of Iezraell . And finally to let passe Baltasar , Ieroboam , Iebu , Manasses , and many other Kings , whome God threatned & dared , and performed also the same without any such respectiue warinesse , as M. Barlow doth fancy ; his wordes and meaning are plaine , and generall in Iob , that when Princes are warned and do not amend : Si non audierint , transibunt per gladium ; If they obey not , they shall passe by the sword . And this is Gods plaine speach , and plaine dealing , for that Princes to him are no more then poore men , all flesh and dust : albeit whilst they liue vpon earth , & beare rule in his place , he will haue them respected , obeyed , and honoured , as his Deputies in all that they shall command , not contrary to his lawes , which he will haue obserued both by Prince and people ; and detesteth all such prophane flattery as heere we haue heard vttered by M. Barlow . And so much for this matter . Now then to come to my former proposition , that the Prouidence of God might seeme to be defectuous , if his diuine Maiestie had left no remedy for so great an euill : it is founded vpon all those places of Scripture , where it is sayd that Gods workes are perfect , as Deuter. 32. and that they are made in wisedome , Psalme 103. vers . 24. that is to say , in most high wisedome , & ordinata sunt , saith S. Paul , Rom. 13. they are according to order & well ordered , & the like . Out of all which is inferred , that whatsoeuer the perfection of wisdom , & good order doth or can prescribe in any worke , that is to be presumed to be in Gods works , yea with far higher perfection then mans wisedome can reach vnto . Whereby it followeth , that as when a prudent humane Law giuer instituteth a Commō-wealth , he prouideth for all inconueniences , that by humane probability may fall out vnto the same : so much more Christ our Sauiour , being not only man , but also God , must be presumed to haue prouided sufficiently and aboundantly for his Kingdome , and Common-wealth which is the Christian Church , purchased with his owne bloud , for preuention of all hurtes and euills imminent to the same ; which seemeth had not bene done , if he had left this gre●t g●ppe vnstopt , and this mayne mischeife vnprouided for , which might come thereunto by the incorrigibilitie of some deplored Prince , impugning the same : for so much as all humane Law-giuers and Erectors of Common-wealths , doe neuer fa●●e cōmonly in this particuler , for the defensiue part ; and much lesse may it be thought , that Christ our Sauiour would be wanting in so important a point . Neyther is this any way blasphemous or disgracefull to our Sauiours infinite wisdome and prouidence , as M. Barlow would most impertinently seeme to vrge , but highly rather to his honour : for somuch , as wee professe that he hath prouided for this euill , and the Protestants hold that he hath not . For as , when a man beholdeth a house made by some excellent Architect , and considereth all the partes & commodities thereof , with prouision for all vses , and prouidence for all cases that may fall out , he admireth the coherence & dependance of one thing vpon another , prayseth and extolleth the wisedome and foresight of the Author , saying : If this or that had not bene foreseene , and prouided for , as excellently it was , it had byn a great want and defect , but being prouided for , it doth infinitly commēd his sayd care , wisedome , foresight , and prouidence . And euen soe in our case , when a man considereth the admirable excellency of Christ our Sauiours wisedome , in other pointes concerning the gouerment of his Church , how carefully and orderly he hath prouided for the same , in all necessary points , as in part the holy Apostle doth describe both to the Corinthians , and Ephesians , appointing some Apostles , some Prophetes , some Euangelists , some Doctors , some Pastours , ad consummationem Sanctorum , in op●s ministerij , in aedificationem Corporis Christi , for the consummation of the Sayntes , and for the works of the ministery , & for the building vp the body of Christ , which is his Church , with exact order , prouidence and subordinatiō of things , men , and offices , one to another , with sufficient power and authority for euery party to doe his office : these things , I say , being well considered , do inferre that it cannot possibly stand with such high wisedome & prouidence of our Sauiour , to leaue his sayd body and Church vnprouided of sufficient authority , to preuent , or remedie so mayne a calamitie , as might fall vpon the sayd Church by temporall Christian Princes , if there were no restraint or punishment for them . Nor do the Protestants themselues pretermit to vse such kind of arguments , and consequences for their owne defence , when they deale with domesticall Aduersaries , to wit , with Protestants of other Sects . As for example , when the Puritan refuseth all Bishops , Archbishops , and other distinction of subordination in the Clergy : what vrgeth in effect the Protestant on the other side , but that it belonged to Christ his diuine prouidence to leaue such distinction and subordination : and consequently that it might be noted for defectuous , if he had left but the Puritan parity in all ? The like passeth with the Lutheran , who denying the temporall Prince to be Head of the Church , and confesseth consequently that their Church is headlesse vpon earth , but only dependeth on Iesus Christ , as head in heauen ; is refuted by the English Caluinists with the same argument of the defect of Gods prouidence , if he had not prouided some Head on earth also . And much more holdeth this argument against the Anabaptists , who hold that Christ hath left no temporall power or Magistrate in his Church , to iudge or condemne , and especially to death , for any cause whatsoeuer , for that he sayth , nolite i●dicare , do not iudge ; which I doubt not , but our English Protestants will re●ute , by this argument of Gods prouidence , which would haue bene iudged insufficient , if he had left so many Common-wealthes and Kingdomes , as are conteyned within this Christian Church , without any temporall Magistrate at all . Whereby remayneth confuted the in●ulse insultation of M. Barlow against the same , for that our inference is no● , as he fraudulently telleth his Reader , except the Popes triple Crowne had power to depose Princes , Gods prouidence had bene defectuous , but if his diuine Maiesty hauing prouided most sufficiently for all other inconueniences , it would haue bene a note of defect in the same , not to haue prouided for this case of extreme necessity , in some occurrents , which we say he hath done , by leauing sufficient authority in S. Peter● Successours to remedy the same ; not by their triple Cro●●es , but by vertue of their Supreme Ecclesiasticall Authority ( including indirectly this temporall ) when great necessity vrgeth , euen then when they were most poore , and lay in caues and vaw●es vnder ground , though there occurred not then occasions to vse the same . And thus now would I end this matter , but that I must say a word or two concerning two Authours cited in the margent about the same . The first is of Aluarus Pelagius , an ancient Canonist , saith he , of their owne , who talking of the Mathematicall donation of Constantine , saith , Palea est , at Ecclesia pro gran● habe● : And then do●h English it , that is chaffe indeed , though the Church doth hold it for good corne , which word , though they be in Aluarus , yet are they alledged by M. Barlow , no lesse thē commonly are other Authours by him cyted , with a guilty conscience , for that he well knew , that Aluarus doth not hold that Donation to be chaffe , but doth approue the same to be true in diuers places of his workes , as namely , lib. 1. cap. 43. & lib. 2. cap. 29. and elswhere , which M. Barlow could not choose but know , by Aluarus his owne words , and wh●le discourse : as also for that otherwise he had co●fessed himselfe to hold against the Church , who being a Catholike & an ancient Canonist of our owne ( as M. Barlow sayth ) would neuer haue done , nor can be presumed to haue done . What then will you say was his meaning in those words , quae palea est , at Ecclesia pro grano habe● ? Sur●ly his meaning is far differēt from that wherin M. Barlow cyteth him . And this is , that Gratian Compiler of the Canons , hau●ng this word ( Palea ) set downe in his D●cretall , and prefixed before diuers Chapters , not to signify therby Ch●ffe , or contemptible matter to be conteyned therin● 〈◊〉 rather that it was eyther the collection , or addition of one Protopalea , that was a Cardinall , as diuers graue Authors do write , or some later collections of Gratia● himselfe , noted in the margent for memory and distinction sake , with this word Palea , deriued eyther from the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth ancient , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that signifieth rursum , or againe , as who would say they were additions to the former collections , whereof the Reader may see more in the Preface to the first volume of Gratian his Decretalls . But in what sense soeuer the word Palea is there takē , certayne it is , that it doth not signify Chaffe in Al●ar●● his iudgement , though he doth allude to the words Chaffe , and corne , for that the common signification of the latin word Palea importeth Chaffe ; but that he himselfe did not hold those things for Chaffe , and contemptible , which are conteyned in Gratian , vnder the titles of Palea , may appeare by the very first Chapter so intituled , which conteyne the words and determination of S. Gregory the first , written vnto S. Augustine our Apostle , and recorded by Venerable Bede : so that the meaning of Aluarus was , that albeit this donation of Constantine was recorded by Gratian vnder the title of Palea , yet the Church doth hold it for corne , that is to say , for a matter of truth , about which I remit me to those Authors , that did write of that affaire lōg before Gratian , as Petrus Damianus accompted for a most holy & learned man before the Conquest , Iuo Carnotēsis , & others . So as here the vntruth of M. Barlow , alledging of Aluarus against his owne meaning , is euident , that he intended therby to deceiue his Reader . As for the second , that is Bertrand , in the addition vpon a glosse of the Common law , whom M. Barlow alleadgeth to say , that our Lord , sauing his reuerence , had failed in his discretion , for gouernment of this Church , if he had not left such a gouernement therein for deposing of incorrigible Princes ; there is no great matter to be stood vpon therin , but only his manner of simple speach , which M. Barlow out of his sincerity maketh alwayes worse by his relation : for wheras Bert●and saith , Videretur Dominus , God should seeme to haue fayled : this man maketh him say , God had fayled : and wher●s Bertrand saith , vt cum reuerentia ei● l●quar , that I may speake it with due reuerence , or regard vnto him , M. Barlow translateth , sauing his reuerence , which i● our English phrase seemeth contemptible . And thus he helpeth himself out at euery tu●ne , with sleights and shifts , neuer vsing sincerity commonly in any thing that passeth from his pen against vs. VVHETHER THE DEVISING AND VRGING OF THIS NEVV OATH VVERE A BLESSING or no , eyther to the Receauers or Vrgers ? AND first of the Receiuers : Wherein is handled also of Conscience , and of swearing against Conscience . CHAP. IIII. AFTER humble supplication made in my Letter to his Maiesty as you haue heard , that it would please him to admit the acceptance of this Oath , by his Catholicke subiects , in the forme and substance that should be allowable by Catholicke Doctrine , by yielding all dutifull temporall obedience vnto his Maiesty , his heires , and successors , with reseruation only of their consciences in points that concerne their Religion ; I was forced to ●●swere some few lines about that which was sayd in the Apology , that God did blesse this godly deuise and intent ( of making and vrging this Oath ) by ●he admittanc● therof by so many Prie●●es and Laickes : & I thinke it good to repeat my owne wordes againe , to the end I may be the better vnderstood . But before I do this , it shall not be perhaps amisse to set downe the relation of my sayd wordes by M. Barlow , wherby you may see how faithfully and sincerely he doth relate them , as well here , as in all other places , for this is his fashion , albeit he set them downe in a se●erall distinct letter , to the end the Reader may imagine that they be mine indeed . Is it be a blessing ( saith he ) it must bee so first to the takers , which are of two sortes , eyther in act which are sworne already , or in desire , which wish they might , and dare not . The fi●st haue no outwar● blessing of liberty , for they are still imprisoned : if inward blessing of comfort , he knowes not . But to the other it is the greatest pressure of conscience and angariation of minde , that euer be●ell them ; for that oppr●ssion exceedes all other , eyther corporall for paines , or worldly for losse . This is my speach as he setteth it downe , both ragged & scarce coherent , if you consider it well : and this cou●se he holdeth throughout the whole booke , that he maketh me speake as pleaseth him to appoint me . My owne speach is that which ensueth , somewhat more cleare and perspicuous at least wise , as you wil see . About this matter ( sayd I ) where the Apology saith , That God did bl●sse this godly deuise and intent ( of making and vrging this Oath ) by the admittance thereof by so many Priests & Lai●ks &c. Which bl●ssing ( if it be a blessing ) must concerne eyther the takers , or the exibitours , or both . But for the takers , what inward blessing of comfort in cons●ience they may haue receaued thereby , I know not . But ●or outward blessing , I see small , for they remaine , ei●h●r in prisons , or vnder pressures still , a● hath bene said . But for others of the same Religion that cannot frame their Consciences to take the said Oath , and yet would gladly giue his Royal Maie●ty conten●ment & satisfaction , so farre as they might , without offending God ; I can assure you , that it is the greatest affliction of mynd , among other pressures , that euer fell vnto them . For that no violence is like to that , which is layd vpon mens Consciences ; for so much , as it lyeth in a mans owne will and resolution , to beare all other oppressions whatsoeuer , whether it be losse of goods , honours , dignityes , yea of life it self : but the oppression of the Conscience , no man may beare patiētly , though he would neuer so faine . For if he yield therin , he offendeth God , & leeseth his soule : neyther doth Metus cade●s in constantem virum , feare that may terrify euen a constant man , excuse in this behalfe , as appeareth by the example of the ancient Martyrs , who were forced , vnder paine of damnation , to stand out to death against all humane power , vexations , torments , and highest violence , , rather then to doe , say or sweare any thing against their Conscience . To all these men then , which are thousands in our Countrey , that neuer thought otherwise then to be good Subiects to his Maiesty , the deuising of this new Oath , was no blessing , but an vnspeakeable affliction , and angariation of mynd . Thus much I wrote concerning the Receiuers of the Oath . The other part of the Vrgers , we shall handle presently after . Now I say only , that I thinke the Reader hath seene some difference betweene my speach , as it is mine , and commeth from my selfe , and as it passeth through the lipps , and pen of M. Barlow . But what doth he answere to the substance of the matter ? You shall heare his first words . Indeed ( saith he ) the trouble of conscience is a fearfull vexati●● , but the next to it is the trouble in answering a cauelling Sophister . But what Sophistry , Syr , do you find in these wordes of mine now recited● Are they not playne ? Are they not perspicuous ? You run out into a common place , that in the mult●●ude of a people is the honour of a King , saith Salomon ; and then , God hauing blessed his Maiesty , with the a●crewment of a mighty ●ation &c. he deuised this Oath for a pledge of his assurance , and ma●y vnrequired came and shewed themselues to be populus voluntari●● freely offering to take the Oath , and this the Apology truely call●●● a blessing of God vpon the deuise . Well Syr , let it be so : yet this blessing , if it be a blessing , concerneth rather the exhibitours of the Oath then the sweares themselues , and consequently toucheth no● the point in hand ; though I graunt notwithstanding that if those that come to sweare , were indeed populus volunt●●●● in that behalfe , freely offering themselues to sweare of their owne accord , then no iniury or angariation of conscience was layd vpon them . But I speake onely of those Catholickes which felt repugnance of their conscience , for that they esteemed diuers clauses in the Oath to preiudice their Religion : What say you of these and this case● Let vs heare your resolution . To answere once for all ( say you ) is your Catholickes haue vexed consciences , it is no meruayle , for idolatry being mixed with superstition , and superstition neuer voyd of 〈◊〉 ( because as it supposeth ther be many Gods , so it wisheth there were 〈◊〉 ) so seare must needs worke vexation of minde : but heresy is Idolatry , 〈◊〉 Vincentius , for so many self-conceipts are so many Gods , yea the ●ase●● kinde of Idolatry , sayth S. Augustine : this adoring the worke of men hands , and the other worshiping fancies of their owne braines . This is his first resolution about Catholicke consciences , which if he knew what a true conscience meaneth , and what is truly Catholick , he would neuer say as he doth : but for that it seemeth he is as far from feeling in the one , as from knowledge in the other , he talketh at randome , he knoweth not what against feare , and bringeth in Idolatry and superstition as causes of feare , which haue no more coherence with the matter in hand , of the griefe of a forced , and coacted conscience , then Canter●●ry with Constantinople . For we say , that when Catholick men are forced by penall lawes to sweare against their owne consciences , that is to say , against the dictamen of their owne reason and iudgement , which they haue in matter of Religion , their griefe must needes be excessiue , there being vndique angustiae , for that on the one side if they swear , their owne consciences will condemne them : and if they sweare not , they of●end their Prince , and incur most grieuous penaltyes of the law . VVhat sayth our Doctour to this dilemma ? He telleth vs a tale , how that Idolatry is mixed with superstition neuer voyd of feare . VVhat is this to the purpose ? We talke not now of feare which may be both good and bad , and the former is highly commended in Scripture : and we are commaunded to worke our saluation with feare and trembling : but this is not now to our purpose , nor will I examine M. Doctour why he ascribeth fear so particularly to superstition , as that it is neuer voyd thereof , for that superstition being an excesse in religion , maketh commonly the superstitious person to be more confident , and lesse fearefull then any other men ; & this likewise ouerthroweth that foolish clause put in by M. Barlow , that superstition wisheth there were no Gods : for that her nature consisting in excesse of supposed religion , as h●th bene sayd , she cannot wish that there were no Gods , but leaueth this rather to Atheisme her contradictour ; which as it belieueth no Gods , nor careth for thē , so would it wish that there were none . But superstition standing , on the contrary , vpon disordinate , excessiue & erroneous seruing of God , is absurdely sayd heere to wish there were no Gods at all . For whereas diuers do assigne foure parts or members of superstition , to wit disorderly worship , Idolatry , diuination by wicked spirites , and vaine obseruation , I would know of M. Barlow by which of these foure kindes superstition may be sayd to hate Gods ; to wish that there were none , or to liue in such speciall feare , as he imagineth ? But in truth our● Doctour knoweth not what he sayth , but is one of those doughty Doctours that S. Paul speaketh of to Timothy : desiring to be Doctours of the law , doe not vnderstand neyther what they say , nor whereof they doe affirme : he seemeth not to vnderstand distinctly , what is the true nature of any one thing heere by him mentioned , to wit of conscience , of ●eare , of superstition , of Idolatry , or of heresie . And as for the last which is heresie , he hath brought in two such Authours , and authorities against himselfe , as in the whole ranke of antiquitie he could not find 〈◊〉 two more fit , and forcible to conuince him , and his of Heresie , and consequently also as himselfe inferreth , of more gri●uous and damnable Idolatry . And he would not haue brought them in to the purpose he doth , if he had vel micam salu , any the least part of prudēce . For if I should by the occasion of these two Fathers here brought i● , frame a Syllogisme against M. Barlow his religion , taking the maior proposition out of these wordes here set downe , and adding the minor out of these two Fathers most manifest assertions , he would neuer be able to auoyd the conclusion : and if he can , I doe prouoke him to the triall . The maior proposition is this , according to S. A●gu●●●●● and Vincentius Lyrine●sis , that liued not long the one after the other . Heresy is Idolatry , and heretickes are Idolatours , yea the basest kinde of Idolatours , that do wo●ship the fancies of their owne braynes . This propositio● is here brought in , and gr●unted by M. Barlow as true● and auouched by these two an●ient Fathers : the minor● doe adde , and doe offer to proue , which is this : But according to the iudgement and writing of these two Fathers , concerning the nature and property of heresy , and heretickes , M. Barlowes religion ( if it be the Protestants ) is conuinced to be heresy , and the professors thereof heretickes . Ergo , also they are Idolatours , and of the basest kinde of Idolatours , and damnably worship the fancies of their owne braynes . This Syllogisme , consisting of M. Barl. his maior , & my minor , & the conclusion following of them both , I could wish he would cōsider wel . And for so much as I know he wil deny the minor , I do offer to ioine issue with him , vpon that point only , if he please , reducing all our combate begun betweene him and me , to this important question , much more profitable to the Reader , then these wranglings , wherin wee are now conuersant : Whether according to the doctrine and iudgement of S. Augustine and Vincen●ius Lyrinensis , cōcerning heresy● Protestants or Romā Catholickes be truly Hereticks . Let vs lay all other quarrels , I say , aside , and handle only this graue and weighty Controuersy , if he hath so much confidence in his cause , & in the doctrine of these two Fathers . But for so much as I do imagine that M. Barlow will pause a greate while , and consult before he accept of this offer , and perhaps expect vntill the designed new Colledge of Protestant VVriters be vp at Chelsey , or els where ; I will in the meane space inuite the Reader , to study and make familiar vnto himselfe , the two aforenamed Authors about this point of heresie , and hereticks . And as for Vincentius Lyrinensis , it wil be easie , for that it is but a little booke , though weighty in substance , and it is printed both seuerally and togeather with Tertullian his excellent booke of Prescriptions against Hereticks , both of his , and these our dayes : yea illustrated also with diuers short notes , and Commentaries both of Ioannes Costerus , and of I●stus Baronius a learned man and Counsellour to the Arch-bishop Electour of Me●tz , conuerted from Protestant Religion , principally by reading and pondering that goulden Treatise of the sayd Vincentius . The other Authour S. Augustine is far more large and difficult to be studied throughly , in respect of the multitude of his workes , but there is a collection made of them into foure bookes by a learned man of our time , with the title of Confessio Augustiniana : wherin is gathered the iudgement of S. Augustine about all the controuersies of our time , which he hath handled in his workes so many hundred yeares agoe , before the new names of Protestants or Papists were euer heard of ; and to the diligent reading of this Booke I would exhort all indifferent men that haue care of their soules , and vnderstand the latin tongue . For that S. Augustine being the man he was , both in learning , and sanctity , and so speciall a Pillar of Christ his Church in his dayes , which was about foure hundred yeares after Christ , when yet the true Catholike Church is granted to haue flourished ; it followeth , that what doctrine he held for true , and Catholike in his time , must also be now : & what held to be heresy , we may also boldly hold the same : and what rules he gaue to know and descry the one or the other , may serue vs now to the same end . I will not set downe any particuler places in this Epitome of S. A●gus●i●● , for the Reader to repaire vnto aboue others , for they are clearly propounded in the beginning of the worke , and reduced vnto seuerall heads , and Chapters . But if M. Ba●low or any of his shal be content to ioine with me vpon the issue before mentioned , we shall haue occasion to examine the worke more exactly . And this hath bene spoken by occasion of M. Barlowes answer once for all , about Catholikes vexed consciences with feare , as he termeth thē , which full wisely he will haue to proceed of Idolatry , superstition , & heresy , as you haue heard ; but sayth nothing of inforcemēt of their consciences by penal lawes , though that be the only matter in questiō . But it may be he will say somewhat therof in his second resolution , about this matter , for this is but his first : let vs heare him then further if you please . Againe ( saith he ) where the mind hath no certayne stay for ●e● vltima resolutio , in matters and cases of faith & conscience , there must necessarily follow a miserable vexa●ion , which is the case of th●se Catholickes , whose dependance for resolution , must rest vpon the supreme Pastours determination , then which , what is more vncertayne : for what one Pope decrees , the other disallowes . Here againe you see he runneth from the whole purpose , and talketh in the ayre : for the Catholikes doe not demaund of him , What is the cause of their vexed consciences ? but rather doe tell him what it is , as you haue heard in my words before rehearsed ; to wit , the pressing of them to sweare against the iudgement of their owne consciences , or els to incurre displeasure and suspition of disloyalty with his Maiestie , as also the penalty of the law . And what then doth our Doctour tell vs a tale of vltima r●solutio in matters & cases of fayth and conscience , to be the cause of their trouble and affliction ? Truly it is as far from the purpose as the other before was : and no lesse also against himselfe , to make mention of this vltima resol●tio , which more conuinceth him and his of heresy , then any other demonstration that can be vsed to that effect . For that they hauing abandoned the authority and iudgemēt of the knowne Catholike Church , from which finall resolution in matters of controuersy is to be taken , according to that rule of S. Augustine : Si quis quaestionis difficultate ●alli meti●t , Ecclesia● consulat : if any man teare to be deceiued with the difficulty of this question , let him take counsaile of the Church ( meaning thereby the vniuersall knowne Catholike Church : ) they hauing abandoned this way , of Di● Ecclesiae , tell the Church , and of recourse thereunto , as to the Columna & firmamentum veritatis , the pillar and stay of truth , so called by S. Paul ; what remayneth then to thē for their vltima resolutio , but their owne heads , and priuate iudgments , which are those fancyes o● their own braynes , which M. Barlow recyted before our of S. Augustine . And this shall I make manifest by the ensuing example . Yf fiue or six learned men of different Religiōs should meet togeather in Germany or Transiluania , to wit a Roman Catholike , a Hussite , an Arrian , a Trinitarian , a Lutheran , a Zuinglian , or a Caluinist ( for that all these different Religions are there publikely professed , and both by speaches , books , and sermons , preached and maintayned : ) and that you should demaūd of each one of these the reason of his fayth , and his vltima resolutio , or last rest about the same ; you should find their answers far di●ferēt . For if you should demand of the Catholicke , for example , why he belieueth the Reall Presence ; he would answere you , because it is reuealed by God ? If you aske him further how he knoweth it is reuealed by God ; he will say it is conteined in his word , eyther written or vnwritten , or both . Yf you aske him againe , how he knoweth it is cōteined in Gods word , in that sense that he defends it ; he will answere , for that the knowne Catholike Church doth tell him so , by whose authority he is taught what is Gods word , and how it is to be vnderstood . And if you demand of him further , how he knoweth the Church to haue such authority , and the Roman Church to be the Catholike Church ; he will alledg for the former diuers Scriptures , acknowledged also by the opposite Sectaries , as that before mentioned , wherin she is called , The pillar and stay of truth : and for the second , he will alledge so many demonstrations , of the beginning , growth , increase , continuance , succession , and visible de●cent of that Church , confirmed from time to time , with so many miracles , & other manifest proofes and arguments of credibility , as no man in reason can contradict the same : so as his vltima resolutio , or last stay is vpon the Church , testifying vnto vs t●e word of God , and testified by the same . But now the other fiue , though neuer so learned in their profession , will not answere you thus ; but being demaunded euery one of them seuerally , why they are of that peculiar sect , more then of any other : and why they are different from the Catholicke in the former article of Reall Presence : they will all answere conformably for the first step , that they doe build vpon the word of God , yea the writtē word only . But if you go a step further , & demand of them , how they know that this written word is well vnderstood by them , for so much as they are of fiue different Religions , founded by them all vpon the same written word : here now they cannot passe any further to the foresaid Catholike Church for finall resolutiō , as the first did , for that they all do impugne her , but ech man must defend his different interpretation of that written word , by his owne iudgement , or els by the iudgement of his owne Congregation and Sect , which in effect is the same . So as these fiue learned men do remaine irreconciliable as you see , for want of a ground from whence to take their vltima resolutio , and do shew themselues according to the former speaches of Vincentius , and S. Austine both Heretikes and Idolatours , in that , following the ●ule , & resolution of their owne heads , they adore as many Gods , as they haue selfe-conceipts for ground of their fayth . And will you say that this poynt of vltima resolutio was wisely brought in by M. Barlow , being a thing wherby himselfe and his are condemned to haue no last resolution , or certayne ground at all for their beliefe , but only their owne ●eads ? But oh ( sayth he ) you depend for resolution vpon the Pope , which is so vncertaine , as what one Pope decrees another disallowes . But I haue now answered , that we depend vpon the Catholicke Church , as propounding vnto vs and expounding Gods word , and we depend of the Supreme Pastour as head of that Church , vnto whō we rest assured by Gods owne word and promise , that he will assist him with his spirit for all resolutions in matters of fayth , which shal be necessary for his sayd Church : nor can M. Barlow prooue that what one Pope decrees in these matters of fayth , another disallowes . One of them may well alter matters of policy , gouernment , Ceremonies , or the like ; but for poynts of fayth we do allow M. Barlow sixteene hundred yeares to seeke them out . And if in so long time he could haue produced but one true example , I suppose we should haue had it . I doe willingly pretermit a great deale more of idle & impertinent speach which M. Barlow vseth about this matter of Catholiks Consciences , ●hewing indeed to haue little himselfe , nor yet to know well what it meaneth , and much lesse speaketh he to the present purpose . For he telleth vs first , that if pressure of conscience may serue for good Plea of Recusancy to Princes lawes , there is neyther malefactor for crime , nor hereticke for schisme , but that will make that his Apology . Wherunto I answere , that causes , persons , merits , and demerits are to bee distinguished in this matter , and not to be confounded . For what hath the malefactour for crime , or hereticke for schisme to doe in this affaire ? From the first I thinke the aduersaries themselues will deliuer them , or at leastwise theyr neyghbors , among whome they dwell : and as for the second of heresy and schisme , we haue spoken now already sufficiently , to shew where those imputations may , and must lye , & not vpon the Catholickes , who are opposite to that charge . Secondly , then he telleth vs , that we lacke the light within vs , which should driue away the darkenesse of our consciences , and purge the eye therof from mist , dust , & lime . And vpon this he maketh vs an exhortation , that we take heed of Caligo tenebrarum in this life , that dusketh the eies of our vnderstanding to perdition , especially by worldly delightes , desire of honour , and wealth , this being puluis pigmentarius , sayth he , the Merchants dust , which tickleth the eies , and blindeth the sight of the wisest , as do also enuy by emulation , preiudice of affection , wilfulnes by opposition , which like vnto lyme tormenteth the eye , and peruerteth the iudgement &c. And is not this , a very graue , and serious exhortation , comming from such a man as he is , knowne to be so clearely inlightned , as neyther mist , nor dust , nor lyme of ambition can sticke vpon a man so hating worldly delights , honour , and wealth , as no part of this merchants dust can tickle his eyes ? Are not his mortifications knowne ? His contempt of the world seene by his life , and conuersation ? Is not his hate of ambition , honour , and wealth discouered by his voluntary pouerty ? aboundance of almes ? refusall of dignities , & temporall commodities ? Let his Parishioners testify for him . But yet against vs he goeth forward , telling vs , that the Iewes veyle is spread ouer our harts , and consciences , and that by our owne wilfulnes , errour , and peeuishnes . Item , to a corrupt stomake , yea the lightest meats are troublesome , but cleansed , it will easily concoct , and orderly digest the strongest food &c. Which last direction of cleāsing the stomake , to be able to concoct , and put ouer the strongest foode , being applied as M. Barlow applieth it , to the purging of a mans conscience from feare , therby not to haue scruple , commeth very euill from his mouth , who as they write from thence , is held to haue so purged a conscience from all due feare of offending God , by doing , saying , or swearing any thing , which to the state or present Prince may be gratefull , that already as I vnderstand the commonvoyce hath bene of him , as of D. Shaw who in his Sermon betrayed his Lord & Maisters Children , & whole Succession : as this man , I say , in a like publike speach betrayed his dearest Patrones honour , fame & credit . Wherfore he may talke of corrupted stomakes what he pleas● : he may also talke of strong digestions ; no mans I thinke of his order , though many be bad , is knowne to be more corrupt then his owne . As for Catholikes , if in this poynt they ●ad corrupt stomakes , they would neuer stand so much as they do , and with so great losses vpon the contrary : but would rather cleanse their stomakes of all feare & make that strong digestion , which here M. Barlow doth insinuate vnto them , of putting ouer without scruple whatsoeuer is offered to be sayd , long , or sworne , so it be plausible or commodious . But now after all this , he maketh his conclusion ; and the best comfort that he can giue to Catholickes is this : For them , sayth he , who are to take the Oath , if they refuse it , the penalty is before them , their conscience is free . But now what freedome this is , wee haue discussed before , both out of Philosophy , and Deuinity , and M. Barlow hath bene shewed to vnderstand rightly neyther of them concerning this point , but to haue shewed himselfe ridiculous in both : But let vs heare yet what threat he addeth further of his owne to the former wordes . The penalty , sayth he , is before them , their conscience is free , but his Maiestie no doubt will beware of them , and the State obserue them , as branded by the Apostle , seduced by the error of Balaams wages , and perishing in the contradiction of Corah and Dathan . Here be wordes of great malice as you see , but of small reason , coherence , or consequence . For first why is there no doubt , but that his Maiestie will beware of them , if they pay the penalty of the Statute , for not sw●aring against any clause of their Religion , and doe otherwise offer to sweare all temporall obedience ? Why should not wee thinke rather that his Maiestie will esteeme of them as of men that haue care of their consciences , and consequently that being true to God wil be also true to him , as Gods Substitute ? We know that one of his Maiesties most noble Ancestors , yea Constantius , Constantine the great his Father , did make that argument and consequence , when he proposed some like Oath to his Courtiers , that might preiudice his Christian Religion , the swearers he reiected , the refusers he imbraced , as more faithfull then the other : and why may it not be hoped that his Maiestie out of his great wisedome , and clemency will doe the same ? And why should these men be sayed here to be brāded by the Apostle , sed●c●● by the error of Balaams wages , perishing in the cōtradiction of Corah and Dathan ? Is there any least similitude of these things against the Catholicks of England ? Wherin hath the Apostle branded them ? What hope of gayne , what corruption of money , what wages of Balaam hath seduced thē , that suffer themselues to be so much spoyled & impouerished for not swearing against their owne Consciences ? What contradiction of Corah and Dathan is there in them , that offer all obedience , and duty both to tēporall & spirituall Gouernours ? that which is due to Cesar , to Cesar , that which is due to God , to God : matters of the world , life , and goods vnto the King : matters of the soule , spirit , & life to come , vnto those whome God hath appointed for gouerment of soules . And this is no cōtradiction of Cor●● and Dathan , but the quite contrary , of conformity in dutifull subordination , only found in Catholicke men : all Heretickes perishing indeed , in the foresayd schisme and contradiction peculiar vnto them . TOVCHING THE Exhibitours of the Oath , and of Scandall actiue and passiue . Wherein M. Barlowes grosse ignorance is discouered . §. II. THIS hauing byn spoken principally in the behalfe of those that were pressed with the Oath : there remayneth now the other member , concerning the Exhibitours , or those that vrge it , about which my former speach in my Letter to my friend was this . To the exhibitours of the Oath also ( quoth I ) I see not what blessing it could or can be , so extremely to vexe other men without profit , or emolument to themselues , or to his Maiesties seruice , which herein they would pretend to aduance . For if there be any cause of doubt of loyall good will in thē , that are forced to sweare against their consciences : much more cause and reason may there be of like doubt , after they haue so sworne , then before . For that the griefe of their new wound of conscience remayning still within them , & stirring them to more auersion of hart , for the iniurie receiued , must needes worke contrary effects to that which is pretended . And whosoeuer will not stick to sweare against his conscience for feare , fauour , or some other like passion , may be presumed that he will as easily breake his oath , after he hath sworne vpon like motiues , if occasion doe mooue him . And among all other passions , none is more strong t●●n that of reuenge for oppressions receyued : so as we read of the whole Monarchy of Spaine ouerthrowne and giuen to the Mores , for one passion of Count Iulian , whereby he desired to be reuenged of his King Roderiquez . Nothing then is gayned in this behalfe of loyall good will , by such extreme pressures , but much rather lost . Th●se were my words , what cauill hath M. Barlow against them ? You shall heare it in his owne phrase . They are extrauagant ( saith he ) from all De●inity and Policy . How proueth he this ? Nay no one word of proofe doth he alleadg , it is inough for this Pithagoras to say it ; let the iudicious Reader iudge of it . He goeth forward : Of conscience we haue already spoken , now for desperation . No doubt Syr , but you haue spoken substantially of conscience , as before hath beene seene ; but of desperation . I know not what you can say , if you keep your selfe to your text : for I remember not to haue mentioned that word in my speach before rehearsed wherunto you pretend to answere . True it is , that of the passion of anger and reuenge , for supposed iniuries or oppressions receyued , I haue made mention . But you haue turned all your sh●w of answere against desperation , telling vs much of the furious fancy of the Donatists in Africa , that were desperatly inraged . You aske also whether the Catholiks be no better instructed in Deuinity by their Priests ? You tell vs that S. Peters Deuinity was better , who● he●●horteth Seruants to be bucksome and obedient in all fe●●● to t●eir Maisters . You say further , that true Catholic●e Deuinity teacheth men to endure lawes , with all ●●●dy ●●bedience : and if through weakenesse they cannot , or by repugnancy of conscience they dare not be perswaded that they may lawfully sweare vnto them , then to endure the penalty with an humble patience , alleaging for the same , the words of S. Peter , that , This is thanks-worthy , if a man f●● conscience sake towards God end●●e griefe wrongfully , beca●se o●r ●●●ster did so &c. which we take for very good doctrine indeed , and so do teach and preach the same diligently , exhorting all good Catholicks to follow that rule . But yet on the other side we cannot forget also the saying of the Apostle , non in omni●us est sciētia , al men haue not true knowledg 〈◊〉 they ought to do , and much lesse patience in what they ought to suffer , and therfore is the gi●t of wisdome , prouidence , and discretion graunted vnto Gouernours to moderate matters according to mens infirmities in some ca●●● , & this is all that is sayd , or insinuated in this passage , though M. Barlow out of his great prudence in De●i●●ty & Policy noteth that the example of Count Iulian of Spai●e , that ouerthrew his Countrey vpon the passion of reuenge , ought to be a caueat to the State of England , that I do threaten . But it is a childish quarrell pickt , for I do but call 〈◊〉 memory the history in confirmation of that which in my Speach is set downe . But there followeth a second reason concerning them that presse the Oath vpon others , to wit , the consideration of actiue scandall , which I set downe before in these words . But besides all this ( said I ) is the grieuous sinne that they commit , who force or presse other men to sweare against their conscience , then which nothing can be imagin●d more heinous , for it is to thrust men headlong ( especially such as are fearefull ) into the very precipitation & downefall of hell it selfe . For it is the highest degree of sc●ndall ●ctiue , so much condemned and detested in the Scripture , and so dredfully threatned by our Sauiour , to be seuerely punished in the life to come . For that scandalizing properly is nothing els , but laying a stūbling blocke for other men to fall and breake their neckes : and such a one is this formall Oath , which containeth diuers things lawfull for a Catholick to sweare , & other things vnlawful , and he is forced by terrour to passe ouer , and swallow downe one with another without distinction , with manifest repugnance of his conscience , which repugnance to him is alwaies a sinne , and damnable in such a publike and waighty action , though the matter were lawfull in it selfe : and consequently also vnto them that forced him to the same , either knowing or suspecting his said repugnance of conscience . For he that should force a Iew , or a Turke to sweare that there were a blessed Trinity , either knowing or suspecting that they would do it against their cōscience , should sinne grieuously by forcing them to commit that sinne . This is Catholick Doctrine , which I also think the learned Protestants themselues will not deny . Vnto this speach of mine M. Barlow answereth , first granting that a man should rather endure any losse , of life , or goods , then sweare against his conscience : which doctrine I am glad , that in this present case the force of truth hath drawne from him . But he goeth further treating of this poynt of scandall , after such a fashion , out of our Schoole-Doctours , as he marreth all againe . And truly he hath so euill lucke in dealing with them ( not vnderstanding as it seemeth what they meane ) as I meruaile that he would euer name them . For though in this place he alleadg only S. Thomas by the name of Aquinas in the margent without quoting where , in what part , or place of his Workes it is to be found ; yet doth he peruert his meaning egregiously , going forward , and backward , and taking one thing for another , that it is both pittifull , & ridiculous to consider . But I shall cyte his owne words as they lye , and thereby shall we see how able a Schoole-man he is . But in this point of scandall ( sayth he ) will this great Deuine vouchsafe to learne a lesson from their owne Schoole-man . Is the exacting of this Oath a scandall actiue in our Magistrates ? then is it passiue in their Catholikes . For it is no scandall giuen if is 〈…〉 I● their consciences be offended a● it , they are ( sayth Aquin●● ) 〈◊〉 simply ignorant , or wickedly malicious ; and the last ●●●●er , 〈…〉 well instructed or truly sanctified , can take no offence , though 〈◊〉 ●uer so openly : which he confirmeth by that place of Dauid , G●●●● is th●●● peace that loue thy law , & non est illi scandalum : he which 〈◊〉 loueth God neyther doth scandalize by sinning , nor is scandalized by ●●●ning , quicquid ei fiat . In which discourse of M. Barlow , is to be noted first , that after his scorne vttered against me , he taketh vpō him as a great Schoole Deuine , to determine this consequence : Is the exacting of the Oath scandall actiue in our Magistrates ? The● i● it passiue in their Catholikes : which I grant to be true in such Catholikes , as by force of that exaction , haue bene induced to sweare against their consciences , and so finned . It is not true in them that refuse the same , and they are those whom the Prophet commendeth in the place here mentioned , Great is their peace , who loue thy law , and they are not sc●●dalized , nor do fall into sinne , by the sinne or inducement of others . So as in this sense it is true , that such Catholikes as take the Oath with a repugnant conscience , suffered Scandalum p●ssiuum , but not these that refused . But M. Barlowes reason for that there is no scandall giuen , if it be not taken , is most manifestly false , and the more intollerably foolish , for that he setteth it downe as the reason of S. Thomas Aquinas : wheras the sayd Docto●● doth expresly contradict the same in sundry places , saying in one : Quandoque est scandalum actiu●m sine passiu● , pui●●●●●●quis inducit alium ad peccand●m , ille n●n consentit . Sometimes ●●ere may be a scandall actiue without a passiue , to wit , when any man doth induce by word , or fact , another man to sinne , and he do not consent vnto him . And againe in another place , Potest tamen esse scandalum actiuum siue pec●●●●●●t●rius , qui scandaliza●etur . There may be notwithstanding an actiue scandall giuen , without the sinne of another man that is scandalized , which is to say , that one man may s●eke to induce another man by word , or fact to sinne ( which is the scandall giuen ) and yet the same not to be taken by the other , for that the sayd other consenteth not , but resisteth , or contemneth the sayd scandall giuen or offered . And of this there may be fiue hundred examples alleadged . And I cannot but wonder at M. Barlowes gros●e ouersight in this behalfe : for when himselfe , for example sake , in a Sermon doth go about to perswade his hearers against the Reall Presence , against the Sacramentall Confession of their sinnes , against their Spirituall Obedience to their Supreme Pastour , and other such poynts , that we that be Catholikes do hold to be great sinnes : this we say to be a scandall actiue , inducing men to fall into sinne ; so that in him the scandall is giuen : but many of his auditours do not take this scandall , nor are induced to sinne by him , for that they belieue him not , nor esteeme him , but for a deceiuer . So that here is a scandall actiue without a passiue , and scandall giuen , but not taken . And the like example may be giuen of facts . As if a man should see M. Barlow to eate flesh and feed freely , on fasting dayes , and in the lent , which perhaps were not hard to find him doing , here is a scandall giuen , but it is not necessary that euery one that seeth him doe this , should fall , and follow his fact , and so take the scandall . For many will say to themselues , that M. Barlow followeth not the life of S. Antony , or S. Hilarion , & other Saints that were great fasters , but a good fellowes life , that loueth a good morsell when he hath it , making no difference of dayes or me●tes , for auoiding of superstition ; for that this is pleasant Deuinity & agreeing to his appetite . Some other would passe further and say with the Apostle , Animalis h●mo non percipit ea quae sunt spiritus Dei : the sensuall man giuen● to his belly , vnderstādeth not the things that belong to the spirit of God. But howsoeuer it be , here is a scandal giuen , & not taken , & consequently M. Barl. is much ouertaken in this , to say there is no scandal giuen if it be not taken . But now followeth a far greater abuse against Thomas Aquinas in peruerting his whole discourse & meaning , with intēt therby to disgrace the consciences of our English Catholiks , that do refuse the Oath . For it followeth immediatly in M. ●arlow : If their conscience● be offended at it , they 〈◊〉 , sayth Aquinas , eyther simply ignoran● , or wickedly mali●●●●s● 〈…〉 last rather . And these words of simply ignorant , or wickedly ●●●●cious , he layeth forth to the view in a different letter , 〈◊〉 markable to all , and thereby would haue vs thinke that they are so set downe by Aquina● himselfe , adding also the reason of Aquinas , as he sayth , ●or that he which is well instr●cted , and truly sancti●ied , can take no offence , though giuen neuer so openly . But if you marke this discourse of M. Barlow , you shall find it intricate and difficult to be vnderstood , which i● the marke he shooteth at , I meane , not to be vnderstood , as els where I haue notified : but much more would you discouer & detest his fraud , if you looke vpon Aquinas himselfe , in his 43. question about scandal , deuided into eight seuerall questions or articles , all which M. Barlow hideth , as before I haue noted . And albeit he founded himselfe wholy vpon him , as in this place you see , and dot● quote him twice in the margent : yet doth he not vouchsafe to name any one part or place of Aquinas his workes , where he handleth this matter . But we haue found the place , and shall cleare the fraud , as briefly as may be . When S. Thomas Aquinas , had shewed in his first article the definition of Scandal , that , It is an euill speach and fact , giuing occasion to another man , of spirituall ruyne , or ●alling into s●●● : & by occasion of this definition , had declared diuers other pointes concerning the same ; as that , there is a scandall actiue , and passiue giuen , and taken : giuen , when a ma● doth giue occasion by his speach or deeds to draw anothe● man to sinne , and this either out of his owne purpose and intention , which is the most malicious kind of actiue scandall ; or for that his speach or fact being naught , is of it selfe inductiue to sinne , though not intended by the scandalizer . And that passiue scandall is , when any man is induced and falleth into sinne by another mans speach or act , and this eyther with ground or without it , as pres●tly shal be shewed . After this ( I say ) S. Thomas in his seauenth article doth declare how that sometime , there may be a passiue scandall without an actiue , or taken , and not giuen , as when one is scandalized , and falleth into sinne by another mans fact or speach without a iust cause , and this eyther of malice , by misinterpreting his wordes or deedes , or by ignorance , or infirmity by mistaking the same . The first is called Scandalum Pharisaeorum , the scandall of Pharises , for that these people did maliciously so misinterprete the wordes and factes of our Sauiour to an euill sen●e , & therby fell into synne themselues : the other is called Scandalum Pusillorum , the scandall of weaklings , for that they are scandalized , and fall into sin by infirmity or mistaking . Now then , sayth S. Thomas , for so much as wee may not scandalize our brethren , or giue them any iust occasion by our words or actions , to fall into sinne , vnder so grieuous and horrible threatnings , as our Sauiour threatneth in the Ghospell , what shall we do when we see any man scandalized without a iust cause ? Wherunto he answereth , that if it be the scandall of Pharises , that is to say , wilful , and out of malice , we must let them alone according to our Sauiours doctrine Matth. 15. and go forward in our doings , as himselfe did . But if the scandall which they take do ari●e by reason of infirmity or ignorance , then ought we to instruct them , and giue them reason of our doings , and sometimes also deferr our actions vntill the occasion of scandall be taken away● Si autem post redditam rationem hui●sm●di scand●lum d●ret , iam vid●tur ex ●●alitia ●sse● : But if , after we haue yielded the reason of our doings , the sayd party remayneth scandalized still● now it seemeth that his scandall is not of infirmity , but of malice . This is the doctrine of S. Thomas , which M. Barlow applieth to the Consciences of our English Catholikes , that refuse the Oath , which is hard to say , whether he doth it eyther of ignorance , or of malice , or of both . But sure I am he abuseth egregiously the meaning of S. Thomas , who writeth this of those only that take scandall , and occasion of fal where none is giuen● & this eyther out of malice or infirmity , by misconstring , or by misunderstanding , as you haue heard . But in our case there is the vrging of the Oath both by speach & penalty , which Oath being contrary to th●●r consciences as they are Catholickes , and yet swearing the same , they fall and run into the ruine of their soules by that meanes , and this neither out of malice , nor ignorance , but rather out of a certayne weakenesse culpable , that is sinfull both to themselues and to the vrgers therof . So as what S. Thomas speaketh of one sort of men , M. Barl●● sliely applieth it to the other . Neyther doth S. Thom●● vse these bitter speaches , of simply ignorant , or wickedly malicio●● , as before I haue noted : much lesse the third clause ( and the la●● rather . ) But least of all doth he adde that reason , which here is touched , to wit , For that he who is instructed , or truly sanctified , can take no offence though giuen neuer so openly . For S. Thomas doth not vse the wordes instructed , or sanctified , but only maketh the title of his fifth article thus : Vtrum scand●●●● passiuum possit etiam in perfectos cadere ? Whether a scandall passiue may fall euen vpon such men as are perfect ? which ●e proueth that it cannot , for that a passiue scandal importing an offence taken by other mens words or works , whereby the scandalized vpon perturbation depart from God , and fall into sin ; perfect men are so firmly vnited vnto God , & to his holy will in all things , as no euil words or works of men can wrest thē aside from the same , according to the wordes of the Psalme before recited , to wit , Such as do 〈◊〉 thy law , haue much peace , and suffer no scandall : and consequen●ly perfect men cannot take passiue scandal ( and much lesse commit actiue ) without departing from their perfectiō . And such men may be accompted in our case , those Catholickes that would not be scandalized , nor fall into sin and ruine of their soules by the vnlawfull Oath offered vnto them , but chose rather to incur the penalty of the law . The other , as more imperfect , tooke the scandall that was giuen them , and eyther must be presumed to haue sworne against their consciences , if they were Catholickes , or to haue followed an erroneous conscience in this matter , if they tooke the Oath as it lieth , as may appeare by the declaration of the Sea Apostolicke . Well then to conclude , let vs repeat briefly M. Barl. contexture , and see his defects . Is the exacting of the Oath ( saith he ) a scandall actiue in our Magistrates ? then is it passiue in their Catholickes . Which inference I haue allowed in some Catholickes of the weaker sort , that tooke the Oath , but not in all ( for it is no scandall giuen ( saith he ) if it be not taken . ) This I haue shewed to be very false . It followeth . If their consciences be offended at it , they are , saith Aquinas , eyther simply ignorant , or wickedly malicious . This I haue shewed for the later part not to be in Aquinas , and for the former , euill applied , and falsly alleadged : euill applied , for those wordes which in Aquinas his sense appertayne to weake Catholickes that tooke the Oath , this man ascribeth to the more constant that refused the same . Misalleaged also it is , for that Aquinas sayth not , 〈◊〉 their consciences be offended at it , for that it is another thing for consciences to be offended at a thing , and mislike the same , then to be scandalized & fall therby into sinne : for the former may be in perfect men ; yea the more perfect they be , the more are they offended and grieued with euill things , that may scandalize , but the later cannot , as now out of S. Thomas hath bene declared . And againe a man may be scandalized and fall into sinne by another mans word , or act that offendeth him not , but rather pleaseth him : as when a yong man by some lasciuious speach , or fact of his companion , should fall into fornication himselfe , he is scandalized therby but not offended . So as M. Barlow seemeth to speake exactly in nothing : for neyther doth he translate well the word perfect , vsed by S. Thomas , o● perfect men , which are not subiect to scandall , by the words , well instructed and truly sanctified , for that a man may be well instructed , and yet not perfect in maistering his passions , according to the saying of the Poet — Video meliorae proboque , deteriora sequor : instruction may teach him what he should do , & yet not alwayes make him perfect in doing . How many well instructed Protestants , yea Ministers haue you in England , who if they should receiue a scandall actiue from one of their ●ellowes by a box on the care , would be so scandalized , as they wo●ld returne him a passiue for requitall ? And yet is not this for lacke of i●struction , but of patience rather , which perfect men h●●● ; and you M. Barlow had not , when you gaue the poore fellow , that came to be confirmed , so heauy a blow vnder the care in Lincolne Church , with which , as I haue bene credibly informed , you felled him to the ground , for no other matter , then because he smiled vpon you . A rare example of Bishoply patience , such as I thinke was neuer seene in that Church before . Neither is euery man truly sanctified , to be reputed for perfect , on whome scandall may not fall , for that a Iew , or a Gentile newly baptized are truly sanctified , and yet if you should exact workes of perfection at their hands , as patience in aduersities , mortification of their passions & appetites , contempt of the world , stability , and immobility in Gods loue and seruice , perhaps you should not find the same . Wherfore by perfect men that cannot be scandalized , is signified a far different thing in S. Thomas , then well ins●ruct●d or truly sanctified . And it is very fond that M. Barlow yet addeth againe , that these well instr●cted and truly sanctified men , can take no offence though giuen neuer so openly , for that no so●t of men are more offended , grieued , and vexed with the open offence of Almighty God , t●●n these that are well i●struct●d , and truly sanctified , for that their zeale is greater then of any other , as we see in our Sauiour , who beholding the offence giuē to his Father , by the abuse of his House , was so offended therat , as that he made a whip to driue thē out : vnto to which the Apostle applied those wordes of the Prophet : The zeale of thy House hath eaten & consumed me . To which effect also K. Dauid said in great feruour : Tabescere me se●it zelus me● : quia obliti sunt verba tua inimici mei . My zeale hath made me wither away , and consume : for that my enemies were forgetfull of thy words . And many such other testimonies might be alleadged , to shew that M. Barlow vnderstandeth not well what he writeth , nor conceyueth rightly the Authours meaning whom he alleadgeth , especially if he be a Schoole-Doctour , as S. Thomas here alleadged is , wherin , as before hath bene noted , he seemeth not to vnderstand the very ordinary tearmes of Schoole - Diuinity , and much lesse the true substance of things handled by him . I do pretermitt , as very fond and impertinent , the next passage that ensueth ( and is the last in this matter ) in M. Barlow his booke , where he maketh this demaund : But what if there be none , or few that make such conscience , or take such offence at the admission of the Oath , as he speaketh of ? To this question I say , it is in vaine to answere , for if there be so few , or no Catholikes , that make conscience , or scruple to take the Oath , the contention will be soone at an end . But presently he contradicteth himselfe againe , taking another medium , and saying , that there would be none , if they were not threatned by vs , to haue their howses ouerturned , as some Donatists , sayth he , confessed of themselues , by the witnesse of S. Augustine , that they would haue bene Catholikes if they had not bene put in feare , ne domus corum eu●rt●r●ntur ( by the Circumcellians perhaps ) which M. Barlow sayth , may spiritually be applyed to our threatning , that such as take the Oath , shall be accompted Apostataes , and to haue renounced their first fayth , and to be no members of the Catholike Church : and finally that we shall remayne branded in euerlasting record with Balaams infamy , that taught Balaac , to lay a scandall ( or occasion of fall ) to the people of Israell . To all which I answere , first , that he that layeth forth the truth of Catholike doctrine vnto Catholike men , may not iustly be sayd to threaten , or terrify , but to deale sincerely and charitably with them , laying truth before their eyes , what their obligation is to God , before man , and how they are bound as members of his true Catholike Church , to hould and defend the vnity and integrity of ●ayth , and doctrine deliuered by the same , though it be with neuer so much temporall danger . And as for laying a scandall , wherby they may fall into the ruine of their soules , it is easy to iudge , whether wee do it rather , that teach them to deale sincerely with God and their Prince , wherby they shall preserue their peace , and alacrity of conscience ; or you that indeauo●r to induce th●●●● sweare , and doe against the same , whe●eby they shall be sure to leese both their peace in this life , and their euerlasting inheritance in the next . THE ANSVVER TO AN OBIECTION . BY OCCASION VVHEROF IT IS SHEVVED , THAT POSSESSION and Prescription are good proofes euer in matters of Doctrine . AND The contrary is fondly affirmed by M. Barlow . CHAP. V. THERE remaineth now for the finall end of this first Part , to examine an obiection that might be made by the aduersary , which I thought good by ●●ticipation to satisfy in the very last number of the first par● of my Letter . And it was , that wheras we complaine of so great pressures layd vpon vs for our conscience , especially by this enforced Oath , some man may say● that the li●● course is held in the Catholicke States against them● whome we esteeme as heretickes . I shall repeate my owne words , and then see what M. Barlow answereth to the same . Here if a man should obiect , quo●h I , that among vs also , men are vrged to take Oathes , and to abiure ●heir opinions in the Tribunalls of Inquisitions , and the like , and consequently in this Oath they may be forced vnder punishment to abiure the Popes temporall authority in dealing with Kings : I answere first , that if any hereticke , or other should be forced to ●biure his opinions , with repugnance of conscience , it should be a sinne to the inforcers , if they knew it , or suspected it : neyther is it practised or● permitted in any Catholicke Court , that eue● I knew . But you will reply , that if he doe it not , he shal be punished by d●ath , or otherwise , as the crime requireth , and Canons appoint , and consequently the like may be vsed towards Catholikes , that will not renounce their old opinions of the Popes authority . But heere is a great difference , for that the Catholike Church hath ius acquisitum , ancient right ouer heretickes , as her true subiects , ●or that by their baptisme , they were made her subiectes , and left her afterwards● and went out of her ; and she vseth but her ancient manner of proceeding against them , as against all other of their kind and quality from the beginning . But the Protestant Church of England hath nullum iu● acquisitum vpon Catholickes , that were in possession before them , for many hundred yeares , as is euident : neither was there euer any such Oath exacted at their hands , by any of their . Kings in former Catholicke times● neither is t●e●e by any Catholicke forraine Monarch , now liuing vpon 〈◊〉 and consequently , by no ●e●son or right at all , can English Catholicke men , be either forced or pressed to this Oath against their conscience , or be punished , be●●●● , or destroyed , if for their conscience they refuse to take t●e same : humbly offering notwithstanding to their Soueraigne , to giue him all other dutifull satisfaction , for their temporall obedience and allegiance , which of loyall Catholicke subiects may be exacted . And this shall suffice for this first point , concerning the contents and nature of this Oath . This was my speach and conclusion then . And now shal we take a vew how it is confuted by M. Barlow . First be amplifyeth & exaggerateth with great vehemēcy the torments and tortures of our Inquisitions , which are vsed , as he saith , with the most extreme violence , that flesh can indure , or malice inuent : wherin he sayth more I thinke , then he knoweth , and more perhaps then he belieueth , and at leastwise much more then is true in my knowledg . For of twenty that are imprisoned there , not one lightly is touched with torture : and when any is in the case , by law appointed , it is knowne to be more mildly , then commonly in any other tribunall . But let vs leaue this as of least moment , and depending only vpon his asseueration , and my denyall , and let vs passe to that which is of more importance , for iustifying the cause it selfe , to wit , by what right of power and authority , the Roman Church proceedeth against heretickes , and how different it is from that wherby Protestants pretend to be able iustly to proceed against vs for matters of Religion . First of all he sayth , that I do take as granted , that the Church of Rome is the Catholike Church , which we deny sayth he , and the chiefest learned of their side could as yet neuer conuict our denialls . Wherto I answere that if themselues may be iudges , that are most interessed in the controuersie , I do not meruaile , though they neuer yield themselues for conuicted . But if any indifferent iudgment or triall might be admitted , I do not doubt , but that their euiction and cōuiction , would quickly appeare : and many learned men of our dayes haue made most cleare demonstrations therof , by deducing the Roman Church , doctrine , and fayth , from the Apostles dayes , vnto our times successiuely , as namely Doctour Sanders his Booke of Ecclesiasticall Monarchy , Cardinall Baronius in the continuation of his Annales , G●nebrar● in his Chronology , Cardinall Bellarmine in his controuersies : two speciall Bookes also in English , not long agoe especially published about that matter , the Three 〈◊〉 of England , and the Answer to Syr Edward Cookes Reports , where it is shewed , that from age to age , after the Apostles , the selfe same Church of theirs was continued throughout the world , with acknowledgment of the preheminence , and Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in the same Church ; which course of proofe was held also with the Ancient Fathers , S. Augustine , Tertullian , Irenaeus , and others , that brought downe the descent of the true Catholike Church , by the succession of the Roman Bishops , as Heads of the same . M● Barlow demaundeth of me , in what sense I take the word Catholike , when I suppose the Roman Church to be the Catholicke Church ? For if I take it ( sayth he ) for Vniuersall , then Rome being but a particuler Citty , and the true iurisdiction therof , confined within a limited Diocesse , or Prouince , the Roman Church cannot be the Catholicke or Vniuersall Church , for that it is but a particular Prouince . But if ( sayth he ) I take Catholike , for the profession of the true fayth , as S. Cyprian doth , calling that Church of Africa , the Catholike Church , then cannot the Romish Church neyther in this sense be the Catholik Church : for that which the Prophet Esay said of the Iewes Church , Her gould is mixed with drosse , and she whose fayth was plighted in Christ , is become an Adultresse , may be sayd also of the Roman Church of this day , and so cannot be the Catholike Church &c. Which are two such mighty arguments , as well declare the poore mans misery in the defence of his cause . For to the first I would aske M. Barlow whether one man may not haue two Iurisdictions , or rather one Iurisdiction extended differently to two things , one more particuler , the other more generall . As for example , the Mayor of London hath his particuler gouerment first and immediatly ouer his owne howse , family , and peculiar lands , and yet besides that , he hath iurisdiction also ouer all the Citty . And to make the case more cleare , let vs suppose that he hath both the one & the other from the king● shall it be a good argument to say , that he is Gouernor of his owne particuler landes , house , and family , which is knowne to be confined and limited to such a part of the Citty , therfore he vsurpeth by stiling himself lord Gouernour of the whole Citty ? And the like demaund may be made of the Kings authority first and imediatly ouer his Crowne lands , which is peculiar vnto him , and limited with confines , but yet it impeacheth not his generall authority ouer the whole Realme : Euen so the Bishop of Rome hath two relations or references , the one as a seuerall Bishop , ouer that people , and so had S. Peter who was Bishop of the same place , euen as S. Iames had of Ierusalem , S. Iohn of Ephesus , and the like : and besids this , he hath an vniuersall Superintendency and iurisdiction giuen him ouer all , as Head of the rest . So as Catholikes doe not deny but that the Church of Rome , as it maketh a particuler Prouince or Diocesse , is a member only of the Catholicke Church , not the whole , though a principall & chiefe member , by the reason of the eminēcy of her Pastour , & that the sayd Pastour therof is but a member also of the Catholik Church , but yet the chiefest mēber , wherunto all the rest are subordinate , that is to say the head & guid therof . So as this is poore argument as you see . But the second is more pittifull , if you consider it well : for if we take Catholike , sayth he , for the profession of the true faith , as S. Cyprian did , when he called the Church of Africa the Catholike Church ; then cannot the Romish Church be the Catholike Church . And why ? for that her gould is mixed with drosse , as the Prophet Isay sayd of the Iewish Church in his tyme. But here are two propositions , an antecedent , and consequent and both of them false . The antecedent is , that as the Church of the Iewes , in the Prophet Isay his dayes , being in her corrupt state , was not the true teaching Church , in respect of the naughty life vsed therein : so neyther the Church of Rome in our dayes being full of the same sinnes & bad life , can be the true Catholicke Church : this antecedent , I say , is most ●uidently false , and impertinent , for that Isay the Prophet in the place cited , doth not rep●●hend the Religion of the Iewes , but their life and ●●●ners ; nor doth he so much as name their Church or Synagoge , or taxe their false teaching . For albeit the wicked King Manasses that afterward slew him , did perforce set vp false Gods among the Iewes : yet did not only he , and other Prophets then liuing , to wit Oseas , Amos , Micheas , I●●● , Ioel , Nahum , Habacuc , with the whole Church and Synagog not admit the same , but resisted also what they might , which is a signe that their faith was pure and good . Wherfore Isay in this place alleadged , nameth not their Church or Religion , as hath bene sayd , but expresly nameth the Cittie of Hierusalem , & wicked liuers therin , saying : Q●●modo facta es meretrix , Ciuitas fidelis , plena iudicy ? I●st●ia habitauit in ea , nunc autem homicidae . Argentum tuum versum 〈◊〉 in scoriam , vinum tuum mixtum aqua . Hovv art thou made an harlot , thou faithfull Citty , that wert once full of iudgement , and iustice dwelled therin , but now murtherers ? Thy siluer is turned into drosse , & thy wine is mixed with water . Doth here the Prophet speake of factes , think yow , or else of fai●h ? Of wicked life , or of false doctrine ? and if it be euident , that he speaketh of manners , as he doth indeed , then how false is the dealing of M. Barlow , in bringing it i● for proofe of false teaching , and to conuince , that as the Church of the Iewes could not be the true Catholicke Church of that time , in respect of the corrupt māners vsed in her : so cannot the Church of Rome at this day , for the selfe same cause be the true Church ? But I would demande of M. Barlow , what other knowne Church had God in those dayes wherin a man might find true doctrine , besides that of the Iewes , which , he sayeth , was not the true Church ? Will he say perhaps of the Gentills ? But they liued all in Idolatry . And if a Gētile would in those daies haue left his Idolatry in the time of Isay the Prophet , and haue desired to haue bene mad● one of the people of God by true instruction , whither could he haue gone for the same , but only to the Iewish Church ? And whither would Isay haue sent him , but to the Gouernours thereof ? Both false and impious then , is this antecedent about the Iewes Church , but much more the consequent that would draw in the Roman Christian Church by this example , which hath no similitude or connection at all . For neither can he proue that it hath such corruption in it , either in life , or doctrine , as he pretendeth : nor if it had in life , doth it preiudice the truth of Doctrine , as by the testimony of our Sauiours owne wordes wee remaine assured . These two obiections then , that the Roman Church for that she hath a determinate Prouince , as also for that shee hath sundry euill liuers in her , are shewed to bee of no force at all . Not the later , for that euill manners may stand with true doctrine : not the first , for that wee doe not say the Roman Church is the whole Catholick Church but a chiefe member thereof , as hath bene sayd : whereby also will appeare what wee meane by the name of the Catholicke Church , to wit , that visible vniuersall Church , which being erected and founded by Christ our Sauiour , when he was vpon earth , hath continued euer since and descended visibly from age to age , by succession of Bishops throughout all Christendome vnto our times , and shall so continue vnto the worldes end : by which description may appeare also how vaine another obiection is of M. Barlow , in these wordes : If Vincentius rule be true , that that only is to be accounted Catholicke Doctrine , quod semper , vbique , & ab omnibus creditum est , neyther shall Rome be proued Catholicke , nor England hereticke : when any of these is soundly determined , then let him plead her Ius acquisitum . VVhereto I answere , that the rule of Vincentius is verified , by that which I haue sayd before , of the nature of the Catholicke Church , to wit , that it began vnder Christ , and hath descended from age to age , and so shee teacheth , quod semper creditum est . And for that she hath imbraced all nations , she teacheth quod vbique , in respect of place : and for that shee hath vnion of Doctrine , shee teacheth quod ab omnibus creditum est . For albeit there h●●● not wanted hereticks from time to time , that haue de●ised particuler doctrines , and erected particuler congregations : yet were they nothing in respect of the vniuersall consent of those of the Catholike Church , whose I●● acquisitum , or ancient right and power , vpon all Heretickes for theyr correction and punishment , I sayd , was manifest , for that by baptisme they were made her subiectes . Vnto which point M. Barlow would seeme now to say somewhat , though neuer so impertinent : therefore he telleth vs a tale of an indument , and a stripping to be considered in Baptisme , vnder the wordes , Credo , and Abre●●●●i● , and that neyther the spirituall mystery , nor the prescribed forme , nor intended effect of Baptisme doe make him and his liable to Rome . Whereunto I answere , that the whole action in that Sacrament without so many diuisions and subdiuisions , as here he maketh to obscure the matter , doth make him and all other Christians liable to the Catholike Church . For that euery man that is baptized , as he is made a member and seruant of Christ therby , and entreth into his Church , as by the first dore ; soe is he made a subiect to the sayd Church , and is liable to her correction , if he should renounce , change , or peruert that fayth , which there he professeth as a child of the sayd Church . And all this I thinke M. Barlow will not deny : but onely his question may be of such as are baptized out of the Catholike Church , by some Hereticall Congregation ; yet notwithstanding the matter is cleare , for that such baptisme houlding only so far forth as they haue intention to doe that in their baptisme , which the true Catholicke Church doth , and vse the forme of wordes which the sayd Church prescribeth , to wit , I baptize thee in the name of the Father● 〈◊〉 the Sonne , and of the Holy Ghost , for that otherwise if either of these conditions , to wit , eyther the forme , or the intention of the Catholike Church doe faile , the baptisme is not auaylable : it is euident , I say , that such as are so baptized out of the Church , are liable notwithstanding to the same , for any offence that they shall commit against the fayth of the sayd Catholike Church ; for so much as their baptisme had relation to this Church , as is now declared . And albeit they be departed from the same , eyther by their own wilfulnes , or other men● inducemēts : yet remaineth stil that obligation of subiectiō . Which superiority o● the Catholik Church practized frō time to time vpon Heretiks , and Schismatikes , that haue gone forth from her ( which the Aduersary will also graunt for sundry ages after Christ ) cānot be pretended by the Protestant Church vpō Catholiks : for that we went not out of them , but they out of vs , which in England is most perspicuous . For that since our first Conuersion by S. Augustine the Monke to Christian Religion , it cannot be sayd with any shew of probability , that euer there was a Protestant Church extāt● and visible , or publickly receyued in our Country , as the Roman hath bene : and consequently wee English Catholikes cannot be said to haue gone out of them , but they out of vs : and soe by their baptisme and admission to Christianity , they are liable to the Roman Catholike Church , in matters of Religion ; & not the Roman Church to them . But now besids this reason of obligation by baptisme , I do alledge another of former possession and prescription , whereby the English Catholike Church hath had , & exercised this power of punishing Sectaries frō time to time : wherunto M. Barlow answereth in a strange manner . Possession , saith he , for hould , and Prescription for time , may be Pleas in ciuill Courtes ; but not sound arguments in case of Religion . Which is so absurd an answere , as nothing could more shew & declare , that he had nothing to say , then this . For if wee suppose that to be true which Christ our Sauiour affirmeth in the Ghospell that the good corne was first soone , & that the Darnell was ouer sprinckled afterwardes , and that truth of Christian religion was first planted by our Sa●iour , & heresies afterward sprong vp , then are the Antiquity of possession , and the Plea of Prescription very excellent good argumēts to conuince all Hereticks : for that the former must need● be true , and the later must needs be false . For which cause old Tertullian writing in the second age after Christ against hereticks , thought good to intitle his book , de Praescripti●●●bu● , of Prescriptiōs , shewing therby , that heretiks are by no way so euidently conuinced , as by Prescription & Priority of time . And first of all he giueth this generall rule by allusion to our Sauiours words before repeated , of good corne and darnell : Ex ipso ordine manifestatur id esse Dominicum & rerum , quod est prius traditum : id autem extraneum & ●alsum , quod est posteri●s immiss●m . By the order it selfe of sowing the corn & darnell● it is made manifest , that to be true and pertayning to our Lord which was first deliuered , and that to be false and forreyne , which is thrust in afterward . And then passing to examine particuler heresies , and beginning with them that pretended to be of greatest antiquity , yea from the Apostles times themselues , he giueth also a Prescription how to try them . If any heresies ( saith he ) dare presume to thrust themselues into the Apostles age , edant origines Ecclesiarum suarum , euoluant ordines Episcoporum , let them publish the beginninges of their Churches , and let them lay forth the order & successiō of their Bishops . And with this he thought their mouthes stopt . And yet in another place he canua●eth thē againe with the same Prescription , saying : Qui estis vos ? vnde , & quando venistis ? vbi tam diu latuistis ? VVhat are you ? whence , and when came you ? and where haue you lurked so long ? signifying herby that the Priority of time was a great argument against them . And furthermore he disputing against Marcion the Hereticke , hath these wordes : Ego dico meum Euangelium verum , Marcion suum &c. I say that my Ghospell is true , and Marcio● faith his : I do affirme Marcion to haue falsified , and Marcion sayth I haue done it : who shal determine the matter between vs , but the difference of time , that will giue Authority to that which shal be found to be most ancient , and pronounce that to be corrupted which shal be proued to be the later ? So as here supposing that which before we haue touched , that Catholick doctrine was planted first , before any heresy sprang vp , by the Prescription of time , is not only a sound argument in case of religion ( which fondly M. Barlow denieth ) but a conuincent demonstration also of truth ; and to that effect vsed commonly by all Fathers , that wrote against Hereticks after Tertullian . Tardè mihi ( saith ancient Hilarius against the Arians ) hos pijssimos Doctores ●ta● nunc huiu● saeculi protulit , s●r● h●s habui● fides mea magistros . Too late hath this present age brought ●orth these pious Doctours ( he speaketh in scorne ) too late are they come to be maisters of my faith . And S. Hierome writing against the Luci●erian Hereticks , vseth the same argument : Ex h●c ipso ( saith he ) qu●d posteriùs instituti sunt , ●os ess● indica●t ●●os ●uturos Apostolus annunci●●i● . Euen by this it ●el●e , that Luci●erans haue risen vp later , they shew thēselues to be those deceyuing Hereticks , of whome the Apostle doth forwarn vs , and bid vs take heed of . And the same S. Hierom talking to an Heretick , saith : Cur post quadringentos annos d●cere ●os ●iteris , quod ante nesciuimus ? vsque ad hunc diem ●ine vestra doctrina Christianus mundus fuit . Wherefore after foure hundred years , dost thou go about to teach vs that which before we knew not ? Euen vntil this day the Christian world hath endu●ed without this your doctrine . And to this effect I might alleadge the saying of many other Fathers , who vse this argument of Prescription of time as a principall demonstration against Hereticks and Heresies . But let vs heare the reasons alleaged by M. Barlow , why Possession for hould ( for so are his wordes ) and Prescription for time may be Pleas in ciuill Courtes , but no sound arguments in case of Religion . For the first , sayth he , may be clayme by intrusion , which is their case that plead for Rome , & the other may be antiquity of error , for so is prescription without verity : therefore when truth appeares , let custome yeld to truth , was the conclusion of a Councell . So he . And citeth in the margent Concil . Carthag . apud Cyprian . But he that shall read that Councell of Carthage in S. Cyprian , shall find first that these wordes are not a conclusiō of a Councell , but the saying of one Bishop in that Councell , to wit Zozimus of Tarassa : and secondly M. Barlow wel knoweth , or should know , that , that Councell or Synod was reiected after by a● the Catholik Christian world , for tha● it was gathered in fauour of rebaptization of heretiks that were baptized in heresie , as may appeare largely in S. A●gustine in his booke against the Donatists , where he setteth downe the sentences of diuers of that Councell , and among other one of Zozimus , which he sayth was this : so it appeareth also in S. Cyprian : Reuelatione facta veritatis , 〈◊〉 error veritati , when the truth is reueyled , let error yeild to truth . Vpon which wordes S. Augustine maketh this note , Noluit quide● iste dicere consuetudinem , sed errorem . This Bishop would not say that custome s●ould yield , but error . And yet M. Barlow against the testimony of them both would needes relate it otherwise , let custome yeeld to truth , and say it was the Conclusion of a Councell , which was neyther of the Councel , nor any in the Councell ; for that sometims custome conteyneth truth it selfe , and giueth testimony to truth , and wee know it to be truth by tradition of custome : so as the ancient Fathers went warily herein , & not so rashly against all kind of custome , as M. Barlow & his fellowes and followers doe . But perhaps he will alledge out of M. Morton & other his fellow-writers , the saying of S. Cyprian himselfe in his Epistle ad Pompeium : Consuetudo sine veritate , vetustas erroris est , Custome without truth , is antiquity of error : which all men will grant , but maketh nothing to our case . For wee suppose true religion to haue bene planted first by Christ & afterward heresie to haue risen : which supposall being true , the argument of the Fathers before mentioned is most effectuall . We were before you in Christian religion and you rose vp after vs , professing a different faith from vs : Ergo , our religion is Catholike , and yours Heresy . For that this is to be accounted Catholike doctrine , as M. Barlow before alledgeth himselfe out of Vincentius , quod semper creditum est , that alwaies hath bene beleiued since the beginning of Christianity ; and soe that which is most ancient is truest . And where M. Barlow sayth , that possession may be a claime by intrusion , it may be indeed in temporall possession , but not in this our case , especially when it is ioyned with Prescription from antiquity . For supposing that the true Catholike religion was first put in possession by our Sauiour , and his Apostles , as hath bene sayd , and that it can be proued that this possession hath beene continued by Prescription , time out of mind , euen from the beginning , as we offer to proue : & that on the contrary side no knowne interruption can be shewed of this possessiō , eyther by intrusion or other wise , as M. Barlow cannot proue that there hath bene , nor doth he go about to proue it , though he blush not to say it ; Possession in this case togeather with Prescription doth euince the verity of our cause . And for the saying of S. Cyprian , That custome without verity is the antiquity of errour , though in it selfe it be true , yet doth S. Augustine tell vs , that it was ill applied by S. Cyprian , again●t the custome of the Church in his dayes , for not rebaptizing Heretikes , when himselfe was in that errour , that they ought to be rebaptized , & the Catholikes vrged the force of custome , and antiquity against him . But yet otherwise when he was out of that necessity of defending an errour , himselfe sayth , he did not only allow of custome , but also did often vrge the custome , and traditiō of the Church for very good arguments , and proueth many Catholicke doctrines therby , as the necessity of Chrisme or Vnction , lib. 1. Epist. 12. the offering of wine togeather with water in the Sacrifice , lib. 2. Epist. 3. saying that it is Dominica ●r●di●io , a tradition of our Lord , and other like poynts of Christian religion , which he proueth by the like force of Tradition , Antiquity , and Prescription , wherof I haue treated more largely in my Booke against M. Morton , shewing the same more aboundantly out of S. Augustine : and that both S. Augustine and S. Cyprian are in this poynt and many others abused by him . And so now to returne to our argument of Possession and Prescription , and to end also with the same this first Part of our Answ●re , I say , that Possession and Pr●scription● 〈…〉 hath bene declared , the cause of M. Barlow is vtterly o●erthrowne , for that he wil be neuer able to prooue , eyther Intrusiō in our Possession , or Errour in our Antiquity ; which for a finall vpshot to the Reader in this behalfe , I shall demonstrate by this ensuing reason . If euer the Protestant● Church or Religion were receyued publikely in Christendome , from Christs time downward vnto ours , that is to say , in any one or more ages , and was that first visible Church that was founded by Christ , into which M. Barlow sayth , that we entred afterward by intrusion and fi●●●orce , and so possessed Christendome , in such sort as for many ages the said Protestant Church appeared not publikely , vntill these our dayes , I would demaund of M. Barlow , Whether this his Church so put to flight from the eies of Christendome , did perish , or lay hidden only . For if it perished , then the true Church of Christ perished , and the promises made by him , were not performed , That he wo●ld be with the same vnto the end of the world : That the gates of hell should not preuaile against it : for that in this case , the sayd hell should haue preuailed . Moreouer I would demaund , if she once perished how could she be raised to life againe ? In which case S. Augustine writing against the Donatists , saith thus : Si peri●t Ecclesia , vnde ergo Donatus apparuit ? Dic de qua terra germinauit ? De quo mari emersit ? De quo caelo cecidit ? If the true Church did perish , from whence is Donatus come vnto vs ? Out of what groūd is he sprong ? Out of what sea hath he peept ? From what heauen is he fallen ? which S. Augustin● saith , for that if the true Church were perished before Donatus was borne , in what Church was he borne , and how came he into the true Church , that now he braggeth of ? and how did that Church rise from death to life againe ! But if M. Barlow will say , that the Protestant Church which flourished in , and after the Apostles times , did not perish , but fled only into the wildernes , and lay hidden , being spread visibly before ouer all the whole world ( for so he must say , if she were the Catholike Church : ) then would I demaund him , whether this Church being thus in exile , and couert , but yet liuing , did make profession of her fayth or not , and if she made profession therof , as she was bound , for that as S. Paul sayth to the Romans , Ore 〈…〉 a● salutem ; Confession of our faith is necessary to our saluation : then by this confession she must needs make her selfe knowne , as Martyrs , and Confessours did in time of persecution , and then she cannot be sayd to haue layen hidden , and couert from the sight of the world , no more then the Christian Church lay hidden in the time of persecution , in Rome , and other places , when men and women lay in caues vnder ground , but yet the confession of their fayth appeared vnto the whole world : and no more then the Catholike religion may be sayd to ly hidden now at this day in England , when all Christendome can be witnes of their Confession of the Catholike fayth : which point I thinke M. Barlow doth not take vpon him to proue of the Protestants Confession in ancient ages . Yf then he will say , that the sayd Church lay altogeather hidden indeed , without any publicke confession of their fayth : then must he confesse that the state and condition of this Church which was the only true Church which Christ had vpō earth , & of whose exceeding glory the Prophets did foretell so many wonderfull things , was more miserable then any least Sect of heretickes that euer was ; ye● then the Church of the Iewes themselues in any of theyr Captiuities ; for that still they confessed their religion , and euery Sect did the like in their times , and had some meeting or Congregation & exercises of their Religion , registred by some Authors , which the Protestant Church of this our age cānot proue to haue had visibly in the world , and dstinct from other people in any age before ours . And this demonstration is sufficient to conuince the vanity of M. Barlow his assertion , that Possessio● and Prescription for time , are no good arguments in case of Religion . The last point which he toucheth , as he passeth it ouer very sleigtly , so shall I as briefly answer the same . I sayd in my Letter that among other considerations , this was one very considerable , that there was neuer any such Oath as this is , exacted at the hands of Catholicke subiects , either by any of their owne Kings , or Princes at home in former Cat●olick times : ●or yet by any ●orraine King , or Monarch now liuing vpon earth . Whereunto I may also adde , if I be not deceiued , all Protestant Princes in other Countries , of whome I neuer heard or read , tha● they odered such Oathes to their subiects that were of different opinion in religion : all which M. Barlow in effect confessing , or not contradicting , sayth : If other Princes 〈◊〉 not the like , we iudge them not : perhaps it is in some of them an infused persuasion , that it is not lawfull : in others peraduenture it is a violent restraint , yea gladly they would , but cannot be suffered . Where you see that all his answers goeth by i●s and ands , perhaps and peraduentures , and yet is the matter of moment , and sequele , if it be well pondered , to take a course of extraordinary rigour , different from all other Christian Princes besides . It is not the Parasiticall flattery of a few Ministers at home , respecting their owne trenchers , will worke the State so much honour & security , as the generall mislikes and murmurations abroad , may worke the contrary in time . He sayth , that his Maiesty wanted not a motiue to take this course , for that the Pope was not so insolently busy with any nation , as of late with his Maiesty , and his Kingdome . He addeth further , that if it had not bene for him , our gracious King might haue enioyed a peace more continuall and happy , then Salomon or Augustus . But I would aske him out of passion , if euer he be voyd therof , as by report he is very seldome , what insolencie hath this Pope shewed in being busy , as he calleth it , with his Maiesties Person , State , or Realme ? For as for his Person he hath alwayes honoured the same , both before he was Pope and after , wherof many euident testimonies might be alleadged : and for his State and Kingdome , while he was in Scotland , neyther he , nor his Predecessours did go about to trouble the same , in almost fourty yeares , while he reygned there : all troubles came from Protestants and their Ministers . And when his Maiesty was called into England , the Pope that then was , by this mans counsaile principally , as it may be presumed , for that he was Protectour of Scotland , wrote to the Catholickes to further their Obedience towards him . He neuer medled in any thing , vntill this Oath so preiudiciall vnto his Authority , and vnto the Consciences of Catholikes was proposed and vrged . And as for the peace here named , more continuall & happy then that of Salomon or Augustus , which M. Barlow sayth might be enioyed by his Maiestie , with his Subiects , if the Pope were not : it is well , that he will so much as name peace , who seemeth in all his speaches , to sow the seeds of warres , hatred , and contention . But if his mind were to peace indeed , he cannot be so simple , but to see , that the rigorous and afflictiue courses vsed , and this , as all men take it , by the instigation of those of his coate and order , cannot be meanes to peace of mindes , howsoeuer otherwise they liue in externall quietnes and deuoyd of tumults . And this is all , that for the present I haue to write in this matter . The end of the first Part. THE SECOND PART , About the Breues of Paulus Quintus . CONCERNING M. BARLOVVE His exorbitant flattery in exaggerating Queene Elizabeths Vertues , and Sanctity . CHAP. I. OVR purpose then , being as now we haue declared , to touch some principal points only , handled by M. Barlow in this second and third Part of his answere , we shall begin with the point he most standeth vpon , dilating himself for twenty leaues togeather cōcerning Queene Elizabeth her raigne , life , and death , as an argument very plausible in his opinion , and capable not only of his rayling eloquence , and odious amplifications , but of all grosse and abiect flattery in like manner ; togeather with some hopes of other gaines also that way , wherunto it seemeth that the poore man hath his tongue and pen most ready to the sale at all turnes and occasions offered . But it may be before we end this conference , his market may be more then halfe marred in the iudgment , at least of disappassionate men , & especially with his most Excellēt Maiesty , whome aboue all other he seeketh to gull in this matter , turning all vpon him , which I both spake and meant to a Minister of M. Barlowes owne ranke : & so I disclaime from the calumnious imputation , that it concerneth any way his Highnesse , and shall answere all in the same sense which I then wrote , and meant the same ; reseruing all dutyfull and respectiue reference to his Maiesties Person and Iudgment , as bounden duty obligeth me . First then occasion being offered , or rather necessity imposed to speake of Queene Elizabeth : for that albeit the Pope had not so much as named her in any of his two Breues , yet had the Apologer brought in her mentiō with many high praises , for disgrasing of Catholickes , and their cause , and for scorne to the Pope , as though he had without cause pittyed and mourned their afflictions vnder her , which he saith was none at all , for that to his own knowledge she neuer punished any Papist for Religion . For these causes , I say , I was forced in my Letter , to say somewhat to this assertiue proposition , wherunto the tribulations , afflictions , calamities , spoiles , exiles , and bloud of so many shed by her , did manifestly in the eyes and eares of al men and women that haue liued in our dayes , contradict and reclaime . And yet did I resolue to do the same as mildly and sparingly as I might , answering only the wordes of the Apologie , and abstayning purposely from al bitternesse of speach , so far as the iust defence of the cause permitted , and so shall continue 〈…〉 Barlowes most intemperate prouocation to the contrary . VVhereas then in reciting the wordes of the Apologer , I mentioned these : Hauing , sayth he , sacrificed , as I may say , to the Manes of my defunct Soueraigne , as well for the discharge of my particuler dutie , as loue of veritie , I must now performe my d●ty also to his Maiestie present &c. Vpon which wordes I noted that the phrase of sacrificing to the Queenes Manes , or Ghostes , seemed to me very profane , as proper to the Pagan Sacrifices , vsed to those infernall spirits which they called Gods , & hurtful Gods , & therfore endeauored to please them with sacrifices . My words & discourse were these . But as for his heathen profane sacrificing to the Manes or Hob-goblins of his late Lady , I confesse it is an office fitter for a Protestant-Minister , that thinketh it vnlawfull to pray for her soule , to deale with her Manes , or infernall spirites , then with Celestiall , by praying for her to Saints . But would God these Manes might now haue licēce to appeare , and talke which him , and relate what passeth with her , after all this ioylity , and ruffe in this world ; I doubt not but they would coole his excessiue vaine of flattering vanity . For if all the old platforme of Saints liues , prescribed in Scriptures , and practised by the seruants of God , were not erroneous and vaine , as much fasting , continual prayer , daily mortification , frequent recollection , diligent chastisement of theyr bodies , humble & feruent deuotion , labouring and working theyr saluation in feare and trembling , aboundant almes-deedes , haire-cloth and ashes , contrition , sorrow and sobbing for their sinnes : yf these things ( I say ) were the ancient wayes to life , and euerlasting saluation : then must the pathes of Queene Elizabeth , which are knowne by most men , to haue bene eyther wholy different , or most opposite to these , led to another opposite end , quia vnusquisque recipiet secundum opera s●● . Euery one shall receiue according to his , or her works : and the sentence of the Apostle is cleare & resolute : Si secundum carnem vixeritis , moriemini ; si facta carnis spiritu mortificaueritis vi●etis : if you liue according to the flesh you shall die ; but if you shall mortify by spirit the workes of the flesh , you shall liue , that is , to life euerlasting . About these words of mine M. Barlow taketh occasion to make very large discourses , and to dilate himselfe in three or foure points ●xceedingly . First in the excessiue prayses of the Queene ; then in superlatiue raylinges against me ; thirdly in iustifying the phrase of sacrificing to the dead Queens ghost ; & fourthly in setting out her frequent mortifications , that she vsed : but yet in such sort , as he well sheweth , not only not to feele what mortification is in it selfe , but neither to vnderstand what he saith , nor wherof he affirmeth . In the first point of Queene Elizabeths praises he straineth his eloquēce or rather loquence to the vttermost , as though neyther the earth whilst shee was here , nor scarce heauē where now he assureth vs she is , were worthy of her : Shee was a daughter of the bloud Royall , sayth he , borne to the Crowne , in the Prophetes wordes , from the birth , from the wombe , from the conception , a Princesse aduanced to the Crowne in apparen● right , and by vncontrolable succession &c. Thus he sayth , and yet doth the world know what store of controuersies was about that succession , and lawfullnes thereof , and they are extant in theyr owne Statutes yet in print ; so as this man talketh that which he thinketh to be most acceptable , and fit for his presēt purpose of adulation more then what he findeth written or registred , or belieueth himselfe for that matter ; and such as know the man , and his constitution , are of opinion , that if his Maiestie that now is , had come into England with that minde , which his Noble Mother and her husband the King of France are knowne once to haue had , to claime & iustify her title , presently after the death of Queene Mary ( for so doth Doctor Sanders t●stifie that they had that minde , and began to put the armes of England vpon all the sayd Queen● plate , but that by the peace made , & Calis released vnto thē for the same , they were pacified for that time ) it is to be presumed that his Maiestie if he had preuayled in his pretence , that he should haue found no one man more fit or readie in England , or Scotland , to haue gon vp to Paules Crosse , or to any other place else , to iustifie his Maiesties Mothers pretence , against Queene Elizabeth , or to disgrace her whome now he extolleth so much , euen in this point of legitimation , from the belly , from the wombe , from the conception , by apparent right , incontrolable succession , and the like . But now the wind bloweth another way , and he followeth the blast , and turneth his sayles according to the weather : let vs then heare him out further . She was ( sayth he ) an Imperiall Monarch , a famous Empresse , or rather the very Empresse of ●ame , blazoned out , not by home-bred fauourites , but by forraine trauailers , and writers , before and since her death , yea , ●uen by her enemies , both for Religion , and warre , to be in her time , and for her Sexe , the starre of Soueraignty , the mirrour of Principality , a terrour to her enemies , the Loadstone of Maiesty , drawing vnto her both Embassadours Christian , and not Christian , only for enterview , and salutation , but in truth for view , and admiration : for when they had satisfied themselues with her sight ( and hardly could they be satisfied ) what Saba's Queene once sayd of King Salomon , they all concluded of her , that which o●ten falls not out , sayth the Orator , their eyes had ouercome their eares , and truth had out-strip● fame , report was lesse then verity , and her renowne was far short of her desert . Thus far our Oratour . And doth he not seeme to speake well for his fee ? But yet whē he telleth vs how his famous Empresse or Empresse of fame , is blazoned not only at home , but abroad by forraine writers , he will not forget I hope to remember , that shee is blazoned by many of them in farre other colours then heere he painteth her out : and this partly in respect of her hard measure towards Catholikes , whose religion shee professed vnder Queene Mary , and made many fayre promises of continuance therin ; for the breach wherof , and contrary proceeding afterward when she came to the Crowne , she susteyned so hard a conceipt and bad opinion of all forrayne Princes , people , & Kingdomes Catholik , as the memory perhapes of no one Christian Prince or Princesse that euer liued , is more vngratefull and odious to them . And this is the very truth notwithstanding all this parasiticall flattery of the Minister : which I speake as God knoweth with great compassion towards her , and our Countrey , for her sake , and not with any humor of reuenge , insultation , or exprobratiō against her . The histories are extant , their speaches and iudgements are knowne to such as doe trauaile forreine Countreys , and with indifferency and attention doe marke what passeth among them . But yet this man sitting at home in his warme chāber , goeth further in his exaltations of her : and to pretermit many , as ouerlong for this place , he sayth , That all her actions , being Royally vertuous , vertuously religious , and religiously wise ; her wisedome seasoned her religion , her religion sanctified her policyes , her polices graced her descent , all of them togeather wrought her immortality , and her immortality is accompayned with renowne vpon earth , and reward in heauen . So he , and much more , which I pretermit as idle froath of a flattering tongue , who taketh vpon him also to Canonize her with the terme of Eternized Saynt , and affirmeth resolutely , that shee neuer blemi●hed her s●l●e with vice criminall , or continued , for soe are his words . And what he meaneth by continued , I know not , exept he meaneth as the word importeth , that she continued not from vice to vice without interruption , which had bene horrible to haue done ( if not impossible ) or had perseuered continually in one and the selfe same vice criminall , which had bene as bad if not worse . He auoucheth further of her , that shee neuer in her life committed hellish crime ; wherby I suppose , he meaneth mortall sinne , for that the payne & punishmēt therof is hell , according to S. Paules doctrine , and then I confesse that this were to be accompted an extraordinary sanctity indeed , that a woman brought vp in such liberty , for so many yeares togeather , in so corrupt a time ( who as M. Barlow here telleth vs , was no Cloystred-Nun , but a Queene that liued in all prosperity in the midest of all temptations and allurements , both of Sathan , the flesh , and the world ) should neuer commit so much as one mortall sinne . But I would aske M. Barlow , how he commeth to know this secret ? did he euer heare her Confession ? For if he did , he might with far better conscience vtter her vertues knowne thereby , to her prayse , and to the edification of others , then he did the Earle of Essex his vices , to his infamy , and other mens scandall . But I for my part doe thinke , that albeit Queene Elizabeth went often to confession in Queene Maries dayes , yet from that time to her death , which was more then forty yeares , she neuer tooke the benefit of that Sacrament ; in which long time wee may wel imagine what store of dust a house much frequented would haue gathered , that had neuer bene swep● in so long a space . And albeit shee had had , both grace , wil , and time to cōfesse her sins , yet do I belieue that she would neuer haue chosen M. Barlow for her Confessour , and Ghostly Father ; and consequently all that he talketh here of her vices criminall , and not continued , and of hellish crimes neuer committed , is spoken without booke , vpon no greater ground , then that he listeth to say and write so of her . And this shall serue for the first point , concerning his excessiue prayses of Queene Elizabeth , though we shall haue occasiō to handle somewhat therof againe in the fourth point about her mortifications . Touching the second point then of impotent and exorbitant railing ; albeit much were to be sayd ; yet doe I not meane to loose time in the repeating thereof , or iniurie the eares of graue and modest men with hearing such contemptible matter : it is reuenge inough for me to vnderstand by diuers wayes , as I doe , that his owne friends doe condemne him , and thinke contemptuously of him , for entring into such an odious kind of writing . And for other that are different from him in religion , though they thinke him not worthy of any Answere , that taketh such a course ; yet haue I thought good for this once to bestow so much paynes as to runne his Booke ouer , and to returne him answere to other points , though not to this , but yet so , as by those other points which I handle , the mans spirit may be so well knowne , as none will meruayle that he tooke so dishonest and impudent a course of virulēt rayling . As for the third poynt of sacrificing to the Manes or Ghostes of the dead Queene Elizabeth , true it is , that supposing my selfe to haue to do with a Minister , that vsed the phrase , in the case he did , I noted it as Heathenish and prophane , in respect of both words , to wit sacrificing to Ghost , especially Infernall , himselfe being enemie to all Christian Sacrifice , or prayers for soules Christianly departed , or intercession to be made for them to Saints in heauen , that are Supernall Ghosts , and not Infernall . By which occasion M. Barlow taketh matter to dilate himselfe much ( as he doth willingly when he findeth any thing to talke of , though neuer so impertinent ) to proue that this phrase of sacrificing to dead Ghosts , though it were proper to the Gentiles and Pagans , may also be vsed of Christians in a good sense : Especially , sayth he , it being vsed by his Maiesty , as a borrowed phrase , and vttered with a deprecatory parenthesis , as it were in modesty , asking leaue for the passage therof , secretly therby insinuating , that otherwise , it was that which among the Rhetoritians is called audax Metaphora , a bould Metaphore . Wherunto I answere , that with all these circumstāces I see no difficulty , but that the phrase may be vsed , especially by audax Metaphora , and by so great a Prince , whose licence in speach good reason alloweth to be larger then other men : nor had I euer put difficulty in the phrase , if I had knowne it to haue come from his Maiestie . But for a Minister to be so bould in his audacious Metaphors , seemed not so tollerable : so as in the thing it selfe , supposing the former qualifications , I haue no further controuersie . But yet I must note , that the arguments scraped togeather by M. Barlow , for allowance of the phrase , are nothing worth at all . For that first the testimonies here quoted by him , though at randome , of S. Hierome , S. Augustine & S. Basill , affirming that we may vse the learning of the Gentiles to the aduancement of Christian Religion , as the Israelites did the spoyles of the AEgyptians , are to be vnderstood of such poynts of their learning , as may piously be applyed to our vse , to wit their morall doctrine , Histories , Philosophy , Examples , Sentences , Comparisons and the like , but yet do not allow that we should vse the peculiar phrases of their Idolatrous worship , about the mysteries of our Christian Religion , as certaine new prophane companions of our age haue done , I meane Castalio and others , calling God , Iupiter , and our B. Lady Diana , and the like . Nor doe the other examples alleadged by M. Barlow for proofe and allowance of any such prophane vse , mak● anything to the matter in hand , and consequently they are brought in by him to no purpose at all , but to spend time and paper without vtility . For what maketh it to our purpose if S. Luke in the narration of S. Paules nauigation to Rome , doe say that the ship of Alexandria wherin he went had for his badge the signe of ●astor and Pollux , the children of Iupiter , according to the fables of Gentilitie ? Or what if S. Peter in his secōd Epistle speaking of the damnatiō of the wicked Angels , do name these chaines of darknes wherwith they are bound in hel ; which words of chaines & hell , are to be found in Poets ? Is this a sufficient proofe that Pagan phrases concerning matters of religion may be vsed also in our Diuinity ? I pretermit his idle bringing in of S. Paul , that vsed halfe a verse of Aratus , a heathen Poet , when he spake in the Councell house of the Areopagus in Athens ; as also Nazianzen & Origen , for vsing the two prouerbs Orci galea & Plutonis cassis , for that these things are lawfull , as before we haue sayd , nor haue they any similitude at all with the phrase in controuersie of sacrificing to Queene Elizabeths Manes , for that this being heathenish in the sense of both words , to wit , of sacrificing , and of In●ernall spirits , and applied by the Authour of the Apologie , to the Christian duty to be performed to a Christian soule deceased , conteyneth much more in it , then those other Poeticall words , vsed to no such end , by the Christian Authours . Nor is that worth the answering , which is brought in out of the Epistle of Iustus Baronius , not long since conuerted from Caluins Sect , to the Catholike Church , where recounting his iourney through Millayn● he sayth , that amōgst other Reliques , they were brought to see the shrine where the Manes Ambrosij iunioris Borrh●maei were conteyned , that is to say , the memory and reliques of the yonger Ambrose , to wit Cardinall Borrh●maeus , which M. Barlow thinketh to be a great testimony against me : but indeed is none at all . For nowsoeuer this man newly conuerted from being a Protestant , did vse also some part of M. Barl●●●s audax Metaphora , which he very well approueth , and that this word Manes , being vsed alone may metaphorically haue some such sense , as the Reliques or memory of men departed : yet did he not vse the whole phrase of parent are Man●a● , to sacrifice vnto the Manes of any body departed , whic● is not vsed or permitted in Catholike Religion , to sacrifice vnto the reliques or memory of any man dead , but only to offer sacrifice to God for them , if they stand i● need therof . And thus much for this . ABOVT QVEENE Elizabeth her Mortifications . And of the nature of that Vertue . §. II. THere remaineth the fourth point cōcerning Queene Elizabeths Mortifications , and Pe●nances voluntarily ●aken here in this life : wherof I said by iust occasion giuen , That if the old platforme of Saints liues prescribed in Scriptures , and practised by the seruants of God , were not erroneous and vayne , as much fasting , continuall prayer , dayly mortification , frequent recollection , diligent chasticement of their bodies , aboundant almes-deeds , haire-cloath , and ashes , and the like : if these things I say , were anciently accounted Viae vitae , wayes to life , as often and highly commended in the Scriptures by the Holy Ghost , and practised from time to time in the liues of the holiest men in the Christian Church ; then sayd I , must the wayes and paths of Queene Elizabeths life which are knowne to be far different from these , be very dangerous , and the end and successe thereof not so assured of glory , as her flatterers both promised her in her life , and now will needs after her death , beare men downe that it is performed . To this M. Barlow answereth in diuers sorts : first out of the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans , VVhat art thou that iudgest another mans seruant , for somuch as to his Lord he standeth or f●lleth ? But this place is manifestly abused by M. Barlow , as are commonly all other Scriptures alleadged by him . For S. Paul speaketh in this place of indifferent things , as of eating and drinking , in which a man may not condemne rashly another , Qui n●n manducat , manducantem non iudicet , he that eateth not , let him not iudge him that eateth . But touching our cause in hand , let him read the sentence of the fame Apostle to Timothy , both clearly and resolutely set downe , Querundam hominum peccata manisesta sunt , praecedentia ad iudicium : quosdam antem subsequuntur . Similiter & bona facta manisesta sunt , & quae aliter se habent , abscondi non p●ssunt . The ●innes of some men are manifest going before thē to iudgment : but in some other they follow . And so in like manner good workes are manifest , and those that be otherwise cannot be hidden . Wherby it is manifest in some cases , that a man may iudge , or at least wise haue a probable coniecture ( for Almighty God may alter in secret what to his diuine wisedome and mercy shall seeme good ) what end a Christian is like to ariue vnto , by the wayes wherin he walketh . And S. Paul himselfe doth set downe sundry particulars in diuers places of his Epistles , in which he sayth that Christians shall not be saued . So as this kind of iudgement is not wholy forbidden , but rash iudgment only . Secondly then M. Barlowe commeth to lay hand on another answere , saying , That fasting with a sower countenance , prayer in open places , dole of almes with proclamations , are ensignes of hypocrites in our Sauiours iudgment . Wherto I reply that these are but the abuses of good things , which abuse the Seruants of God flying , do retayne the good vse . Thirdly sayth hee , ( for he deuideth his proofes into sundry heads , and all not worth a rush ) such outward habits of mortification as Iesuits terme , of wearing of heare-cloth , and the like , might argue Achab. who went barefoote in hayre-cloth and a●●es , to be a mortified creature , as well as the seuerest sel●e chastising Iesuite of you all . So he . And this only example is sufficient to shew , both the mans spirit , and wit. His spirit in contēning and ●esting at that which God himselfe did so highly esteeme , his wit , that he seeth not what maketh for him , or ag●inst him . As for the Iesuits , their Doctrine is , that all these externall mortifications are only so far forth gra●eful and acceptable to God , as they do proceed from the internall mortification of the mind , and sorrow for their sins , and not otherwise . And that this externall mortification of Achab did so proceed , is euident by the very wordes of Scripture , alleadged by M. Barlow , which are these : VVhen Achab had heard the speaches of the Prophet Elias , he rent his garmēts , & couered his flesh with haire-cloth and ●asted , & sl●pt in sakcloth and walked with his head bowed douneward . And the word of God was made vnto Elias , saying , hast thou not seene Achab humilia●ed before me ? For so much then , as he hath humbled himselfe ●or my cause , I will not bring the euill vpō him , which I haue threatned in h●● dayes , but in the days o● his Sonne . And let it be marked , that he sayd humilitatus est mei causa , he hath humbled him selfe for my cause , which signifyed that it came from the hart , and from the sorrow that he conceyued , to haue offended God : which is true internall mortification , and made Achab , a true mortified or mortifying creature in that act , for which wee haue God himselfe for a witnes . And it can be no lesse then prophane impiety , and sinfull secularity so prophanely to rest at it . But let vs passe to another parte of his Answere in this matter . Indeed , sayeth he , she was no cloystered Nunne . ( to wit Queene Elizabeth : ) And so I thinke to : and that the difference of their liues did shew it . A Queene she was ( sayeth M. Barlow ) and a State She had to manage , a people to gouerne● & much busines to attend , bodily exercise sayth the Apostle profiteth nothing , b●t godlines , that is , a sound sayth with a good conscience avayl●s ●ith God and argueth a minde truely regenerate . This is M. Barlowes way of mortification , not to meddle with Achabs contrition , humiliation , or hayrecloth , nor with the liues of ●loystered Nunnes , that serue God in the austerity of Christian discipline , as fasting , praying , and other mortification , but only he commendeth a sound ●aith with a good conscience , which euery man will easily perswade himselfe to haue , especially if he belieue him in citing S. Paul to Timothy , as though the Apostle had called such externall mortifications , as fasting and the like , vnprofitable ●odily exercises , and that only a sound fayth were piety . But this is as fraudulent dealing as before : for that the Apostle his very manner of speach , Exerce ●e ipsum ad pietatem , exercise thy selfe to piety , doth shew that he speaketh of good workes and piety of life , and that he maketh here a difference betweene bodily exercise that hath for his end , only the good of the body , and the exercise of piety , which whether they be bodily or spirituall , are alwaies directed to a spirituall end . And so do the ancient Fathers vnderstand the words of exercise and piety , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially such as best vnder●●ood the force , and propriety of the Greeke words , as namely S. Chrysostome , who in his speciall Commentary vpon this place of S. Paul defineth piety thus : pietas rectissima vitae norma est , & conuersationis optimae disciplina : Piety is a most straight rule of life , containing the discipline of a most excellent conuersatiō , wherby only faith you see is excluded . And then ●urther reiecting M. Barlows false interpretation of S. Pauls words , as though he had meant fasting , and other externall mortifications , by corporall exercises which he calleth lesse profitable , he saith , Quidam hoc Apostolum de ●eiunio aiunt dix●sse , sed prosectò errant : neque enim est corporalis ex●ercitatio i●iunium , sed spiritualis . Nam si corporalis esset , corpus profectò nutriret : cum autem id maceret & extenuet macieque conficiat , corpor●lis dici omnino non potest . Some men ( as M. Barlow ) do say , that the Apostle ( speaking of vnprofitable bodily exercise ( meaneth of fasting , but truely they do erre : for that fasting is no bodily exercise , but spirituall . For if it were bodily , it would no doubt nourish the body : but whereas it doth chastise the body , extenuateth and maketh it leane , it cannot any way be called corporall . So he . And if wee will haue the testimony of another as ancient as S. Chrysostome , & most skill●ull in the Greeke tongue wherin S. Paul writeth these wordes , though no Grecian borne ; wee may heare S. Hierome , who vpon those wordes , of Exerce te ipsum ad pietatem , exercise thy selfe to piety , setteth downe first what piety is , saying Pietas est e●iam 〈◊〉 tua tribulatione alijs subuenire , Sicut Sareptana vidua seci● : Piety is to help other men euen with thy owne tribulation as the poore , widdow of Sarepta did feed the Prophet Elias , with the bread that she had reserued for her sonne and her selfe . And then as for corporall exercise , named by the Apostle , he sayth it was meant of things belonging to the bodily health , as Sanctarum balnearum , venationum & huiusmodi quae ad breue tempus carnali proficiunt sanitati : holy bathes ( such as holy men did vse for help of their health ) hunting and other such bodily exercises for the same end , which do profit to the health of the flesh but for a short time , which admonition is thought to haue bene giuen by S. Paul to Timothy , as to a young man , that was somewhat delighted with these bodily exercises , or counsailed therunto by Phisitiōs for help of his said health . To which end also the said Apostle in the same Epistle exhorteth him not to drinke water still , but to vse a little wine for help of his stomacke , and in regard of his other frequent infirmities . but yet would haue him to exercise himselfe in the workes of piety , as now hath bene sayd . So as this place also of S. Paul hath bene abused by M. Barlow his prophane interpretation against externall mortifications . But now lastly he commeth neere vs indeed , and will shew that Queene Elizabeth her mortification was of another kind , perhaps not heard of before . Let vs heare his words : Fourthly ( sayth he ) to be a King , and to gouerne as a King should do , is mortification of it selfe . This is the largest way ( I suppose ) of mortification that he can lay before vs : for of this kind he will find , no doubt many mortified people , both of men and women , that would be content to accept of this mortification , to be Kings & Queenes , and to gouerne well in their owne conceipts . For what Prince thi●keth not , that he gouerneth well , and not only Kings & Princes are to be comprehended vnder this mortification , but proportionally also all other Magistrates and Gouernours vnder them , who haue one poynt more of mortification lying vpon them , then their Supreme Princes , for that they are lyable to giue account to them , which the others are not , and consequently they are more subiect to mortification in their offices , and dignities ; and yet most men do seeke after them , both in England and els where , which doth shew that there is great store of mortified men in the world , or at leastwise of men that loue this mortification , and desire to be so mortified . And if to be a Bishop also be a mortification , then hath M. Barlow in like manner proued himselfe a mortified man , & then those words of S. Paul to the Collossians , Mortificate membra vestra quae sunt super terram : Mortify your members which are vpon earth , may haue this sense also among other ; do you mortify your self with some good Bishopricke , or other dignity , that in it selfe is a mortification . And do we not see what prophane trifling this is ? And that by this drawing Christian vertues out of their compasse , true natures , and spheres , they do eneruate and euacuate all their force , and bring their practice to a meere sound of words . The Catholike doctrine is , that mortification is a most excellent Christian vertue , commended highly in the Scriptures , and exercised by all Saints , and especially by our Sauiour Christ , and his Apostles , and by the greatest Saints , & Seruants of his , that haue ensued in his Church , as may appeare as well by those words of S. Paul now recited , as also these other to the Romans : Si spiritu sacta carnis mortificaueritis , viuetis : If you shall mortify the works of the flesh by spirit , you shall liue . And then followeth the contrary set downe in the same place . If you shall not mortify your sayd members , & deeds of the flesh therof ensuing , but shall liue Secundum carnem , by obeying the lust therof , you shall dy euerlastingly . Wherby is also vnderstood , the nature of this excellent vertue , whose name of mortification is deriued from the word Mors , that signifieth Death : for that as when death entreth vpon a body and driueth out the soule , the sayd body remayneth without sense , ●eling , or other motion : so when this vertue of mortification is well exercised of a Christian man , it doth take a way the sensuall life of our lusts and passions , and doth mortify them in their vnlawfull appetites , so as they remaine as it were feeble , cold , and dead , in resisting or rebelling against the superiour parts of the soule , directed by rea●on and religion . And this is that most happy and excellent death so much desired by S. Augustine , when he sayd to God : moriar , ne moriar , let me dy , that I may not dy : and good S. Bernard , Vti●am hac morte ego frequenter cadam , vt euadam l●queos mortis , vt non sentiam vitae luxurian●is mortisera blandimenta : Would to God I may often dy this death , that therby I may escape the snares of the other death , & that I may not feele the deadly flatterings and allurements of this present dissolute life . And then he goeth further to many particularities , saying : Vt obstupescam ad sensum libidinis , ad aestum auaritiae , ad iracundiae & impatientiae stimulos , ad angoris solicitudinem , ad molestias cu●●rum : moriatur anima mea morte i●s●●rum ; bo●a mors quae non aufert , sed transfert in meltus . Let me dy by this death of mortification , that I may become sensles to the feeling of carnall lusts , to the heate of couetousnes , to the pricks of anger and impatience , to the afflictions of solicitude , to the troubles of to many cares : let my soule dy with the death of iust men ; this is a good death , and doth not take life from me , but doth change it to a better . Thus that holy and deuout Father of the workes and effects of mortification , and of his ardent loue that he had therunto . And the like I might most aboundantly shew out of other Fathers , but it were ouerlong for this place . The saying of S. Augustine vpon the former words of S. Paul is general to all men : Hoc est opus vestrum in hac vita , actiones carnis spiritu mortificare quotidie , affl●gere , minue●e , fraenare , interi●ere : This is your worke in this life , to mortify dayly the actions of the flesh , by spirit , and to afflict them , diminish them , to bridle them , and to kill them . Which sense and feeling of mortification , if M. Barlow had , and were of the same spirit , with these holy men , he would neuer seeke so many shifts to discredit the same , and to make it contemptible as he doth ; first by scorning at fastings , prayers , and a●me●●ed● , when by Hypocrites they are abused , which is nothing to the true vse , and consequently not to the purpose ; then to disgrace thē , when they are well vsed , by saying that they are bodily exercises , of small vtility ; ●hen by ●e●ting at the sackcloath , ashes , and other penances , and externall mortifications , which God himselfe in King Achab approued , and tooke in great good part ; then i●●co●ting at the state of Nunnes professing the like retired li●e of mortification ; then telling vs further that the life of Queene Elizabeth had ●ore mortification by liuing in a Court wh●re many temptations were , then in a Monastery , which he proueth out of Seneca , saying : Marcet enim ●●ne aduersario virtus : For vertue is sluggish where no aduersary is . By which consequence it followeth that it is much better , and more excellent mortificatio●s for yong Ladies and Gentlewomen , to liue in great Courts where there be store of amourous yong Knights and Gentl●men to tempt them , then to liue solitary , or retired from such Courtes and companies , where no such impugnation of the aduersary is . And this is M. Barlowes good discipline for women , which is farre different from that which S. Cyprian prescribe●h in his Booke De disciplina . & habit● Virginu● , no lesse then their two spirits are different . And lastly you see that he distracteth the word Mortification so farre , as he draweth it to all dignity and honour , and that it is mortification to be a King , Queene , or chiefe Gouernour , which are things most agreeable to mans sensuall desires , and opposite ●o mortification ; though I would easily grant , that if a man did hate and fli● such dignities in him selfe , & that they were forced vpon him ; of which sort of men S. Gregory writeth Val●è destent quòd tardè ad patriam redeunt , & tolerare insuper honoris onera copell●●ur : they do greatly bewaile that they returne slowly to their Countrey ( which is heauen ) and besides are forced to beare the burthen of honours in the meane space : Of these men I say who should so be forced against their wills to sustaine places of honour , as S. Gregory himselfe was , in taking the Popedome , to such a man it is a mortification indeed to be a King , Prince , or Pope . But this riseth not out of the dignity it selfe as M. Barlow fondly teacheth , but out of the vertuous repugnance of the receiuers will : so as if Queene Elizabeth , to come to our proper case , did vnwillingly and with repugnancy of mind take the crowne vpon her , wh●̄ Queene Mary died● as S. Gregory did his Popedome , then may it be said , that it was some mortification vnto her ; otherwise it is ridiculous to make all high dignities and places of honour , Mortification : for so much as euery man doth ordinarily feele in himselfe , an inclination of our corrupt nature to desire them , which naturally notwithstanding loueth not mortification . Moreouer , wheras there are two parts and members of mortification , the one internall , the other externall , the internall to mortifie the inward partes of our soule , both intellectuall and sensuall , as to deny a mans owne will , represse selfe loue , subdue our iudgemen● to the obedience of others , represse the passions both of pride , anger , concupiscence & the like : another part externall , that mortifieth the body and outward senses therof , making them subiect to reason by externall punishments of the body , as by fastings , watchings , and other chasticements of the same , which S. Paul testifyeth both of himselfe , and the rest of the Apostles that they praised the same , which being so , I would demaund of M. Barlow , to which of these mortifications doth a Courtly & Princely life lead vs , more then the state of a poore life . For as denying a mans owne will , it is far from Princes , to practice the same , who indeauour rather to haue their wills done , and that with reason : renunciation also of the world and subduing of their owne iudgments , seemeth not so properly to belong to that estate . And as for mortifying of passions , if they would attempt to do it , their flatterers would not suffer them , for that they would both say and sweare , that euery passion of theirs is a sound and solide vertue , and euery disordinate appetite a most iust desire . And if you passe further to externall mortification , as often fasting , much prayer , long watchings , course apparell , ●air-cloth , di●cipline , and the ●ike ; how vnfit are they for a Court , or a Court for them ? Is not soft & braue apparell , delicate diet , banqueting , dancing , masking , Comedies , loue-letters , and such other , more aggreable to that state and place ? Of the first our Sauiour himselfe testifieth , Qui mollibus vestiuntur , in domibus Regum sunt ; and for the rest that they were gratefull and familiar in Queene Elizabeth her Court , and more frequented by her selfe then the other , all men I thinke that were eye witnesses of the same will testify . Only there wanted to the world a Deuine , who by a new Theology should celebrate these Courtly exercises for good mortifications ; and now is sprong vp M. VVilliam Barlow , that hath taken the matter vpon him , & published it in print , making the very state and condition of life it selfe , of being a Prince , to be a state of mortification , and consequently also of pennance ( for that mortifications be acts of pennance ) wherof it doth ensue that Queene Elizabeths life was a penitentiall life , which is f●rre different from that store of felicity and aboundance of temporall consolation , which the Lord Cooke describeth with his Copia & Inopia , which wee shall handle afterward . And thus much of Queene Elizabeths Mortification . There followeth in my Booke a word or two of her persecutions , for that it was sayd in the Apology , first in generall , that her Maiestie neuer punished any Papist for Religion . And againe , that she was most free from all persecution . And yet further , that she neuer medled with the hard punishment of any Catholicke , nor made any rigorous law against them , before the Excom●●nication of pope Pius Quintus , which was vpon the yeare 1569. ●●d the eleuenth of her Raigne . Wherunto I answered , that for punishments , all the Catholick Cleargy of England were depriued long before this for their religion , and many , as well Laymen as Priestes put in prison for the same , and multitude of others driuen into banishment of all sortes of people , whose names Doctor Sanders setteth downe in his seauenth booke of his Visible Monarchy . The seuere lawes also against them that refused to take the Oath of supremacy , and should say or heare masse , were made long befo●e this and put in practice : so as this narration could not stand . What replyeth M. Barlow to this ? Ni●il ad Rh●●●● sayth he , the speach is here of lawes , whose payne is death . Yea Syr. And is it so ? I refer me to the wordes euen now recited out of the Apology , that her Maiestie neuer punished any Papi●●●●● Religion , that she was most free from all persecution ; doth not all & any include other punishments besides death ? Moreouer when it is sayd that she neuer made any rig●●ous lawes against Catholickes : doth this only comprehēd the lawes , whose punishment is death ? To what straites is M. Barlow driuen here ? And yet if he doe remember well the oath of Suprem●cie , he cannot but know , that the third refusall therof is also death . So as euery way the poore man is taken . OF QVEENE ELIZABETH HER FELICITIES , and infelicities . CHAP. II. AFTER this followeth another question betweene M. Barlow and me , about the felicities or infelicities of Queene Elizabeth , or rather betweene the Lord Iustice Cooke and me , who hauing vpon diuers occasions to the exprobration of Catholicke men and religion , whome she pursued in her life time , enlarged himselfe extraordinarily in her exaltation , calling her , The happie Queene , The blessed Queene , and the like : I was forced for defence of the truth , to examine somewhat the grounds of this felicitie . My words then were , That the said Lord Cooke vpon the occasion of certaine words in Pope Clements Breue , where Queene Elizabeth is named misera semina , a miserable woman ( in respect no doubt of the miseries of her soule , litle respected by her : ) vpon which wordes the Oratour triumpheth thus . What miserable ! it is sayd , that , miseria cōst●s ex duobus contrarys , copia & inopia ; copia tribulationis , & inopia consolationis , mi●erie consisteth of two contraries , of aboundance , and penury , aboundance of tribulation , & penury of consolatiō . And then he sheweth in what aboūdance of cōsolations Q. Elizabeth liued in al her life , & without wāt of all tribulation : which if it were true ; yet is it but the argument which the worldlinges vsed in the Psalme , to proue their felicitie , that their Cellars are full , their sheep fertile , their kine fat , they suffer no losse , and then , Beat●● dixeri n● populim cui●ac s●nt ; happie did they call the people that had these things . But the holy Ghost scorneth them , and so may all men do our Oratour , that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument , in so high a matter . And as for his definition of misery , by copia and inopia , store & want , it is a miserable one in deed , & neuer heard of before , I thinke , to come from any mans mouth , but his owne : it being ridiculous in Philosophy , and fit to be applyed to any thing that hath eyther store or want . As a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him , that hath store of witt , and want of folly , and a foole to be him , that hath store of folly● and want of wit : and so a rich man is he , that hath store of riches , & want of beggarie , & a poore man is he that hath store of beggarie , & penury of riches . And are not these goodly definitions ( thinke you ) for so great and graue a man to produce ? Thus passed the matter then . But now M. Barlow doth constitute himselfe Aduocate for the Iustice , and if he plead his cause well , he will deserue a good ●ee , for the cause it selfe is but weake , as presētly you will behould . The Lord Cooke ( sayth he ) who at the Arraignement of Garnet indignantly scorning that the high Priest of Rome should in a Breue of his call so great a Prince ( as Quene Elizabeth was ) Miseram F●minam , a miserable woman , by a description of miserie consisting of two contraries , want of com●ort , and plenty of tribulation , shewes by many reasons , euident and demonstratiue , that she , hauing aboundance of ioy , and no touch of affliction , but blessed with all kind of felicities , could not be called Miserable &c. In which words , I would haue you note first , that wheras here he sayth , that the Iustice shewed this , by many reasons , euident and demonstratiue , within a dozen lines after , he saith of these reasons , But if they be not concluding demonstrations , yet as least let them be probable perswasions , which is quite contrary to that which he sayd before , that they were euident and demonstratiue , so soone the man forgetteth himselfe . But to the matter it selfe , that albeit all these temporall felicities ascribed to Queene Elizabeth had bene so many , and so great , as Syr Edward affirmeth them , yet had it beene but the argument of worldlings , who in the 143. Psalme , did measure their felicity by their full Cellars , & were checked for the same by the holy Ghost , by teaching them that not , Beatus populus cui haec sunt , but beatus populus cuius Dominus Deus eius : & consequētly that Queene Elizabeth might haue these temporall felicities , and yet be truly miserable in that sense wherin Pope Clement so called her , to wit concerning the affaires of her soule , and euerlasting saluation : To this , I say , he answereth first by demanding , why temporall prosperitie may not be made an argument of Gods loue to Queene Elizabeth , and of her felicitie , for so much as it is scored vp for one of the Notes of the true Church by Cardinall Bellarmine , de Not●● Ecclesiae , Nota 15 : Whereunto I answer , that this temporall felicitie is not to our purpose , for that Pope Clement spake of her spirituall infelicitie , as hath bene shewed : and that temporall felicitie doth not infer or argue spirituall felicitie , euery man will confesse , that hath spirit to discerne it , for that the whole Scripture is ful of testimonies , that wicked men ( and consequently miserable in soule ) haue bene temporally blessed by Almighty God , made rich , powerfull , & prosperous , euen to the very affliction & scandalizing as it were of the iust and vertuous , but yet were they not happy for this , but most miserable , euen as those Israelites were , that hauing their fill of quailes in the desert sent thē from God , they had no sooner eaten them as the Scripture sayth , adhuc escae eorum erāt in ore ipsorum , & ira Dei ascendi● super 〈◊〉 , the meat was yet in their mouthes , and the wrath of God did fall vpon them . And he that shall read ouer the 72. Psalme , shall see , that it is altogeather of this matter , to wit of Dauids admiration of the wealth and prosperitie of the wicked , whose end notwithstanding he sayth to be most miserable , aestimabam vt cognoscerem hoc , labor est ante me , donec intelligam in nouissimis eorum ; deiecisti eos dum alleuarentur : I did thinke I could haue vnderstood this matter , but it is harder then I imagined , vntil I cōsidered their ends ; thou hast depressed them whiles they were exalted . So sayd our Sauiour to the rich man , recepisti bona in vita tua , thou hast receiued good in thy life , and note , sayth S. Bernard , that he sayeth recepisti , non rapuisti , thou receiuedst them , and diddest not get them by force , and yet notwithstanding did he infer , that therefore he was now tormented in hell , which he would not haue sayd , if temporall prosperitie had bene a good argument of spirituall happinesse and felicitie . And as for that he obiecteth out of Cardinall Bellar●ine his making temporall felicitie in those Princes that defend the same to be a Note of the true Church ; first it is not to our purpose , as hath bene said , for that we affirme Pope Clement when he called Queene Elizabeth , Miserable , meant of spirituall miserie , which is not contrary to Bellarmines speach : for he doth not argue , that euery one of those temporall Princes that had prosperous successe in the warres vndertakē for defēce of the Church were happie also spiritually for those temporal felicities ; but that Almighty God hauing an intention to preserue his true visible Catholike Church from age to age , to the worlds end , did prosper those Princes that fought for the same ; by which prouidence and concourse of Almighty God , togeather with the cooperation of the said Catholike Princes , she hath bene conserued from the Apostles times to ours : and all other enemies , as well Heretiks as Infidells , haue bene dispersed , vanquished , and ouerthrowne : which is an argument amongst others , that this only Church is the true Catholike Church , to endure vnto the worlds end , for so much as this only , by Gods particuler prouidence hath bene thus defended , which is the true meaning of Cardinall Bellarmines drift , and whole discourse in that place . Now vnto the other about the speach of worldlings in the 143. Psalme . M. Barlow wil needs haue the words of worldlings , applauding their own felicity in this Psalme , by the beauty & prosperity of their Children , their full Cellars , fertill sheep , and fat kyne , to be true signes of felicity indeed , as sent from God to testifie his loue towards them , & that D●●id did writ all this in his own person , giuing thanks to God for those present temporall blessings : and that the check or reprehension giu●n by the holy-Ghost in the last words , happy is the people whose Lord is Almighty God , was not a reproofe of the sentence imediatly going before , happy they esteemed the peo●le that haue these prosperities , but rather a confirmation of the same . And for some points of this exposition he alleageth 2. or 3. expositours of our time , as Flami●i●● , Genebrard , and Arias M●ntanus in their Paraphrases vpon this Psalme , who albeit vpon some wordes of the H●brew text , somewhat different from the Greeke translation of the Septuagint , do make some exposition not altogeather agreeing with our common latin translation , which in this followeth the said Septuagint : yet are they far from agreeing also with M. Barlowes exposition . Whatsoeuer they say by occasion of this difference betweene the Hebrews , as now it is found , and the translation of the sayd Septuagi●ta made 400. yeares before the Natiuity of our Sauiour , and vsed commonly to be cited by the Apostles themselues in the allegation of the old Testament ; most certayne it is that the anciēt Fathers vnderstood the sense of this Psalme as we do now : for proofe wherof I might alleadge many places out of their Commentaries and Expositions , but S. Augustine shall serue for all , who expounding this part of the sayd Psalme , Erue me de manufiliorum alienorum , deliuer me out of the hands of strange children , whole mouth hath spoken vanity , he expoundeth what this vanity is to wit , that they measuring happines by worldly prosperities , faire Children , full butteries , & the like , did make this inference , Blessed are the people that haue these commodities , and were checked for the same by the Prophet , saying , Happy is the people whose God is their Lord. I shall se● downe S. Augustines discourse some what at large , for the better satisfaction of the Reader in this point , for that M. Barlow is not ashamed to charge me with the peruerting of Scriptures , and laying a slanderous imputation vpon the holy-Ghost himselfe . Thus then he writeth . Nunc ergo exponat quod dicit , Quorum os loquutum est vanitate● &c. Now then let the Prophet explayne vnto vs , that which he saith , that their mouth spake vanity : what vanity did their mouth speake ? That their children were new plants , well established in their youth , he intendeth to reckon vp their felicities : but be you attent that be children of light , the sonnes of peace : attend you children of the Church , members of Christ : stand you attent whome he calleth strangers , whome he calleth forraine Children ; attend I beseech you , for that amongst these men you liue in perill &c. Be you attent that you may discerne them : be you attent , that you thinke not the felilicity that they desire , to be the true felicity . Behould what is the vanity which their mouth speaketh : take heed least you speake the like . And take he●d that you speaking the like , do not imitate them , whose mouth speaketh such vanity , and their right hand is the right hand of iniquity . What vanity hath their mouth spoken ? And what right hand of theirs is the right hand of iniquity ? Harken : VVhose children , say they , are new plants , established in their youth , their Daughters faire , and adorned to the simili●ude of a Church , their butteries full , their sheep ●ertill , their kine sat &c. And what shall we say ? Is not this felicity ? I demaund you children of the kingdome of heauen : I demaund you , that are borne to euerlasting resurrection : I demaund you , that are the body of Christ , the members of our Sauiour , the temple of God , is not this happines to haue these things ? The holy Patri●●ches had good part therof , and shall we not call it felicity ? Sit licèt : sed sinistra : quid est sinistra ? temporalis , mortalis , corporalis , 〈◊〉 illam ●am diffugi●s , sed neque dextram putes . Let it be counted felicity , but it is left-handed felicity : what is left-handed felicity ? temporall , mortall , corporall , which I do not perswade you to fly , but that you do not esteeme it right-handed felicity , as strange children do , and therfore it is sayd of them , dextra corum , dextra iniquitatis , their right hand , is the right hand of iniquity : for that they placed on their right hand that , which they should haue put on the left &c. And then finally comming to the conclusion of the Psalme , and to handle the check giuen by the holy Ghost for this mistaking , and misnaming this felicity , he saith● I doe then reprehend these strang erring children , for that their daughters be faire , their butteries full , and the like , sed quare ●os arguo ? quia , Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt . O l●q●entis hominis vanitatem ! Wherfore then doe I reprehend them ? For that they say , that the people are happy , that haue these things . O speakers of vanity ! They said that the people were happy , that had these things , ô maligni , ô vaniloqui , ô filij alieni ! Beatum dixerunt , cui haec sunt . O malicious and vaine speaking men , o strange children ! they named that people happy that had these things : that which was at the left hand , they placed at the right , they call the people happy that had these things . But what dost thou say King Dauid ? What saist thou , o body of Christ ? o members of our Sauiour , you that are Children of God , and not aliens , what say you ? Beatus populus cuius Dominus Deus ipsius , happy is the people that haue God for their Lord. Thus farre S. Augustine . Wherby may be seene his sense , & the sense of the whole Christian Church in his dayes about the meaning of this Psalme , which he sayth I corrupted by my exposition , although it were no other then this of S. Augustine , as you haue seene . And if you would see other Fathers to the same sense , you may read S. Hierome in his Commentary vpon the first Chapter of the Prophet Habacuc , where he reciteth these temporall prosperities , as vanities bestowed vpon the wicked . Arnobius also in his Cōmentary vpon the Psalmes , after hauing mentioned the sayd temporall prosperities bestowed vpon the wicked , cōclude●● thus : Dicant ●rgo incroduli &c. Let the faithlesse say then , Blessed is the people that hath aboundance of worldly prosperities , but let vs say with the Prophet , that people to be happy who haue God for their Lord. And these are Fathers of the Latyn Church . And if we looke into the Fathers of the Greeke Church , we shall find the same con●ent , for the meaning of this place . As for example , S. Basil hauing touched the vanity of this temporall felicity , he putteth downe the reiection therof made by the Prophet : Alij quidem , inquit , beat●● talia habentes , ego verò beatum populum iudico , cuius Dominus De●●est . The Prophet sayth , that other men do call them blessed that haue these temporall commodities , but I , sayth he , iudge those people to be happy that haue God for their Lord. With S. Basil agreeth S. Chrysostome in his Commentary vpon this place of the Psalme , where expresly he sayth , that the Prophet Dauid spake these words , quorum fil●j sicut nouella plantationes in inuentutē sua , and the rest , according to the opinion of the vulgar sort , and that he himselfe was of a contrary opinion , not holding them for happy , who possessed those things , but that people only , cuius Dominus Deus ●ius : who haue God for their Lord. Theodoret also in his Commentary vpon the 72. Psalme expoundeth these words in the same sense . They call the people happy that had these things , for that being deuoyd of truth , they were not able to discerne the nature of things , but did measure happynes by their delights , wealth , and power , and so did affirme them to be happy , that had these things : but those that are studious of truth , do say with the Prophet , Happy is the people whose Lord is Almighty God. And according to this writeth Euthymius in his Commentary . Many men ( sayth he ) do esteeme that people happy which haue this visible aboundance of temporall goods , which erroneous opinion of the vulgar sort King Da●id hauing mentioned , he reiecteth the same , and setteth downe a better , and more true sentence , saying , Blessed is the people whose Lord is their God. By all which places and many more that might be alleadged , M. Barlow in his interpretation of this place of Scripture is conuinced to be one of those fily alieni , alient children , wherof the Prophet speaketh : and I am freed from that fond calumniation of his , wherby he sayth that I haue slaundered the holy Ghost , by writing , that the holy Ghost did scorne this argument of worldlings , who say , That the people is happy , that haue these temporall prosperities . For you must note that M. Barlow comming to answere my former speach before set downe , he maketh a flourish , saying : That my answere consisteth of three poyntes , first a shifting euasion , secondly a false interpretation of the Psalme , thirdly a slaunderous imputation of the holy Ghost . The euasion , he saith , consisteth in that I did hou●d , that outward prosperities are no necessary arguments of Gods loue and fauour , and consequently neyther in Queene Elizabeth . The false interpretatiō of the Psalme you haue now heard , to be the interpretation of S. Augustine , S. Hierome , S. Basil , S. Chrysostome , and others now mentioned . The slaunderous imputatiō vpon the holy Ghost , that he scorneth at such inferences , is proued by the same , to be no slaunderous imputation , but a true assertion . And if the word , scorne , do seeme vnto him vnworthy of the holy Ghost , let him remember the words of the Psalmist talking of such men : qui habitat in caelis irridebit eos , & Dominus subsannabit eos , he that sits in heauen shall deride them , and our Lord shall laugh them to scorne : where you see both the words , irridere & subsānare in one verse : & yet further in another place : Dominus autem irridebit eum● quo●iā prospicit quòd ●eniet dies eius . And our Lord shall scorn him because he forseeth that this day of ruyne shall come . And in another place talking of Christ , as some interpret it , he sayth , they shall see him , and contemne him , and God shall scorne them . And yet further the same spirit saith to the like men , Ego in interi●u vestro ridebo , & subsannabo , I will laugh and scorne at your destruction : & this in words , but in fact when God Almighty said of the wicked man , miseriamur impio , & n●● discet iustitiam : let vs haue mercy vpon the wicked man , & he shall not learne iustice : was not this a scorne ? For it followeth straight , he shall not see the glory of God. What mercie was this when Christ also recounteth in the Ghospell , the speach of the rich man , that tould how his barnes were full , and much riches layd vp for many yeares , and therfore bid his soule be merry , and our Sauiour calling him foole , for his great prouidence , aduertised him , that , that night he would take his soule from him : was not this a scornefull speach against them , that so much esteeme the beatitude of temporall felicity ? So as here also M. Barlow is found minus habens . But now to come to the solemne definition of misery , by copia & inopia deuised by the Lord Cooke , and patronized by this his Champion and Chaplin , out of which he would proue , that Queene Elizabeth was not misera femina , as Pope Clement called her in his Breue , for that misery , as he saith , co●si●●eth o● ●ro contraries , aboundance , and penury : aboundance of t●ibulation , and penury of consolation , which , sayth he , was not in Queene Elizabeth , but rather the contrary , for that she had perpetuall store of consolations , and penury of tr●bulations &c. wherunto I then said , that this definition of misery was miserable indeed , nor euer as I suppose heard of before , as ridiculous in Philosophy , and fit to be applied to any thing that hath eyther store or want , as a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him that hath store of wit , and penury of folly ; and a foole to be him that hath store of folly , & penury of wit , and so in all other things : wherunto I add now , that it wanteth the chiefe points of a good definition or description , to wit , genus , & differentia , or at leastwise genus & accidentia propria , that may distinguish the thing defined from all other things , neque co●uertitur cum definito , as Logicke prescribeth , ●or that a man may haue store of a●●lic●ions , and penury of consolations , as Iob had , and yet not be miserable , but happy : & contrariwise one may haue store of temporall consolations , and penury of afflictions , as had the rich glutton , and yet not be happy . And againe wheras a definition should speake clearly , and simply without doubtfulnes or equiuocation ; this doth not , but quite contrariwise speaketh equiuocately , being apt to be vnderstood eyther of temporall or spirituall misery , which is a great defect in the law of a definition , or good description ; for that by this fault , here it commeth to passe , that wheras Pope Clement called Queene Elizabeth miseram Feminā , a miserable woman , in respect of the misery of her soule , as being cut of from the Catholike Church . Syr Edward Cooke argueth that she had no temporall misery , which supposing it were true , yet doth it prooue nothing against spirituall misery , wherof only Pope Clement spake , and consequently was nothing to the purpose . Yea ●urther , if Syr Edward had distinguished as he should haue done betwee●e tempora●l and spirituall misery , and had defined the same distinctly and seuerally , yet had not this definition agreed punctually to eyther of them . For if you talke of spirituall consolations or desolations of the mind , then is it euident by all spi●ituall writers , that aboundāce of sensible consolations with want of desolatiō or affliction of mind ( which oftentimes euill men haue or at least wise such as are lesse perfect in vertue ) maketh not a man spiritually happy : nor on the contrary part aboundance of inward and spirituall tribulations , doth allwayes make the party miserable ; for then King Dauid should haue beene also spiritually miserable , when so often he crieth out of the desolations o● mind , & afflictiōs of spirit , which he suffered as layd vpon him for his great triall , merit , and glory : as when he sayd , aquae intrauerun● vsque ad animam meam , floudes of wa●er haue entred euen into my very soule , meaning thereby the waues and wat●rs of spirituall tribulations . And the like doth S. Paul himself when he vttered those words of compassion concerning his internall afflictions , saying : supra modum grauati sumus , supra virtutem , ita vt tederet nos etiam viuere , wee were pressed aboue measure , and aboue our power to beare it , so as wee were weary of our life , and it loathed vs to liue . And all the Apostles generally : Et nos ipsi primiti●● spiritus habentes , & ipsi intra nos geminus &c. wee that haue receiued the first fruites of God his spirit , we doe mourne & groane within our selues : so as here Syr Edward did misse in his spirituall Theologie . Nay nor yet doth this definition by copia and i●opia hold in temporall consolations themselues , wherein he notwithstanding hath had more occasions of better skill by experience , for that neyther in them is it true that a man may measure temporall felicity by temporall aboūdance , nor misery by their want , for he that taketh no comfort by his aboūdance , or delighteth therein , cannot be sayd to be happy temporally by the sayd aboundance , and he that loueth mediocrity , or voluntary pouerty , and hath need of no more then he possesseth , is temporally also rich : by all which is s●ene , that the Lord Cookes definition of misery by copia & inopia , was very defectuous . Let vs see now , how his Champion defendeth him . First he entreth with a great flourish , that he will defend the definition by Poetry , Philosophy , Diuinity , & cases of Conscience . But as commonly it falleth out , when M. Barlow would make any great o●tentation of his learning , he then most betraveth his ignorance , and rusheth vpon matters that he vnderstandeth not whereof he speaketh : soe here both the poore man stumbleth at the very entrance , and misseth as it were in the very termes themselues , especially about Philosophy , Diuinity , and Cases of Conscience , as presently shall appeare . But fi●st wee must note what obligation he hath to proue , and how far forth he performeth that obligation . I sayd in my reprehension of the Lord Cookes definition , by copia & inopia , that it was defectuous in Philosophy , as fit to be applied to any thing that had store or want : what is the defendant bound to proue ? no doubt but that it is a good definition , according to the lawes of Philosophy both in forme and matter : and if he proue this , by any one of his foure wayes , or by altogeather , I shall confesse , that he hath performed the office of a good aduocate , but indeed he proueth it by neyther way , but only sheweth that copia and inopia may be found in one subiect , in respect of different things , which no man euer denied , for it were great folly to say that a man may not haue good apparell , and an empty stomacke , and another time to haue a full stomacke & want of apparell , and so in all other matters : whereof M. Barlow giueth examples first out of Poetry , as of Tantalus , Narcissus , & others that had copiam & inopiam , and were miserable thereby , which I deny not , or is it the point that he should proue , concerning a good definition , quae conuertitur cum re definita , and hath the other conditions before mentioned . From Poetry then he passeth to Philosophy , saying , that if I had read Epictetus in his Euchiridion , and those that doe comment vpon him , I should find it a Philosophicall conclusion , that those two contraries , ( copia and inopia ) doe make the greatest misery , when a man possesseth much & yet desireth more . Whereto I answere first , that although it be a Philosophicall conclusion , as well with Epictetus , as other morall Philosophers , that this is a misery : yet doe not they make it the definition of misery , for that there be many other miseries besides this . And secondly though Epictetus doe call it a kind of misery to possesse much and desire more , yet not the greatest misery , as M. Barlow doth , for it is a greater misery , by his leaue , to haue nothing at all , & to desire very much , then to haue good store , and to desire more . As for example , if M. Barlow himselfe should haue had an ardēt desire from his youth to be Archbishop of Canterbury , euen while he was a scholler in Cambridge , and had no preferment , and should continue the same desire now , I doe not thinke that he will deny , but that it is lesse misery to desire and expect the same now , being already well furnished with the wealth of a good Bishopricke , then to haue expected the same with like ardent desire in his pouerty , and consequently it is not the greatest misery , when a man possesseth much , and desireth more . And this for his Philosophy : now let vs see his Diuinity . And then ( quoth he ) in Diuinity King Salomō no meane Philosopher , found that to bee afflictionem pessimam , a most vexing misery , as any vnder the sunne , when with satiety of ric●es , which implieth plenty , there is ioyned an insatiable eye , which argues want . Here now M. Barlow beginneth to shew confusion , and not to vnderstand well the true distinction of these sciences . In Diuinity , sayth he , King Salomon no meane Philosopher found . How did he find it ? by Diuinity or Philosophy ? ●or here he nameth both : and if Salomon found it by Diuinity , what needed M. Barlow to add that he was no meane Philosopher ? & if it be true which he writeth in the very precedent lines , that it is a Philosophicall conclusion , that the greatest misery is when a man possesseth much and desireth more ; then is this second conclusion , that it is a vexing misery , with satiety of riches , to haue an in●atiate eye or desire , a Philosophicall conclusion also ( which is the very self same that was set downe before : ) and consequently if that was a Philosophicall cōclusion , then can it not be properly Theologicall , for that one and the selfe same proposition cannot belonge to two different sciences sub eadem ratione formali , to wit Philosophy and Diuinity . For that Philosophy considereth her obiect according to light , & direction of naturall reason , Diuinity as it is reueyled from God and referred to God , as vnto the supernaturall & last end of all creatures , wherof M. Barlow making no mention , nor vnderstanding the difference as it seemeth , maketh the self same proposition to be both Philosophical & Theologicall , and that vnder the selfe same considerations , which is most absurd . And if he say that wee doe grant it to be a conclusion Philosophicall , & that he proueth it to be Theologicall , or appertayning to Diuinity , for that it is in the Scriptures vttered by Salomon , I answere , that euery proposition found in the Scripture is not of his owne nature Theologicall , or appertayning to Diuinity , for that it is neyther of truth reueyled not deduced from reueyled principles , nor hath reference to God , as he is the formall obiect of Diuinity , but may be in it selfe Philosophicall , and knowne by light of reason , as wee haue sayd of this proposition , that it is a kinde of misery to possesse much and desire more , which not only the Heathen Philosophers , but euery man commonly by naturall light of reason will discerne , and consequently M. Barlow though he straine the Scripture , therby to draw some semblance of proofe from the same , as you haue seene , yet doth he not proue it at all : and this third way of Diuinity is lesse then nothing . But of all other his fourth & last way by Cases of Conscience is notable . Let vs heare his words : And euen in cases of conscience , saith he , were they not those two contraries , plenty of good desires in S. Paul to do well , but want of ability to perform those desires , that made him to cry out , miser ego homo , miserable man that I am ? To which question I answere , that true it is , that S. Paul complaineth in that place that he found a great fight and repugnance as other men do , betwene the law of his flesh ( or stirring of concupi●●ence ) and the law of his mind . Which if M. Barlow will call copia & inopia , he may draw any thing to the Lord Cookes definition : euen when as a man and his wife do fall out , there is copia commonly and inopia also , for he shal be sure to haue copia of ill words , and inopia of peace and quietnes , and therby also some misery . But I would very gladly know why M. Barlow calleth this the doctrine of Cases of conscience , as if it were a distinct thing from Diuinity ( for otherwise it would not be his fourth way of proofe ? ) where as we hould the said doctrine of Cases of Consciēce to be an essentiall part of Diuinity it selfe , to wit the morall part , that resolueth doubts of Conscience in practice : as for example when there ariseth some doubt about Vsury , Restitution , Matrimony , or the like , what in Conscience may be done , and what not , in this or that case , the matter is resolued by this part of Diuinity . But what is this to the example of S. Pauls conflict betweene sense and reason , flesh and spirit , alleaged by M. Barlow ? had the Apostle any doubt or scruple of Conscience therin what he had to thinke or do , about these rebellions of the fl●sh ● I thinke not ; he said it was a misery to suffer them against his will , but doubted nothing whether they were to be resisted or no , by the help of Gods grace which assisted him in that combate , and gaue him the victory according to the promise of his Maister made vnto him , Sufficit ti●i gr●tia mea , my grace is sufficient for thee to get the conquest in this case . Wherfore M. Barlow to frame an argument vpon this place of S. Paul for his copia and inopia , hath as much ground , as if he had founded the same vpon Syr Thomas Mores Vtopia . OTHER POINTS concerning Queene Elizabeths Felicities , or Infelicities . §. II. VVE haue seene by that which hath hitherto bene sayd how vayne and feeble the argument hath bene to proue that Queene Elizabeth was happy in this life in regard of her temporall felicities , which the Lord Cooke reciteth in these words among many other as before we haue noted . She was so miraculously prot●cted by God ( saith he ) so strengthned , and ●ortifyed , as she did beat her most potent enemy , did set vp a King in his Kingdome , defended nations , harboured distr●ssed people , and the like . Vnto which argument besides the other reasons and proofes which I before opposed , I did sh●w out of Ieremy the Prophet the vanitie of this argument , by a notable example of King Nabuchodonosor , much more power●ull then Queene Elizabeth was , which Nabuchodonosor receiued euen from God himselfe , greater worldly prosperity and consolations then these , and was called by God , Seruus meu● Nabuchodonosor , my seruant Nabuchodonosor , & greatly aduanced , protected , and made powerful ouer his enemies for a time , and to punish , afflict and chas●i●e the people of God himselfe , and yet was he not happy but miserable therby : and so might be Queene Elizabeth , though she preuailed against Catholicke Princes , and people abroad , and was permitted to afflict her Catholicke people at home , wherby was cōuinced that this argumet of worldly prosperity ● though it were manifest that it came directly from God himselfe , yet doth it not infer any true happines at all . And hath the Chāpion M. Barlow any thing to reply for his Lord in this ? no truly but granting my proofe to be substantiall , as taken from the Scripture it selfe , he runneth to othe● impertinent matter of dissimilitude , betweene Q. Elizabeth , & Nabuchodonosor , as that he had no successour , but the Queene hath &c. which is not the question in hand , nor was the comparison made in this , and moreouer in it selfe is false . For that Nabuchodonoso●s sonne called Euilmero●●th succeeded him , and after him againe Baltazar , which seemeth to haue bene fortold by the Prophet Ieremy c. 27. saying : Seruient ci ones gentes● & filio eius , & filio f●l● eius . All nations shall serue Nabuchodonosor , and his sonne , and his sonnes sonne . In which respect Nabuchodonosor was much more happy thē Q. Elizabeth who left no such issue to succeed her , and therefore the place alleadged by M. Barlow o●t of Isay , Ex quo dormisti &c. since thou wert dead none came in thy place to cut vs vp , by graue Authors is vnderstood of Baltazar the last King of that race , for to the former it cannot wel be applyed , whose sonne and nephew after his death kept them wellnigh forty yeares in captiuity , and they were not deliuered till after the death of Baltazar , by Cyrus , who with Darius ouerthrew him and succeded him : by which you may see how well M. Barlow pleadeth for Queene Elizabeths● happines● And all this was spoken against the infe●ence of true felicity , supposing that Queene Elizabeths dayes had beene so aboundant and affluent in all kinde of temporall prosperities , as the flattery of these Orators would haue it seme , & that her selfe had such copia of consolations , and inopia of tribulations , as the Lord Cooke describeth . But for proofe that this was not so , the●e were many par●iculer poynts touched , which did shew that her temporall consolations were mingled also with desolations , her prosperity with aduersities , her ioyes many tymes with griefe , as for example the circum●tances of her natiuity , the declaration made against her by her owne Father , as well in the putting to death her Mother with note of incontinency , togeather with so many adulterers punished with her , as also a●terward the same declaratiō made more authentically in publike Parlament , her disgraces passed a●terward againe in the time of King Edward , & her contemptible reiection by the setters vp of Queene Iane , her pe●ills in Queene Maries time by the cutting off of her best friendes , whereby she was forced to a deepe dissimulation in religion , that could not be but afflictiue vnto her , her feares and doub●s in the beginning of her owne raigne , what would follow by change of religion , the pretence of the King of Fr●●●● known to be in hand , for his wiues succession immediatly after Queene Mary , her frights by the Duke of Norfolke , & Earles rising i● the North , & a great Counsell of the chi●fest Nobility held at London against her , and in fauour of the Queene of Scotland , which then ●he was not able to resist , if it had gone forward : her publike excommunication , and depriuation by two or three Popes , which could no● but bring sollicitude with it , her doubtfu●nes about ma●iing , being pre●sed on the one side by the sollicitatiō of her Kingdome for hope of succession , and held backe on the other side by certayne desirs of designements of her owne & her fauorites , her intricate reckonings with her sayd fauorits from time to time , as Pickering , Dudley , Hatton , Packi●gton , Rawley , and Essex , among whome the two Earles became in the end to be dredfull vnto her , her ielousy and feares conce●ned not only of forraine Princes , whome she had deepely offended with raising their subiects and maintayning them against them , but of domesticall inhabitants likewise , especially of Priestes , Iesuits and Se●in●ry●men , who were painted out to her to be such dangerous people , togeather with the Catholickes , that vsed their helpes in matters for their soules , as she neuer ceased to add lawes vnto lawes against them all , and against all vse of Catholicke religion , wherunto her selfe had sworne , and voluntarily protested in Queene Maries dayes . And not only this , but breaking also into bloud , for these imagined terrors , shee put to death publickly aboue an hundred and thirty anointed Priests , only for hatred of their order and profession , togeather with many other afflicted in pri●ons , others sent into banishment , by forty , fifty , yea seauenty , at a time . She put to death also both the nearest in kinred , and dearest in affection , that she had on earth , as was her Maiestie of Scotlnd , and the Earle of Essex , the guilt of which proceeding lying vpon her conscience , did so trouble her for diuets yeares before her death , as was pittifull , but her death it selfe more pittifull , in dying without sense , feeling , or mention of God , as diuers do report , that do pretend to know the same most certainly . I should be glad with like or greater certainty to know th● contrary , for I take compassion of her state with all my hart . And this is in effect the summe and substance of that which was spoken before , concerning the interruptions and interpellations of Queene Elizabeths temporall ioyes and comfort , which Syr Edward Cooke , & M. Barlow do make to be so singular , and absolute . And what reply is now made ( thinke you ) to all this ? Truly nothing at all to the purpose in hand : for that one of these two poynts should be shewed , eyther that these things are not so , or that they do nothing at all impeach Queene Elizabeth● tēporall felicity , and store of con●olations ; but neither of these is proued , what then ? You shall heare : first he runneth againe into an extreme rage of rayling and reuiling , and scolding as it were a tip-toe , inforcing his whole answere with the most contumelio●s speach that he can deuise : but to this is extant his own answere in print , out of Seneca , which he alleageth in the Preface of his Sermon at Paul● Crosse , against his Maister the Earle of Essex , Vt quisque est ●●ntemptissimus , ita soluti●●ima lingua ●●t . As each man is more contemptible then others , so is he more lewd & loose in his tongue . Then he chafeth intemperatly , that any thing should be sayd or writtē against Queene Elizabeth after her death , and her● he dilateth himselfe very largely for lacke of better matter vpon that common place , that the rulers of the people are not to be spoken euill of , specially after their death : for which he citeth both Scriptures , and prophane authors ( I follow not his order in this , but the con●exion rather of the matter ) and will proue them to be both hoggs aud doggs out of Aristophanes , Pliny , Sophocles and other Authors , that do reuile the dead . But to this obiection also I will put his owne answere , in his foresaid Sermō against the E●rle of Essex , where hauing made the same obiectiō again●t himselfe , for speaking euill of the said Earle after his death , as he doth now against me for calling to memory some of Queene Eli●abeths affaires , his answere in his owne words is this . But dearely beloued , there is a difference in faults of men as in diseases , some onely are hurtfull to the parties themselues , some loathsome and infectious to others ; the first are to be buried with their bodies , & forgotten , but the other will annoy , and therfore must be remembred after death . In Scripture some Kinges that were vicious , had their faultes touched euer after their buriall , but no more , yet some are neuer named in Scripture , but their sinne is branded vpon their name , as often you may see of ●eroboam neuer mentioned , but presently addeth the sonne of Nebat , which made Israell to sinne . This was the mans answer at that time , for that it serued for his purpose , & the same may serue me now against him : for if the case of Ieroboam that made Israell to sinne , might be applied to the Earle of ●ssex , that was of their owne religion , and changed nothing therein so far as is knowne , and was but a priuate person : how much more may the same be applyed to Queene Elizabeth , that indeed brought in that fatall diuision and new worship of Ieroboam into her Kingdome , which she found quiet & vnited with the rest of Christendome in the knowne Catholicke fayth of Christs Church ? But saith M. Barlow , reproaches are vttered eyther for repr●ose to amend , or for vexation to grieue the parties calumniated , both which endes doe cease in death . Whereunto I answere , that if they be reproches , and contumelyes indeed without truth ( wherof M. Barlowes tongue and pen are ful● ) they serue to neyther of these ends , but principally to shew the wiked mind of the vtterer : but if they be true , as those things are which I haue touched concerning Q. Elizabeth her infelicities , ●hē albeit they be vttered to none of these two foolish ends mentioned by M. Barlow , eyther to amend , or vex the dead , yet are they recorded to warne & instruct them that are aliue , by shewing Gods iustice vpon sinne , his prouidence , his power , and his care to feare men by terror of euerlasting in●amy from the like offences , & many other such holy ends : for the which in Scripture it is a most common & ordinary thing to heare the sinnes of wicked Princes repeated and reiterated after death , M. Barlow himselfe cannot deny it . I did further add also in my former Letter the example of diuers ancient Fathers , as Iustinus Martyr● Irenaeus , Tertullian , and others , who to comfort the afflicted Christians in theyr dayes , and to honour more the cause for which they suffered , did put them in mind what manner of p●ople and Princes their first persecutors were , as namely Nero and Domitian , what life they led , what end they made , and that indeed they were ●it instruments to be the first actors in such a worke , which I applying to Queene Elizabeth , sayd that the like obseruation and comparison might be made , she being the strangest woman that euer perhaps liued , for diuers admirable circumstances before touched , and the very first absolutely of that sex eyther Christened , or created , that tooke vpon her Supreme Power in Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters &c. Wherunto M. Barlow comming to answere , and hauing nothing at all to say to the purpose , doth so childishly trifle , as is most ridiculous , telling vs first , that if the Papists may comfort themselues , for that they haue bene beaten by a woman , then may the diuell comfort himselfe also that a woman is prophesied in Genesis , according to our interpretation to breake his head : Sysera also the Captaine may glory that he was ouerthrowne by a woman . But this is trifling● for I doe not say simply by a woman , but by such a woman as neuer was the like , in diuers points of enormity against C●th●lic●● religion , and therin was the Fathers obseruations of enormous manners of Nero and Domitian , and not in the sex , as they were men . Secondly he sayth , that diuers Popes were more like to Nero and Domitian , then Queene Elizabeth : but this is also trifling . For neyther is the matter proued , & if it could be , yet doth it not improue my comparison , as it was some comfort to the ancient afflicted Catholickes to consider what manner of Princes they were that first began most sharpe persecution against them : so might English Catholickes doe by consideration of the person of Queene Elizabeth that first of all women persecuted them in England , and with inspeakable monstrosity made her selfe Head of the Church . Thirdly he sayth about this matter , that heauen and hell ar● not more different , then those Christian martyrs of the Primitiue Church , from these later of English Papists : for they , sayth he , acknowledged the Emperors supremacy independant vpon any but God , prayed for them seriously both lyuing and dying &c. But this now is more then trifling , for it seemeth to me meere madnes to say , that ancient Christian martyrs vnder Nero and Domi●ian did acknowledge those Emperours Supremacy independant vpon any but God , which inferreth to my vnderstanding , that they acknowledged them for Supreme Heade● of the Catholicke Church in those dayes , for so signifieth the worde Supremacy in the controuersy betweene vs : and the wordes immediatly following , independant vpon any b●● God , doe seeme playnely to confirme the same , as doth also the comparison and contrariety it selfe , which hee putteth betweene those old Martyrs , and ours . For if he had meant of temporall Supremacy there had not bene any difference , or contrariety betweene them . For ●hat our Martyrs also doe acknowledge temporall Supremacy to Kings and Princes though not spirituall , which inferreth that M. Barlow ascribing more to the ancient Martyrs vnder Nero and Domitian , must needes meane , that they held them ●or Heades of their Church , euen in spirituall & Ecclesia●ticall a●fayres , although they were Pagans : and ●oe consequently might , and ought to repayre to them in matters of controuersy about Christian Religion , and were ●ound to follow their direction therein . And if this be not more then trifling , especially for a Prelate to vtter● I leaue to the discreet Reader to consider . But now let vs see briesely some of his answers to the points before rehearsed of Queene Elizabeths life and death . First he sayth to the note about her birth and disgrace by her Father and Parlament , that the Scriptures are not soe Censorious , for God himselfe mislikes the Prouerb that it should be sayd , the fathers did eat sower grapes , and the childrens ●eeth were sett on edge ; but this is folly : for I alleadged it not as a sinne of hers , for the sinne was her fathers and mothers , but as some disgrace in temporall felicity . Then he telleth vs , that in some places the ciuill Lawes doe permit some bastards to succeed . Item that she shewed well by her courage , and other Princely qualities , that she was King Henries daughter . Item that her selfe did so far cōtemne those slaunders published in print , as shee would neuer consent to haue them cleared , but rather scorned them . Item that Queene Mary also was disinabled by Parlament in her fathers dayes &c. And are not these strong argumentes to proue his purpose , to wit , that this proceeding of the Parlament and declaration made against her , was no temporall disgrace ? Albeit for so much as belongeth to Queene Mary , all men doe know that her case was far different , for that Queene Mar●es mother was neuer noted for incontinency , and much lesse so many adulterers put to death with her , as might be doubted whose daughter she was . To the difficulties she had in King Edwards daies both in respect of the Admirall Seymer put to death for loue-matters towards her , and the like , he sayth in effect nothing , but breaketh forth into a fi●t of rage about the whore of Babylon her Philira , and loue-drugs , whereof this fellow can frame a common place to intertayn● him selfe for lacke of other matter . Of the time also of Queene 〈◊〉 he speaketh nothing . About her lawes , and cruell proceedings towardes Catholickes , he intertayneth himselfe some what longer , but no more to the purpose , then in the rest . For first he sayth that the sorest punishment for the first twelue yeares w●s commitment to Bishops and Deanes houses , and some of them to prisons , where they lay as warme and waxed as fatt as in theyr owne houses . And this now hath no need of answer , but that if M. Barlow be not yet fa● , this were a good way to feed him , by lying in prison as they did , for some yeares , which is thought will neuer be for Religion , come what Religion there will. Secondly he sayth , that ●or the subsequent yeares , he yeeldeth , that there was more rigour vsed , death being deseruedly drawne on ( to vse his words ) by the merit of treason , whervnto Religion was made but a stawking-horse , and then citeth S. Augustine in defence of the Christian Emperours lawes against heretickes . But first he doth not proue , or euer shall be able , any such demerit of treason to haue drawne on this rigour , but only by calumniation , which indeed is and hath beene the persecutors stawking-horse , to deceiue the simple , pretending one thing for another , thereby to oppresse the innocent : and secondly S. Augustine alloweth indeed and commendeth the Lawes of Catholike Emperours made for the temporall punishment of Heretickes , a●ter they were condemned by the Church . But what Church was that ? And what Catholicke Religion , for defence wherof those Catholicke Princes in S. Augustines dayes did make those lawes so commended by him ? Was it the Protestant Church ? And was the Religion thereof the Protestant religion , or ours ? Will M. Barlow ioyne with me in this , which of our two Churches and Religions haue descended visibly from S. Augustins Church and religiō vnto our dayes ? Can he deny that S. Augustins Church taught Purgatory , Prayer to Sayntes , Prayer for the dead , Mas●e and Sacrifice for the li●ing & dead , and many other articles now in controuersy betweene vs ? Dare he stand to this triall out of S. Augustines workes themselues ? And if he dare not ( as I know he dareth not , nor will euer accept thereof ) why doth he here prattle out of S. Augustine , as though if he were now aliue agayne , he would allow the lawes of Protestant Princes made against that religion and Church which himselfe defended while he was lyuing ? This then is another absurd shift of M. Barlow to delude his Reader . But there followeth another if not more absurd , yet at least lesse shamefast , for that the malice is more apparent . Father Persons , sayth he , who in the Preface of one of his Legends , commendeth Queene Elizabeth for her moderate gouerment , & that was in the last yeare of herraigne : and yet by the way , for the mans singular honesty , it is worth the nothing , that in one and the same leafe , hauing so commended her in one page ( marry then she was aliue ) in the very next page ( for then he heard she was dead ) in a Preface to his Maiesty he compares her to no other , but Di●clesian for cruelty . Thus he , and for that he citeth a booke that is in euery mans hand , to wit the first part of the Three Conuersions of England , and thereby his allegation is easy to be examined , I did magine that I should finde him very exact and punctuall in his assertion . Wherefore I went to looke vpon the two pages of the selfe same leafe , the one written before the Queenes death , the other after : but I could see no such matter so neere togeather , then comming back some foure or fiue pages , I found that which I suppose to haue giuen him the occasion of this fond cauill , for that the Author hauing dedicated that booke to the Catholiks of England , & in the Epistle Dedicatory layd forth at large the great af●lictions and tribulations which they had long suffered for that Religion , he commendeth them for their patience , and loyall behauiour towardes theyr Prince in all worldly affayres : VVhich course , sayth he , though it hath not escaped the calumnious tongues and pens of some carping aduersaries ( making all treason ) yet is it iustifiable and glorious both before God and man , where reason ruleth , and not passion . And I doubt not , but that t●e wis●dom● and moderation both of her Maiestie and ●er S●● Counsell i●●ll rather in this point p●nder y●ur owne facts , then your a●uersaries wordes . So there . Where by is euident that the Authour doth not commend Queene Elizabeth for her moderate gouerment towards Catholickes , as this man sayth ( for that within fiue lines after he sayth , they haue passed so many yeares vnder the rod of sharpe afflictions : ) but only persuadeth himselfe that the wisedome and moderation both of her Maiestie , and the Counsell will stay them from condemning Catholickes for treason vpon other mens words , rather then vpon theyr owne facts : which being but a particuler case , inferreth not , that Father Persons commendeth her for her moderate gouerment . Nor is the other point true , that in a Preface to his Maiestie , he compareth her to no other , thē to Dioclesian for cruelty . For that my wordes were these : Here generally the applause is no otherwise , then it was in old time among the Christians vpon the entrāce o● Constantine into the Empyre after Dioclesian , and of Iouinian a●ter Iulian. Nor is there any mention , or comparison of cruelty in that place : so as here neyther the leafe or page do● agree to his citation , nor the commendation of her moderate gouerment is found ; neyther the comparison of cruelty with Dioclesian is extant ; nor is he only mentioned , but Iulian also . Doe you note how many defects of truth are discouered in so smal an allegation ? But after this again he commeth in with a great scorn against me , for saying , that our Catholicke Priests put to death by Q. Elizabeth dyed for religion , and were true Martyrs : for that hauing life offered thē if they would renoūce the Pope , and con●orme themselues to the present state of of England , they resused the same . And with this he maketh himselfe merry with diuers ies●es about the consequēce of this argument . Wherunto I answere , that I alleadged diuers reasons , why our Catholick Priests dyed for religion , & not for treason . First for that no such treason could be proued against them , in the sense and iudgement of any indifferent man that was present at their arraignments , to wit of the one hundred and thirty that before I mentioned . Secondly for that the publike Registers themselues and Histories , as Iohn St●w , and others in their Chronicles do● obiect no other treason to the most of them , but only being Priests , & their taking of holy Orders beyond the seas , which in no sense can be treason , no more then the confessing of the blessed Trinitie can be made treason by the Trinitarians in Transiluania . Thirdly for that they themselues dying did protest vpon their consciences , as they should be saued , they neuer meant treason in thought , word , or deed against Queene Elizabeth . And then ●ourthly for confirmation of this , I alleaged this other reason , so much scorned by M. Barlow , they hauing life offered them if they would renounce the Pope , & conforme themselues to the State , they refused the same : which he saith is a false and faulty inference , and I say it is very good and true , and that if M. Barlow had any moderate skill of the case according to the rules ●yther of Philosophy or Diuinity he would be ashamed to say as he doth in Philosophy , it being a common axiome , that omnis actus specificatur ab obiecto & fi●e , euery action is specified , that is to say , taketh his nature and essence from his obiect and end . As if a man should kill one to gayne his goods , this act hath both the nature of man-slaughter & theft , the first from the obiect , the second from the end or intention of the doer : which Philosophicall principle being applyed to our case doth euidently proue that the choice of death in him that hath life offered , vpon conditiō he will doe some act against his faith , as going to the Protestants Church is esteemed by Catholickes , though otherwise he were n●uer so great a delinquent before , is an act of Martyrdome ; for that it hath both the obiect and the end therof : the obiect to wit death ; the end which is the profession of his faith . And so if we passe to consider the same by Theology● which more properly treateth of this vertue of Martyrdome , the controuersy will be made much more cleare , for that the word Martyrdome being a Greeke word● and signifying a Testimony or bearing of witnesse ( as the word Martyr signifyeth him that yealdeth testimony or be●reth witnesse ) euery testmony or bearing of witnesse is not meant by the word Martyrdome , but only such a testimony as is giuen by dying for God in the defēce of some truth belonging to our faith , either expressely impugned or implyed in the impugnation of some other vertue , that containeth the sayd truth of our faith therin ; which last clause is added , for that a man may be a true Martyr , though he dye not for any expresse article of faith or part therof , but it is sufficient that he dy for the defence of any one vertue , as Chastity , Obedience , Iustice and the like , according to the saying of our Sauiour : Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter iustitiam : Blessed are they that suffer persecutiō for righteousnes . And S. Iohn Baptist is acknowledged by all Deuines for a true Martyr , although he died for no article of faith , but for reprehending the incestuous marriage of King Herod , with more libertie of speach and spirit , then any such Prince-flatterer & base mind as M. Barlow would euer haue done in the like case , if we may ghesse at his vertue by his writing . But to apply the former ground and vncontrollable principle to our present purpose in hand , whether these Priests died for refu●ing the Oath of the Feminine Supremacy , or for that they were made Priests beyōd the seas , or ●or that they refused to come to your heretical seruice● ; certaine it is , according to the rules of Catholicke Diuinity , that they died for de●ence of their faith , or maintenance of vertue which is sufficiēt to iustify their Martyrdomes , hauing so great warrant , and store of all manner of witnesses ●or the truth , and doctrine they suffered for , as might well in conscience assure them of the righteousnesse of their cause , and that they died for that Religion in which all the Princes and people of Christendome for so many yeares & ages both liued and died . And wheras M. Barlow impugneth this by two cases or examples , they are but so many arguments of his owne ignorance . Let vs speake a word or two of them both . The first is of Absolom , putting the case that he was an Idolator , as well as a traitor , and that King Dauid after sentence passed against him ●or his treasons would acquite him frō death conditionally , that he should renounce his Idolatry , and that vpon re●usall he should be executed , Shall we say ( sayth M. Barlow ) that he died ●or Religion , or for treason ? We will say , good M. Barlow , that he died rather for false religion , that is to say Idolatry , then for treason , and was the Diuels Martyr : and none I thinke can deny the same , vnles he be as ignorant as your selfe , as shall further appeare by the answere to the next example , which in effect is all one with this , to wit , that a yonger sonne should aspire his fathers death with hope to haue his riches , and that being condemned , his father should offer to saue him , if he would go to Church and leaue his euil life of following queane● &c. Shall ●e say ( quoth M. Barlow ) that he is executed for his whore-domes , or for this par●icide against his father ? But here I would aske M. Barlow , why he leaueth out going to Church , which was the first part of the condition , and nameth only whore-domes ? no doubt but the honest man , would haue the staying from the Church in Catholicks , and whore-domes seeme to be companions . But now I answere to his question , that if he meane by refusing to go to Church , such as is practised by Catholikes , for Conscience sake , and not to deny thereby the truth of the Catholicke faith , which forbiddeth to go to hereticall Churches , then dyeth he for the truth of his faith , and consequently he is a Martyr . But if he choose to dye for loue of wicked life , and whoredome , it is no cause of Martyrdome , and consequently he is the Diuells Martyr , as we said before of the Idolator . But as for Par●icide , cleere it is , that he cannot be sayd to haue died for it properly , as the immediate cause of his death , for that it was remitted vn●o him ; and their passed another election on his mind , to wit , that he would leaue his old life : so as ●or this he died propriè & proximè , properly , and immediately : and for the parricide only remotè & occasi●naliter , a far of , and as from that which gaue the first occasion of his death . What sayth M. Barlo● to this ? Doth not common sense teach it to be so ? And thus much for the death of those our Catholike and innocent Priests , whose death was pretiosa in con●●ecta Domini , pretious in our Lords sight , that died only for testimony of his truth ; which if M. Barlow did as well see and feele , as Queene Elizabeth doth at this day , he would not so prattle as he doth . Let vs see a little further . He bringeth in for proofe of the Queenes mildnes an Historiographer of Genua called Bizarrus , or Bizarro , which in English signifieth a Mad-cap , and he is brought in to tell vs certaine points of a Mad-cap indeed , to wit , the great moderation of her mind , her in-bred clemencie , though himselfe be an out-bred : that she gouerned her subiects with exceeding great mildnes , abhorring from bloud , or putting any to death &c. which belike he writing in Genua , knew better then English men liuing in England , who felt the smart in themselues , and others , whiles this man was out of the Gunshot , and , as it is likely , well paid for his paynes : for Syr Horatio Parauicino was able both for his credit , and wealth , to vndertake a greater matter then this . And for that you M. Barlow , with M. Sutcliffe and others do so often alleadge this Bizarro , as an Author against vs , it shall auaile much , both for your credits , and his , to tell vs where , when , and by what authority he was printed , for here in Italy we can heare of no such worke , although some search hath bene made for him , which doubtles we should do , had he bene set forth in these parts , and therefore we thinke him to be no Catholike writer , but of a bastard brood , and a Mad-cap indeed of your owne making . Besides that , how truly he writeth , not only all England , but all the whole world can testify : and to omit all other most cruell massacring and bloud-shed , the memory of the vnnaturall , and Butcherly Tyranny , executed vpon his Maiesties Mother , will remaine for a most rufull example to all posterity . But M. Barlow not content with externe witnesses alleadgeth also domesticall , saying : Your owne Priests shal speake for Queene Elizabeths lawes : and then cyteth out of the book of Quodlibets a certaine pathetical exaggeration in praysing Queene Elizabeth , and her lawes also against Catholickes , which we esteeming to come from that good suggester Ri. Can. who suggested so notorious a lie vnto M. Mort●n , as himselfe complaineth , & hath byn shewed in the late Reckoning with him , we esteeme it accordingly , & do giue it the credit , that it deserueth ; which is nothing at all . And M. Barlow is driuen to a hard exigent , whē he stoopeth so low , as to take vp these base raggs to blazon Q. Elizabeths prayses withall , which a wiser man would haue byn ashamed to alleage : especially knowing with what sorrow of hart the poore man that fathered that filthy worke , repēted him at his death therof , & asked of God & the Iesuites pardon for the same , as before hath bene signified . OF QVEENE Elizabeths Sicknes and Death , and other things belonging thereunto . §. III. AFTER the former points of Queene Elizabeths lawes and executions therof made against Catholikes , and Catholike Religion , whereby she made her selfe most odious both at home , and abroad to forrayne Princes , yea to many Protestant Potentates themselues , that misliked such cruelty : I shewed , that as the naturall effect , and consequence in such causes is feare , diffidence , suspition , and vexation of mind : so grew the same vpon her very much in the course of her life , especially towards her latter dayes , when she was impressioned that not only Priestes , and Iesuites , who indeed did pray to God for her conuersion , but souldiars also , and Captaynes , and Phisitians did seeke her death , eyther by poysoning her body , saddle , chayre , seate , or somewhat else belonging vnto her , as the deathes of Lopez , Squier , & others doe testify , to all which M. Barlow doth answere now , by running to certayne common places , and sentences , that proue nothing , but only that he hath bene more diligent then iudicious in gathering them out of Authours , and applying them without pu●pose : for he telleth vs first out of Salust , that Ingenia Regum sunt prona ad form●dinem , the inclination of Kings are prone to feare . And then out of Seneca , D●bia p●● certis solent timere Reges : Kinges are wont to feare th●ngs that be doubt●full for certayne , which in my iudgement maketh more for my purpose , then his . Then he sayth , that it was not soe with Queene Elizabeth , for that carefull she was , fearefull she was not : wary she was , but not iealous : prouident , but not suspicious : wherin I referre me to them that knew her better then M. Barlow , and to the effects themselues , which are the best witn●sses . And for that I sayd in my Letter , that this griping passion of feare , and iealousy did force her to lay hands vpon the bloud of the most dearest in affection and nearest of kinted that she had in this life , as the Earle of Essex , and his Maiesties Mother : M. ●arlow comming to answer this poynt , sayth neuer a word , but passeth it ouer with mumme-s●lence : and no marueile , for he had sayd so much before , both for the Earle , and against the Earle , while the Queene was a liue ( for him , in setting ●orth his excessiue prayses , and tryumph after Cal●s voyage , when he hoped to haue preferment by him ; and against him , a●ter his d●ath , when the path of promotion opened it selfe another way , to wit by disgracing & infaming him ) as I thinke the miserable man knew not what to say , perswading himsel●e ( wherin I thinke he erred not ) that whatsoeuer he should say , no man would belieue or greatly care of it , and therefore sylence was the best . But for the thing it selfe , I meane the manner of his d●ath , I will not meddle : nothing doubting , but that so loose and exorbitant a life as he led , being alwayes accōpanied with crewes of goodfellow-Ministers , that by life , and doctrine taught him that way of perfection in their trade , he deserued no better an end , then he receiued . And moreouer it may be also , that the State , and Queene had further reasons to moue them to seuerity against ●im , then euery man knoweth : although with the Queenes owne person he was thought to be further engaged for speciall ●auours receyued , then that vpon the suddayne he could fall to hate her , and seeke her destruction , and so he protested at his death : though this bloudy Sycophant in strayning his actions , thoughts and intentions after his death at Paules Crosse ( wher in a mā may discouer supereminent malice issuing out of the roote of ambition ) leuelled all his speach to that end , to styr vp and confirme iealousy in the Queenes mynd , that they two could not liue togeather , and therefore in the end of his Sermon extant now in print , he left thirteene most spightfull recordes to be borne in memory , whereof the sixt is in these wordes : Hi● li●e a danger to the Queene , marke that . Which wordes of , marke that , are not adioyned to any of the other recordes : whereby it is euident , that , that was the butt wherat he shot , and may probably bee ghessed , that as , Ladron de casa , one wholy depending of him , and knowing his secret intentions , was vsed before to beate this poynt secretly into the Queenes head , while the other was aliue , which after his death he pre●ched so publikly . And no man doubteth , but that if his Maiestie , that now is , whome he so highly flattereth had then come in his way , and that it had as well layen in the Queenes power as it did in her desire to equall his fortune with his Mothers , for her owne greater safety : this fellow would as eagerly haue runne vpon the same Theme , as he did then against the Earle , to wit , that the King of Scotlandes life had bene a danger to the Queenes life of England , and would haue sayd also , marke that . Nay he would confirme it with the saying of Tacitus , which here he doth alledge , for iustifying his Mothers death , suspectus semp●r in●isusque dominantibus quis●●e proximu● aestimatur . He that is next in succession to a principality is alwayes suspected , and hated by him that is in possession . Vpon which ground M. Barlowes eloquence would quickly haue drawne forth some probable argument of likely danger to the Queenes life , if the other were permitted to liue , and consequently consulen●●● securitati , it is good to make sure . I will not stand to discourse what he would haue done in such a case , if it had fallen out for his purpose , for that may be presumed by that which he did , which was to scan the sayd Earles actions , wordes , driftes , and intentions , with as much malignity , as euer lightly I haue noted in any , to make him odious to the Prince , State , and especially to the Cittie of London , which ●e knew to be well affected vnto him , & therfore his thirteenth and last record was to the sayd Cittizens there present , deliuered in these words : Hi● hard opinion and censure of your basenes , and vnfayth●ullnes to th● Que●ne : which manner of Sycophancy himselfe con●esseth in a Preface afterward to the Reader , did so much displease the Mayne● ( to vse his word ) as if he had with Ananias lyed to the holy Ghost , or preached his owne damnation : Others gaue out that he was strooke suddaynly with a dredfull sicknes : others ( sayth he ) with more virulence , though with lesse violence , for penal charge , frame matter of hard iudgement out of the discourse it selfe : first in generall , that I haue broken the Canon both of religion and law , in reuealing a Penitents confession , which was with remorse , and priuate &c. Secondly in particuler , because in one part of my Preface I sayd , that I was not a penny the richer , nor a step the higher for the Earle , albeyt I celebrated his glory at the Crosse for Cales victory , and therefore hence they cōclude , that I now speake of splene , and preach for rewardes . Thus farre M Barlow testyfieth of the peoples iudgmēt cōcerning him , & his iudgemēt of the Earle of Essex : wherin he being so much interessed , as now you see , no meruaile though he passed this point with silence . Let vs see what he sayth to the other cōcerning his Maiesties Mother , and her making away . First he beginneth with a common place as before I mentioned , saying : If iealous suspition and feare extend it selfe to any ; it commonly alights vpon the heyre apparent or the successour expected . And for proofe of this he citeth the wordes of Tacitus before by me alleadged . And how litle this maketh to his purpose for excuse of the matter euery meane-witted-reader will cōsider . He goeth further therefore , saying : That as be●ore this censurer brought in the Mother of his Maiesties Father for a parallell to the Powder-treason : so he reckoneth now for one of Queene Elizabeths miseries , the death of the Queene his Maiesties Mother . Wherto I answere first , that the parallel was iust , as to me it seemed : for that as this treasō was designed by powder , so that of his Maiesties Father was both designed and executed . And as this was done by Catholickes , so that by Protestants : only this happy difference there was , that wheras the other had effect , this had not . And secondly I say , I did not reckon the death of the Queene his Maiesties Mother for a misery of Queene Elizabeth , if w●e respect the effect it selfe , for that I doubt not , but that the sayd Queene Elizabeth did hould it for a felicity to be able to achieue it : but I hould it for an infelicity , in respect of the cause that forced her vnto it , which was miserable feare , iealousy , and suspition . But what inference doth he make of this thinke you ? Let vs heare him vtter it in his owne words : VVherby ( sayth he ) the Reader may iudge , how he would vse hi● Maiesties owne fame , if he were gathered to his Fathers , when he is glad to alleadge soe vnsauoury examples of both his parents . What sequele or consequence is this ? For that I doe with compassion and detestation of the facts make mention of both theyr murthers procured , and executed by people of M. Barlows Religion , therefore I would vse euill his Maiesties ●ame , if he were gathered to his Fathers . What coherence is there in this ? or whereof doth this consequence sauour but of folly only and malice ? But yet he passeth on to a further poynt of defence , for this hath none at al , as you see . That renowned Queens death ( sayth he ) was a misery indeed to this whole Land , and the most in●●leble blot that can be recorded of this Countrey . Doe you see that now he calleth her renowned , against whom in their ordinarie books and Sermons they did vse in those dayes , the most vilest and basest speaches that could ●e applyed to a woman ? doe you heare him say now , that in deed her dea●h was a misery to the whol● land ? doe you heare him tell vs , that the blot thereo● is indele●le ? VVould he haue spoken so in his Saint Queenes life time ? This fellow is no time-seruer you may be sure . VVell this is hi● confession . Let vs heare his excusation , ad excusandas excusationes in peccato . But , sayth he , that our late Soueraygne was abused therein , and that wicked act committed before her knowledge therof , besides her notable expressing of her owne grie●es when she heard o● it , other sufficient proofes haue fully resolued all hon●st men hereof . So he . And I trow hee meaneth honest men of his owne honesty , that will admit for sufficient , any proo●es for the making away of any , without scruple , that stand in theyr light . But was Queene Elizabeth abused therein ? VVas the act of cutting o● the head of Queene Mary of Scotland a wicked act ? VVould M. Barlow haue called it so in Queene Elizabeths dayes ? That it was commited before her knowledge ? Durst any man in her dayes ●ut to death a kitchin boy of her house , much lesse of her bloud , without her knowledge , approbation , and consent ? Did she make so notable a demonstration of her owne griefes which she had therof ? What demonstration was this ? Wherin did it consist ? Did she shed teares ? Did she vest her selfe with s●ckloth for the same ? Did she put any man to death , any of the doers or counsellours therof ? And if not , what sufficient proofes , & notable expressing of her griefes doth this Minister meane ? What mourning garmentes were there seene throughout the whole Court , for this fact ? What signe of sorrow , and publick affl●ction ? Of her Mother , it is written , that when she heard o● Queen Dowagers death , she mourned in yellow sattin with gould l●ce : what apparell Queene Elizabeth did mourne in for Queene Maryes death by her selfe commanded , I read not : but that then as the cause wa● somewhat like of both theyr ioyes , both of Queene Anne and Queene Elizabeth , mother and daughter by the fa●l of their aduersaries , it is probable also that their mourning habits were not vnlike . But in truth when I doe consider the circumstances of that lamentable and vnheard of bloudy action , that a Queene of that Nobility , so honourably borne & brought vp , a Queene of two so great Kingdomes , and Heyre apparent to the third , comming into the Realme vpon assurāce giuen , hauing no obligation of subiection , nor being lyable to any corporall punishment by the lawes , eyther of nature or nations , beeing equall and no wayes subiect , and if she were guilty in any thing , yet can it not be pre●umed to haue bene more then the seeking of her owne liberty , being vniustly deteyned , which is permitted both by Diuine and humane lawes : yet notwithstanding , after soe many yeares of afflictions in restraint and pr●son , to be brought to a blocke , and to be forced to lay d●wne her necke at her commandement , whome shee allwa●●s esteemed vnequall to her selfe , and to haue her he●d cut of as the poorest woman that liued , by the common hangman , seemeth to mee to be one of the most pittifull spectacles that hath happened in Chri●●endome , since that Christianity beganne : especially she hauing so potent and able a Prince regnant at that time in so warlike a Nation , and so neere as his Maiestie was . But let vs see what M. Barlow sayth to this , for it foloweth immediatly vpon his former words : And since that ●ime , sayth hee , our now Soueraigne that had the nerest interest in that errand , was long agoe satisfied by her Maiesties owne purgation . But I would demand of M. Ba●low , what ingredients there were in that purgation , he talketh of Colloquintida a little before , but I will not stand with him about Apothecary-druggs , but this I say , that exept the purgation of Queene Elizabeth concerning his Maiesties Mothers death , had for ingredients these three things , first Confession of her iniustice in that act : then sorrow and contrition for the same : and thirdly offer of satisfaction , I must needes say as God by the Pro●het ●eremy sayd to Ierusalem : Silaueris te ni●ro , & mul●iplicaue●is ti●i her●am Borith , macu●ata es , & in iniquitate tua coram me , dicit Domi●us . If thou sh●lt w●sh thy selfe with ●alt-peeter , and multiply neuer soe much the herbe Borith , thou art defiled with thine iniquity before me , sayth the Lord God. But his Maiestie , sayth M. Barlow , was long agoe satisfied with that purgation . That may bee out of prudence , ●o● the causes that euery wise man will gh●sse , the times standing as they did . Yt may be also that his Maiestie meaneth to follow the wisedome of King Dauid , who left somthing in this kind to be done by his sonne , which sure I am , that if his Maiestie were but three moneths abroad in the world to heare what is talked in other Princes Courtes and Countreys , he would exact perhaps a larger satisfactiō about this matter . Now thē to speake briefly of Queene Elizabeths death , which of purpose for some pages I haue ouerslipt , to treat of these premises now handled that went before it : I sayd in my letter , that after so long a life in such worldly prosperity●s , pleasures and iollityes , as hers had bene , it was a pittifull death to depart from this world to eternity with so little preparation or mention of God , as she is reported to haue vsed , wherof I sayd that I had seene a relation of a person of worth , that was present at all her sicknes and death , and had written the same not long after her buriall , which I sayd then I would passe ouer for breuities sake . But now , for that I am so much vrged thereunto by M. Barlow , I meane to impart with the Reader the greatest part of the sayd narration , though not all , for sundry respects , but without any addition of matter from my selfe , as most sincerely I doe protest . But first let vs heare what M. Barlow sayth to that which already I haue written before . First he sayth , That if Queene Elizabeth at the first assault of her sicknes were silent , and solitary , phisicke will ascribe it vnto the nature of melancholy diseases &c. Then , ● hat reason would interprete , that as ●he in refusing peremptorily her bed , did shew her Princely resolution , stantem mori , to dye standing ; so Christian charity would inferre her retired silence to be a with-drawing of her mynd from her senses , for a more serious meditation or her by-past lyfe , and future state . Behould heere M. Barlowes spirituall Rhetoricke or Rhetoricall spirituality , that can make madnes meditation , and silence or rather dumbnes vpon melancholy to be a voluntary withdrawing of the mind from her senses . Indeed her by-past life , and future state were matters that required deep meditation , yea contrition also and teares , if wee will belieue Saint Augustine , who both wept hartily , and repeated often ouer the penitentiall psalmes when he lay on his death-bed : and further said , as Possidius relateth in his life , that no man ought to goe out of this life without pennance , if he hath time to procure it : but alas it seemeth that Queene Elizabeth was not in that state of mynd or sense to procure it , or to accept of it , if any man had offered the same vnto her . As for the other particulers , what she answered to her Doctor of Phisicke , that she did meditate ; that she did lay her hands vpon the head of Doctor VVhitguist Archbishop of Canterburie kneeling by her , and saying Amen to his prayers , and sayd vnto one of her Ladyes wayting vpon her , that her mind was little of from God , and so gaue vp the Ghost &c. all this I say , for that it is much different from the faithfull relation of the aforesayd worthy person which was present and wrote the Story , as an eye-witnes , which M. Barlow doth not , I shall remit my selfe and the Reader to the sayd relation , which is this that ensueth . Her Maiestie being in good health , one day a priuy Counsellour presented her with a peece of gould of the bignes of an Angell , dimly marked with some small characters , which he sayd an old woman in VVales bequeathed her on her death-bed , and therupon he discoursed , how the sayd old woman by vertue of the same , liued to the age of an hundred and od yeares , and in that age hauing all her body withered , and consumed , and wanting nature to nourish , she died , commaunding the sayd peece of go●ld to be carefully sent her Maiesty : all●aging further , that as long as the sayd old woman wore it vpon her body , she could not dye . The Queene vpon the confidence she had thereof , tooke the sayd gould● and wore it vpon her ru●fe . Now though she fell not suddainly sicke , yet daily decreased her rest , and feeding , and within few dayes fell sick indeed , and the cause being wondred at by a Lady with whom she was very priuate and confident , her Maiesty tould her ( commaunding her to conceale the same ) that she saw one night in her bed , her body exceeding leane , and fearfull in a light of fire . This sight was at VVhite-hall a little before she departed from thence to Richmond , and may be testifyed by another Lady who was one of the neerest about her Person , of whom the Queene demaunded whether she was not wont to see sightes in the night , telling her of the bright flame she had seene . Afterward in the melancholy of her sicknes she desired to see a true looking glasse , which in twenty yeares before she had not seene , but only such a one as was made of purpose to deceaue her sight , which glasse being brought her , she fell presently into exclayming agains● them whic● had so much commended her , and tooke it so offensiuely , that some which before had flattered her , du●st not come into her sight . Now falling into extremity , she ●ate two dayes and three nightes vpon her stoole ready dresl●d , and could neuer be brought by any of her Counsell to go to bed , or to eat or drinke : only my Lord Admirall one time perswaded her to drinke some broath , ●or that any of the rest she would not answere them to any question , but sayd softly to my Lord Admiralls earnest perswasions , that if he knew what she had seene in her bed , he would not perswade her as hee did . And comaunding the rest of the Lords to depart her chamber , willed my Lord Admirall to stay , to whome she shoo●● her head , and with a pittifull voice said vnto him . My Lord , I am tied with a chaine of iron about my n●eke : he alleadging her wonted courage , she replied : I am tied , and the case is altered with mee . About the same time two Ladies waiting on her in her C●āber discouered in the bottom of her Chaire the Queen● o● hartes , with a nayle of iron knockt through the forehead of it , the which the Ladies durst not then pull out , remembring that the like thing was reported to be vsed to other , for witch-craft . Another Lady waiting in these times on the Queene , & leauing her asleep in her priuy chamber at Richmond at the very first distemper of her sicknes , met her at she t●ought , three or foure chambers of , & fearing that she would haue byn displeased that she le●t her alone , came towards her to excuse her selfe , but shee vanished away : and when the Lady retourned into the same chamber where she left the Queene , she found her asleepe as before . So in time growing past recouery , hauing kept her bed some daies , the Counsell sent vnto her the Bishop of Canterburie & other of the Prelates , vpon sight of whom , she was much offended , cholerikly rating them , bidding them be packing : & afterwardes exclaymed to my L. Admirall that ●he had the greatest indignity offered her by the Archbi●hop that a Prince could haue , to pronoūce sentēce of death against her , as if she had liued an Atheist . And some Lords mentioning to haue other Prelates to come vnto her , she answered that she would haue none of those hedge-priests & so none of them came to her , till after she was past sense & at the last gasp , at which tyme some praiers were said not farre from her . The Queene being departed this life , the Lords of the Counsell went to London to proclaime his Maiesty , leauing her body with charge not to be opened , such being her desire : but some for some reasons hauing giuen a secret warrant to the Surgeons , they opened her , which the rest of the Counsell did not contradict . Now her body being seared vp , was brought to VVhite-hall , where it was watched euery night by six seuerall Ladies : who being all about the same , which was fast nayled vp within a board-coffin with leaues of lead , couered with veluet , it happened that her body brake the coffin with such a cracke , that it spleated the wood , lead , and cerecloth , to the terror and astonishmēt of all that were present : wherupon the next day she was fayne to be new trimmed vp , in so much as all were of opiniō , that if she had not byn opened , the breach of her body would haue byn much worse . Diuers other particularities , ●or that they cōcerne speciall Pe●●onage● , I haue thought good for some causes to conceale . And this narration I haue byn forced to set forth , to auoid the calumniation of M. Barlow , who saith vpon my first words , in the Letter to my friend : This is another Ies●●●icall tricke , as well in matters histo●icall , as o● doctrine , to ●ra●e it out with an impud●nt tale : but aske thē for their Author who saith it , then ansu●●er is like the C●clops c●y in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nobody , nobody . But we say cōtrary to the Cyclops , somebody , somebody , or rather many Lodies togeather : for that in this point I haue the original by me , & haue shewed it to many men of grauity & iudgmēt , though it be not cōuenient to declare the name of the Relator for this present to M. Barlow , for more causes then one . And as for his general slaūder & con●umelies which he though good he●● to cast in , that it is a Iesuitical trick , as well in matters Historicall as of doctrine , to braue it out with an impudēt tale , the assertiō therof must needs ●hew his impudency , if he doth not proue it with some examples , as he neyther doth , nor can : but how often I haue don it against him in this book , the Reader hath partly seene , and will more before wee end . And the two late bookes published , to omit all other , the one , The sober Reckoning with M. Morton , the other , The Search of M. Francis VValsingham , one of their owne Religion , do so put them to the wall in this matter of lying and falsifying , as if M. Barlow be able well to answer those two bookes , and satisfy substantially for the mayne and huge number of falsities therin obiected , and demonstrated , it shall not be needfull for him to trouble himselfe any more to answer this my booke , for I will take my selfe satisfied by the satisfaction giuen to them . And thus now hauing buried Q. Elizabeth & brought her body to rest for a time ; would to God we might hope the like , both for body and soule eternally , & Christ Iesus our Sauiour knoweth how hartily & sincerely I do desire it , without any worse affectiō towards her then harty cōpassion , notwithstanding all the outcryes & raging exclamations made by this intemperate Minister against me for the contrary , to wit , ●or malice , and hat●ed against her and for iudging her before the tyme , against the prescription of the Apostle S. Paul , which I haue not done . For Gods iudgements are secret , & cannot absolutly be known in particuler before the last day , when according to the Scripture all shal be made mani●est , so far as it shal be conuenient for men to know . But yet in this lyfe men also may giue a ghesse , and take notice according to our present state of many things , how they are to fal out afterwards , as S. Paul doth often repeate , and affirme most resolutly , that such as shall commit such and such delicts , as he there recounteth , shall neuer attayne to the Kingdome of heauen , but be damned eternally , according to their workes , as loose life , murthers , fornications , adulteryes , sectes , schismes , heresies , and the like . And if one should see , or know some persons to commit all these sinnes togeather , or the most of them , & so dye without contrition , or pēnance for the same to his knowledg , might not he by good warrant of S. Paul affirme , that in his opinion they are dāned ? Nay doth not S. Paul giue this expresse liberty of iudging to his Scholler Timothy , & by him to vs , when he saith as before also hath bene noted , Quorumdam hominum peccata mani●●sta sunt , praecedentia ad iudicium : quosdam autem subsequentur . The sinns of some men are manifest going before them vnto iudgmēt , and others haue their sinnes following them . So as i● eyther before their death or after their death , whē the particuler iudgment of euery soule is to be made , any mans gri●uous sinnes be made manifest , there is no doubt but that men may iudge also in a certaine sort , or at least make to thēselues a very probable and likely coniecture of the miserable state of that party : yea more thē a cōiecture , if the Church should censure him for any great sin cōmitted● & d●ing a●terwards in the same without due repētāce , which is wont to be declared by denying vnto him Christian burial , as when they murther themselues , & the like . But aboue all , when the said Church doth cut of any body by Excōmunication from being any more a member thereof , for schisme , heresy , or other offence of this quality , a man may make iudgement of his dānation , yea must also : for then is he in the case whome S. Paul affirmeth to be s●buersum , subuerted by heresy , that is as much , to say , turned vpside downe , or pluckt vp by the rootes , & proprio iudicio condemnatum , condemned not only by the iudgment of the Church , but also by his owne iudgmēt in like manner , when he cōmeth to answere the matter : for that being bound to follow the direction of the Church , he became Haereti●us homo , as the Apostles words are , that is to say , an Heretica●l man , one that out of choice or election would ne●des follow his owne iudgment . This point then that a man or woman dying in the excōmunication of the known Catholicke Church , may be pronounced to be damned , and cannot possibly be saued ( albeit their liues were otherwise neuer so good and apparent holy ) is a thing so generally , earnestly , and resolutely affirmed , and incultated by the ancient Fathers of the primitiue Church , that no man can doubt of it , without pertinacity or impiety . For S. Cyprian that holy Bishop and Martyr doth treat the same largely in diuers places , saying first , that an hereticke or schismatike that is out of the Church cannot be saued , though he should shed his bloud for Christ , inexpiabilis culpa , quae nec passione purgatur : it is an inexpiable synne ( to be an Hereticke or Schismaticke ) that is to say , not euer to be forgiuen , nor can it be purged by su●fering for Christ himselfe . And againe he sayth , that such a man can neuer be a martyr though he should dye for Christ ; nor yet receiue any Crowne for confession of Christian fayth , euen vnto death : which death , saith he , non erit ●id●i corona , sed poena 〈◊〉 : it shall not be a Crowne of fayth , but a punishment o● per●idiousnes . And many other like places and s●yings he hath , which for breuity I omit : wherin also do coacurre with him , the other ancient Fathers that ensued after , and namely S. Augustine in many parts of his worke● : in particuler , where he saith against the Donatists , That neither baptisme , nor Martyrdome profiteth an heretike any thing at all , which he repeateth o●ten times : and in another place he saith : If thou be out o● the Church , thou shalt be punished ●ith eternall paines , although thou shouldest be burned quicke for the name of Ch●ist . And yet againe the same Father : Here●ikes d● sometimes brag , that they do giue much almes to the poore , and do su●●er much for truth , but this is not for Ch●ist , bu●●or their Sect. ●●oke for whom thou sufferest , quia for as mi●●us es , ideo miser es , ●or that thou art cast sorth of the communion of the Church , therfore art thou miserable , whatsoeuer thou doest or sufferest otherwise . For harken to the Apostle , saying to himselfe : I● I should giue all that I haue to the poore , and deliuer my body to the ●ire , without ●harity I am nothing : he that is out of the Church , liueth out of chari●y . And let the Reader see more of this in S. A●gus●ine , Serm. Domini in mome cap. 9. & lib. 2. contra Petilianum Donatist . cap. 98. lib. 1. contra Gaud●ntium cap. 33. & in Conc. de g●stis cum Eme●●●o , where he hath these words : I● vnto an heretike that is out o● t●● Church , it should be said by an enemie of Christ : Off●r vp sacrifice to my idols , and adore my Gods , and he in refusing to adore , should be put to death by the sayd enemy of Christ for this fact : yet shall ●●le damn●d and not crowned . I pretermit in this matter S. Chrysostome hom . 11. in ●●ist . ad E●●es . S. Pacianus Bishop of Barcelona , that liued s●m●what be●ore him Epist. 2. ad S●mpronium , S. Fulg●ntius t●at liued the next age after lib. de fide ad P●trum cap. 29. whose wordes are these , spoken with a vehement spirit , and some men ascribe them to S. Augustine : Firnassime tene & 〈◊〉 dubi●●s &c. Do thou hould ●or most firme and certayne , and no wayes doubt , but that whosoeuer is an hereticke , or ●chismaticke , and therby out of the Church , t●ough he be baptized in the name of the Father , the S●nne , and the holy Ghost , do neuer so good workes , giue● n●u●r so ●●ch almes , no though he should shed his bloud for th●n● m● o● Christ , yet can he not be saued . Well then this is the Maior proposition , no Christian man or woman , though of neuer so good life can be saued ●ut of the vnitie of the knowne common Catholicke Church , nor in that vnitie without good life ; especially if he should die in any of these sinns mentioned before by S. Paul , that goe b●fore or follow him to Iudgement . The minor proposition is , that Q. Elizabeth is noted most grieuously in both these kinds : Ergo , there may be a iust feare of her euerlasting damnation . Neyther doth this preiudice Almightie God his extraordinarie mercies to whome he listeth ; we speake here of the ordinarie way of saluation reuealed vnto the Church , and in that sense onely shal be sayd somewhat to the Minor proposition , wherin standeth the cheife moment of this our question . That Queene Elizabeth was excommunicated by name by two or three Bishops of Rome , whome we hould for supreme heades on earth of the knowne Catholike Church , no man can deny : that she was likewise excommunicated by con●equence , though not by name , by the General Councel of Trent , in all t●ose Canons & anathematizations which were made against Protestants for their doctrine , which she also held , no mā can doubt of : as neither but that she was cōprehended in all the cases that touched her faith or actions in Bulla Coenae , euery yeare repeated and pronoūced against Heretikes , Schismatikes , & Vsurpers of Ecclesiasticall power , and authority , whereof she auouched herselfe to be Head in her owne kingdomes . And now that this externall visible Church called Catholike , and knowne by that name throughout the world , aswell by friends as enemies , which S. Augustine sayth is an argument that it is the true Church indeed , is the selfe same visible Church , that was in the foresaid Fathers times , and visibly deduced by succ●ssion from their dayes to ours , is so manifestly to be proued , as no man can with reason deny the same : and consequently if it were so certaine a damnation to be excommunicated , or put out of that Church , as now you haue heard the said Fathers to affirme , then is it soe now a●●o , and then go●th hard the case of Queene Elizabeth , as you see , for that it is not knowne that she was euer reconciled , or taken into the sayd Church againe . And as for the other point , concerning other sinnes , meant or mentioned by the Apostle , as on the one side I will not take vpon me to determine what , or how many or how great she committed : so on the other , considering the frailty of mankind , the temptations of the triple enemie , the world , the flesh , and the diuell , the many occasions she had in her free state of life to fall into sinne ; and that in the space of foure and fourty yeares at least , after the entrance to her Crowne , she neuer vsed the ordinary help of ancient Christiās for purging her soule , which the foresaid Fathers doe teach vs to be not onely contrition , but also Sacramental Confession , & absolution of the Church : her state , I say , being this , it must needs follow , that so many as belieue and acknowledg this Sacrament of the Church to be necessary to saluation , when it may be had yea is c●mmaunded by the sayd Church vnder paine of Censures to be reiterated euery yeare once at least , if not oftener , that this woman neuer making the same , and dying in that state , cannot be saued according to the iudgment of all those that belieue & follow that Church that condemneth her : which Church being spread throughout the whole world , as it was in S. Augustines time , and hauing obtayned the same priuiledge which he tooke to be sufficient to demonstrate the true Church , to wit , that she is knowne by the name of Catholicke , both to friends & enemies , true Christians and Heretickes , according to the common sense of men ( for he proueth that neuer heretical Congregation could obtayne to be so much as called Catholike , throughout Christendome , or to be knowne by that name ) this thing , I say , being soe , we see what a dreadful preiudice this may appeare to be against the euerlasting saluation of Queene Elizabeth . For if there were so great & mayne a difference betwene bodily Phisitian●● both for number , skil , experience , antiquity , and authority about the temporall death of any Prince , as there is here in all these qualities betweene the spirituall Phisitians of Christendome Catholike , and English Protestants , concerning the eternall death of Queene Elizabeths soule , to wit that so many more temporall Phisitians in number without comparison , so much more learned , so much more experienced in corporall Phisicke , as the other exceed them in spirituall : yea further , and that they had so many deadly Symtomes , Chry●es , and Prognosticons con●●med out of the authority of Hipocrates , Gal●● , and other ancien● Phisitians , all tending to mortality , as the other haue out of the doctrine , iudgment , and perpetuall practice both of the said Church , and holy Ghostly Fathers of the same , fo● Queene Elizabeths euerlasting death : I doubt nothing but that the sayd Princes temporall life , would be held for very dangerous , or rather his death were very probable . Neither did I say any more of the spirituall death of Queene Elizabeth most likely to accompany her corporall . I beseech the mercie of Almighty God that it be not soe . And here I might adde also another plaine & familiar proofe , out of the said ancient Fathers , and namely out of S. Augustine , to the end we may see how his Church did agree with ours , or rather the vniuersall known : Catholicke Church in his dayes , with that Church that hath the same name & notes in ours . For besides that number of authorities which I cited out of him before , as agreeing with other Fathers , that it is impossible for an Heretick , Schismatick , or an Excōmunicated person , dying in that state to be saued , he goeth further in an other place into more particulers ; for being required by his freind Quod-Vult-Deus to set downe vnto him a briefe Catalogue , or enumeration of all the particuler heresies , that the Catholicke Church had condemned , from the beginning of Christianitie vnto their time , or did hould for heresies in those dayes ; he set downe aboue fourescore , and added in the end , that if any man should professe , or belieue any of those heresies , or any other that had , or s●ould spring vp , he could not be a Christian Catholicke ; and consequently neyther be saued , but euerlastingly damned . Now in this Catalogue or booke of heresies ( which was also gathered vnto their dayes by Philastrius , and S. Epiphanius before him ) S. Augustine setteth downe for damned heresies some that Queene Elizabeth did manifestly ●ould , and so was thought to hould , and for any thing that we know , died in the same , as namely those heresies of the Hereticke Aërius , that solemne fasts appoynted by the Church were not to be obserued , but euery man or woman to fast when they would , least they should seeme to be vnder the law . So sayth that hereticke . And then ( which maketh most to our present purpose ) that prayer and sacrifice were not to be offered vp for the dead , nor did profi● them any thing at all , vpon which later poynt I am induced to make this ensuing consideration . S. Augustine in his nynth booke of Conseffions recounting the story of his iourney from Millan to Rome , and from thence to Africa his Countrey , in the compaine of his Mother , a holy widdow named Moni●a , sheweth how they comming to the Port of Ostia , where they were to imbarke , his sayd Mother fell grieuously sicke , and after some dayes of sicknes departed this present li●e : and for testification of her great sanctitie , the sayd Doctor recoūcounteth many of her godly speaches vttered before her death , and amongst other sh● earnestly recommended vnto him and other there present , that shee might be prayed for at the altar in time of Sacrifice , which S. Augustine not only performed himselfe , but in the same place most hūbly desireth all those that shall read his wordes , to pray both for the soule of his sayd Mother , and likwise for the soule of his Father dead long before , named Patricius . Now then haue we the testimony of S. Augustine , & by him also of all the Catholike Church in his time ( for that he was neuer noted of errour eyther for thus writing , or thus doing : ) first that Aërius was an Heretick , and consequently damned for holding that Prayers & Sacrifice were not to be offered vp for the dead . Secōdly we see by the fact of the holy widdow , that , that was the cōmon sense of the vniuersall Church in her dayes , for that she hauing liued first in the Catholick Church in Afria , & then vnder S. Ambrose in Millan , and sometime also in Rome , she would neuer haue demaunded this office to haue byn done for her soule after her death , if it had not byn the common known practice of the vniuersall Church in her daies : neither would her learned godly Sonne h●ue permitted it , & much lesse performed the same himself , and intreated others to do the like , wherof it seemeth I may well inferre , that if 〈◊〉 were damned for teaching the contrary doctrine , then is M. Barlow in great danger of damnation ( if he repent not ) for defending the same doctrine . And if S. Monica & S. Augustine her Sonne may be thought to be saued , that both belieued & practised prayers , and sacrifices for the dead , then hardly can be saued Queene Elizabeth with her Chaplin M. Barlow ( except he change his opinion ) that neither practice or belieue that doctrine . I remit me to the carefull Reader , what force there is in this Argument . OF THE FLATTERY AND SYCOPHANCY VSED BY DIVERS MINISTERS TO HIS MAIESTY OF ENGLAND , To the hurt and preiudice of Catholicke men , and their cause . CHAP. III. AS during the life of Queen Elizabeth one great Witch-craft of Ministers was , for bringing her asleep in the bed of careles security , to intoxicate her braine with excessiue praises , and immoderate adulations : So , sayd I , they attempted to do the like with his Maiesty that now is , indeauoring to incite him dayly more & more against Catholiks , & their religiō , by pretence of zeale towards his State & Persō , which no waies would they haue him belieue that Catholicks did loue or fauour . And in this poin● I did mention in particuler T.M. the yonger , of whome I was credibly informed , that his custome was by reason of his place neere his Maiesty , at the time of repast to iniure Catholicks that were absent , either by false relating their doctrine , or miscōstruing their actiōs , or alleaging & shewing forth some places out of their books , that may seeme preiudiciall agains● thē , being taken at the worst , & without due interpretation . My words at that time were these . VVe doe verily perswade ourselues , that if his Highnes had bene left to himselfe , and to his owne Royall nature , & Noble disposition in this point ( as Queene Elizabeth was wont to say of her disposition in religion ) we had tasted indeed much of this his great humanity ; and so we began for somtime , but being preuented and diuerted by the subtile working of this and other such Ministers , as desired to draw bloud , and to incite his Maiesty against vs , we hauing no place to speake for our selues , no admittance to be heard , no effectual intercessour to interpose his mediation for vs , no meruaile , though we were cast of , and do indure the smart . And I doe name this Minister ( T. M. the yonger ) in the first place among the rest , for that it is commonly sayd , that his whole exercise is Sycophancy and calumniation against men of our profession , be they strangers or domesticall , and that among other deuises he hath this , that euery time his Maiesty is to take his repast , he is ready either with some tale , iest , scoffe , or other bitter lance to wound vs absent , and that he hath euer lightly some book & page therof ready to read to his Highnes , somewhat framed by his art to incense , or auert his Maiesty more , eyther in iudgement or affection , or both , and therby to draw from him some hard speaches , which being published afterward by himselfe , and others , do serue to no other end , but to gall , and alienate min●es , and to afflict them that are not suffered to giue reason for themselues , & that is the seruice he doth his Maiesty in this exercise . And now vnto this let vs see how M. Barlow beginneth to frame his answere : Is not this ●ellow truly can is in praesepe ( saith he ) that can neither speake well himsel●e , nor indure that vertue should haue her due commendation by others ? He m●an●th concer●ing the praises of his Maiesty , which he would s●y that I can neither vtter them of my selfe , nor suffer others to do the same , & yet within a few lines after , finding me to haue yelded vnto his Maiesty sūdry worthy due praises , he is forced to run to the quite contrary extreme , of reprehending me for it , saying : VVheras this Iudas cōmendeth his Maiesties great humanity , Royall nature , and Noble disposition , so did the Diueth con●esse Christ to be the Sonne of God , but their conclusion was withall Quid tibi & nobis ? what haue we to doe with thee ? So he . And is not this humor of malicious contradicting verie fit for the Diuell indeed , who therof hath his name of Sathan ? In the former lines he sayd , that I would neyther prayse his Maiesty , nor suffer him to be praysed , and here he compareth me to the diuell for praysing him ; and yet goeth further , saying● That his Maiestie may demaund , what euill haue I done this day , that so bad a fellow as this is , should speake so well of me ? So as whether we speake well , or hould our peace , still we must be blame-worthie . And this also is a principal point belonging to the prof●ssion of Parasites , if you marke it well , to admit noe concurrence of their aduersaries , in honouring that Prince ( though neuer soe sincerely meant ) whome themselues alone by their exorbitant adulation do meane to possesse . Let vs see what generall ground our Antagonist here M. Barlow , that seemeth indeed to be an egregious Craftsman in this occupation , doth lay vs down to defend himselfe from the imputation of flattery , for this he is wont to do full wisely , whē he meaneth to build somwhat theron . Flattery , sayth he , cānot be without touch of both parties , because none vse to ●latter , but such as haue no other meanes to aduance themselues , and none loue to be flattered but those which haue no true vertue to commend themselues . Which ground hath two partes as you see , and both of them most euidently false . The first , for tha● otherwise none but poor men should be flatterers , wheras rich men may performe the same office , and do also often tymes more then others , eyther for increasing their riches , or preseruing that they haue , by the grace of the Prince , whom they flatter , or for to hurt others . The second part also is false , for that men endued with many great vertues , may delight to hear themselues praysed , and their vertues acknowledged , though in their hartes perhaps ( if they be wyse and vertuous indeed ) they do scorne the prayser , when they vnderstand , that he doth it out of adulation for his owne gayne , or to hurt others . For it is to be considered that the nature of adulation which consisteth in excesse of desire to please , and delight the person which is flattered , doth not alwayes require that the thinges themselues should be all false that are spoken in such adulation , but it is sufficient there be excesse in the measure or manner of vtterance , or in the time , place● and other such circumstances . For i● a Prince for example , had a good leg indeed , for one to tell it him often & openly in all places & occasions , and still to bring in speach of good legs , as some wil say the custome was to flatter a certain Earle when he was yonge , in our English Court ; this should be base flatte●y of it selfe , though the Subiect were true . But if here withall the flatterers intention should be to gayne vniustly , or to hurt any man iniuriously therby ; then should it be malicious and damnable flattery . And now whether also these circumstances did concurre in the flattery of M. Barlow , & his fellowes towards Queene Elizabeth , when she was aliue and towards his Maiesty that now liueth , I will not stand much to discourse : only I am sure , that the last circumstance , which of all other is the worst , to wit , of hurting Catholickes , neuer commonly fayled . So as we may truly say , as S. Augustine sayd vpon those words of the Psalme , Conuertantur statim erubescentes , Let flatterers presently with confusion be conuerted , for that , plùs nocet lingua adulatoris quàm gladius persecutoris : the tongue of the flatterer doth hurt more th●n the sword of the persecutor . And this we haue well experienced . I haue somewhat touched before , how well M. Barlow obserued the circumstance of time in exercising this art : For when the Earle of Essex was in his ruffe , thē was he his ●●comiast , & the loud-sounding trumpet of his triumphs , but when time began to turne , and prosperous fortune to change her face , then did he change his course also , and became not only a silent Orator in his behalfe , but also an open accuser , yea a calumniator & Syphocant , as out of his before mētioned printed Sermon you may haue obserued : for that Sycophācy ( as himself in this place for the defence of his brother T. M. the yonger , will presently declare at large by the first institution of the word ) signifieth a complaint or accusation of carrying out figgs from Attica , contrary to the law , and afterwards remayned with the signification of false or trifling accusations , or calūniations , prying into other mens actiōs , malicious inferēces , odious collections , & the like , wherof in that printed Sermon against the said Earle you shall find good store , especially ●hose 13. last records which are left to the Cittizens of London to meditate vpon , which in effect are all but captious illations , and odious inferences of his owne gathering : but on the other side the flatteries bestowed vpon the Queene are both eminent and excellent , which not to loose time in repeating , I will only report the last con●ayned in the very last words of that Sermon . VVhat now remayneth ( saith he ) but to conclude with my text , Giue vnto Cesar the things of Cesar , our most Gratious Soueraigne I meane , honour her , obay her , feare her , but aboue all pray for her , that she being the light of the Land , may shine among vs as long as the two great lights in heauen , the sunne and moone : this God grant for his mercies sake . Amen . Thus he taught his Auditory to pray by vocall prayer , and especially the Cittizens of ●ondon there present , to whome for mentall prayer he had giuen the forersaid thirteene poyntes of meditation before set downe , wherof the last was , o● the Earles opiniō & censure o● their basenes &c. But now I would know of M. Barlow , whether in his Diuinitie , prayer may be made without the vertue Theologicall of Hope , which appeareth by the whole course of Scripture that it cannot : for he that hopeth not to obtayne that which he prayeth for , prayeth in vayne . And then secondly I would demaund wha● grounded hope the Cittizens of London might haue to pray with him , that Queene Elizabeth might liue , as long as the two lights in heauen , the sunne and moone , should endure ? Could they hope for this , seeing her now an old woman , and weakened also by many diseases ? And if they could not hope it , how could they pray for it , but only in iest ? And whether iesting with God in prayer be lawfull by M. Barlowes Theologie , I would also gladly know ? especially for so much as he seemeth to haue spoken this in very good earnest , by adioyning a vehement reduplicati●e in the very last words of all : This God graunt for his mercies sake , Amen : as if he had sayd , this is the poynt of most moment to be demaunded at Gods hand , that the Queene , the sunne , and the moone might liue out togeather , and be of one age , and that they shin● togeather , she ouer England , & they ouer the whole world : this is the grace that we ha●e most need of , vnum est necessariu● : other folkes with Mar●ha are solicitous & troubled about many things , but we haue need of one thing : This God graunt vs ●or his mercies sake , that Queene Eliz●beth do not dye before the sunne and moone : and yet good man h● did not consider in thi● seruent deuotion , that he o●fered great iniurie to his Maiestie that now is . For if Queene Elizabeth had liued and shined as long as the sunne and moone , his Maiesty had neuer had any part in that succession : for that after the sunne and moone I suppose there will be no succession . And this will serue for one example amongst the rest of his adulation towards Queene Elizabeth . B●t as for those which he vseth towards his Maiesty that now is , both in this place , & throughout his whole Booke , though they be grosse and palpable inough● and consequently also seene I doubt not , and scorned in great part by his Maiesties prudence : yet meane I not to treat therof , for that the common refuge of flatterers in this poynt is to say , that such as do taxe or mislike their flatterie , are enemies or enuious of the prayses giuen to the person flattered : and the same is M. Barlowes defence in this place . Only then shall I ●eau●●his matter to the iudgment of the Reader , but especially of his Maiestie , who in this case for m●ny respects may be the most competent Iudge , notwithstanding the cause doth most concerne himselfe . Let vs now se● wh●t M● Ba●lo● sayth ●o that which before was obiec●ed ag●inst him , and his like , and nam●ly against T. M. the yonger , for sycophancie and calumniation against Catholickes , and their doctrine by sinister meanes , at such times as his Maiesty tak●th his repast . It is true , sayth he , that his Maiesties 〈◊〉 for the most part at times of repast , is a● Constantines Court ( Ecclesiae 〈…〉 ) a li●le V●iuersitie compa●sed with learned men in all professions , and his Ma●estie in the midd●st of them ( as the Grecian in●ituled one lesse deser●●●● ) a liuing Library , furni●h● 〈◊〉 all handes to reply● answere● 〈…〉 explayne 〈…〉 vpon fact , or 〈◊〉 vpon 〈◊〉 ● In which wordes for so much as concerneth his Maiesties person , I will not meddle withall to con●r●dict , but rather to admite and r●ioyce 〈◊〉 such excellencies of lea●ning in so great a Prince , and 〈◊〉 most hartily and 〈…〉 Almighty God euery day that his Di●ine Maiesty would bestow vpon him the true excellencie , and indeed aboue all other learning , which is ●he knowledge of his true Cat●olick● Church and doctrin● , without which , as we haue now heard out of the an●ient Fathers before alleadged , that all other skill and learning is eyther vayne or pernicious , for that it shall be as S. Cyprian sayth , non corona 〈…〉 . His 〈…〉 heard but one part , and hath bene ●uer obse●t with th●s● Academicall fellows both in Scotland and England , which here M. B●rlow nameth his Table-●niuersity , being indeed ●ut ●r●ncher-Minister● : for in Sc●o●●●● and publicke 〈◊〉 they dare not ●ppeare , or 〈◊〉 thei● f●ce . And ●ow th●t his Ma●●●ty hath giuen so plentifull occasion of tryall by writing with his hand t● all Christiā Princes , stirring vp the●by great store of learned men to dis●usse the questions in controuersy ; we do verily hope in the mercy of Almighty God , that as goo●d by rubbing and heating is made more cleare ; so will ●ruth by disputation , and examination , wherin his Maiestie hauing so principall an interest , as now to the world is knowne , he will stand more attent to the discussion , an● issue of all , and therby recei●e that lig●● which is needfull to euerl●sting blisse . A●d this concerning his Maiestie with all duty and respectiue loue . But as for the little Vniuersitie of learned men of all professions , that inuirone his Mai●sties table at time of repast , I must say somewhat more , though verie b●eif●y also . We doe easily imagine by the effects , what m●●ner of learned men , and of what measure in learning they are , that attend his Maiestie at those times , and places : and we do measure them principally by their bookes whic● they haue published , for that it i● like t●at their 〈◊〉 writings are no lesse considerate and weighty , then their table-talke ex tempore . And then if M. Barlow for example , ●hould talke no more substantially in that place , and audience then he doth here in this hi●●ooke , which he hath published to the world , it would pro●e , God knoweth , a very poore Vniuersity , which his Maiesty should haue about him , of such men , wherin I remi● me for some part to the triall already made in this discussion of mine . If we should compa●e the Ac●demies & Vniuer●●tyes of learned de●ines , that his Mai●styes noble & renowned ancestours both of England and Scotland had about them , from time to time for a thousand yeares togeather , for resoluing them in all cases necessary for belie●e or man●●● , with these new men , lear●ing with learning , grauitie with grauity , & authority wi●h authority , they being ioyned with all other learned men of the Christian world in vnity of doctrine : & these men being alone , & ag●●ei●g with no other part or sect , ●o not of their owne Prot●stā● that liue out of England , no● hauing any other cert●ine ●●le of infallible direction but their owne heads : the difference will quickly be seene betweene them , as also whether his Maie●ties furniture be better or not , in this behalfe , then all theirs , and of all other Princes of the Christian world bes●des . And yet further to increase the weight of this consideration somewhat more , let vs suppose that this Maiesty our Soueraigne , with that great pregnancy of wit , and ot●er gui●tes bestowed by Almightie God vpon him , should sit downe in an Assembly of halfe a dozen of the ancient learned Fathers and Doctours of the primitiue Christian Church , as S. Athanasius , S. Gregory Nazianzen , and S. C●rysostome of the Greeke Church ; S. Ambrose , S. 〈◊〉 , & S. Augustine of the latin , all liuing aboue twelu●●●ndred yeares agone , and that S. Gregorie the Gre●● though comming somewhat after them , yet for that he sent first Christian preachers into England , should sit downe with them , and that all the●e togeather should reason grauely wi●h his Maiestie de Reg●o Dei , of the kingdome of God , as S. Luke testifieth that our Sauiour did with his disciples after his resurrection for fourtie dayes togeather ; and that S. Athanasius as somewhat more ancient then the rest , should grauely begin , and recount vnto his Maiesti● what passed betweene him , and other Catholicke Bi●hops , and his Lord the Emperour Constantius , deceaued by the Arian Preachers , and Ministers of that sect , who flocked no● lesse about him at that time , to flatter him , ●●d incite him against Catholickes , then doe these Protestant Ministers about his Maiestie in these dayes : and namely he should tell him , that which he hath left written in a large Epistle of his , how the sayd Emperour being auerted now from the Catholickes by the Arian M●●isters , 〈◊〉 for di●ers Bishops , commanding them in his p●●ence to subscribe to his Imperiall order , for the banishing of Athanasius , and communion to be frequented with the sayd Arians ; and that the sayd Catholick Bishops wond●ing at his command●ment , and telling him that it was against Ecclesiasticall Canons , that the Emperor should meddle with such matters ; he persisting notwithstanding to haue his will done , they held vp their hands to heauen appealing vnto God for remedy : presuming further to tell him , that his Kingdome was not his , but from God , who gaue it him , and it was to be feared least ●b would take it away againe , if he proceeded in that course : and finally deuounced vnto him the dreadfull day of Iudgement , perswading him not to peruert the course of Ecclesiasticall affaires , neither intermeddle the Roman Empire in dealing with Ecclesiasticall institutions &c. All which and much more is set downe by S. Athanasius himselfe in a long Epistle of this matter , where he also recoūteth the bold speach of bishop Osius the famous Confessor of Corduba , who was one of the 318. Fathers that sa●● as Iudges in the first Councell of Ni●e , and vsed the sa●● liberty of speach to the forsayd Emperour at another time which the other Bishops had done before him , saying to him : Leaue of I beseech thee o Emperor these dealing● in Ecclesiasticall affayres ; remember thou art mortall , feare the day of Iudgement , keep thy selfe free from this kind of sin , do not vse cōmandements to vs in this kind , but rather learne of vs , for that God hath cōmitted the Empire vnto thee , & to vs the things that appertaine to his Church &c. All which speaches doth S. Athanasius allow , & highly cōmend in the same place , adding further of his owne , That now the sayd Constantius had made his Pallace a tribunall of Ecclesiasticall causes , in place of Ecclesiasticall Courtes , and had made himselfe the cheife Prince and head of spirituall Pleas , which he calleth , the abhomination foretold by Daniel the Prophet &c. Which speach , if old Athanasius should haue vsed to his Maiestie in the presence of all the rest , and seconded by others that sate the●e with him , could not in all reason but much moue , especially if● So Gregory Nazianzen , and S. Ambrose should haue recounted their admonitions about the same , to their temporall Lord and Emperour Valentinian , as when the former sayd vnto him , as is extant yet in his Oration , That he should vnderstand that he being a Bishop had greater authoritie in Ecclesiasticall matters then the Emperor ; and that he had a tribunall , or seat of Iudgment higher then the Emperour , who was one of his sheep ; and that more resolutly S. Ambrose to the same Emperour , when he comaunded him to giue vp a Church to the handes of the Arians : Trouble not yourselfe o Emperor , sayth S. Ambrose , in commanding me ( to delyuer the Church ) nor do you persuade your selfe , that you haue any Imperiall right ouer these things that are spirituall , and diuine : exalt not your selfe , but be subiect to God if you will raigne , be content with those things that belonge to Cesar , and leaue those which are of God , vnto God : Pallaces appertayne vnto the Emperor , and Churches vnto the Preist . And these three Fathers hauing thus briefly vttered their sentences ( for much more might be alleaged out of them in this kind ) let vs see how the fourth , that is to say S. Chrysostō Archbishop of Constantinople cōcurred with thē : Stay o king ( saith he ) within thy bounds & limits , for different are the bounds of a kingdome , & the limits of Priesthood , & this Kingdome of Priesthood is greater then the other . Bodies are committed to the King , but the soules to the Priest. And againe : Therfore hath God subiected the Kings head to the Priests hād , instructing vs therby , that the Priest is a greater Prince then the king , according to S. Paul to the Hebrews , the lesser alwaies receaueth blessing from the greater . These foure Fathers then hauing grauely set downe their opinions , about this point of spirituall power not to be assumed by tēporall Princes , let vs imagine the other three to talk of some other mater , as namely S. Hierome , that he vnderstandeth diuers pointes of the heresie of Iouinian , and Vigilantius , against whome he had with great labour written seuerall Bookes , to be held at this day in his Maiesties kingdomes of England & Scotland , which could not but grieue him , they being cōdemned heresies by the Church . S. Augustine also vpon occasion giuen him , may be imagined to make his cōplaint , that he hauing written amongst many other books one , de cura pro mortuis agenda , for the care that is to be had for soules departed , & both in that booke and in sundry other partes of his workes , said downe the doctrine and practice of the Church in offering prayers & Sacrifice for the dead , and deliuering soules from purgatory : and that the sayd Catholicke Church of his time had condemned Aërius of heresy , for the contrary doctrine : yet he vnderstood that the matter was laughed at now in E●gland , and Aërius in this point held for a better Christian then himselfe : yea , and wheras he ( S. Augustine ) had according to the doctrine and practice of the true Catholicke Church in his dayes , prayed for the soule of his Mother , & besought all others to doe the like , his Maiestie was taught by these new-sprong doctors to condemn the same , & neither to pray for the soule departed of his mother , dying in the same Catholicke fayth , nor to permit others to do the same . All which Saint Gregory hearing , ●et vs suppose him out of that great loue and charity wherwith he was inflamed towardes England , and the English Nation , to vse a most sweet and fatherly speach vnto his Maiestie , exhorting him to remember that he sent into England by the first preachers that came from him , the same Catholicke Christian Religion , which was then spread ouer the whole world , and that which he had receiued by succession of Bishops , and former ages from the said Fathers there present , and they from the Apostles : and that the said ancient , true , and Catholicke Religion was sincerely deliuered vnto his Maiesties first Christian predecessor in England King Ethelbert , and so continued from age to age , vntill King Henry the eight . If , I say , this graue assembly of ancient holy Fathers should be made about his Maiesty , he fitting in the middest , and should heare what they say , and ponder with what great learning , grauity , and sanctitie they speake , and how differently they talke from these new maisters , that make vp M. Barlowes little Vniuersitie , I thinke verily that his Maiestie out of his great iudgment , would easily contemne the one , in respect of the other . But alas , he hath neyther time nor leysure permitted to him to consider of these thinges , nor of the true differences , being so possessed , or at least wise so obsessed with these other mens preoccupations , euen from his tender youth , and cradle , as the Catholicke cause , which only is truth , could neuer yet haue entrance , or indifferent audience in his Maiesties ●ares , but our prayers are continually that it may . And now hauing insinuated , how substantially this little Vniuersity of ancient learned Fathers , would speake to his Maiesty if they might be admitted , eyther at table , or time of repast , or otherwise : Let vs consider a little how different matters , euen by their owne confession , these new Academicks do suggest , for that M. Barlow going about to excuse his fellow T. M. the yonger , from that crime of Sycophancy which was obiected for his calumniations against Catholikes , in his table-talke ; & trifling first about the word , what it signifyeth in greeke , according to the first institution therof ; to wit , an accusation of carrying out of figges out of Athens , as before hath bene shewed : and then for him that vpon small matters accuseth another ; as also for him that seeketh to recreate Princes & great men by pleasant speaches ; and finally also him that iesteth with a deprauing vayne ; he telleth how that Maister T. M. may with credit be called a Sycophant in the three first senses , but not in the last ( sayth he ) for that Sycophancy must be clanculum , and without witnesses , but T.M. vseth this Sycophancy openly , euen by the Censurers confession , when his Maiesty taketh his repast , that is , in the hearing of many ; so that the party being knowne , and the tale openly tould , he cānot be called a Sycophant , saith M. Barlow . But I would first demaud of him , where he findeth that the word Clanculū , or Secretly , must be conteined in the definition of a Sychophant , for that the first , & prime signification , and deriuation of the word doth openly repugne : for as M. Barlow sayth , in this place , such delatores ficuum , or Sycophants in Athens , were honorable Magistrates , that did accuse publikely : and secondly in applicatiō of the word , to a false accuser , & malicious forged crime , there is no such restraint , that it must be secret , by any Author set downe , as may be seene in Henri●●s St●phanus his Thesaurus , where there is no restraint of the nature of a Syc●ophant , or Sychophancy to such secrecy , ●● here M. Barlow assigneth , but it is sufficient , that it be a false forged malicious crime : albeit if we consider the priuate place , and auditory while his Maiesty taketh his repast eith●r by day , or night , in comparison of the whole body of Catholickes there calumniated , in their absence , there will not want also this circumstance of clanculary calumniation , if M. Barlow will needs haue it necessary . But now let vs passe to another point touched by M. Barlow , wherin he pretendeth to be somwhat pleasant & to recreate his reader with certaine iestes , though with little grace , as you will see . The occasions of his iestes are these , that for so much as this word Sycophan●ie , is deriued of figges , as now you haue vnderstood , he will tell vs diuers stories of figgs , some sweet , some sower , some pleasant , some vngrateful , some poysoned , and the like : and vnder this m●eaphor he will shew vs what figges T. M. and his fellowes do p●rhappes represent vnto his Maiestie at his table for his better rec●eation and pastyme : as namely first , diuers stories of Popish feigned myracles , as that , sayth M. Barlow , of S. Denis in France , who being Byshop of Paris and beheaded , carried his owne head in his hand after it was stroken of : and of Clement the first , who when he was cast into the sea , with a milstone about his necke , the sea fled three myles frō the shore , and there was found a lytle Chappell ready built in the sea , where his bodie was bestowed : and that of S. Gregorie of Ne●caesarea whose sta●●e being stuck downe by him at the banke side , kept the riuer frō ouerflowing the banks , and presently sprong vp and spred it s●lf into a n●ighty tree . Thus he . Condemning as you see our credulity in belieuing these miracles . But first I would demād of this little learned Vniuersitie , an● their Procter M. Barlow , what more religion there is in not belieuing these , and other like recounted myracles , then in belieuing them ? for so much as Infide●ity is an easie matter to be found euery where , in the worst kind of men , as Turkes , Iewes , and Gentiles , and the worst Christians ; but to belieue is more hard , and to be found in fewer men , be it humane or diuine fayth that is required . Secondly these , and many other such like myracles not recounted in Scripture , are not proposed as articles of fayth necessary for euery man to belieue , though they being related by good and probable Authors , euery pious mind will rather incline to giue them credit , then scoffe ●t them , as Heretickes do . For that the scoffing at these things , which they haue no ground of any moment to impugne , sheweth but a prophane , audacious , and Lucianicall spirit . And in this case I would demand of M. Barlow , what ground he hath to scoffe so at these three miracles here set down as he doth ? to wit , of S. Denis● S. Clement , & S. Gregory of Neocaesarea , surnamed by ancient writers Thaumaturgus , for the multitude and grea●nes of the miracles done by him ? Is it perhaps , for that they are strange , and not according to mans reason or vse of things that fall out ordinarily in the world ? If this were not so , they were no myracles . What then ? Do they passe ( perhaps ) Gods power to doe them ? This he wil be ashamed to say . What then ? Hath he any testimonies of authors that auow the contrary , and affirme that they were not true ? This I presume he cannot say ; whereas wee on the other side , haue diuers Authors that affirme the same . And if M. Barlow , and his fellowes doe belieue many thinges of fact by humane faith , for that some one probable Historiographer either Christian , or prophane doth recount the same ; with what reason can they scoffe at vs , for giuing credit to these things , that are testifed by many Authors ? As for example , the myracle of S. Denis the Areopagite , of carrying his head in his hands is testified by Nicephorus Calixtus , a Grecian , in his second booke of Histories , and twentith Chapter , and by Symon Metaphrastes another Grecian before him againe in the life of S. Denis : and before him againe by Hildewinus Abbot of the Monastery of Saint Denis by Paris , vpon the point of eight hundred yeares agone , who all●adgeth also an other Author elder then himself , named Lysbius , that had set forth the same in his writings , and some other Authors in like manner : all which the sayd Hildewinus gathered togeather bo●h out of Greeke and Latin writers , at the request of Ludouicus Pius King of France . The other miracle also of Saynt Clement the first who was cast into the sea with an anchor about his necke ( but not with a milstone , as M. Barlow hath deuised ) and that the sea went three myles backe &c. and the rest heere obiected by M. Barlow , is mentioned not onlie by the foresaid two Greeke Authors Nicephorus lib. 3. Histor. Cap. 18. and Metaphrastes in vita Clementis : but by S. Gregorie of Towers also , that liued a thousand yeares agoe , in his booke de gloria Martyrum Cap. 35. & . 36. And no lesse the third of S. Gregory Neocaesarea surnamed Thaumaturgus , that he piched his staffe vpon a banke side , and kept the riuer from ouerflowing , is writt●n and testified at large , not only by the sayd Necephorus lib. 6. Cap. 17. but by a farre more ancient Father , as namely by S. Grego●y Nyssen , brother to S. Basil ; which said holie man hath written the admirable life at large of the aforesaid S. Gregory Thaumaturgus , well neere 1300. yeares agone , which is extant in his works from the page . 918. to 949. and S. Basil himself lib. de Spiritu Sancto Cap. 29. hath touched the same : and after repetition of many of his miracles , he endeth thus : Sed omnino pe●longum fuerit Viri percensere miracula , qui &c. But it should be ouerlong to recyte all his myracles who for the excellency of gyftes bestowed vpon him in that kind , wrought by the holy Ghost in all power , signes and myracles : he is called a second Moyses , euen by the very enemies of truth themselues &c. Heere then you see what ground & iust cause M. Barlow had to scoffe at these myracles , as he doth with like ground and spirit , at the myracles of the new mynt , as he calleth them , of the Lady of Hales , of the conformities of S. Francis , the life of ●●●●rius , of M. Garnets countenance in a straw , with all which he maketh himselfe sport , vpon no other ground then lust of speaking euill . And vpon the same might any Infidell or Atheist scoffe at the myracles recorded in the old and new Testament , which to humane sense and reason are as impossible , as these here alleaged and scorned at by this Minister : as the multiplying of loaues , walking on the sea , a hatchet to rise from the bottome of the water and ioyne it selfe to a handle , with the like , which in another place I haue handled more at large against M. Sutcliffe , and Syr Francis Hastings . Next after this he bringeth in other figgs , and commeth to scoffe at diuers Indulgences that do pardon , sayth he , enormous sinnes , for innumerable yeares vpon sweet conditions ; as for kissing two Iron crosses at Saint Peters Church dore , 500. yeares of pardon : for looking vpon one of the Pence that our Sauiour was sould for , 1400. yeares of pardon : for behoulding the Crosse vpon the top of S. Iohn Laterans steeple 14000. yeares of pardon , and other like ●oyes of his owne inuention , which those that liue at Rome are neuer acquaynted with , and himself cyteth noe other profe but only noteth in the margent Indulg . Rom. liber : but where that booke is to be had , whether printed or written , where it was set forth , or with what authority he telleth nothing at all . In these partes I am sure , it is not to be had or heard of . What these good fellowes to make themselues merry and deceaue other men , may haue deuised to themselues in England , or els where I know not , but I suspect the rather , for that I do vnderstand that the Hugonots of France deuised a booke not long agoe , whose title was , Catechismus Iesuitarum ; & set it forth as in their name , full fraught with all manner of errors , and ignorances , which being brought to Rochell , by them that had deuised it , they could not get it there printed , the argument was so absurd , and the fraud so manifest : and yet now do I see it often alleaged by Protestāt writers against them , and namely by Thomas Rogers in his late edition of 39. Protestant Articles : so as one way or other , these people will euer make themselues matter for exclayming against vs , be it true or false , or neuer so maliciously inuented or peruerted . And here I would aske M. Barlow in good earnest , whether he do thinke indeed , these particulers to be true , which here so confidently he hath set downe about the yeares of pardon which he numbreth ? For that I cannot easily perswade my selfe , that in truth of conscience ( if he haue any ) he can be of that iudgment , and muc● lesse in the other clause of slander which immediatly foloweth : to wit ; that Pope Sixtus Quartu● graunted forty thousand yeares of pardon , to him that would say a praier of his making , consisting of about fourty fiue wordes , but he bringeth no other proof at all for thesame , but his owne bare word . And the reason by himselfe alleadged , why it was granted , conuinceth ●he same of a manifest lye & fictiō : which reason is , ●or because his Catholicks , q●●●h he , might not complaine , that the Protestants satisfaction was easier then theirs ; & yet was there noe name of Protestant knowne in the world in Pope Sixtus Quartus tyme , nor a good while after : for that there passed foure Popes , betwene him and Leo decimus , vnder whome Luther began , & vnder him the name of Protestants : soe as Sixtus Quartus could not haue that consideration of Protestāts in his Indulgence , which M. Barlow hath deuised . And would any learned man fal into such absurdyties , and so shew his ignorance both in things & times ? Againe in his very first entrance to this Calumniation he vttereth two or three grosse vntruthes , which are inexcusable , when he affirmeth , that Popes doe pardon enormous sinnes , for innumerable yeares vpon sweet conditiōs . For first they pardon no sinnes at all by Indulgences , and much lesse enormous sinnes : for that Indulgences of the Church in Catholike doctrine , as euery man knoweth that hath the least degree of learning therin , doe reach only to the remission of temporall punishments due after the guilt of sinne remitted , and not of sinne it selfe , which c●nnot be remitted , but by the Sacrament of Pennance , or vertue therof . And it is strange that one profes●ing learning as M. Barlow would faine ●eeme to do , would eyther erre ●oe grosly or wilfully as here it cannot be denied , that he doth . But if he be desirous to know better our doctrin herein , he may read Cardinall Bellarmine , Gregory of Valentia and Francis Suarez in their learned bookes of this argument , & by them , if he vnderstand them , he may learne to see his own error , & acknowledg it also if he haue so much grace . Now then seeing that all which hath bene sayd by M. Barl●w of Indulgences hath bene only spoken eyther vpon heresy , and false relation , or of error , ignorance , or malicious fiction , the iudicious Reader may consider , how vnworthy an argument this was for M. Barl● his little Vniuersity to treat by scoffs , before his Maiesty at his rep●st : much more to the purpose , had it bene to haue treated substantially , and grauely out of the holy Scriptures , and Fathers , the principall question about this affaire , to wit , what ample authority Christian Priesthood hath to remit si●●● in this world , wherof S. Chrysostomes bookes de Sacerdotis , prouing that Christs Tribunal● in heauen hath submitted it selfe in a certaine sort vn●o the Priests tribunall vpon earth , would haue yealded them ample and graue matter : as also many other ancient Fathers Treatises , and discourses to the same purpose . The other question also that followeth after this , whether after the guilt of synne forgiuen , there remayneth some temporall punishment to be satisfied , eyther in this life , or in the next , eyther by satisfactory workes here or by fyre there , had bene a matter of moment to be discussed , and well pondered : for that it belongeth to all , and ●one can auoid their part therin . And to this purpose they might haue considered of diuers Tr●atises , as of Origen , Saint Augustine , and other Fathers that handle the question at large . This then had ben● to some purpose to be treated before his Maiesty : but those other trifling ●oye● here mentioned by M. Barlow , of looking vpon the top of a steeple , and the like , are vnfit both for his Maiesties ●ares , and presence . But now he doth insinuate further , that some other figgs also are exhibited now & then in that assembly 〈◊〉 bitter then these , as namely , about the Powder-traitours , and absoluing them by the Iesuites . Those dreadfull cruel positions also ( saith he ) of Popes deposing Kings , exposing them to murther , incyting their subiects to rebellion , and determining such parricide be to meritorious &c. And furthermore what an excellent vaine , both Popes h●●e in figging ech other away ( by poison ) and Iesuits too ( as the Priests relate ) in dispatching , with such pleasant pilles any that stand in their light &c. Which be meere calūniations , and malicious maledictions , vnworthy eyther to be heard by his Maiesty , or to be refuted by me : as also that insulse insolency of the Minister , where he maketh his Maiesty to vse those odious words against all of the Catholike religiō , O Romanistae seruum pecus ! O Romanists slauish beasts● as though there were no Princes , and Monarches of that religion , that might take in euill part this insolencie of the malepart Minister : as if it had some allowance from his Maiesty , for that in his name he speaketh it , & doth dedicate his booke vnto him . And thus much about this point of adulation , wherunto also I must add one thing more , tending to the same effect , and much talked of at this present , both at home , and abroad , which is ; That these new Maisters , of the little Vniuersity , and other their friendes haue perswaded his Maiestie , that they are valiant men in writing against their Aduersaries , and would performe great exploytes therin , if besides their Vniuersities , & Cathedrall Churches , they had some speciall Colledge of writers erected for that purpose , which men say is appointed to be at Chelsey , and that the matter is very forward : and that his Maiesty hath assigned therunto , both situation of a house and other great helpes ; which if it be so , I doubt not but that it proceedeth from him , out of a most honourable respect , for aduancing learning : but I assure my selfe this will not serue , though there were twenty Colledges more applyed to this end , except his Maiestie should giue them a new cause to write o● , ●or o● this betweene Catholikes and Protestants , albeyt they multiply books , neuer so fast , they will neuer be able to write with credit , either of them selues , or of their founders : for that falsity cannot be defended but by ●alshood , nor one vntruth but by another ; and consequently their cause being such as it is , their multuplying of writers , and increasing the number of bookes is but to multiply their owne disgrace , whereof some scantling may be taken in the last two bookes ( not to speake of any others ) that haue gone ●orth on the Catholicke side , to wit , the Reckoning with M. Morton , and the Search of Francis VValsingham , wherein the proper argument now in hand , is treated about true or false writing . And yet on the other side , if the said designement shall go forward , I thinke our English Catholickes will be glad thereof . First , for that it will honour not a litle their cause , it appearing by this , that the learneder sort of Protestants , do feele the weight of their weapons : for the besides the forsaid Vniuersities , Scholes , & Churches , they are forced to seeke yet further furniture for their defence . Secondly , it may be hoped , that forraine Catholick Princes hearing of this matter , will thinke themselues bound in zeale , and honour of their owne Religion to assist in like manner , for erection of some House , or Colledge , for English Catholike writers to defend the same . Thirdly it may in reason be expected that this little Vniuersity of Protestant Writers , will for their honour , and credits sake , deale effectually with his Maiestie , that the passage of Catholike bookes written in answere vnto theirs , may be more free , and not so subiect to losse , danger , and vexation , 〈◊〉 ●●therto they haue bene , ( especially , if they be written modestly , and to the purpose only ) for that otherwise it would seeme a very vniust matter● to open , as it were , a Schoole of fence , and yet to forbid the entrance of any that would offer to try their manhood and skill with them ; or as , if proposing a goale for runners , they would bynd the leggs of such as should runne with them . But fourthly and lastly , our greate●●● help of all would be in this case , that his Excellent Maiestie as before in part hath bene touched , beeing inuited by this occasion to read some bookes of both sides , would by the sharpnes of his Great Capacity , enlightened with Gods grace , discouer in tyme , where truth , and where falsity remayneth , where substance , or fraud is stood vpon : which would be the greatest benefit that we can possibly desire , or wish for at Gods hands , for the common benefit of our cause . ABOVT TOLERATION OR LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE demaunded by humble petition at his Maiesties handes by Catholikes , whether it were height of pryde or not : AS Also concerning the contention betweene Protestants and Puritans . CHAP. IIII. AS by that which hath bene set downe in the former Chapter , we haue seene and beheld , the good talent that M. Barlow , and his fellowes haue in fl●tering the memory of Queene Elizabeth now dead , and his Maiesty liuing : so now there ensueth another large Treatise of his , that sheweth his iniquity and virulent humor of most bitter calumniation against all sortes of Catholicks , for making humble supplication to his Maiesty , after his entrance to the Crowne for some liberty of conscience , or toleration at least in matters concerning religion , which petition though proposed , as hath bene sayd , with neuer so much humility and prostrate subiection of the petitioners , and many most forcible and apparent reasons alleaged for the same : yet will M. Barlow needs defend it for a supreme height of Pryde in them , to haue hoped for such a matter , or made supplication for the same . The clemency of his Maiesty ( saith he ) wrought in them that height of pride , that in confidence therof they directly did expect , and assuredly promise vnto themselues liberty of conscience , & equality in all things with vs , his Maiesties most best and faythfull subiects . And doe not you see how great and grieuous a charge this is , especially if you cut of the second part , as you must do , to wit , equality in all things with Protestants his Maiesties best subiects ? For this was neuer demaunded in the petition of Catholicks : & much lesse either directly or indirectly expected , and least of all assuredly promised to themselues . For then should they haue demaunded also to share equally with Bishops , and Ministers in their benefices , which we may assure our selus they neuer so much as dreamed of , or of other preferments in the common wealth , with that equality which heer they are made to haue assured themselues of . Their petition then was only for liberty of conscience as hath bene sayd , or if not that , yet at least wise some moderate toleration of the vse of that religion , which they had receyued from their Ancestours , from the first beginning of Christian religion planted in our English Nation , and continued in possession for more then nyne hundred yeares togeather , vntill the time of King Henry the eight , and his children , who made the first innouation , and by Regall power interrupted the sayd possession , wherunto the sayd possessors , and ancient tenants , though not presuming to demand restitutionem i● integrum , full restitution of that which by violence was taken from them ; yet that they might remayne with some kind of quiet and rest , for the vse of their said consciences in priuate , which they promised to vse with all humility and moderation , without scandall , or publicke offence , whereof they offered very good assurance , both for this , and for all other dutifull behauour in their ciuil obedience , as became true subiects : yea adding further also , that they would inforce thēselues to continue the payment of that mulct , or penalty of Statute layd vpon them for their Recusancy , at such a resonable agreed sūme of money yearly to be paid , as his Maiesty should thinke conuenient : So as by this meanes , they might haue some externall peace , and quietnes from the continuall molestations , which now they suffered in regard of their sayd consciences . This was their supplication , & now why this should be called pride , yea the height of pride , & highest degree of pride , & further , the extreme height and celfitude of pride , & lastly , the summity and sublimity of pride , as M. Barlow calleth it , I vnderstand not . For if pride be defined to be an inordinate desire of excellency aboue others , I doe not see that here in this petition , either Catholikes doe prefer themselues disorderly before others , but are content with a far inferiour degree then Protestants : or that their desire in demaunding , is disordinate ; whether we consider the same as it proceeded eyther from themselues to desire a thing so necessary to the health of their soules , or as it is directed to his Maiesty , their Prince , and Soueraigne , who is the person that may relieue them : and consequently , the laying forth of such theyr desires , by ordinate meanes of humble supplication , to theyr Lord , and Prince , cannot be called inordinat●s appetitus excellentiae , ●a disordinate appetite of excellencie aboue others , and consequently no pride , & much lesse celfitude of pride , as M. Barlow out of his celfitude of amplification , or rather height of hatred doth define it . But yet let vs see briefly what reasons he frameth for this his consequence . For first , sayth he , it is impious against God to graunt any such liberty of conscience , for that God symbolically forbids such mixture in the linsy-wolsy garment , Deut. 22. & 11. Ergo , it is height of pryde so sue for it . But whoseeth not heere that neither the antecedent nor consequent haue any force ? God did forbid in Deuteronomy 〈…〉 garments , Ergo , it is sublimity of pride for Catholicks in England , to sue to his Maiesty for some toleration of conscience . Will their brethren the Protestants of France allow of this argument ? Let vs see the second . Secondly ( sayth he ) it being a matter dishonourable to the King , is extremity of pryde to demaund it , for that honest men ( euen of their equalls ) will expect nothing , but that which shall stand with the credit , and reputation of the granter : but this without stayne of the Kings honour cannot be gr●●●ted , Ergo , it is height of pryde in the Catholicks to sue for it : which second or minor proposition , for that he imagined we would deny , that it would be a staine to his Maiesties 〈◊〉 to grant it , he goeth about to confirme the same , by diuers weake , and fond reasons , not vnfit for his inuention , as , that his Maiestie should be contrary to himselfe , and shew too much weaknes and slipperines , hauing apprehended the religion , which he now professeth , from the cradle of his infancy , resolued in his conscience , mantayned it by disputation , enacted it by lawes , established it by Oath , & the like : which are reasons quite from the matter . For the graunting of toleration vnto Catholickes , requireth not change of Religion in his Maiesty , no more then it doth in the moderne King of France , in granting the sayd toleration to his Protestants , or then it did in the Emperor Charles the fifth , when he permitted the same in Germany : so as M. Barlow here rather roueth then reasoneth . And further he is to be put in mind , that if it be a good argument , which here he vseth , that his Maiesty may not change his religion , for that he hath professed it from the cradle of his infancy &c. which yet hath not the antiquity of fifty years by a good deale , what may we say of the continuance of the Catholike religion in our countrey ? How many fifty yeares are passed since that cradle was rockt ? And why may not we make the same argument for any other sor● of men whatsoeuer , that haue liued in any other Religion for so many yeares , as his Maiesty hath done in this ? so little weight , or substaunce is in this Ministers words , who , so he may seeme to say somewhat , careth not greatly what it be , or how litle to the purpose . I leaue his other reasons as triuiall , and not worth the answering , as that Queene Elizabeth would not graunt this toleration of conscience , that our doctrinall positions are dangerous , that if his Maiesty should graunt toleration , he should loose the loue of all his Subiects , & the like : wherof some are false in the antecedent , as the second and third , for that our doctrinall positions truly vnderstood , are not daungerous to any common wealth but salutiferous : nor should his Maiesty leese the loue of his people , by vsing such ●lemency to so principall a part of his people , not a little pittied by the rest , of most wisdome , and best natures . As for the first , though it be true in the antecedent , that shee graunted no such toleration , yet is it most fa●se in the consequent , that therfore it is height of pride , to demaund it of his Maiesty : no reason requiring that her actions should be a necessary rule to his Maiesty for his , they being no better then they were . But now we must see briefly what M. Barlow answereth to all my reasons before alleadged for defending Catholickes from the imputation of height of pride , in making this demaund , and humble petition to his maiesty , which I shall set downe , in the very same words , which before I vsed . And surely , I cannot but wonder , that this Minister was not ashamed to call this the height of pride , which is generally found in all Protestants neuer so humble : yea the more humble , and vnderlings they are , the more earnest are they both in bookes , speaches , and preachings , to proue , that liberty of Conscience is most conforme to Gods law , and that wresting , or forcing of Consciences , is the highest Tyranny that can be exercised vpon man. And this we may see first , in all M. Fox his History , especially during the time of the three King Henries . 4. 5. and 6. and afterward , when those that were called L●llards , and Wickelissians , who as M. Fox saith , were indeed good Protestants , being pressed some what about their Religion did continually beate vpon this argument of libertie of Conscience , and when they obteyned it not , they set v● publicke schedles vpon the Church dores of London , an● made ●hose famous conspiracyes of killing K. Henry the 5 d and all his family , which are recounted by VVatsingham . Stow , Fox , and other English Historiographers . In this our age also , the first opposition of Protestant Princes in Germanie , against their Emperour Charles the 5. both at Smalcald , Austburgh , and other meetings ; as afterwards also the fierce and perilous warrs by the Duke of Saxony , Marques of Brandeburge , and other Protestant Princes , and their people , against the same Emperour , begunne in the very same yeare that our K. Henry dyed : were they not all for liberty of Conscience ? so pretended , so printed so published , so diuulged to the world ? The first Supplications , Memorials , and Declarations in like manner , which the Protestants of France set forth in print● as also they of Holland , & Zeland in tyme of the gouernments , as well of the Duchesse of Parma , Duke of Alua , Commenda●or Major , and other Gouernours : did they not all expresly professe , that their principall griefes were , about liberty of Conscience restrayned ? And did not they cyte many places of Scriptures , to proue the equity & necessity therof ? And do not all Protestants the like at this day , in all places where they are , both in Polonia , Austria , Bohemia , Styria , and els where ? And how then is Iordanis conuersus retr●rs●m , with this Minister ? How is his voyce contrary to the voyce & sense of all the rest ? How , & with what reason , may he call it the height of pryde in English Catholicks , to haue but hope therof , which is so ordinary a doctrine & practice of all his brethren in forraine nations , to wit , for vs to expect liberty of Conscience , at the first entrance of our new King , of so noble , and royall a mynd before that tyme , as he was neuer knowne to be giuen to cruelty , or persecution in his former raigne ? The Sonne of such a Mother , as held her selfe much beholden to English Catholicks ? And himselfe in his litle Golden * Booke to his Sonne the Prince , had confessed that he had euer found the Catholicke party most trusty vnto him , and therupon had done sundry ●auours to diuers of them , and giuen no small hope of greater vnto others . From this King ( I say ) whom they so much loued , and honoured , receyued so gladly , and with vniuersall ioy , meant to serue faithfully ; & trusted that as he had vnited the two Kingdomes in one Obedience by his Succession : so would he by his liberality , vnite and conioyne the harts of all his Subiects , in bearing a sweet and equall hand towards them all : From such a King ( I say ) for vs to expect liberty of Conscience , and equality with other Subiects ( in this poynt at least of freedome of soule ) what height of pryde may it be called ? May it not rather seeme height of pryde in this Minister , & his fellowes , that hauing byn old enemyes , and alwayes borne a hard , & hatefull hand , and tongue against his Maiesti● both in their Sermons , Bookes , Speaches , all the tyme of the late Queenes raigne ; now vpon the suddayne sine vllis meritis praecedentibus , will needs be so priuiledged , & assume vnto themselues such a confident presumption of his Maiesties speciall fauour , as to suffer no man to stand by them , but to hold it for height of pryde in vs to hope for any freedome and liberty of our Conscience at all ? What is height of pryde and folly , if this be not ? These are my words in my former booke : and now let vs behould what M. Barlow layeth forth agaynst the same . First he beginneth with a pull at the Purytans , though I neither named , nor designed them , but only sayd as now your haue heard , that generally all sorts of Protestants neuer so humble ( or far of from height of pryde in theyr owne conceipt ) doe allow , and desyre , yea the more humble and vnderlinges they are , the more earnest they insist , both by bookes , speach , and preaching , to proue , that liberty of conscience is most conforme to Gods law &c. Wherupon M. Barlow maketh this comment , that by vnderlinge Protestantes , I do meane them , that doe seuer themselues from him , and hi● , in matter of ceremony , and Church-gouerment , who are not vnderlings , sayth he , because they are humble , for that pryde only keepeth them aloofe . It is not the inferiour place , sayth he , or the deiected vysage , or the soft voyce , or dislike of Prelacy , that doth denominate humility . And these are the notes belike , that doe distinguish Puritans from the Protestants , to wit , the in●eriour place , the deiected ●isage , the soft speach , dislike of Prelacy . But yet I cannot but wonder to see him twice in this place to repeate , that the difference betweene these brethren and them●elues● is only in matters of Ceremony , differing ( sayth he ) only in matters ceremoniall , though before he added also Church-gouernment . Whereby is euydent that he houldeth theyr Church-gouernment , and Prelacy , matter of ceremony only , and consequently also his owne Prelacy and his being a Bishop , is but a meere Ceremony , and no substantiall matter in their Religion . Now then let vs see , what ensueth vpon this , and what honour and seruice M. Barlow doth to his whole Cleargy , and namely to his old Maister and Lord of Ca●terbury , by this his new doctrine . Is all the dignity , and preheminence , which his sayd Lord hath aboue all the Ministers in England , his superiority ouer the Cleargy , his being Archbishop & Primate , his spirituall Iurisdiction , his Courtes of the Arches , his power of dispensations , his making Ministers , and giuing them power to preach , ●each , & administer Sacramēts : Is all this but a ceremony ? Or do the Puritans in denying and impugning this , impugne but a ceremony , and no poynt of Religion it selfe ? Truely then must I say that their cause against you , is far better then I euer hitherto esteemed it to be . For if all these thinges be but ceremonies , and contayne no substātiall poynt of religion : why do you , that in other things professe your selues enemies to Ceremonies , stand so much vpon them to the disturbance of the whole Realme ? But of this I shall haue occasion to speake againe a little after , and to lay open your absurdities in this eua●ion . Now only , will I say a word to your argumēt which heere you make against vs , for toleration or liberty of cōscience● If t●ese humble vnderlings , say you , dwelling amongst 〈◊〉 ●●●d differing only from vs in matters ceremoniall , are not heard in their suite of liberty of conscience : how much lesse those who in poyntes essentiall , and fundamentall are seuered from vs , may not be tolerated ? Wherunto I answere , that if we respect reason and iustice in this matter , there is more on the behalfe of Catholicks , then of Puritans , for obtayning this toleration , notwithstanding their differences in poynts of Religion were , or be greater : for that the Puritans came out of the Protestants , and therby the Protestant Church may pretend to haue Ius aliquod Ecclesiasticum , some Ecclesiasticall right vpon them . But the Catholicks of England came neuer out of the Protestants , nor their Church out of the Protestant Church , but were long before them in possession , which is the markable poynt so much pondered by S. Iohn to discerne heresy , & heretickes thereby , Prodierunt ex nobis , they went out of vs. And consequently the Protestant Church can haue no spirituall iurisdiction vpon the sayd Catholickes , and much lesse by right , or reason , can they barre them the vse of their Religion , as they may do to Purytans , that were members once of them , though they differ in fewer poyntes of beliefe . An Exāple may be the Iewes in Rome , who are tolerated in their religion , which Protestants are not , though they differ in more poyntes of beliefe : but yet for that they were in possession of their Religion , before Christians , and went not out from them , as Protestants did from Catholickes , they are tolerated in that place , and Protestants not . And hereby is also answered M. Barlowes last reason against graunting of toleration , which I pretermitted before to be answered in this place : which is , that if the cause were ours , as God be thanked he sayth it is theirs , we wil not graunt liberty to them , for their religion . But how doth he know that , seeing soe many Catholike Princes both in France , Low-Countryes , and Germany doe permit the sayd toleration , to diuers and different sectes ? And if he obiect that in Queene Maries daies , it was not permited to Protestants in England , nor yet by King Henry the eight , much lesse by the foresayd 3. Henryes that went before him , yet may the causes , and reasons be different now . For albeit for equity and iustice the matter do passe , as before we haue sayd , that no sect in England whatsoeuer , as of L●●lords , VVickcliffians , Lutherans , Zuinglians , Calui●ists , or the like can haue any right in conscience to deny toleratiō of their religion vnto them , out of which they themselues went , and that the Catholike Church hath that right vpon them as going out of her : yet may shee leaue to vse that right oftentimes , and tolerate different sectaryes also , when they are so multiplied , as they cannot be restrayned without greater scandall , tumult , and perturbation , according to the parable to our Sauiour , concerning the cockle growne vp amongst the wheat , which our sayd Sauiour willed rather to be let alone , vntill the haruest day , left by going about to weed out the one out of due time , they might pluck vp the other . So as these Catholicke Princes his Maiesties Ancestors , that did deny toleration , considering their kingdomes to be quietly setled in the Ancient religion of theyr fore fathers , did iustly and lawfully resist the new attempts of innouators : and iustly also may we affirme that if other forrayne Princes at this day , of the same Catholick religion do permit vpon other reasons liberty , or toleratiō of different religion : much more may his Maiesty of England do the same to his Catholick subiects , for the reasons that haue bene now alleadged . And so much of this . To the exāples of the Lollardes & VVickliffian Protestants , that made such earnest suite for toleration and liberty of conscience , in the dayes of three King Henries 4. 5. and 6. and tooke armes for obtayning the same , he sayth , that if any such conspiracies were , we de●end them not : subiection to Princes we preach , insurr●ctions we defy &c. And with this he thinketh he hath well satisfyed the matter● To the forreyne examples of higher Germany in the time of Charles the fifth , and of the low-Countryes in these our dayes , he answereth , That these are noe fit presidentes for our State , the gouerment of the Emperour being limited● and conditionall , and we speake of subiects vnder an absolute Monarchy . To those of Bo●hemia , Polonia , and Hungarie he sayth , that it is to be considered , VVhether the en●rance into those kingdomes be Successiue , or Electiue by descent , without condi●i●●all restraintes : and if they were absolute Monarchies , what is that to his Maiesty , who in cases of religion taketh not mens examples , but Gods lawes , for his dyrects . He knoweth what Princes ought to doe , not regarding what they please to doe &c. But al this while me thinkes the chiefe point is not answered by M. Barlow , which is that those good Protestants were of opinion , that toleration , or liberty of conscience might be graunted according to the law of God , and ought also to be graunted . And why is Iordani● now turned backward , saith the letter● Why is this Ministers voice contrary to the voice & sens● of all other Protestants ? The sayd Letter goeth forward , laying downe di●er● considerations , which engendred hope in the minde● of Catholicks , for obtayning this suite of toleration , and namely these three , to wit : First , the first entrāce of our new King , knowne to be of so noble and royall a mind before that time , as he neuer was noted to be giuē to cruelty or persecution for religion . Secondly the sonne of such a Mother , as held her selfe much behoulding to English Catholi●kes . And thirdly that himselfe had confessed , that he had euer found the Catholicke party most trusty vnto him in his troubles , and many conspiraci●● made against him . To the first wherof M. Barlow in effect answereth nothing at all , but only citeth certayne places of Scripture , for punishing of Idolatry . To the second he sayth , That if his Maiesties Mo●her had not relied too much vpon the Priested sort in England , her end had not bene so suddaine , or vnkind . Belike he was priuy vnto it , that he can tell those particulars . And his Epithete of vnkind , in cutting off her Maiesties head , was very iudiciously deuised by him . For indeed there can nothing be deuised more vnkind , then for two Queenes so neere of kinred , to cut off one the others head , and that vpon the suddaine , as here is graunted , which increaseth the vnkindnes of so barbarous a fact , perswaded and vrged principally , as al men know , by the continuall incitations of those of M. Barlows coate , to the despite both of Mother and Sonne , and ruine of them both , if it had laye● i● their hande● . Neyther is this to cast salt into his Maiesties eyes , as M. Barlow heere sayth , but rather to open the sa●e , that he may see● what kind of people these are , that do s● much flatter him now , and impugned both him and his at that time . But let vs heare how Ironically he dealeth with vs● in framing a fond argument on our behalfe , as to him it seemeth . The Mother , sayth he , loyalty● Ergo , the Sonne must giue them liberty of consc●●c● . And i● this Sy● so bad an argument ? Do you take away the word 〈◊〉 , which is of your owne thrusting in , and put in place therof , that the sayd Sonne may be the soone● induced to gra●t them that liberty , in respect of their former dutifulnes , and loyalty to his mother in her distresses , and the consequence will not be euill . To the third of his Maiesties confessed experience of the loyalty of Catholickes both towards himselfe and his Mother , in their distres●es , he sayth : That his Maiesty nameth not Catholi●kes at all , in his said Booke , but only prosesseth that be found none so stedfastly to abide by him in his greatest straites , as they which constantly kept their true Allegiance to his Mother . Well Syr , and who I pray you were they ? Catholickes or Protestants ? Let the acts of those times be seene , the Authors noted , the effectes considered . Yet , sayth M. Barlow , no● i● is very probable that when his Maiesty , hath cast vp his accompt of for●er disloyalties , he shall ●ind the moderate ●nd dir●ct Protestant● that incli●es neither to right hand nor left , to be the first and faithf●ll subiect . Well Syr , this may be p●rhaps f●● the time to come , for your sel●e saith , tha● it is but probable : but for the time p●st his Maiestie hauing now cast vp his accompts , hath found that reckonyng , as he h●th set it downe . And the common rule of wisdome is to beleeue as we haue found , vntill different experience teach vs the contrary . And by the way we must● learne here M. Barlowes new deuised epithetons , of a moderate and direct Protestant , that as , he sayth , is neyth●r Iesu●ted , nor Geneuated , that is neither Catholicke nor Pury●an , but moderate , and direct : that is to say , moderate in not belieuing to much on any s●de , if it stand not with his profit , and direct in following iump the Prince and State that may aduance him , whatsoeuer they should determine in matters of religion . This is the man by M. Barlowes direction , vpon whome his Maiestie must buyld , and not the Purytan or zealous Catholicke , for that they are ouer scrupulous . I could wish that M. Barlow had bene a litle more scrupulous in the very next ensuing number , where without all blushing , he casteth out two notorious lyes , agaynst Father P●rsons , to make him odious thereby to his Maiestie , saying first , that he pronounceth his sayd Maiestie to be a desperate and ●orlorne hereticke , but cyteth no place where it is to be found ; nor indeed is there any such place to be found where Father Person● vseth any such words , as euer I could yet see . Secondly he alleadgeth for Father Persons expresse words , these : That whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant , is a most grieuous , and damnable sinner , and citeth for the same D●l●man pag. 216. which quotation serueth only to condemne M. Barlow of a notorious wilfull calumniation , for that these expresse wordes are not there found , nor is there any mention of the Succession of a Protestant , but in generall is sayd thus , That for any man to giue his help towards the making of a King whome he iudgeth faulty in religion , and consequently would aduance no religion , or the wrong , if ●e were in authority , is a grieuous sinne of what syde soeuer the truth be &c. So as neither Protestant nor Succession is named in this place , but m●king of a King , by such as my haue authority to doe the same ; and it may as well hould agaynst the entrance of a Catholicke Prince , as of any other sect whatsoeuer . And consequently both of these are s●landerous accusations , the first being a meere inuented vntruth , and the second a malicious peruerted calumniation : so as in respect of both , I may well say with the Prophet , Dilexisti omnia verba praecipitationis lingua dolosa , and I pray God the threat next insuing do not take place , Propterea Deus destruct to in finem &c. I desyre not his destruction , but his amendment . After this followeth in my foresaid Letter a narration of the Dutifull demeanour of Catholickes towardes his Maiestie , euen from his first entrance , and how by the vniust perswasions of their enemyes , they began quickly to feele his hard hand borne ouer them , euen before the powder-plot , as by the confirmation of all Queen Elizabeth● penal lawes , in the first yeare of his Maiesties raigne , with the execution therof afterward , doth well appeare : wherof many particuler examples are set downe ; and among other things it is touched , as a matter of speciall disfauour , that his Maiestie vouchsafing in his owne Royall Person to giue publicke audience both to Protestants and Puryt●● for 3. dayes togeather concerning the differences of their Religion , no such grace at all was graunted vnto Catholickes . Vpon which words M. Barlow stayeth himselfe , and maketh this cōmentary . It is a strange humour , sayth he , that this Epistler hath , i● he sayth truth , he lyeth : It is true there was a conference , but about difference in Religion , it is vtterly false ; say●● they would possesse the world that we are at iar among our selues ab●●● our Religion , whereas the quarrell , though it be indeed vnkind , yet it i● not in this kinde , saue only for Ceremonyes externall , no poynt subst●●tiall &c. But now of this I haue spoken somewhat before , shewing , that if this vnkinde quarrell betweene Protesta●●s & Purytans , as he calleth it , be only about externall Ceremonies , then is both his Prelacy , and that of his Lord and Maister the Archbishop only an externall Ceremony . And if his phrase of vnkind quarrell be of the same kind that he mentioned before to be in Queene Elizabeth towards Queene Mary of Scotland , whose he●d she cut of● then is the matter somewhat substantiall , & not only Ceremoniall : and indeed he that shall consider what the Purytan in this vnkind quarrell pretendeth agaynst the Protestant and his Church , shall see , that he striketh at the head indeed , or rather striketh of the head of the sayd Church , whether we consyder either the externall and ministeryall head thereof , to wit , the Princes Ecclesiasticall power , and of Bishops vnder him ; or the internall head metaphorically taken for the life , spirit , and essence of the sayd Church in denying it to be a true Christian Church , but only a prophane Congregation , without any spirituall power at all . This appeareth by all the course and drift of Puritan wryters , and bookes extant , of the differences acknowledged also by Protestant writers in their Treatises against them : so as to me it seemeth , not only a shameles bouldnes to deny it , as M. Barlow here doth , but a sham●full basenes also , and beggary so to runne after their enemyes , intreating them to haue some association with them ; whereas the other do both contemne , and detest them . For this falleth out not only in this case , but also with the Lutherans , whom M. Barlow and his fellowes , when they deale with vs , will needes haue to be theyr brethren of one and the same Church , fayth , and beliefe , for all substantiall poyntes of doctrine : Whereas the Lutherans on the other syde do both deny and defy this communion in fayth with them , and haue set forth whole bookes to proue the same , which were too long here to repeate . Yea Caluinian , and Zwinglian Ministers themselues are witnesses hereof , in many of their Treatises , as namely , the Tigurine Deuines , who confesse , that theyr differences , and contentions with the Lutherans are about Iustification , Free-will , the Ghospell , the law , the Person of Christ , his descent into hell , of Gods election , of his children to life euerlasting , & de multis alijs non leuis momenti articulis , & of many more articles of no small importance : which is euident , for that Ioannes Sturmius another Zwinglian or Caluinist addeth other controuersies , as of the Supper of our Lord , and Reall Presence , of Predestination , of the Ascension of Christ to heauen , his sitting at the right hand of his Father , and the like : adding also that the Lutherans do hould the Protestant Caluinian Churches of England , France , Flanders , and Scotland for Hereticall , and their Martyrs , for Martyrs of the Diuell . And conforme to these their writings are their doinges and proceedings with them , where they haue dominion ; for that they admyt them not to cohabitation , nor to the common vse of marriage betweene them , nor to be buryed with them , after theyr deaths , as they well know who haue liued , or do liue among them . And thus much for the Lutherans of the one syde . Now let vs see somewhat also of the Purytans of the other . And first of all this matter hath beene handled dyuers times , and demonstrated by Catholicke English wryters of our dayes , agaynst this absurd assertion of M. Barlow that the differences at this day betweene Protestants and Purytans are not at all concerning religion , nor of any substantiall , and essentiall poyntes thereof ; but only Ceremoniall : and in particuler the same is conuinced , and made most manifest in the Preface of a late Booke , intituled An answere to the fifth part of Syr Edward Cookes Reports , where the different grounds of Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall power , betweene Protestants , Puritans , and Catholickes being examined , it is found , that their differences are such as cannot possibly stand togeather , to make one Church and house of saluation , but that if one hath the truth , the other must necessarily remayne in damnable error ; which is euident also by the writings of Protestants themselues , especially by the bookes intituled Dangerous positions , set forth and imprinted at London 1593. and the Suruey ofpretended holy discipline , made as they say , by him that is now Lord of Canterbury , and Doctor Sutcliffe , as also the Booke intituled , the Picture of a Purytan , writen by O. O. of Emanuel , printed 1603. and other like bookes . But especially at this time will I vse for proofe of this poynt , the testimony of Thomas Rogers Minister , and Chaplin , as he styleth himselfe , to his Lord of Canterbury , who of late hauing set forth by publike authority , the fayth , doctrine , and religion of England expressed in 39. articles vpon the yeare 1607. doth in his Preface to his said Lord , hādle this matter of the differences betweene the Puritans and Protestantes , though partially agaynst the discontented brethren , he being theyr aduersary , but yet setteth downe out of their owne words , what their iudgment is of the importance , and moment of the controuersyes betwene them , to wit , that they are not only about Ceremonies , and circum●tances , as M. Barlow pretendeth , but about poyntes contayned in scripture , & in the very Ghospell it selfe . They are compryzed , say they , in the booke o● God , and also be a part of the Ghospell , yea the very Ghospell it selfe : so true are they , and o● such importance , that if euery hayre of our head were a life , we ought to aff●ard them all , in defence of these matters : and that the articles of religion penned , and agreed vpon by the Bishops , are but childish toyes in respect of the other . So they . And will any man thinke or say now that these men doe not hould that theyr differences with the Protestants are differences in religion , as M. Barlow sayth , or that they are only matters of ceremonyes , and not of any one substantiall poynt concerning religion ? Let vs heare them yet further telling theyr owne tale , and related by M. Rogers . The controuersy betwene them and vs ( say they , of the Protestants ) is not as the Bishops , and their welwillers beare the world in hand , for a cap , or tippet , or a Surplisse , but for greater matters concerning a true Ministry , and regiment of the Church according to the word of God. The first wherof , which is a true Ministry , they ( Protestants ) shall neuer haue , till Bishops and Archbishops be put downe , and all Ministers be made equall . The other also will neuer be brought to passe , vntill Kings and Queenes doe subiect themselues vnto the Church , and doe submit their Scepters , and throw downe their Crownes before the Church , and licke vp the dust of the feete of the Church , and willingly abyde the Censures of the Church &c. This they write , and much more in that place● which I trow is more then M. Barlow ascribeth vnto the matter . For if it be contayned in Gods booke , yea a part o● the Ghospell , the very Ghospell it selfe , about which they contend ; what proter●ity is it on the other part , to call it a matter only of Ceremony . But yet further within two pages after agayne , they doe explayne themselues , and theyr cause more in particuler saying : Our controuersy with the Protestants is , whether Iesus Christ shal be King or no : and the end of all our trauell is , to b●yld vp the walls of Ierusalem , and to set vp the throne of Iesus Christ 〈◊〉 heauenly king in the myddest thereof . And are these poyntes also not substantiall , nor any wayes touching religion , but Ceremonies ? Harken then yet further what they do inferre vpon the Protestantes Church , for dissenting from them in these pointes : Neyther is there among them , say they , a Church , or 〈◊〉 least wise no true Church : neither are they but titular Christians , & no true Christians indeed . And yet will M. Barlow continue to say , that there is no difference at all in Religion ; and that I lyed , when I sayd , that his Maiesty yeelded to a Conference between Protestants & Puritans , concerning their differences of Religion . VVhat will he answere to the two precedent members touched by the Puritans , to wit● that their strife is for a true Ministry , & a lawfull gouermēt therof , expounding their meaning to be , that for obtaining the first , all Bishops and Archbishops must be put downe , & for the second , all temporall Princes , Kings , & Queenes must leaue their superiority ouer the Church , & submit themselues , and their Crownes vnto the same Church , to wit , their Presbyteries , as M. Rogers expōdeth their words ? And is there no substantiall point neyther in all this , but only matter of Ceremony ? And doth not the very life , & soule of the Church depend of these two things , a true Ministry , and lawful Head ? Is not the power of preaching , teaching , administration of Sacraments , care of soules , possessing Cures and Benefices , absoluing from sinnes , spirituall iurisdiction , and all Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy deryued from hence ? And are all these thinges only Ceremoniall without substance , or essence of religion ? Doth M. Barlow discharge his duty of a Champion , eyther towardes his king , or his old Lord ( from both which it seemeth al●eady he hath receaued large fees ) in bringing both their authorities in Ecclesiastical matters to be meere Ceremonies ? No man I thinke will sue to be his Clyent hereafter , i● he can plead no better . But let vs yet see a little further , how he hath aduanced his Maiestyes spirituall authority . Thus he writeth of his being Moderator in the Conference betwene the Puritans and Protestants . This difference ( sayth he ) about thinges indifferent , his Maiesty desirous to reconcile , vouchsafed his Princely paynes to moderate , & mediate . In which wordes , first doe you note againe his often repetition , that they were thinges indifferēt , to wit , whether his Maiesty should haue Supreme Primacy in Church causes , or renounce the same , and cast it downe , togeather with his Scepter before the Presbytery of the Puritans ; and whether the Lord of Canterbury should leaue of his Lordship , and Graceship , and become a simple Minister equall with the rest ? And so likewise M. Barlow himselfe to leaue the Sea of Lincolne , and title of Lordship , which none that knowes the humor of the man will imagine that he holdeth for a thing indifferent , or a meere Ceremony . This I say is the first Notandum : for if these things be indifferent , what need so much a doe about them ? And the second Notandum is , that he saith , that his Maiesty did moderate and mediate in this Conference : which is a very moderate and meane word indeed to expresse so high and eminent Authority Ecclesiasticall , as sometimes they wil seem to ascribe vnto his Maiesty . For who cannot moderate or mediate in a Conference , if he haue sufficient learning and knowledge of the cause , though he haue no eminent authority at all to decide the same ? But who shall determine or define the Controuersy ? Here no doubt M. Barlow wil be in the brakes . For that a little after being pressed with the free speach and deniall of S. Ambrose vnto Valentinian the Emperour , when he medled in Ecclesiasticall affairs , and in particuler when he sent for him by Dalmatius a Trib●ne , with a Notary to come and dispute in the Consistory before him , his Counsell , and Nobility , with the Hereticall Bishop Auxen●ius , S. Ambrose refused vtterly to goe , yeelding for his reason , that in matters of faith and religion Bishops must iudge of Emperours , and not Emperours of Bishops : which deniall M. Barlow well alloweth , saying , that Ambrose did well in it , and sayd well for it , his fact and reason were both Christianlike . But suppose , that his Maiesty , had sent for the Bishops to dispute and confer with the doctors of the Puritan party in his presence , as the Emperour Valentinian did S. Ambrose & that they had refused to come , with the same reasō , that S. Ambrose did , would M. Barlow that wrote the Conference haue defended the same as good , and lawful ? Or would his Maiesty haue taken the same , in as good part , as Valentiniā did ? I doubt it very much , as also I doubt , whether S. Ambrose if he had disputed , would haue suffered Valentiniā ( suppose he had bin learned ) to haue moderated & mediated in that disputatiō , as M. Ba●low saith his Maiesty did in this . But if without effect , & that he could not conclude ; who should giue iudgment of the matter ? The Bishops ? They were party , and theyr whole interest lay therein . The Puritan Doctors ? They were also a party , and therby partiall . His Maiesty could not doe it , according to M. Barlowes doctrin in this place , if any point of religion were handled therein . Who then should iudge , or giue sentence ? The Church saith M. Barlow in another place . But who maketh that Church ? Or who giueth authority of iudgement to that Church , if the supreme Head and gouernour haue it not in himself ? Do you not see how intricate this matter is , & hard to resolue ? And according to this , as it seemeth , was the effect and consequence of this meeting , if we belieue M. Barlow himselfe , who maketh this question : Did th●se great and Princely paynes which his Maiesty tooke with the Purit●ns , worke a generall conformity ? And then he answereth : VVith the iudicious and discreet it did , ( wherof M. Barlow was one ) but the rest grew more aukward , and violent . So he . But all this while if you marke it , there is nothing said to the point , for which all this was brought in , to wit , why the like fauour had not beene shewed to Catholikes , for a Conference also with them about their Religion . M. Barlow doth touch some number of reasons , as that our opinions doe touch the very head , and foundation of religion : That his Maiesty was perfect in all the arguments , that could be ●rought for the aduerse part , and that he throughly vnderstanding the weaknes of them , held it both vnsafe and vnnecessary to haue them examined : That the Protestant religion being throughly well placed , and hauing so long continued , is not now to be disputed &c. Which reasons being either in themselues fond , or against himselfe , I will not stand to refute . One only contradiction wil I note , that our argumēts being so weake , yet that it should be vnsafe to haue them examined ; and that the long continuance of Protestant religion in England should make it indisputable : whereas more then ten times so long prescription of Catholike religion could not defend it , by shew of a conference or dispute h●ld at VVestminster at the beginning of Queen Elizabeths raigne , when the same was changed and put out . And finally I will end this with a notable calumniation , insteed of a reason vttered by M. Barlow , why this Conference ought not to be granted to Catholikes , for sooth : For that , euen in their common petition for toleration , they ●is●hed his Maiesty to be as great a Saint in heauē , as he is a King vpon earth , shewing thereby , saith he , that gladly they would be rid o● him , but w●ich way they care not , so he were not here . And may not this Prelate now beare the prize for calumniation and Sycophancy , that out of so pious an antecedent can inferre so malicious a consequent ? The Catholickes doe wish vnto his Maiesty both life present , and euerlasting to come ; here a great King and there a great Saint : M. Barlow seemeth not to care much for his eternity , so he may enioy his temporality , by the which he himselfe gayneth for the present , and hopeth euery day to do more & more : it import●th him litle how great a Saint his Maiestie be in heauen , so vpon earth he liue longe to fauour him and to furnish him with fat benefices . And thus he inforceth me to answere him , contrary to my owne inclination , for repressing somewhat his insolent malignant speach , which is the most exorbitant perchance , virulent , and impotently passionate , that euer appeared in paper in our English tongue , for which I intend not to follow him any further , step by step , and foote by foote , as hitherto I haue done : for it would require a huge volume , & weary both vs , and the reader with the impertinency therof . Wherfore I shal in that which is to ensue , draw the rest of this his Answere to certaine particuler heads for more perspicuity and breuities sake , wherby shal appeare how worthy a writer he is , and well deseruing his fee , that runneth into such absurdities , errors , ignorances , corruptions , and falsityes , as wil be layd against him : wherin I remit my selfe , not only to that which is already sayd , but particulerly also to that which is to ensue . CONCERNING ERRORS , ABSVRDITIES , IGNORANCES AND FALSITIES , Vttered by M. Barlow in the rest of his Answere . CHAP. V. WHER AS page 49. & 50. of my Letter I began in the second Part of the second Paragraph to handle whether temporall obedience were denied vnto his Maiesty , by those that refused the Oath of Allegiance , and that by the expresse order and commandement of the Pope in his Breue , as the Apologer often affirmeth , and M. Barlow still auoucheth , I sayd , that this was iniurious dealing towards vs , who ne●er denied this poyn● , that all dutifull ciuill obedience was to be performed● and that it needed not to cite both Scriptures , Fathers , and Councells , to proue the said temporall obedience to be due , for that we both confessed , taught , and perswaded the same to all his Mai●sties subiects , and that the co●trary neuer passed through our cogitations , but do hould ( said I ) and tea●h that subiects are bound to obey their temporall Princes , in all thinges lawf●ll , & not only good Princes , but bad also ; and not only out of f●●re , & fla●tery ( as some do ) but out of conscience , as the Apostle ●eac●●th vs to the Romans , propter conscientiam , sayth he , for conscience sake , but yet not contra conscien●iam , against conscience , or contrary to conscience . Against which clause M. Barlow very learnedly and piously setteth downe this doctrine : They teach ( sayth he ) , that the Prince is to be obeyed ; propter con●cien●iam● n●● contra conscientiam , for conscience sake , not against conscience : that is no sound doctrine in the negatiue part : for euen against a mans conscien●e the Prince is to be obeyed , vnlesse that he that disobeyeth , c●● proue his conscience to be the same , which the Apostle describeth , a good conscience , accompanied with true loue , and ●ayth vn●ayned . So he . And presently he add●th a reason out of Syr Thomas More one o● our Martyr's , as he calleth him , and we worthily account him so , who sayth , that there may be consci●ntia a●●nina , and conscientia lupina , the conscience of an As●e , and the conscience of a Wolfe , which we easily graunt , and that Syr Thomas More had neyther of them , and M. Barlow perhaps hath both ; the Asinina in making this ignorant & impious determination , That a man may obey Princes against his owne conscience ; and the Lupina in going about craftily & violently to defend it by the shew of Scripture , as presently will appeare . For albeit I haue written somewhat of this mat●er before in the first Part of this discussion , to wit , of the obligation that euery man hath to follow his Conscience , and precept of his inward reason , be it right or wrong , so long as it standeth vncontrolled : yet am I forced to say somewhat more here , for detection of this mans wilfull ●rror or grosse ignorance in this place , and that in both the two poynts now mentioned , concerning the obligation that men haue not to do against their conscience , and the prescription of a good conscience pretended to be alleaged out of Saint Paules Epistle to Timothy , for in both pointes there be e●regious fraudes , if not fooleries . And for the first , the Reader must vnderstand , that this proposition so assertiuely set downe here by M. Barlow ; that euen against a mans conscience the Prince is to be obeyed , is so absurd and impious in Catholicke Christian ●ares , especially of the learned , as nothing can be more , for that it openeth a playne way to Atheisme , and ouerthroweth the very first morall principles of vertuous actions in vs , to wit , the Synderisis , and pr●script of reason it selfe , that God hath by nature planted in our soules , for our gouernment and direction : against which light and rule , whosoeuer doth any thing willingly must needes sinne , whatsoeuer the thing that is done be , good or bad : the reason wherof is , for that the goodnes or badnes of any thing● imbraced by our will , dependeth of the apprehension , and estimation therof by our vnderstanding and prescript of reason , that inwardly directeth the said will , so as if it should be proposed vnto our will for exa●ple sake , as an euill thing , and with that apprehension imbraced by our will , though it were good in it selfe , yet to me it must needs be euill , for that I did it , thinking it to be an euill thing . As for example to belieue in Christ ( sayth S. Thomas ) in it selfe is a good thing , and necessary to saluation , but y●t the will of man doth not imbrace it , but as it is propounded vnto the same by our reason , and therfore if the said reason and iudgment should propose it as an euill thing , and not good to belieue in Christ ( as in Turkes and Iewes it doth ) and that the will notwithstanding should choose , and imbrace it as it is proposed , vnder the same apprehension that it is euill indeed , then doth our will commit sinne , for that in her conceipt and apprehension , she chooseth and imbraceth euill : and though in it selfe it be not so , yet to her it is , that iudging it so , doth notwithstāding imbrace it . In which case Schoolmen do define , that a good obiect so chosen by the will against the dictamen of reason , and conscience , is ●on●m s●●pliciter and secundum se , but m●lum per accidens huic homini si● eligenti , it is good simply and in it selfe , but accidentally euill to this particuler man that chooseth it , against the direction of his iudgment and conscience . And this poynt is a thing so cleare in nature it selfe ● as that Aristotle in his ●irst and seauenth bookes of Mor●ls , trea●ing o● the nature , and condition of the incontinen● man , sheweth that a man may be incontinent two wayes , one way properly in that he doth exercise any act that appertayneth properly a●d truely to the vice of incontinencie , the other way accidentally , when he doth exe●cise an act , that he imagineth and perswadeth himselfe ●o be in the matter of incontinency , and is not : and yet doth Aristotle conclude this man to be incontinent , for ●hat his will did disagree in this matter from his reason and iudgment , making choice of that which the said reason did propound vnto her , as an euill thing . Wherfore according to these principles , the vniuersall consent both of Philosophers an Deuines is , first that bonitas voluntatis seu actus interioris dependet à ratione propone●te ; that the goodnes of the internall act of our will● in choosing any thing , dependeth vpon our reason & iudgment that propoūdeth the same ; So as the will may not choose or imbrace any thing , that is so propounded , and consequently that , Voluntas discordans à ratione , ●on solùm recta ●e●um etiam errante , est semper mala : that our will when it doth d●sagree from our reason , and conscience , and chooseth not that which our said reason and conscience propoundeth , it is alwayes euill and sinneth , though the sayd reason and conscience do erre in propounding the same : yea further that this obligation for our will , and ch●ice to follow our reason , iudgment , and conscience , is , by the law of God , in na●ure it sel●e so strong and indispensable , as that not onl● any man liuing● Prince or Potentate can dispense with the same , to haue it bro●ē whi●● the ●aid repugn●nce ●ndureth , but neither God himselfe . Wherupon a great learned Deuine of our dayes setteth downe & defendeth thi● proposi●ion , Neminem nec ips●m Deum dispens●re posse , vt sin● peccato quis faciat contra propriam conscientiam , that no man , nor God ●imsel●e can di●pense , that a man may do any thing against his owne conscience without sinne . ●nd his reason is , for that Almighty God should be contrary to himsel●e , if hauing put a precept by nature , that our will must ●ollow our reason and cōscience , & do nothing against the same , he should notwithstāding dispense that the breach of this precept should be no sinne , for the● should these lawes contradictory stand ●ogeather , I ha●e●ery breach of Gods precept is a sin : & yet that the breach of this precept is no sin . True it is , that God according to some Deuines may dispense in his precepts by taking thē away , and thereby also take away the force of their obliging man to sinne , that should doe against them , but they standing in force and vigor , no dispensation can be giuen to do against them without sinne , for the reasons now set downe . Well then this position & assertion is most certaine in all Catholike Scholes , as well by the groundes of Philosophy , as Deuinity , that no man without sinne may do against th● dictamen , or direction of his owne reason or cōscience , yea though it should be erroneous in it selfe , for that so long as it is not knowne to be erroneous to the doer , but thought to be right , he esteemeth it as a rule prescribed vnto him by God , and consequently to doe against it , is to doe against Gods rule , and precept , and so must it needs be sinne vnto him . But here perhaps some man will demaund , what then may be done in ●a● erroneous conscience , whether it be Afi●●a by ignorance , or Lupina by loosenes , or otherwise e●ring as M. Barlow mentioneth . Truly the remedy is not , as he prescribeth , to doe against a mans conscience , I meane against that very erring conscience , so long as it semeth to the doe● not to erre , but to be right , for therin he ●●old si●ne , as hath beene said : But he ought to depose that conscience if he can , and to seeke rea●ons of better information , and therwithall frame vnto himselfe another conscience : but yet so long as he cannot doe this , he is bound not to doe against the other conscience , which he think●th to be right , though vnknowing vnto him , ●t should be erroneous . But now in what cases , and vpon what grounds , and with what circumstances a man may be bound to reforme or alter his conscience , either by direction or authority of his Superiours , or by contrary reasons , proofes , arguments and authorities , according to the substance and quality of the things , is a large dispute among Schoole Deuines , Casuistes , and Canonistes . For vs it is sufficient at this time to haue seene , that all generally doe condemne , as most false and wicked , this proposition of M. Barlow , that euen agaynst a mans conscience the Prince is to be obeyed : which proposition you haue seene before confuted . Now we must consider certayne shi●te● and absurdityes vsed by M. Barlow in setting downe this his false doctrine . Euen agaynst conscience , sayth he , the Prynce is to be obeyed , vnlesse he that disobeyeth , can proue his conscience to be the same , that the Apostle describeth , a good conscience accompanied with true loue and fayth vnfayned . In which wordes you must note , that first there is contayned a very absurd shift , not voyde of impiety ; and secondly much corruption and falsity . The shift is , in that when any thing is proposed to a man by a Prince or Superiour , that is contrary to his conscience , he byndeth him absolutely to doe it , euen agaynst his conscience , vnlesse he can proue that his conscience hath true loue and fayth vnfayned , which being a very hard matter for many men to discerne in themselues , especially the ignorant and vnlearned , he doth not only licence them● but obligeth them also , to doe agaynst theyr conscience , good or bad , whatsoeuer is proposed vnto them , which openeth a gap to all impiety , and to the ouerthrow of all conscience in most men . For certayne it is , that the far greater part of Christians haue not sufficient time , leasure , learning , or commodity to make this proofe prescribed out of the Apostle : and then I would demaund him , what he will say of Turkes , Iewes , and Gentiles that haue not true fayth ? Haue they no conscience ? and must they doe what soeuer is ordayned them , though neuer so repugnant to theyr rea●on , because they cannot proue theyr conscience to be such as the Apostle ( though falsely ) is presumed here to describe ? What will M. Barlow say also of Christian Sectaryes of our time , to wit , Anabaptists , Trinitarians , ●●●●●tes , L●●berans , Swingfeldians , Brownists &c. whom he will not grant I am sure to haue true loue , and vnfayned fayth ? Haue they no conscience , that may bind them to any thing , different frō that which is proposed vnto them by Kings or Princes , whether it seeme vnto them good or bad ? May all these men ●weare to whatsoeuer is requyred , or do what soeuer is exacted by a temporall Prince , without further examen , for that they cannot proue as M. Barlow will no doubt suppose , that they haue true loue , and fayth vnfayned ? Who would expect such monstrous doctrines , from the Chayre of a Prelate ? But now let vs see how he vseth S. Paul in this matter , and abuseth his Reader vnder pretence of his name , and authority . He sayth , that the Apostle describeth a good conscien●e , to be that , which is accompanied with true loue and fayth vnfayned : and vpon this foundeth his discourse , as now you haue heard , cyting for it● 1. Tim. 1. 5. But if you read the place , you shall find the matter quite otherwise , and by this you may learne , how these fellowes that cry nothing but Scriptures , do abuse the simple people , with misalleadging , and misconstruing the same . For that the Apostle describeth not a good conscience at all in that place , but only assigneth the same as a thing necessarily requyred , to the end and perfection of the Law. For the wordes of the Apostle are these : Finis pr●cepti est , charitas de corde puro , conscientia bona , & fide non ficta : The end of the cōmandement or law is charity out of a pure hart , a good conscience , & faith not fayned . Which is no description of a good conscience as you see , but of the end & perfection of th● law , which is Charity , according to that which in another place the same Apostle sayth : Ple●itudo legis Charitas : the fullnes or fulfilling of the Law is charity . But here he describeth more at large what manner of charity it must be , to wit proceding out of a pure hart , as also out of a good conscience ( which ●●ge●●●●● hope ) and out of vnfayned fayth . So as here tr●e charity 〈◊〉 described , and not a good conscience ( which i● named ●●●ly as a condition needfully required to the fulfilling of the Law , and not described , as M. Barlow falsely aff●●●●●● . ) For if a thing be described that hath many parts of 〈◊〉 requi●ed to the complement thereof , it were very● 〈◊〉 to say , that euery one of the said parts , or parcels it described therby , or that the said description may be ascribed 〈◊〉 euery one of them . As if a man should describe a Knight or a Captaine , that is to go to the wars , what ●●●●i●ure i● required , to wit , a horse , s●ddle , speare , armour , and the like , it cannot be said that a horse is here described , or a saddle , or a speare , but only the Knight himself , who hath need of all these thinges : So as in this M. Barlow is found 〈◊〉 haue peruerted the whole text and meani●g of S. Paul. There remaineth then his conclusion , that for so much as Hereticks and Schismatickes also doe plead conscience for their standing out , and that there is no one article in the Oath offered , that can be proued to be contrary to a good conscience , and true Christian religion , therefore standeth the Apologers conclusion incōtrollable still , That the Pope hath prohibited English Catholikes to performe euen ciuill obedience to their Soueraigne . But all this hath beene now answered , by that which hath beene treated before : for that Shi●matikes and Heretikes though they be ●ound both to informe & reforme their consciences : that be erroneous : yet so long as that repugnācy indureth ; they should sinne in doing contrary to the dictamen therof . And as for the articles in the Oath , that are contrary to Englis● Catholikes consciences , and to theyr religion , they are so many , as do any way impeach , or preiudice their religion , which are the most part in the Oath , as is knowne . Neyther must M. Barlow run to this ordinary shift , and say as he is wont , that their consciences are not well cleansed● and that their religion is not true Christian Religion , & therefore they ought not to haue scruple in sweating● for that now it hath been shewed , that it is sufficient for binding them from swearing , that their conscyences doe tell them the contrary , which conscience to them doth appear good , and their religion true : in which respect the Pope that is of the same conscience and Religion hath defined it to be vnlawfull vnto them , to sweare against this their cōscience and religion , so long as it standeth as it doth . And therefore if M. Barlow will haue them sweare without sinne in this case , he must first make them Protestants , and so giue them a new conscience , and new religion , for in that they haue , they cannot doe it ; albeit for temporall obedience , they offer all that may be exacted , at their hands by any law of Christian subiection to their temporall soueraigne . And this much may be sufficient for discussing of this point , Whether subiects may or must obey their Princes , when they command things against their consciences , which in my Letter I denyed . And whereas the Apologer did alleadg dyuers authorities out of Scriptures , Fathers , and Councels to proue the obedience of Subiects to theyr Princes , not only Christian but also Infidels , as to king Nabuchodonosor of Babylon , to king Pharao of Egypt , King Cyrus of Persia , my answer then was this . He alledgeth for examples out of the Scriptures , that the children of Israel obeyed the King of Babylon , as also they exhibited temporall Obedience vnto King Pharao of Egypt ; as in like manner to Cyrus King of Persia : All which examples we grant to be true , and could add many more , both of the Iewes , and Christians that lyued peaceably vnder Infidell Princes in those dayes . But let one example ( as I said ) be brought forth , wherin they obeyed them in points contrarie to their Conscience or Religion , and it shall be sufficient . We read in the Prophesie of Daniel● that those three famous Iewes , Sidrach , Misach , and Abdenago , were most trustie vnto King Nabuchodonosor in temporall affayres , and so much esteemed by him , as he made them his vniuersall Gouernors ouer all the workes of the Religion of Babylon , saith the Scripture : and yet when it came to the poynt , that he would haue them for his honour and pleasure , and vpon his commandement , adore the golden Statua , which he had set vp ; they forsooke him flatly , and said to him in the presence of all his Nobility assembled togeather , that they were not so much as to answere him in that Commandement , not would they do , as he had appoynted them . The like in effect did the ancienter Iewes do with King Pharao of Egypt ; for that albeit in temporall affayres they obeyed him , euen in that tyme when he oppressed , and persecuted them most : yet in that he would haue had them stay and sacrifice in Egypt , and not follow Moyses their Spiritual Superiour into the desert ( notwithstāding that the King had some cause perhaps to suspect their temporall Allegiance also by that departure , they being a potent multitude of people : ) yet would they not obey him nor do as he would haue them , when they persuaded themselues that God would haue the contrary . I let passe how Daniel and his fellowes would not eate the meates of the King of Babylon , nor Tobie those of the Assyrians , & much lesse would he leaue of to bury the dead , though it were forbidden by Proclamation vnder payne of death . The Machabees in like manner obeyed King Antiochus so long , as he commanded nothing against their Law and Conscience : but when he went about to force them to sacrifice , and to eate swynes-flesh , and other things against their Law and Conscience , they refused openly to performe that Obedience . So as these places of Scriptures alledged by the Apologer , do proue nothing for him at all , but are rather flat against him , and for vs as yow haue seene . Thus I wrote then , now let vs see how M. Barlow ouerthroweth it . First as concerning the 3. Pagan Kings Pharao , Cyrus , and Nabuchodonosor , wherof I sayd the Iewes obedience vnto them was in temporall matters only , he sayth , that therin I do abuse the Reader , for that they shewed their obedience ( sayth he ) to be due , and performed the same , in matters of spirituall seruice : wherat I thinke no man can but laugh , that M. Barlow is become so spirituall , as that he can make those Infidell Kings to be spirituall Superiours also , or at leastwise to haue spirituall power , euen in spirituall thinges ouer Gods faithfull people . Let vs see his proofes of so strange an assertion . To offer sacrifice ( saith he ) vnto the Lord in the desert is an ●igh case of conscience , and religion ; yet would not the Iewes in Egypt attempt it , without asking , and obtayning the Kings leaue . And why was that ? Was it for that they held him for their supreme Gouernour in all causes Ecclesiastiacll , and temporall ? Then they ought to haue obeyed him , when he would haue had them offered sacrifice in Egypt , which they refused to doe , for that their spirituall gouernour Moyses , though a naturall borne subiect of King Pharao , ●ould them that Gods will was contrary : and as for their asking , and obtayning leaue before they went to sacrifice in the Desert , who doth not see , but that it was in respect of temporall danger , which might ensue vnto them , if so great a number of their vnarmed people should haue aduentured to depart without his licence . But I would demaund of M. Barlow , who sayth , that the people of Israel shewed their obedience to be due vnto Pharao , and performed it in matter of spirituall seruice , what manner of obedience was that , which came alwaies in the Imperatiue mood , Thus saith our Lord , Dimitte populum meum , Let go my people ? And when he yeelded not therunto , he was plagued and punished with so many afflictions , as are set downe in Exodus for 9. or 10. Chapters togeather : & in the end what leaue obtayned they , but against his will , when he durst no longer deny them ? Which appeareth , for that his feare being somewhat mitigated , he pursued them afterward againe . And will M. Barlow make this an example of spirituall obedience to temporall Princes , that was thus extorted ? Or of spirituall iurisdiction in heathen Princes , ouer faithfull people in causes Ecclesiasticall , that was contradicted both in word and fact by Moyses himselfe ? But let vs heare his second instance , for it is more ridiculous . So , saith he , the commaundement of King Cyrus was in a cause meerly Ecclesiasticall viz. the building of the Lords house in Ierusalē , and transporting thither the consecrated vessels . But who doth not see that these things as they were ordayned by King Cyrus were meere temporall , as is the building of a materiall Church , for that otherwise , the Masons , Carpenters & Architects , that build the same , should be Ecclesiastical officers , albeit they were Gentiles . If King Cyrus had had authority to appoint them out their sacrifices , & to dispose lawfully of their sacred actions therein , as he had not , nor could haue , being a Pagan , and not of their faith & religion ; then might they haue sayd , that he had beene a spirituall Superiour vnto them : but for giuing them leaue only to go to Ierusalem to build their Temple , and to carry their consecrated vessels with them , that had been violētly taken away from thence , argueth no more spirituall iurisdiction in him , then if a man hauing taken away a Church-dore key , so as the people could not go in to pray , except he opened the dore , should be said to haue spirituall iurisdictiō ouer that people for opening the dore , & letting them in , & that they in praying him to open the said dore , did acknowledg spiritual obedience vnto him . And is not this meere childish trifllng , & worthy the wit of M. Barlow . What definition trow you , will M. Barlow giue of spirituall power and Iurisdiction , therby to verifie these monstrous and absurd propositions , which in this affaire he hath vttered , partly by his assertions , and partly by his examples ? Truly I know no other set downe by Deuines , but that it is a power giuen by God , to gouerne soules for their direction vnto euerlasting saluation , euen as ciuill power is giuen for gouerning the cōmon wealth to her prosperity and temporall ●elicity . And will M. Barlow say , that God gaue this spirituall power to Pharao and Cyrus , that were Heathens , and knew not God , for gouerning & directing the soules of the Iewes , that liued vnder them , whose religion or God they neyther knew , nor cared for ? Or that Nero the Emperour , or Claudius had this spirituall power and Iurisdiction , vpon the soules of S. Peter and S. Paul , that liued vnder them in Rome , and were their temporall Lordes and Princes ? These thinges are so absurd that I am ashamed to exaggerate them any further , and therfore let vs passe forward to the rest . As for the other examples by me alleaged how Sydrac●● Mysach and Abdenago , refused to obey Nabuchod●●●sor their King in adoring the Statua , as also refu●ing the meates of the King of Babylon , & Toby of the Assyrians , and the Mac●abees for refusing to eat Swines-flesh at the commandment of their King Antiochus , he sayth , that all these had their warrants for defence of their consciences , from the word or will of God : as who should say , Catholickes haue nothing for iustification of their Conscience , which is a meere cauill , and as Logitians call , Petitio principij , and wholy from the question : for that we affirme , first that they haue sufficient groundes , for iustification of their consciences in that behalfe , as they will easily verify in euery point if they might be hard with any indifferency . And secondly if they had not , but their consciences were erroneous ; yet so long as that dictamen rationis , or prescript of conscience standeth to the contrary , and telleth them , that they haue sufficient ground , they may not doe against it without sin , as now hath bene proued . Let vs see what he saith of the other example of Tobies breach of King Senacherib his commaundement in Niniue , which wee shall examine in the next ensuing Paragraph . VVHETHER TOBY DID well or no , in breaking the commaundement of the King of Nini●e , concerning the burying of the dead Iewes . And how M. Barlow answereth vnto the authorities of the Fathers : and ouerthroweth the Kings Supremacy . §. II. AMong other examples and testimonies alleaged by me out o● Scripture of lawfull disobeying temporall Princes commaundements , when they are vnlawfull , the exāple of Tobias that disobeyed the edict of King Senacheri●● of Niniue about burying such as were slayne , seemed to haue troubled most M. Barlow in this answere ; and so after some discussion of the matter vp and downe , whether he did it openly or in secret , by day or by night , by stealth or contempt , he maketh this conclusion ; Take it eyther way , sayth he , was his disobedience in such a cause iustifiable ? No. Grauely resolued , as you see , and Doctour-like , but yet without any testimony , except only his owne . For first the context of the story it selfe hauing recounted the circumstances of the fact , in the first and second Chapters of the booke of Toby , to wit , how the foresayd King Senacherib sonne to Salmanasar being returned much exasperated from Iury agaynst the Iewes , for the euill successe which there he had , did promulgate an Edict , that such as he caused to be slayne should not be buryed , the Story sayth , that Toby notwithstanding this Edict and Commaundement , did bury them by night , yea and left also on day his dinner , and the ghests which he had with him , at the same , for to fetch in the dead body of a Iew slayne in the streetes : and when some of his neighbous , seeing the peril thereof did reprehend him , for aduenturing vpon so great daunger , saying to him● that himselfe had bene commaunded to be slayne for burying men before , the Story doth not only defend him , but also commendeth him for the same ; saying : Sed Tobias plùs timens Deum , quàm Regem , rapiebat corpora occisorum &c. But Toby feating God more then the King , did take away the dead bodies that he found in the streetes , hyding them in his house and burying them at mydnight . Secondly the Angell Raphael in the twelth Chapter discouering himselfe vnto Toby , togeather with the mystery of all his actions with him , doth manifestly shew , that these his deeds of charity , of giuing of almes , and burying the dead bodyes of such as were slayne , were gratfull vnto Almighty God : Quando cra●as cum lachrymis , & sepeliebas mortous , & derelinquebas prandium tuum &c. ego obtuli ●●ationem tuam Domino , & quia acceptus eras Deo , necesse suit , vt tentatio probaret te . When thou didst pray with teares , and didst bury the dead , and didst leaue thy dinner for doing this worke of Charity , I did offer to God thy prayer , and because thou wert acceptable vnto God , it was necessary that temptation should try thee . Here then we haue the testimony of an Angell , agaynst M. Barlow , that is no Angell : and if he be , yet must we account him for a very wicked , and false Angell , if the other be a good and true Angell . Now then let vs examine a little whether of these Angels deserueth most to be belieued , or whether for a mans saluation it be more secure to follow the one or the other , for that they speake contraryes . The one that this fact of Toby was not iustifyable , the other that it was not only iustifiable , but acceptable also , and pleasing to Almighty God , and that in a very high degree , as by the text appeareth . The one determineth as you haue heard , that Toby was reprehensible in that he obeyed not the King● the other saith , he did very well in obeying God , more then the king . How shall we know which of these two Angels is the good , and which the bad . M. Barlow will on his part perhaps say , that this booke of Toby is not held by him for Canonicall Scripture , but only Hagiographum , a holy ancient writing , as the Iewes themselues do allow it to be , though not in their Canon of Scriptures : yet doth not this take away the credit of the Story , which hath indured , and hath beene belieued , and taken for true , so many ages bo●h before , and after Christian Religion was planted ? And M. Barlow cannot alleadg one authenticall Author , or holy man before these our tymes , that euer sayd this Story was false , or not to be credited , though he receiued it not for Canonicall Scripture . Secondly we see it acknowledged for Canonicall Scripture , and of infallible truth , not only by a generall Councell of our dayes , wherin the flower of the learnedst men in Christendome were present , I meane that of Trent : but by another Councell also aboue 1000. yeares before that , to wit , the third of Carthage wherein S. Augustine himselfe was present , and subscribed thereunto ; and in diuers other places of his workes , giueth the same testimony to this booke , as do sundry other Fathers ancienter then he , as S. Ambrose , that wrote a whole booke of the Story of Toby , containing twenty foure whole Chapters , S. Basil in his Oration of Auarice ; yea the holy Martyr S. Cyprian also himselfe more ancienter then them all , and this in sundry places of his works , and after S. Augustine , S. Gregory , S. Isiodo●us , Cassiodorus , and others : wherby is euident , that in S. Augustins time , and before , this booke was held for diuine , and Canonicall . And therfore for a man now to venture his soule , vpon this bare deniall of M. Barlow , and his Consorts ( for there goeth no lesse in the matter , his assertion being blasphemy , if this be true Scripture ) let his poore sheepe of Lincolne thinke well of it , for other men will beware how they venture so much with him . But now setting aside this consideration , whether it be Canonicall Scripture , or no ; let vs consider a little further what holy men in ancient times did thinke of this fact of Toby , whether it were iustifiable or no. S. Augustine in his booke De cura pro mortuis habenda , hath these words : Tobias sepeliendo mortuos Deum promeruisse , teste Angelo commendatur . Tobias is commended by the testimony of the Angell , in that by burying the dead he merited the fauour of Almighty God. And the same Father repeateth the very same words and sentence againe , in his first booke of the Citty of God. Whereby we see what his sense was in this matter , both in belieuing the good Angell , and esteming that good worke of burying the dead ( which M. Barlow by contēpt calleth a ciuil co●rtesy ) to haue merited with God. And of the same sense was S. Ambrose , who speaking of this Edict of the King , that no man should bury any dead man of the Iewes in that captiuity , commendeth highly holy Toby for neglecting the same , in respect of that charitable worke . Ille interdicto non reuocabatur , sed magis incitabatur &c. he was not stayd by that Edict or Proclamation from burying the dead , but rather was therby incyted the more to doe the same : Erat ●●im misericordiae praemium , 〈◊〉 p●na : for that the punishment of death , was the prince of mercy . S. Cyprian also that holy Bishop and Martyr long before S. Amb●ose , in his booke Of our Lords prayer , extolling much the meryt of good workes , and exhorting men vnto the same , amongst many other authoryties of the Scriptures , cyteth this of Toby saying : Et ideo diuina Scriptura in●●r●it , dicens , bona est oratio cum ieiunio , & ●leemosyna : & therfore the dyuine Scripture in●tructeth vs saying : That Prayer is good accompanied with fasting and almes . In which wordes first we see this booke of Toby affirmed to be diuine Scripture , and secondly this speach & doctrine of the Angell Raphael vnto Toby concerning the prayse and merit of good works , to be allowed by Cyprian● which is full contrary to M. Barlowes Diuinity . But let vs heare our S. Cypriā in the same place : Nam qui in die Iudicij praemium pro operibus &c. For that he in the day of iudgment ( to wit our Sa●iour ) will giue reward for our good works , & almes , & is now also ready to shew himsel●e a most benigne heater to him , that shall come vnto him by prayer & works : and so did Cornelius the Centurion merit to be heard , as doing many almes vpon the people , sayth the Scripture . And when about nyne of the clocke the sayd Centurion prayed , an Angell stood by him and gaue testimony of his good works , saying , Cornelius thy prayers and almes haue ascended vp before God : citò orationes ad Deum ascendunt , quas ad Deum merita nost●i operis imponunt . Our prayers do quickly ascēd vnto God , which the merits of our good works do lay before him &c. And presētly with this Scripture , he ioyneth the other out of Toby : Sic & Raphel Angelus &c. So the Angel Raphael did testify vnto Toby alwayes praying & alwayes working : whē thou didst pray togeather with Sara , I did offer the memory of thy prayer in the sight of God , & when thou didst bury the dead , and leaue thy dinner for doing the same , I was sent by God to tempt thee , and afterward to cure thee , & I am Raphael one of the sea●en iust Angels , who do assist , & conuerse in the sight of God &c. Where we see that S. Cyprian maketh another manner of accompt of the holynes and meryt of this worke , and of the truth of this Angell , then M. Barlow doth . And the very self same speach S. Cyprian vseth in his booke de M●●talitate , alleadging this place of Toby , and testimony of the Angell Raphael in the commendation of Tobies fact , in burying the dead against the Kinges commandement . So as white and black , hoat and cold , or the two poles are not more opposite one to the other , then the spirit of S. Cyprian , and that of M. Barlow in this point . And truly it seemeth that a man may gather by good consequence , that for so much as he condemneth that fact of Toby in burying the dead bodies of the Iewes in persecution , he would also , if he had bene there , not only not haue buried these dead bodies against the Kings Edict , but also neyther haue receaued the persecuted into his house , agaynst the commaundement of the sayd King. Nay he would haue rather deliuered them vp to the persecutors hands , and the like , if he had liued amongst Christians , vnder Nero , Domitius , and Dioclesian . And this is M. Barlows piety in respect of that of holy Toby , and S. Cyprian , S. Ambrose , S. Augustine , and other such sincere pious men , who both approued and commended this fact . Now let vs passe on to the rest . After these examples of Scriptures there were alleadged by the Apologer sundry authorityes of ancient Fathers which shew the obligation that subiects haue to obey their temporall Princes , which in my Letter I declared no way to preiudice our cause , who both acknowledge and offer all dutifull obedience in temporall affaires , which is so much as the sayd ancient Fathers doe teach , and for that the sayd authorityes are cleare , for vs in that behalfe , I shall ●et downe here what I answered to the same . As these places of Scripture ( said I ) alleaged against vs do make for vs , so much more do the authorities produced out of the ancient Fathers , for that they go about to proue the very same point that we here hold , that in tēporall & cyuill affayres we must obey dutifully our temporall Princes , though Infidels or Pagans : but not in matters concerning God , our Religion , or Conscience . And his very first example out of S. Augustine is such , as I meruaile much , that he would cyte the same , but that somwhat for shew must be alleadged : For it maketh so clearly & directly against him , as if it had beene written purposely to confute him in this our case . But let vs heare what it is . Agreable to the Scriptures ( saith he ) did the Fathers teach . Augustine speaking of I●dian , saith thus : Iulian was an vnbelieuing Emperour , was he not an Apostata ? an oppressor and an Idolatour ? Christiā souldiars serued that vnbelieuing Emperour : when they came to the cause of Christ , they would acknowledge no Lord , but him that is in heauen : when he would haue them worship Idolls & sacrifice , they preferred God before him : but when he said , Go forth to fight , inuade such a nation , they presently obeyed : they distinguished their eternall Lord from their temporall , and yet were they subiect euen vnto their temporall Lord , for his sake that was their eternall Lord and Maister . Thus he . And can any thing be spoken more cleerly for vs , and for our cause , then this ? For euen this do we offer to our King & Soueraigne : we will serue him : we wil obey him : we will go to warre with him : we will fight for him : and we will do all other offices belonging to temporall duty : but when the cause of Christ commeth in hand , who is Lord of our Consciences , or any matter concerning the same , or our Religion ; there we do , as S. Augustine heere appoynteth vs , preferre our eternall King , before our Temporall . And like to these are all the other places of Fathers cyted by him , who distinguish expresly betweene the Temporall honour and Allegiance due to the Emperour , and the other of our Religion , & Conscience , belonging only to God. And to that playne sense are Tertullians words cyted by the Apologer : VVe honour the Emperour in such sort , as is lawfull for vs , and ●xpedient for him , as a man second after God , and as hauing receyued from God , whatsoeuer he is , and only l●sse th●n God. And will not the Catholicks of England vse this speac● also vnto their King ? Or will the Apologer himselfe deny that Tertullian heere meant nothing els , but in temporall affayres , for somuch as the Emperors at that tyme were Heathens & Gentils , and consequently were no● to be obeyed in any point against Christian faith or Religion ? The like playne sense haue the words of Iustin●● Martyr to the Emperour himselfe , cited here in the third place , to wit : VVe only adore God , and in all things we cheerfully performe seruice to you , prosessing you to be Emperours , and Princes of men . And do not all English Catholickes say the same at this day : & in all other things , that concerne not God & his Obedience , by rule of Catholicke Religion , they offer cheerfully to serue his Maiesty , acknowledging him to be their liege Lord and King , & inferiour only to God in his Temporall Gouernment ? And how then are these , and such other places brought in for witnesse , as though they had somewhat to say against vs ? The other two sentences in like manner cited out of Optatus and S. Ambrose , the first saying : That ouer the Emperour there is none , but only God , that made the Emperour . And the other , That teares were his weapons against the armes and souldiars of the Emperour : That he neither ought , nor could resist : neyther of thē do make any thing against vs , or for the Apologer , euen as they are here nakedly cyted , without declaration of the circumstances : for that in temporall affaires , the King or Emperour is Supreme , next vnder God. And when the Emperour will vse secular forces against the Priests of his dominion , they , being no souldiars , must fall to prayers , and teares , which are Priestly weapons . But what ? Did S Ambrose by this acknowledge that the Emperour had higher Authority , then he , in Church-matters ? Or that if he had offered him an Oath , repugnant to his Religion , or Conscience , in those matters he would haue obeyed , or acknowledged his Superiority ? No truly . For in three seuerall occasions that fell out , he flatly denyed the same , which this Apologer cra●tily dissembleth , and saith not a word therof . The first was , when he was cited by Dalmatius the Tribune , bringing with him a publicke Notarie to testifie the same , in the name of the Emperour Valentinian the yonger , to come & conferre , or dispute with the hereticall Bishop Auxen●ius , in the presence of his Maiesty & other of his Nobility & Coūsell , which poynt S. Ambrose refused vtterly to do , telling the Emperour playnly by a letter written vnto him ; That in matters of faith and Religion Bishops must iudge of Emperours , and not Emperours of Bishops . And dyuers other doctrines , by this occasion , he taught him to that effect , as is to be seene in the same Epistle . The second occasion fell out the very next yeare after in Millane , when the said Emperour , by suite of the Arians , and fauour of Iustina the Empresse on their behalfe , made a Decree , that a certayne Church of that Citty should be deliuered to the said Arians : which Decree S. Ambrose the Bishop refused to obey . And when the Emperours Officers comming with armes , vrged greatly to giue possession of the Church , he fled to his former weapons of weeping and praying : Ego Missam facere coepi &c. I began to say Masse● and when the temporall Magistrate vrged still , that the Emperour vsed but his owne right in appoynting that Church to be deliuered , S. Ambrose answered : Quae diuina sunt , Imperatoriae potestati non esse subiecta : That such things as belonge to God , are not subiect to the Imperiall power . And thus answered S. Ambrose about the giuing vp of a materiall Church . What would he haue said in greater matters ? The third accasion was when the Emperour sent his Tribunes , and other Officers to require certayne Vessells belonging to the Church to be deliuered , which S. Ambrose constantly denyed to do , saying : That in this , he could not obey : And further adding . That if the Emperour did loue him selfe , he should abstayne from offering such iniury vnto Christ. And in another place , handl●ng the same more at large , he saith : That he gaue to Cesar that which was Cesars , and to God , that which belonged to God , but that the Tem●ple of God could not be the right of Cesar : which we speak ( saith he ) to the Emperours honour . For what is more honourable vnto him , then that he being an Emperour , be called a Child of the Church , for that a good Emperour is within the Church , but not aboue the Church . So S. Ambrose . What would he haue done , or said , if he had bene pressed with an Oath against his Conscience , or any least poynt of his Religion ? Thus far I answered in my letter , & he that shall read M Barlows reply now , will se● that he hath nothing at all in substāce to say against it : for to that excellent speach of S. Augustine cōcerning the Emperour Iulian , he tri●●eth exceedingly ; first bidding vs to shew that poynt in the Oath which is different from true religion : which is a cauill , as you see , for it is inough if it be contrary to the swearers Religion . And wheras we offer vpon that speach as the subiects of Iulian did , VVe will serue our Soueraigne , we will go to war with him , and we will fight for him , & the like , he sayth , it is but an hypocriticall florish of words . To the speach and facts of S. Ambrose he is forced eyther to say nothing , or to speake against himselfe . For wheras I do make this demaund , Did S. Ambrose by saying that he could not resist the Emperour , and that his weapons were teares , acknowledge by this that the Emperour had higher authority in Church-matters then he ? Or that if he had offered him an Oath repugnant to his Religion and conscience in those matters , he would haue obeyed ; and acknowledged his authority ? To the first he sayth that it is only extra ole●s , not to the cause in hand , and that he will handle it in another place ; though euery man of discretion will see , that the demaund is full to the purpose , and ought to haue beene answered here . To the secōd he hath but a ridiculous shift : Suppose , saith he , that S. Ambrose would refuse such an Oath vrged vpon him , would he withall forbid others to take it ? Surely no. But I say surely yea : for if we graunt S. Ambrose to haue bene a good Prelate , Pastour , & Father to his people , we must also graunt , that what Oath he thought pernicious for himselfe to take , he would haue forbidden the same to haue bene taken by his people , if they had demaunded his opinion , as English Catholickes did the Popes , or els he had not bene a faythfull Pastour . But what doth M. Barlow answere to the three instances alleadged out of S. Ambrose , in all which he contradicted the Emperour , that was his temporall Lord , and denied to obey in matters , Ecclesiasticall : the first , when he refused to go with the Tribune , and Notary sent for him by the sayd Emperour to dispute , in the Consistory with Auxenti●● the Arian Bishop , yielding for his reason , That in matters of faith and Religion , Bishops must iudge of Emperours , and not Emperours of Bishops . Which answere of S. Ambrose M. Barlow doth allow , and cōmendeth it much : & albeit we haue said somewhat before about the same , yet shall we presently add a word or two more thereof . The second refusall of the said Father was , as now you haue heard , to deliuer vp a certaine Church in Millan● to the Arians , at the commandement of the Emperour , alleadging for his reason , Quae diuina sunt , Imperatoriae potestatium esse subiecta , that such things as are diuine , are not subiect to Imperiall power . Which answere in like manner M. Barlow alloweth , albeit I thinke I may assure my selfe , that if his Matie of England should cōmaund one of his Parish Churches of Lincolne Diocesse to be deliuered vp to the Puritās , or Brownists , or other like Sectaries , and that his Maiesty should be so earnest , & resolute therin , as the Emperour was , sending his officers & souldiars to put them into possession , M. Barlow would not be so resolute in his deniall as S. Ambrose was ; neither would he be so bold to alleage that reasō which S. Ambrose did , that diuine things are not subiect to King Iames his power ; including in the name of diuine things , the possession of this , or that materiall Church . Or if he would be so bold now , I assure my self he would not haue bene so in Queene Elizabeths dayes , whose spirituall Supremacy though femininae , seemed much more to be esteemed of him , then this now of his Maiesty , as presētly will appeare . The third refusall of S. Ambrose to the Emperour was , when the said Emperour sent his Tribunes , and other officers to require certaine Vessels belonging to the Church , to be deliuered , which S. Ambrose constantly denyed to do , answering as before hath bene set downe , That i● th●● 〈◊〉 could not obey him , and that if he loued himselfe , he should abst●●●e to offer such iniurie vnto Christ &c. which answer also M. Barl●● well alloweth , signifying therby , that he would a●●wer● in the same sort to the magistrates & officers of King Iam●● if he should send them vpon any occasion , to require at his hands the Cōmunion cup , or any other such vessels belonging to any Church in Lincolne Diocesse . And will any man belieue this , that he will be so stout ? But it is a pastime to see how he chatteth about this matter , as though he would say somewhat indeed , but yet saith nothing , at least to the purpose . Let vs heare what he bringeth . Things separated ( saith he ) to holy vse , are not to be alienated to 〈◊〉 vsage . Here now euery man will laugh , that remembreth , how the Vessels , Vestments , and other such things dedicated vnto God , and consecrated to Ecclesiasticall vses , in the Catholike Church , haue bene handled by Protestants , taken away , defaced , and conuerted to prophane vses , which this man I presume dareth not to condemne . Let vs heare him further . God hath in them , saith he , a 〈◊〉 right , as King Dauid confesseth : first as his gift to man , secondly as mans gift agayne to him , which twofold cord tyeth them so strong , as it is an Anathema ( or curse ) for any man , not consecrated to chalenge them : yea for them which are consecrated , if they do not only p●● them to that vse alone , for which they were dedicated . And do you see now heer● , how zealous M. Barlow is become vpon the suddayne for defence of consecrated vessels in the Church ? What Vessels haue they consecrated thinke you ? Or what kind of consecration do they vse therein ? He sayth it is an anathema for any person not consecrated to chalenge them : the sacred Emperour , and King do demand them in this our case : if their persons be sacred , then in M. Barlows sense they are also consecrated , and they may demaund these Vessels , which as I said are very few in the Protestant Church : and if they had beene as few in the Church meant by S. Ambrose , it is not likely that the Emperour would haue troubled himselfe so much in sending Tribunes , and other officers for the same . But suppose the vessels were of like number , price , and value in the one , and the other Church . Yet I thinke M. Barlow will not deny , but that the manner of consecrating them was far different , which may be seene in the ●●g●●churgians themselues , in the fourth Century , and by S. Ambrose in his second booke of Office , cap. 29. where he putteth downe two sorts of Church-Vessels dedicated to diuine vses , the one initiata , hallowed or consecrated , and the other not yet hallowed ; and that in the time of necessity to redeeme Captiues , or to relieue the poore , the second sort are first to be broken , and applied to these holy vses , but the former with much more difficulty , for that they were now hallowed . Which difference I thinke the Protestants do not greatly obserue , in their hallowed Vessels . S. Gregory Nazianzen in like manner talking of such consecrated Vessels as were vsed in the Church in his time sayth , that it was such , as it made it vnlawfall for lay men to touch them , which I thinke M. Barlow will not lay of his Communion-Cup , which all men take in their hands . But now to the question it selfe . Do you thinke that M. Barlow would deny vnto King Iames that Communion-Cup , or any other Vessels of a Church , if he should as earnestly demand them , as Valentinia● the Emperour did , when he sent his Tribunes and other chiefe officers to require them of S. Ambrose ? If he would , what kind of Supremacy doth he allow his Maiesty in spirituall matters , if he may be denyed and disobeyed in these also that are in a certaine sort mixt , and in some part conioyned with temporall respects ? And truly when I do consider with my selfe , with what degrees M. Barlow doth descend and go downeward in defending of the Ecclesiasticall Supremacy of his Maiesty , bringing it , as it were to nothing from that high pitch , wherin King Henry the eight both placed it , and left it , & his children King Edward , and Queene Elizabeth continued the same ; I cannot but wonder and admire the prouidēce of Almighty God , that hath wrought the ouerthrow in effect of that new Protestant Idoll , of spirituall Authority in temporall Princes , euen by Protestants themselues . Iohn ●aluin beginning the battery , as all men know , calling it Antichristian : the Puritans following him in that doctrine ; and now M. Barlow ( though vnder-hand and dissemblingly ) confirming all that they haue sayd or do●● therin . The first pitch wherin King Henry did place the same , was , as appeareth by the Statute it selfe , in the twentith six yeare of his raigne , That he and his herres should be taken , ●ccepted , and reputed the only Supreme head on earth of the Church of England , called Anglicana Ecclesia , and should haue and enioy , ●●nexed ●nd vnited to his Imperiall Crowne , asi●eli the title & style therof , as also all honours , dignities , preheminences , iurisdictions , pri●iledges to the said Dignity of supreme . Head belonging &c. Wherby is euident that the Parlament gaue vnto him , as great authority ouer the Church of Englād , as the Pope had before . And this very fame authority was translated after him , to his Sonne King Edward though a child , yea all Preachers were commanded to teach the people that his Minority of age w●● no impediment to his supreme spiritual gouernment , for that a King is as truly a King , at one yeares age as at ●wenty : so as the exception made by M. Barlow , that Valentinian●he ●he Emperour was yong , when he commanded S. Am●ro●e to dispute before him , maketh nothing according to this Doctrine , against his spirituall authority , if he were Head of the Church , as King Edward was . And further the Parliament in the first yeare of King Edward , explaining this authority , hath these words : That all authority of Iurisdictions spirituall and rēporall is deriued , and deducted frō the Kings Maiesty , as supreme head of the Churches and Realmes of England and Ireland vnto the Bishops , and Archbishops &c. And the like was passed ouer also to Queene Elizabeth by a Statute in the first yeare of her raigne , wherin it is said , That all such iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall as by any spirituall or Ecclesiasticall power hath hitherto bene or may be lawfully exercised● for the re●ormation and correction of all māner of errors , heresies , schismes , 〈◊〉 &c. all and all manner of Iurisdiction , priu●ledges , and prehe●●●●●ces , in any wise touching any sprituall , or Ecclesiasticall iurisd●cti●●● with in the Realme , was giuen vnto her , and vnited vnto the Cr●●●e . This was the high doctrine in those daies of the Pri●ces supreme Ecclesiasticall , and spirituall power , o●er the Church of England , no lesse thē of the Pope himselfe ouer his Church of Rome . But now of later dayes , and by later writers , the case seemeth wonderfully altered ; for not only haue they taken away the name , & title of Head of the Church , which was treason by King Henries Statutes to deny , and many were put to death for not yielding therunto : but haue taken away the authority also it selfe , if we respect the substance , and shifting in words , to seeme still to retaine somewhat . Wherin among others M. Barlow seemeth eminent , and vnder a shew of defending the Kings supremacy , to take it quite away . For let vs heare , first how he handleth the question , about the Princes authority for iudging in cases of religion ; which is the principall of all the rest . He both proposeth , and solueth the question thus . May not then , saith he , a Prince iudge in cases of Religion and Faith ? No : not iudicio definitiuo , to determine what is sound Diuinity or not and so impose that vpon the consciences of men for faith , which he alone defines to be so : but iudicio executiuo , or iurisdictionis he may , and ought when the Church hath determined matters of saith , command the prosessing therof , within his Kingdome● as the soundest and worthyest to be receaued . This is his determination ; whereby it is euident , that he permitteth only vnto the King to execute that which his Church in England , to wit , the Bishops and Clergy therof , shall determine about matters of religion , which is no one iote more of power in Ecclesiasticall matters , then that which Catholicks do ascribe vnto their ●emporall Princes , to execute what the Church determineth : but yet with this difference of much more dignity , that they are bound to the execu●ion only of that which the Vniuersall Church shall determine , & not of their owne subiects alone , as it falleth out on the behalfe of his Maiesty of England in this case . In which point also I do not see , how he can wind himselfe out of this maze , that must necessarily follow of his owne doctrine , to wit , that one should receiue from another , that the other receiued from him . As for example , if the Bishops being his Maiesties subiects , as well in spirituall as temporal affaires , haue no spirituall iurisdiction but frō him , as the Statute of King Edward doth determine : and on the other side his Maiesty to haue no authority , to define of any matter belonging to religion at all , but only to execute that which the Bishops do define ; it seemeth that they receiue from his Maiesty that authority , which they deny to be in him , and so , that he giueth them the thing , which he hath not in himselfe , but is to receaue from them . Moreouer it is euident by this doctrine of theirs , that the Bishops do make their Courtes & Tribunalls for matters of Religion , to be absolutly greater then the Kings , for that they do allow him no other power for Iudging in spirituall matters , but only to execute , that which they shall define and determine . And albeit for dazeling the simple readers eyes , M. Barlow doth in this place fumble vp a certaine distinction , not wel vnderstood by himselfe , takē out of some Schoolmen , as he saith , noting Occam in the margent , that there be three parts of this executiue iudgmēt , the one discretiue to discerne , the other directiue to teach others , the third decretiue : which third he saith , is in the Prince both affirmatiuely to bind to the obseruing of that , which is so tryed and adiudged , and negatiuely to suppresse the contrary : and that this last is to Iudge for the truth ; and the former of defining , is to iudge of the truth . Yet doth all this reach no further , but to the power of execution of that which others haue determined , which may be called a power of impotency in that behalfe ; for that therin he is subiect , and not Superiour , especially if it lye not in his power , either to execute , or not to execute , as he shall think best , which M. Barlow here denveth , saying : That he may , and ought to execute , when the Church hath determined . But on the other side , if he haue power and liberty to execute , or not to execute , then is the other power of defining in the Bishops to small purpose . For that they may define , and he not execute , his iudgment being that they haue defined e●ill , and by that way becommeth he their Iudge againe , to define whether they haue defined well , or no. And this is another circle or labyrinth which I see not how M. Barl●● will easily auoid . I doe pretermit diuers other childish thinges that be in this speach of his , as where he propoundeth thus the question : as first , VVhether a Prince may iudge in cases of Religion , ●●d saith ? as though these two were Sinonyma , and all one ; Whereas religion contayneth many cases , as well of life , manners , and cerimonyes , as of faith ; in all which cases it may be demanded , how far the King may be iudge . Secondly he saith , that the King cannot define , and determine , what is sound Diuinity or not , which is far from the purpose . For the question is not , whether the King may iudge and determine what is sound Diuinity or Theologie , but what is matter of faith , and what is to be belieued , or not be belieued by a true Christian within his realme . Thirdly in like manner when he saith , that the King hath only iudicium executiuum , or iurisdictionis , as though they were all one : whereas executio , and iurisdictio are two different things , & iurisdiction is more properly in that party that defineth , then in the other that executeth : for that the former commaundeth , and the second obayeth . Fourthly his terme also of discretiuum ascribed by him vnto all Christians , to haue power to try spirits , whether they be of God or no ( besides that it seemeth contrary to that of S. Paul to the Corinthians , who reckoneth vp discretion of spirits to be a peculiar and seuerall gift vnto some alone , saying , Alij discretio spirituum &c. ) is nothing well applyed by him to iudicium execu●iuum , for that it appertayneth rather to iudicium definitiuum , for somuch as those that haue power to define , & to determine of matters , are principally to iudge of spirits , & not their subiects to iudge of theirs : for that other wise there must needes ensue an inextricable confusion of trying , & iudging of one the others spirits . As if for example the Bishops o● England should try & condemne the spirits of the Purytans , and they agayne the spirits of the Bishops , by colour of this power to discerne spirits , giuen thē by M. B●●lo● out of the words of S. Iohn , there would neuer be an end . And lastly it appeareth by all this that his l●st distinction , wherin he sayth , that the King may iudge for the truth , and not of the truth , is a meere delusion , giuing somewhat in wordes , but nothing in deed ; for that if the iudging for the truth be nothing els , but to execute , allow , and approue , that which others haue defined , determined , and appointed out vnto him , to be belieued , and defended as the truth , then hath he no more free choice , or superiority in iudgment in this case , then euery subiect or common man , who is likewise bound to belieue and defend the same , according to his ability and power . Now then to conclude the matter , and to reduce all to a briefe summe , for so much as M. Barlow taketh away from his Maiesty of England not only the title and style Of Head of the Church , which was giuen to King Henry , and confirmed to King Edward , but the Papall authority in like manner , for decision of matters , which was ascribed vnto them both by Parlament , and confirmed to Queene Elizabeth ; and here saith , that he cannot iudge in cases of religion and fayth iudicio definiti●o , to define and determine any thing , but only execu●iuo , to execute what the Church of England , to wit , what the Bishops shall define , and ordayne : and for somuch as he addeth yet further now , in that which before we haue discussed , three other particuler cases out of S. Ambrose , wherin he con●es●eth that his Maiesty hath no authority , but may be resisted , to wit , if he should call before him a Bishop to dispute with another of a different religion , as Valen●inian did S. Ambrose , and he denyed him : If he should commaund a Bishop to deliuer ouer a Church to a people of a different religion : and if he should command a Bishop to deliuer vp the Ve●els of his Church , as the said Empe●ou● did , and the ●ther refused to obey : all these things , I say , laid ●oge●t●er ●ut of M. Barlows doctrine , do so much diminish the greatnes of his Maiesties Supreme power in causes Ecclesiasticall , as in effect it commeth to be no more , th●n Catholike doctrine doth ordinarily allow to euery Catholicke Temporall Prince , for the obseruance , and execution of that which the Church determineth . And this is M. Barl●●●● heroycall exployt , to marre the matter he takes in hand for his Clyent . Let euery man iudge how well he hath deserued the good fee , which already he hath rec●a●ed for his plea , and hopeth to receaue more hereafter , if he may speed according to his expectation . OF ANOTHER EXAMPLE Or I●stance out of S. Gregory the Great , about the obeying and publishing a Law of the Emperour Mauritius , that he misliked : which M. Barlow calleth Ecclesiasticall . §. III. THERE followeth another controuersy betweene M. Barlow & me about a certayne fact of S. Gregory the Great concerning the Law of Mauritius the Emperour prohibiting souldiars , and such as were accomptable to the Emperours Courtes for offices borne by them , to enter into monasteries and professe a religious life without his licence , whereof I wrote thus in my letter . Neyther doth the last place cited out of S. Gregory the Great to the Emperour Mauritius , make any thing mo●e for our Apologers purpose of taking Oathes against Conscience . For albeit the same Father do greatly compla●ne in diuers places of the oppression of the Church by the Kingly power of Mauritius , whome ( though otherwise a Catholike Emperour ) he compareth in that poynt to Nero and Diocl●si●n , saying : Quid Nero ? quid Dioclesi●●●s ? q●id de●ique iste● qui ●oc tempore ●●●lesiam persequitur ? N●mq●●● 〈◊〉 omnes porta Inferi ? Wh●t was Nero ? What was Diocles●●● ? what is he who at this time , doth persecute the Church ? Are they not all gates of Hell ? Yet in this place alleaged by the Apologer , he yealded to publish and send abro●d into diuers Countreys and Prouinces , a certayne vniust law of the sayd Emperours , that prohibited S●uldiars , and such as had bene imployed in matters of publike accompts of the Cōmon-Wealth , to make thēselues Monks . W●ich law , though S. Gregory did greatly mislike , and wrote sharply agaynst it , to the Emperour himselfe : yet to shew his due respect in temporall thinges vnto him , and for that indeed the law was not absolutly so euill , but that in some good sense , it might be tolerated , to wit , that Souldiars sworn to the Emperours wars , might not ( during the said Oath & obligation ) be receaued into Monasteries , but with the Princes licēce : yet for that it tended to the abridgmēt of Ecclesiastical freedome , in taking that course or state of life , which ech man chooseth for the good of his soule ; S. Grego●y misliked the same , and dealt earnestly with the Emperour to relinquish it , or to suffer it to be so moderated , as it might stand without preiudice of Christian liberty : wherunto the Emperour at length yeelded , and so S. Gregory sent the same abroad vnto diuers Primates and Archbishops of sundry Kingdomes mentioned by him , but corrected first and reduced by himselfe , as supreme Pastour , to a reasonable lawfulnes , and temperate moderation : to wit , that those who had borne offices of charge in the Common-wealth , and after desired to be admitted to religious life in Monasteries , should not be receaued , vntill they had giuen vp their full accompts , and had obtayned publicke discharge for the same . And that Souldiars which demanded the like admittāce , should be exactly tryed , and not admitted vnto Monasticall habite , but after they had liued three yeares in their lay apparell , vnder probation . This determineth S. Gregory in his Epistle , beginning , Gregorius Eusebio Thessalonicensi , Vrbicio Dyrachitano &c. adding further in the same Epistle , as hath bene said , De qua re , Ser●iss●mus & Christianissimus Imperator omnimodò placatur : about which matter our most Clement and Christian Emperour is wholy pleased and content . So as in this S. Gregory shewed his pastorall care and power , in limiting and moderating the Emperours law , according to the law of God , though in temporall respectes he shewed him the Obedience , that was due vnto him . But what is this vnto our Oath ? May we thinke that S. Gregory , that would not passe a temporall law of the Emperour , without reprehension of the vnlawfulnes thereof to the Emperour himselfe , and correction therof in the publication , for that indirectly it did infringe the liberty of Religious life , when men were called therunto ; that he would not haue much more resisted the admission of an Oath , about such affaires , if it had bene proposed ? No man , I thinke , in reason can imagin the contrary . To this declaration of mine M. Barlow beginneth his reply thus : But that of Gregory , saith he , toucheth the very quicke , who as he thought his duty discharged to God , in shewing the reasons why he disliked the Law , so did he performe it very readily to the Emperour , in promulging the same immediately , according to cōmandment . Wherto I answere first , that howsoeuer it be , the quicke of our question is little touched hereby , for that we treat , whether an Oath offered against the conscience of the swearer , may be taken or not , especially when the points therof concerne matters of Religion : and here the question betweene S. Gregory & Mauritius is about the publishing of a law , partly temporall , for as much as it concerned the Emperours Army , Officers , and publike accompts , and partly also including some touch against Ecclesiasticall liberty , intaking that holy profession of Monasticall life , for help of their soules ; for which la●er respect . S. Gregory was most earnest with the said Emperour to be content to haue the said Law mitigated , & tempered as he had proposed the same ; and so in the end obtained his purpose , as by his words now recited doth appeare . Secondly then , the chiefest point o● difference betweene M. Barlow & me in this matter seemeth to be , whether S. Gregory did yield to the publishing o● this Law , before the mitigation & correction therof , or not . He sayth he did . But Cardinall Baronius , who seemeth more practised in the writings of S. Gregory , then M. Barlow in his Cōmunion booke , holdeth the contrary , and proueth it out of S. Gregories owne words and writings vnto the foresaid Archbishops & Metropolitās , Eusebius of Thessalonica , Vrbi●i●● of Dyrachium , Constātius of Millane , Iohn o● Corynth , Iohn of Creet , & others mentioned in his said l●tter : which letter he sent togeather with the said Law , vnto those chiefe Bi●hops & Metropolitans , to be diuulged ; but first moderated and corrected ( saith Baronius ) in the two points before by me mentioned . Adding fu●ther that this Epistle o● S. Gregory concerning this co●rec●ion is found in his Register , not in his due place & ranke , but remoued from thence , as many other of his ●pi●tles also are , which haue giuen some occasion to M. Barlow for to wrangle about the matter , for that in two other Epistles of his that go before this , to wit , the 62. to the Emperour himselfe , and 65. to Theodorus his Phisitian , he intreateth earnestly for the Emperours consent to this mitigation : wherof no man can meruaile , considering the humility and sweetnes of S. Gregories nature , & that the Law it sel●e seemed to be made vpon great reason , for the Common-Wealth , for some abuses perhaps that had pass●d , & might passe ; and consequently was no such Ecclesiastical Law , as M. Barlow would haue it to be taken for . And so much the more reason had S. Gregory to deale humbly by way of petition , with the sayd Mauritius● for allowing of his modification , for that the Law did not directly repugne any Ecclesiasticall matter , but by a consequence only , the subiect of the Law being grounded vpon temporall respects , which consequence notwithstanding S. Gregory as a care●ull supreme P●stour , would not suffer to passe wit●out due reflection made theron , with endeauour to haue it amended . But wh●ther this were before or after his first sending o● the law into diuers Prouinces , a● he sayth Epist. 62. lib. 2. or after , as he writeth to the foresayd Metropolitans , Epist. 11. lib. 7. or whether he sent it two times , ●i●t to the Prouinces with some aduertisements to be considered of , vntill he should haue obtained the Emperours consent : and then againe vnto the sayd Metrop●litans , with more full resolution , and ●ssurance that the Emperour was content , and satisfyed , I shall leaue the matter to be disputed betweene Cardinall Baronius , and M. Barlow ; albeyt the matter it selfe be of sm●ll moment to our purpose , as I haue sayd , for that , as S. Gregory did on the one side shew himselfe subiect vnto Mauritius at that time , in te●porall ●ffaires , so did he not neglect his Pastorall office , & supreme care , in dealing with those Arc●bishops , & Metropolitans of diuers Nations ( to whom he sent the Emperours Law ) to practise the sam● according to the temperament , and declaration sent them . And if his spirituall authority had bene acknowledged to haue bene no more at that time , then ouer the Roman Diocesse only , as now our Protestants will acknowledge no more to our present Popes , he would neuer haue taken vpon him to write , and send the Law with his exposition , to so many great Archbishops of diuers other Realmes , and Nations . And if Mauritius the Emperour had held himselfe for Head of the Church in those dayes , and to haue power aswell in Ecclesiasticall affaires , as temporall , and that S. Gregory had not bene Head , he would neuer haue sent the law to haue bene published by him to the Metropolitans , both of the East and West , Greeke and Latin Church , himsel●e liuing in Constantinople , being neerer vnto diuers of the said Metrop●litans , then was Rome , but would haue sent the same immediately vnto them , as from himselfe . And this might be su●ficient for this matter , but that I may not let passe without the note of another egregious ignorance , and malice , or rather malicious ignorance of M. Barlow conioyned togeather in this place● The malice standeth in this , that he accuseth me of falsifying , for leauing out wittingly certayne wordes of S. Gregory in his for●said Epi●tle to the Metropolitans , whereby he assureth them , that the Emperour was pacifyed , and contented with his mitigation of the law sent vnto them . This ●alsi●ying Iesuit ( saith he ) mentioneth the Epistle , but leaueth out the wordes very cunningly , mihi credite , Belieue me , our Grati●●s Emperour is so contented . Whereas if you looke backe vpon my wordes , you shall find them set downe by me thus , as they stand in S. Gregory ; De qua re Serenissimus & Christianissimus Imperator omnimodò placatur . About which matter our most Clement , & Christian Emperour is wholy pleased , & contended ; if mihi credite were pretermitted , it importeth little to the matter . This then was malicious , let vs see the ignorance coupled with more then with a single malice , when he speaketh of S. Gregories wordes written vnto Theodoru● the Emperours Phisitian , as before hath beene mentioned , sending a letter to him to be deliuered to the said Emperour , at his good commodity . M. Barlow relateth the matter thus . He writes to Theodore the Emperours Phisitian , saith he , and intreats him to deale with his Lord and Soueraigne about it . The reasons wherof he had not , yea he would not , he saith , à Respōsali suo publicè dare , publikely yeald as frō his Chaire and Oracle ( much lesse by his Breue interdict ) but hauing suggested it priuatly , he left it to God and the Emperours leasure and wisdome . In which words , besides the gros●e ignorance , in taking Responsali for the Popes Chayre or Oracle , wherin he defineth matters for direction of Christendome ( whereas the word signifieth only his Messēger , Nuntius , or Legat ) there are diuers euident fraudes discouered : as first that he doth interprete the Popes priuate letter or suggestion ( as S. Gregory calleth it , which he sent to Theodore to be giuen to the Emperour ) by the words yealding of reasons publikly , which is far from S. Gregories meaning , as presently shall appeare . And secondly to make the sentence of S. Gregory more appliable to his fond purpose , of interpreting it a Chayre or Oracle , he chāgeth dari into dare . The words of S. Gregory be : Nol● eam ( scilicet Epistolam , vel suggestion●m ) à Responsali me● publicèdari , quia vos qui ei familiariùs seruitis , loquiei liberiùs & ape●ti●● p●●●sti● , que pro eius sunt anima . I will not haue my sayd ●●●●er ( or suggestion ) to be giuen to the Emperour publikly , by my Legate or Agent , for that you who do serue him more familiarly , may speake vnto him more freely and openly , those things which be for his soule . Which words being most plaine , who but an ignorant man , or most malicious , would translate Responsali , as from hi● Chayre and Oracle ? which cannot stand in the sight of euery child , either with signification of Responsali● , or with the reason of S. Gregory here alleadged . For what sense may it haue if S. Gregory should say to Theodore the Phisitian , as M. Barlow feigneth him to say , I haue not , nor will not yield reasons publickely from my Chayre and Oracle , and much lesse , i●erdict by Breue , for that you seruing him more familiarly , may speake more boldly and openly . But as I say the wilfull ignorance or malice is manifest , for that he can neuer in his whole life shew vs in any one example where Responsalis is taken for the Popes Chayre or Oracle , but for a Messenger , Embassadour , Nuntius , Legate , or Agent , named otherwise Apo●rysiarius . We could shew him a multitude of places out of S. Gregory him selfe , if we would stand vpon it , as namely in his 30. Epistle lib. 6. to Mauritius the Emperour , talking of the Legates of Cyriacus Archbishop of Cōstantinople he saith , Responsales Fratris & Consacerdotis mei Cyriaci benignè suscepi : I benignly receaued the Legates or Messengers of my Brother and fellow Priest Cyriacus . And agayne afterward in the same Epistle , Responsales eius mecum feci Sacra Missarum solemnia celebrare . I caused his Messengers to celebrate the holy solemnity of the Masses togeather with me . Where I hope M. Barlow will not say , that he receaued Bishop Cyriacu● his Chayre with benignity , or that he made his C●aire and Oracle to say masse with him . And the very same speach he vseth againe in the very next ensuing epistle , to E●logius Bishop of Alexandria , and to Anastasius Bishop of An●ioch . And agayne in his epistle 38. to Iohn Archbishop of Constantinople . Et antè per R●sponsales me●s , & nunc per communem filium meum Sabinianum Diaconum alloqui Fra●erni●●tem vestram volui . I resolued first to admonish your Brotherhood by other Messengers of myne , and now by our cōmon sonne Sabinianus the Deacon . Many other such like exāples might be alleaged , which for breuity I pretermit : & doe take pitty of M. Barlow to see him erre so grossely , as to imagine that Responsalis should signify a Popes Chayre , or Oracle . And so much of this . VVHETHER COVNCELS HAVE SVBMITTED THEMSELVES VNTO CHRISTIAN EMPERORS in Spi●ituall affayres : and namely that of Arles to Charles the Great ? CHAP. VI. AFTER the examination of the Authorities of Scriptures , and Fathers alleaged by the Apologer , for the prerogatiue of temporall Princes in matters of Religion , there followeth also in ●he third place somewhat of Councells , that seemed to submit themselues in t●eir Decrees about Religion , vnto the iudgment and liking of Emperours , which to the end the Reader may the better conceaue , and ●ee the whole conflict betwene M. Ba●low and me in this poynt , wherin as in all the rest ●e seek●th to be obscure , I shall set downe the whole speach ●sed in my former Letter : thus then it was . The last thing thē ( said I ) that i● cited without purpose by the Apologer , are certayne Councels which ar● said to haue submitted themselues to Emperours as that of Arles in France vnto Charles the Great their King , for that in the last words of the said Councell , the Bishops there gathered togeather , presenting the same to the said Charles write thus : Haec sub breuitate , quae emendatione digna perspexim●s , &c. these thinges briefly which we haue seene worthy of reformation , we haue noted , and deemed to be presented to our Lord the Emperour , beseeching his Clemency , if any thing be wanting to supply it by his wisdome , and if any thing be otherwise done then reason requireth , it be amended by his iudgment , and if any thing be reasonably censured , it may be perfected by his help , and by the clemency of Almighty God. So the Councell . And heerof would the Apologer inferre that this Councell of Bishops submitted it selfe to the Emperour . But I would aske him wherin ? To take any Oath that the Emperour Charles should propose vnto them ? We see no Oath offered , nor mentioned , and so nothing here to our purpose . Wherin then , or why are they said to haue submitted themselues ? For that , perhaps , it is said in the Preface of the Councell , that they were gathered togeather by order , and cōmaundement of the said Emperour . Surely it was hard , that so many Bishops , and Archbishops should be assembled togeather without his liking , and Order . But that the consent , direction , and chiefe Commission for the same , came from the Bishop of Rome , may easily be gathered : for that in the first Councell that he caused to be celebrated in his Dominions , which was that of VVormes in the yeare of Christ 770. it was left registred in these words : Auctoritas Ecclesiastica , atque Canonica d●cet , non debere , absque sententia Romani Ponti●icis , Concilia celebrari . Ecclesiasticall and Canonicall authority teacheth , that Councels may not be held , without the allowance of the Bishop of Rome . And wher in thē ? Or why is this submission made ? For approbation of matters concerning faith ? No , for that yow haue heard before out of S. Ambrose , that therin Emperours are not iudges of Bishops , but Bishops of Emperours . Wherin then , or why is this submission , or rather r●mission to the Emperour , and his iudgment ? It was , for that this Councell was made onely for reformation of manners and matters , at the religious instance of the good Emperour , the effectuating wherof did depend principally of his good will and ass●●tance , and so after the first Canon , where briefly is set downe the Confession o● the Christian faith , all the other 25. Canons ( for there are only 26. in all ) are about reformation of matters amisse : as for more diligence in daylie prayer for the Emperours person , and his children , to wit , that a Masses and ●et●●ies be said da●lie for them by all Bishops , Abbots , Monks , and Priests . b That Bishops and Priests study more diligently , and teach the people , both by lessons and preachings : c That lay men may not put out Priests of their benefice , without the sentence of the Bishop , nor that they take money of them for collation of the said benefices : d That none be admitted to enter into the Monasteries of Virgins eyther to say Masse , or otherwise , but such as be of appro●ed vertue : e How peace is to be held betweene Bishops , Earles , and other Great men , especially in execution of Iustice : f That weightes and measures be iust and equall , and that none worke vpon holy dayes : g That all Tythes be payd , al ancient possession mantayned to the Churches . That no secular courtes be held in Churches , or Church porches : That no Earles , or other Great men do fraudulently buy poore mens goods &c. These then were the pointes of Reformation , decreed in that Councel of Arles , at the instance of Charles the Great , who was so zealous a Prince in this behalf● , as he caused fiue seueral Councels to be celebrated in diuers Partes of his Dominions within one yeare , to wit , this of A●les , another at Towers , a third at Chalo●s , a fourth at Mentz , the fifth at Rhemes , and another the yeare before ( which was the ●ixt ) ad Theodonis villam , which is a towne in Luxemburge . Al which Prouincial Synodes are extant i● the third Tome of Councels , togeather with the Canons and Decrees , which are such as could not be put in execution , but by the temporall fauour , authoritie , and approbation of the Emperour in such matters , as concerned his temporall Kingdome and iurisdiction . Wherfore i● for these respects , the Councell did present vnto the Emperour these Canons to be cōsidered of by his wisedome , whether any thing were to be added , altered , or taken away , for the publike good of the Common Wealth ( no Controuersy of faith being treated therin ) what is this to proue , eyther that the Emperour in spirituall matters was superiour to the said Bishops , or that if he had proposed vnto them any such Oath , as this is , wherin by pro●essing their temporall Allegiance , they must also haue impugned some poynt of their faith , that they would haue obeyed him ? And so much of this Councell . This was then my speach , yielding furthermore a reason , why I did not stand vpon the places of some particuler Councels alleadged , for that the discussion of this one made manifest all the rest , that they tended only to this end , that they proued temporal obedience in subiects towards their Princes , in temporal affaires , which Catholicks deny not , and so in effect they proue nothing to the purpose in hand . But yet it shall be good to ponder a little , what M. Barlow bringeth in against that , which heere I haue written . First he saith , that not only these Prouinciall Councels , of Arles in France , and diuers others submitted themselues wholy to the Emperour Charles the Great , in most humble termes , but the foure Generall Councels also s●mmoned at the beck , and command of the Emperour , submitted themselues for the validity , and establishing of their Decrees to his most Royal assent . And within three lines after againe : VVhole Councels , saith he , submitted themselues in all dutifull reuerence to their Soueraignes , not only in matters of temporall affaires , but in faith and religion . And yet further in the very next page : The Emperour , saith he , that hath the sole authority to summon a Councel , hath the sole power to make good or voyd what it concludes . And we must note that he putteth downe the words to make good , or voyd , in a different markable letter , therby to signify that this is an Axiome of great solidity . And yet I suppose that he could not be so forgetfull , or negligent as not to see , that all this is quite contrary to that which he wrote within three leaues● before , to wit , that in cases of religion and faith , Princes could not iudge any thing , iudicio definitiuo , to define or determine , but only executiuo , to put in execution that which the Church determineth . But now if not only the Councell of Arles , and other Prouincial Councels , but the first foure General Councels submitted themselues also for the validity and establishment of their Decrees , which are knowne to haue bene concerning points of religion and faith , vnto the Emperours Royal assent : so as whatsoeuer was decreed there by the Church ( & this not a Prouincial or National Church only of England , but the whole Vniuersall Church gathered in those first foure Counc●ls ) should haue no validity , except the Emperour approued the same ; this is more then iudicium executiuum , to execute that which the other had determined . For here the Emperour doth iudge of al , yea euen of the iudges themselues , and of their Iudgments and decrees , and consequently hath the last and supreme iudgment de●initiue , to define and determine what Decrees are truly and rightly made , and to ratify or make void what he shall think good , which is as much as we do , or can ascribe vnto the Pope . And this is confirmed in like manner by M. Barlows second ass●ueration , That Councels must submit themselues in all dutifull reuerence , not only in matters of temporall affaires , but of faith and religion also● What can be ●poken more plainly in contradiction of his former assertion ? And what more absurdly then that which followeth in the third place , That the temporall Prince hath sole power to make good or voyd● what the Councell concludes ? For that hereby all the Conciliabula or vnlawfull false Councels that met togeather often in the primitiue Church , as that of A●iminum for the Arians against the Catholickes , that of Carthage against Cecilianus , that of Constan●inople against Marcellus , that of Antioch against Athanasius , that of Burges in France against S. Hilary , & diuers other , hauing the assent and approbation of hereticall Emperours then bearing rule , shal be good and lawfull Councels , and all other Councels gathered for the Catholicks against these to be voyd , & of no validity . Do you see heere M. Barlows manner of writing ? and how he plungeth himself aboue the eares in contradictions , without marking , or respecting what he said before , so he may say somewhat for the present ? But do you thinke that he wil stand to this now ? No. For that in the very next ensuing leafe , he being pressed by me to answere what submission that was , which the Councel of Arles made to Charls the Great for his approbation , and whether it were of matters concerning faith , he runneth quite backe againe , denying that Emperours haue any such authority . To iudge , saith he , definitiuely which are matters of faith , or no , is not for the Emperour : but to ratify by hi● assent , and command by his authority , what the Church or Councell so assembled hath defined to be matter of faith , is proper to Emper●●rs and Kings . Which words if you consider them well , do cōtaine most euidently the contradictory of that he sayd before , That Councels were to submit themselues for the validity of their Decrees to the Emperours Royall assent , and that not only in temporall affaires , but in faith and ●eligion : and that they only haue power to make good or voyde all conclusions of Councels : which contayneth manifestly power also to define : & it is but a shift to say heere , that it is not for the Emperour to iudge definitiuely , which are matters of faith or not . For it is not the chiefe question , which matters belong to faith , and which not , for that is easily discerned in general , but which opinions in these matters be true , or false , doubtfull , dangerous , Catholicke , or Hereticall in particuler . Wherin , forasmuch as the Decrees that are , or shal be made by the Councels assembled , must take their validity from the Emperours assent , yea euen as they are matters of fayth and religion , and that without this assent they are vtterly vo●de ; it is a ridiculous thing to see M. Barlow play fast and loose , as he doth in this matter , taking away with one hand , that which he giueth with the other , & then yielding againe that which before he had taken away , which proceedeth of the miserable labyrinth , wheri● he seeth himselfe to be in this question , about the Kings spirituall authority , which he would seeme to defend , ●●t in effect ouerthroweth the same , when he commeth to the point , as before hath byn noted . And this necessity driueth him to such contradictory speaches , not knowing well where to rest himselfe , as euen heere in these his last wordes , there is a notorious intanglement , if they be wel considered . For first he sayth , that it belongeth not to the Emperour definitiuely to iudge which are matters of faith , but to ratify by his assent , what the Councel had defined to be matter of faith . Suppose that some Councel had decreed that Christ was the Sonne of God , and equal in God●ead to his Father , as diuers did vnder Constantius the Ariā Emperour , and he would not ratify the ●ayd decrees by his assent , were they all voyd for this ? and had they no validity ? Or was this Councel bound to submit it selfe , in these points of faith and religion , vnto that Emperour , as M. Barlows former doctrine inferreth ? though heere he would seeme to moderate the matter ; but indeed he knoweth not where to consist . For if no Decrees of Councels in any matters of faith or religion , haue any validity , without the Emperours ratification and assent , as heere also he doth insinuate , then must we needs allow also vnto him power to iudge definitiuely , and not only to execute , as before hath beene proued . And as for the instance which he alleage●h out of the Synod of Aquileia held vnder the raigne of Gratian , Valenti●●an , and Theodosius ioynt Emperours , wherin was S. Ambrose that wrote with the rest of the Bishops vnto the foresai● Emperours , humbly and earnestly desiring them ( saith M. Barlow , that they would vouchsafe to make good , what the Bishops ●ad in th●s Assem●ly concluded , it is meerely false , For first no such speach is found in the place by him cited : & secondly though the sayd Bishops doe complayne much in that letter of certa●ne disorderly hereticks , that troubled their peace , namely Valence , and Attal●● , and did request the protection o● t●e ●ayd Emperours , for their quiet : ye● doe they not , as M. Barlow falsely affirmeth , desire th● Emperours to ratify their Decrees , set downe in matter● o● faith , or to make good , what they had concluded ; fo● that had byn to haue made them Iudges of their said Decrees , against which thing , as attempted by the heretiks , S● Ambrose excepteth in that very place , saying , That Pries● must iudge of lay men , and not lay men o● priests , in matters belo●g●●● to religion : but they did demaund their temporall help an● protection , only for defence of that which they had decreed , and for peaceable obseruing thereof , putting th● said Emperours in mind , to haue first respect vnto th● reuerence of the Catholick Church , and then vnto th● obseruation of their owne laws therby : Reuerentiam pri●●● Ecclesiae Catholicae , deinde etiam legibus vestris Pietas Vestra defer●●●ubeat . ●hat your Piety doe first commaund reuerence t● be exhibited to the Catholicke Church , and afterward t● your owne laws . So S. Ambrose with that Synod . Where●by may appeare , what reuerence , and respect they requyred at these three Christian Emperours hands vnto thei● Ecclesiastical decrees ( they representing the Church ) before their owne Imperiall lawes . Vnto the sentence which I doe cite in my Letter on● of the Councell of VVormes , that Councels may not b● held without allowance o● the Bishop of Rome● M. Barl●● an●wereth with more choller then reason , That it is a manifest vntruth , made good by an obscure author , out of a Councel ●euer assembled , or neuer recorded . But if it be so manifest , why had not he alleadged so much as one author , old or new since that time , which is aboue 800. yeares agone tha● denied the same , vntill this our age ? Whereas we alleadg● for the affirmatiue , that there was such a Councell held at VVormes vpon that yeare of 770. both out of the life o● Charles the Great , written by a very ancient Author , a● al●o out of the 6. and 7. Bookes de Capitularibu● Franc. and out of m●ny Histo●ies after them , as namely Rhegine , tha● liued full 700. yeares agone , and mentioneth that Councell of VVormes , vpon the same yeare : yea the Author● themselues mentioned by M. Barlow , namely Genebra●d , Byn●●● and Caranza , being confessed by him to mention such ● Councel , do proue also that it was recorded . And as fo● his negatiue argument out of Canisius in his short table of Chronography , prefixed before his Catechisme , who ●●ming some Councels , doth not name that Councel of VVormes , hath no substance at al. For that Canisius his purpose was not to name all Councels , especially such as were Prouinciall , as this of VVormes was , but some only 〈◊〉 example sake : for in that very Age of 800. wherein Ch●●les did florish as Emperour , I find 5. or 6. at least pre●●rmitted by Canisius , as Ratisponense , Altinense , Constantinop●●●● 〈◊〉 , Actinacense , Lugdunense , and some others . And in the precedent age , when Charles was King of France , I f●nd aboue a dozen Prouincial Councels left out of Ca●●●●●s his Chronology ; and so might this also be of VVor●es , albeit there is a Councel of VVormes registred by him , about the middle of the age of 800 ; which also may be this , that we talke of , though placed by the Printer somewhat lower in the Columne , then it should be . But why do we stand spending of time in these tri●●ing obiections brought in by M. Barlow against himselfe ? If the Counc●ll be confessed by so many as himselfe mentioneth here in this place , to wit , Genebrard , By●nius , and Caranza , and the sentence before cited for the necessity of the Popes consent in gathering of the Councels cannot be denied , but that it is registred in the history before mentioned , de Capitularibus Franc. as Bynnius also expresly affirmeth , though concealed by M● Barlow ; who doth not see but that one or two ancient Authors affirming any thing , are to be preferred before many , that hould their peace , and say nothing to the contrary ? But as for the mayne question it selfe , whether it appertayne vnto the Popes authority to call Councels , and approue the same , the profe is not taken so much from this acknowledgment or testimony of the Councell of VVormes , which did but set downe the sense of the Christian Church in these dayes ; but from other far more ancient proofes and testimonies , as M. Barlow wel knoweth , though here he dissembleth the same , and cha●eth exceedingly , saying , That this fugitiue ( for such is his modesty of speach ) wil f●tch a 〈◊〉 sentence from this Councel to warrant no Councel to be good , that i● celebrated without the Popes Authority , and therby at one push ouerthrow the credit of al Councels , both general and particuler for the better part of 900. yeares after Christ. Wherto I answer first , that to be a fugitiue for the cause of Catholicke Religion , is no reproach at al , but a high commendation , warranted by Christes owne words , when he willed them that were persecuted in one Citty , to fly into another : and much more happy is it to be a fugitiue , then a persecutour . S. Athanasius in his booke de fugasua , of his flight and persecution , doth handle the matter at large , to whom I remit the Reader . Secondly , as for the summoning & gathering of Coūcels , general or particuler , our controuersy is principally of General Councels , for as for Diocesian Synods , as they may be assembled by ech Bishop in his district , and the Prouincial Councels by the Metropolitan , which Protestants themselues wil not deny : so by the due proportion of good order , General Councels must be gathered by commandment or consent at least of the general Pastour , though in States subiect to temporal Princes , good reason requireth that the matter be done in like manner with the approbation of the said temporal Princes , for the houlding of the said Councel , in this , or that place of their Dominions . And this was obserued in the first 4. General Councels , which were commanded to be gathered by Constantine , Theodosius the elder , Theodosius the yonger , and Martian the Emperours , by the assent and approbation of the Popes , Syluester , Damasus , Celestinus , and Leo : which besides other proofes of seueral histories is made euident by the last of the said 4. Councels , to wit , that of Chalcedon , where , in the first action , the heretical Archbishop Dioscorus was punished publikely , and forbidden to sit amongst the Bishops , for that he had presumed to call a Councell without the authority of the Apostolike Sea : Qu●d numquam licui● , say they , numquam sactum est , that neuer was lawfull , nor euer was done . And consequently this prooueth that all the first 4. Generall Councells were gathered by the consents and approbations of the Bishops of Rome , though with the concurrence also of the Emperours , without whose good liking , the meeting of so many Bishops in their States could not be permitted , as before hath bene said . But now here before I passe any further , I must make you acquainted with a solemne foolery and falshood of M Barlow , concerning Cardinall Bellarmine , for that hauing vttered the words before mentioned , that Coūcels were to be gathered by the Emperours , and not by the Bishops of Rome , though he citeth no one argument for the same : yet saith he , this is a thing so cleare and radiant , that Bellarmine himselfe being dazeled with behoulding the euidence , euen as S. Peter , not wi●●ing what he said , though he laboured to build for the Pope , yet lab●●reth be also to build for the Emperour , and in that same place he ●●eweth diuers reasons , why it rather belongeth to Emperours , then to Popes for ●o assemble Councells , citing for the same in his margent Bellar. de Concil . cap. 13. But truly when I went to the place of Bellarmine and read his words , I was ashamed on M. Barlowes behalfe , and his folly was so radiant in my eyes ( to vse his phrase ) that I could not read them without blushing : for that in the Chapter by him cited , and in the other going before , Bellarmine doth proue most substantially by many arguments both out of Scriptures , Fathers , Councels , reasons , histories , practice , and examples , that it appertayneth not to the Emperour only or principally , but to the Bishop of Rome to call General Coūcells , or at leastwise , that it may not be done without the said Bishops consent , and approbation first had , so as the very contradictory proposition to this , which M. Barlow sets downe , is found in these expresse words in Bellarmine , ●sse reuerà Ponti●icis , non Imperatoris congregare Synodum generalem , that is belongeth truely to the Pope , and not to the Emperour to gather a generall Councell . Adding notwithstanding 4. particuler reasons and temporall respects , why diuers generall Councells could not be gathered togeather vnder the Emperours , who were temporal Lords of the world , without their likings & consents . Not , saith he , for that a Councell gathered without the authority of the Emperour among Christians should not be of validity , as our aduersaries doe dreame ( whereas S. Athanasiu● saith plainely in his epistle to them that lead a solitary life , Quando vmquam iudicium Ecclesiae ab Imperatore authoritatē habuit ? when did euer the iudgment of the Church take authority from the Emperour ? ) but for that the temporall state of Christendome standing in the Emperours hands , no such meeting could be made without their approbation . And can this stand with that which M. Barlow here affirmeth in his name , that he shewes diuers reasons why it rather belonged to Emperours , then to the Pope to assemble Councells ? Will he not blush , and be ashamed of this shameles calumniation , or rather forgery ? As for that he obiected cōcerning the Graunt giuen to Charles the Great , by Adrian the Pope , to haue authority to approue the Election of the Bishop of Rome , and other Bishops and Archbishops , and to dispose of the Sea Apostolike &c. I referre him to Cardinall Baronius for his answer in his Annales of the yeare 774. where he discusseth the matter at large , and proueth it a meere fiction , and plaine fraud inuented , & registred first by Sigebertus in fauour of the cause of Henry the fourth Emperour excommunicated by the Pope : which he proueth by many playne euidences out of all the ancient writers , for the space of 300. years after Charles his time , who neuer made mention of any such Graunt ; as also the expresse testimony of Eginhardus , that was Notary to Charles the Great , and was alwayes about him , and wrote his life , and by diuers other proofes which were too long here to recite . Therfore with this shall we end this Chapter . VVHETHER THE POPE IN HIS BREVE DID FORBID TEMPORALL OBEDIENCE to his Maiesty of England ? AND Whether the said Pope hath Power to make new Articles of faith ? CHAP. VII . WHERAS in the Apology , a great cōplaint was made against the Pope , for that in his Breue he did forbid temporall Obedience to be performed to his Maiesty , as a poynt against fayth and saluation of soules ; & moreouer chargeth him with assuming vnto himselfe infallibility of spirit to make new Articles of sayth when euer it shall please him &c. my answer therunto was this . I find no such thing in the Breue at all , as that Temporall Obedience is against faith & saluation of soules : nor doth the Breue forbid it : nor doth any learned Catholike affirme , that the Pope hath power to make new Articles of Faith : nay rather it is the full consent of all Catholike Deuines , that the Pope , and all the Church togeather , cannot make any new Article of beliefe , that was not truth before , though they may explane what poynts are to be held for matters of faith , and what not , vpon any new heresies or doubts arising ; which articles so declared , though they be more particulerly , and perspicuously knowne now for points of faith , and so to be belieued , after the declaration of the Church , then before : yet had they before the selfe same truth in themselues , that now they haue . Nor hath the said Church added any thing to them , but this declaration only . As for example , when Salomon declared the true Mother of the child that was in doubt , he made her not the true Mother therby , nor added any thing to the truth of her being the Mother : but only the declaration . Wherfore this also of ascribing power to the Pope of making new Articles of fayth , is a meere calumniation amongst the rest . So in my former writing : now we shall examine what M. Barlow replyeth about these two points . In the first , whether the Oath do containe only temporall Obedience , he is very briefe ; for hauing repeated my words by abbreuiation , that the Popes Breue forbids not temporall Obedience . No , saith he , it forbids the Oath , wherin is only acknowledgment of ciuill Allegiance . But this we deny and haue often denied , and still must deny , and craue the proofe at M. Barlowes hands , who though he hath often affirmed the same , yet hath he neuer proued it by any one argument worth the reciting , which notwithstanding is the only or principall thing that he should proue . For that being once proued , all controuersie about this Oath were ended . And it is a strange kind of demeanour , so often and euery where to affirme it , and neuer to proue it . He addeth for his reason in this place : He that prohibits the swearing against a vsurping deposer , denieth temporall obedience to his rightfull Soueraigne : and sayth neuer a word more . But what doth this proue ? Or in what forme is this argument ? For if vnto this Maior proposition he shall add a Minor , that we do so , or that the Popes Breue doth so , we vtterly deny it as manifestly false . For who will say that the Popes Breue prohibits swearing against an vsurping deposer ? Or what Catholike will say that his refusall of swearing is against such a one , and not rather against the authority of his lawfull Pastour ? Wherfore this proofe is nothing at all● But he hath another within a leafe after , which is much more strange , for he bringeth me for a witnes against my selfe in these words . VVhat hitherto ( sayth he ) he ●a● laboured to confute , and now peremptorily denyeth ( that the Breue ●●insayeth not Obedience in ciuill things ) he plainly now confesseth , and gr●●teth . If this be so , that I do grant the Popes Breue to prohibite obedience in temporall thinges , then will I graunt also that M. Barlow indeed hath gotten an aduantage , and some cause to vaunt : but if no word of this be true , and that it is only a fond sleight of his owne , then may you imagne to what pouerty the man is driuen , that is forced to inuent these silly shifts . Let vs lay forth then the mystery , or rather misery of this matter as himselfe relateth it . The Pope , saith he , being iustly taxed for not expressing any cause , or reason of the vnlw●ulnes of the Oath , the Epistler saith , there are as many reasons , that it is vnlawfull , as there are points in the Oath which concerne religion , against which they must sweare . And is not this a good reason , say I ? Is not the forswearing of any one poynt of Catholike Religion sufficient to stay the cōscience of a Catholike man from swearing ? But how doth be proue by this , that I confesse the Breue to forbid temporall Obedience ? Do you marke , I pray you , his inference , and consider his acumen . But there is no one poynt ( sayth he ) in the Oath , that doth not so , to wit , that doth not concerne Religion , euen that first Article which meerely toucheth ciuill obedience . I do sweare before God , that King Iames is the lawfull King of this Realme &c. Ergo , I do grant that the Breue forbiddeth the swearing to all the Articles , and consequently leaueth no Obedience , ciuill or temporall . But do not you see how he contradicteth himselfe in the selfe same line , when he sayth that there is no one point that concerneth not religion , euen the very first Article , that toucheth meerly ciuill obedience ? For if it touch only and meerly ciuill obedience , ●hen doth it not touch religiō in our sense . For that we do distinguish these two , deuiding the Oath into two seuerall parts , the one conteyning points of temporall obedience , for acknowledging the right of his Maiesty in his Crownes ; the other concerning points of Catholike Religion , belonging to the Popes Authority . To the first wherof , we refuse not to sweare , but only against the second . And now M. Barlow sayth , that all concerne religion , and consequently we grant that the Popes Breue alloweth no temporall obedience , but denieth all . And is not this a worthy dispute ? But let vs passe to the second question , whether the Pope or Church , hath authority to make new Articles of faith , as the Apologer obiected . And first to my declaration before set downe to the negatiue part , that the Catholicke Church pre●endeth not any such authority to make new articles of faith , that were not of themselues true , and of faith before ; he obiecteth first Doctor Stapletons saying , that the Pope and Councell may make the Apocryphall bookes named Hermes , and the Constitutions of Clement to be Canonicall . Whereto I answere , that Doctor Stapleton sayth only , that as the ancyent Christian Church had authority vpon due examination by instinct of the holy Ghost to receaue into the Canon of deuine Bookes some that were not admitted before , as for example the Epistles of S. Iames , the two bookes of Machabees , the Epistle of Iude , and diuers others , as appeareth in the third Councell of Carthage , wherein S. Augustine himselfe was present , and su●scribed ; so hath the same Church at this day , and shall haue vnto the worlds end , authority to do the same , Si id ei sanctus Spiritus suggereret , sayth Doctour Stapleton , that is , if the holy Ghost shall suggest the same vnto her● librum aliquem al●●m n●ndum in Can●nem recep●um , Apostolorum tamen tempore conscriptum &c. to receaue into the Canon some other booke written in the time of the Apostles , and neuer reiected by the Church , though it were not receiued for Canonicall before , giuing instance of the said two bookes of Hermes , and Cl●ments Constitu●ions before mentioned . So teacheth Doctor Stapleton , and the reason of his saying is , for that the authority of the Church is the same now , & shal be vnto the worlds end , as it was in the first ages to iudge of Scriptures , when occasion is offered . And if the Church should admit any such booke now into the Canon of holy Scriptures , which was not held for Scripture before , ( which yet is a case not like to fall out ) then should no● this booke be made Scripture by the Church , but only declared to be such , which was so from the beginning , though not so knowne & declared . So as the Church in this case should not giue infallibility of truth vnto the booke , but only testimony by instinct of the holy Ghost , that this booke was such from the beginning , though not so accepted . So as you must note two cogging tricks of M. Barlow in cyting Doctour Stapletons words , first to conceale his first condition , Si id ei Spiritus Sanctus suggereret , if the holy Ghost should suggest the same vnto the Church : and then these other two conditions , if it were written in the time of the Apostles , and neuer reiected by the Church : which omissions were made by M. Barlow of purpose , to make M. Doctour Stapletons speach to appeare more naked and improbable : but indeed it was to keep his old custome , which is neuer commonly to relate things truly in all respects , in any citation whatsoeuer . His second obiection is out of Bishop Fisher , VVho sayth quoth he , that whatsoeuer the Pope with a Councell deliuereth vs to be belieued , that is to be receiued as an Article of fayth : which we graunting to be true , do ad only this , that it is to be vnderstood according to our former declaration , and as the Bishop himselfe expoundeth it , against ●uther out of Scotus saying : Non quòd ●unc verum Ecclesia fecerit , sed à Deotraditum explicauerit , sayth Scotus : not for that the Church made true this Article ( for it was true before ; ) but ●or that it did declare it to be true , and to haue bene deliuered by God , and this by direction of the holy Ghost , promised by our Sauiour to the Church . So sayth Bishop Fisher. Here now you see that neyther the Church , nor the Pope Head therof do pretend to make any new Article of fayth that was not in it selfe an article of fayth before ( yea and so belieued also fide implicita , by implyed fayth ) in the faith of the Church : but only the intention of the Church is to declare it to haue byn such from the beginning , though not so knowne or declared , and therfore men were not bound to belieue it fide explicita , by expresse fayth , as now they are , after the Churches definition , and declaration therof . And that this is the common sense of all Catholicke Deuines , according to my former wordes , that the Pope and all the Church togeather cannot make any new Article of beliefe , that was not truth before , ( at which assertion of mine M. Barlow maketh much adoe , as though it were false ) is proued among other learned men of our dayes by Gregorius de Valentia , whose wordes are ; that it is Sententia communis Theologorum , the common opinion of Deuines : for which he citeth in particuler a multitude of Authors , & principall Schoolemen . And his whole discourse founded vpon Scriptures , Fathers , Councells and other arguments consisteth in this , that as whatsoeuer is now belieued by the Church for matter of fayth , was in substance belieued before , in all other precedent ages vnto Christes time actu fidei implicito , by an implyed act of fayth , that is to say , the belieuing in generall whatsoeuer the Church belieued : so many thinges are now belieued by the Church , actu fidei explicito , by expresse fayth , which were not so belieued before , for that the Church frō time to time hath had authority to explaine matters more clearly and expresly , which before were belieued by an implied faith only . As for example , the first Councell of Nice though it determined nothing for the p●oceeding of the holy Ghost from the Father and Sonne , as was afterward declared vnto vs by the Church , but that it belieued the same , yet may we not deny but that it belieued the same , not fide explici●a , but implicita only . And so in like manner the other Articles of faith and explications therof made by the subsequent Councels , about the vnity of the Person & differēt Natures in Christ , & that his Mother should be called the Mother of God , were belieued implicitè , by those of the Councel of Nyce , and consequently were then also Articles of faith , though they were not belieued by them explicitè , as we are bound to do , after the explication made by the Church . Let vs conclude therfore with Bishop Fi●●ers owne words against M. Barlow : Quod tame●si nequeat Sum●●● Pontisex &c. That albeit the Pope with a Councel , that is to say the Catholick Church , cannot make any thing true or false , that is not true or false of it selfe , and consequently cannot make any new articles of faith : yet whatsoeuer the said Church shal deliuer vnto vs , as an Article of faith , that , al true Christians ought to belieue as an Article of faith , which Scotus also himselfe in the same place affirmeth . Thus Bishop Fisher ( whome you see how impertinently M. Barlow alleadgeth against my assertion ) saith the very same that I do . Let vs go forward . Thirdly then he obiecteth S. Thomas of Aquine , who talking of the different Creeds that are set forth concerning the Articles of our faith , some more large , and some more briefe , demandeth to whome appertayneth noua Editio Symboli , the new Edition of a Creed , when the necessity of new heresies doth require ? And he sayth it belongeth to the Pope as Head of the Church . And what is this against me ? Did not S. Athanasius also set forth his Creed , though he were not Pope , with addition of many Articles for explanations sake , which were not expressely in the Apostles Creed , though in substāce of truth they were nothing different ? Did not diuers Councells set forth Credes with sundry explanations that were not before ? All which standeth vpon this ground so much pondered by ● . Irenaeus , that the Apostles had all truth reuealed vnto them by Christ , and they left the same in the Church : so as whatsoeuer is , or hath , or shal be added afterward by the said Church , are only explications of that first reueiled truth : and the childish babling here of M. Barlow to the cōtrary , is to no purpose at al , for he citeth diuers authors for that which we deny not , but yet alwaies commonly with addition of some vntruth of his owne , as heere he alleadgeth out of the Iesuit Azor , that it belongeth vnto the Pope to define Dogmata fidei , Doctrines of faith , which we deny not : but when he addeth , that this belongeth vnto the Pope only , and not to a Councel , this is his owne inuention , for Azor ioyneth them both togeather , the Councel as the body , and the Pope as the head , and saith that these words of the promise of Christ , The holy Ghost shal teach you al truth , were not spoken to a Councel , or to the Church , as separate from her Head , but as adhering to her head , and ioyned with the same . So in like manner he citeth Suarez to affirme , That th● Pope may define any thing , though not expressed in Scripture , to be defide , without any expresse reuelation from God ; which though in some part it be true , for that the ordinary assistance of the holy Ghost to the Church , may giue sufficient direction for the Church so to determine : yet are there diuers wilful corruptions here to be discouered , in these few words of M. Ba●low , for that first Suarez doth not speake of the Pope alone , but of the whole Church , to wit , of the body togeather with the Head , as Azorius did before . Secondly he doth not say that any thing may be defined , for a point of faith , by the Church , but speaketh of a special doctrine in some speciall case , which case he there setteth downe . Thirdly , though he required not nouam reuelationem expressam , a new expresse reuelation , as his words be , yet he requireth implicitam and t●citam , an implyed and s●cret reuelation . Al which limitations M. Barlow leaueth out of purpose , and therin sheweth his fidelity in citing of Authors . Next after this he hath this speach : But what need opinions , saith he , when the practice is extant , a whole new Symbolum is set ou● in the Prouincial Synod at Millan , wherin twelue new Articles are added to the Nicen Creed , which al Catholicks are bound 〈◊〉 paine o● Anathema , to professe by word , and sweare by oath . So he . And truly this is a strange point , that a Prouincial Councel of Millan , reaching no further then within the compasse of that Dyocesse , should binde all Catholickes vpō paine of Anathema , both to professe by word & sweare by oath that which was there decreed . Doth M. Barlow speake like an intellig●nt man ? But the very last words of swearing by oath , do discouer his fraud , to wit , that no new Symbole or Creed is set downe in that Councel , as added to the Nycen , but only a large profession of the Catholick faith , according to the Decree of Pope Piu● Quartus there recorded , for al such as take Ecclesiastical promotion , in which prof●ssion , after the whole Creed set down Verbatim , as it is repeated in the Masse ( which is not only the Nycen ) there is added presently , Apostolicas & Ecclesiasticas tradiciones firmissimè admitto & amplector &c. I do most firmely admit and imbrace t●● Apostolical and Ecclesiastical traditions , as I do also admit and imbrace the holy Scripture , according to that sense which our holy Mother the Church hath held , and doth hold &c. running ouer the chiefe heads of such Articles as are now in controuersie betweene vs and Protestants , which heads are not heere decreed for Articles of faith by this Councel , but proposed only to him that maketh the profession : yea the whole Chapter , which is large , hath this title , De fidei prof●ssione , of the profession of the Catholicke faith . What new Articles are then here added to the Nycen Creed ? Is it not a shame to roue so farre from the marke , and to falsify the plaine meaning of Authors , and writers in this sort ? But now he returneth againe to speake of the Oath , & we must follow him , for that now we haue boūd ourselues so to do . Thus he sayth of vs , They reply that it is not the substance of the Oath that sticketh in their consciences● but the ●orme therof , especially those last words : I do make this recogni●ion willingly and truly : otherwise they haue a tricke in their religion to swallow the whole Oath , without straining : for it is their Doctrine and it is worth the obs●r●ing ; that i● a man be called to sweare , if he take the Oath vnwillingly , i● is vn●o him as he had not sworne at al : yea grant he haue voluntatē iurandi , be very willing to sweare , but hath not voluntatem se obligandi , not wil to bind himselfe to performe what he sweares , it i● no Oath vnto him : he is as free , as if he were neuer sworne . And thus much he reciteth as out of Azorius . And do you heare this doctrine , or do you belieue that he saith truth therin ? Certes I could hardly belieue a man to be so wilful in falshood . For first where , or when can he shew , that we stick not at the substance of the Oath , but only at ●he forme ? Are not al those twelue points before mentioned in this Epistle , which M. Barlow goeth about to refute , which do touch Catholick religion , and at which we do principally sticke , of the substance of the Oath ? Can this be denyed with any shew of shamefastnes ? But let vs see how egregiously he doth abuse the learned writer Azorius , in making him the Author of these absurdities about swearing , which here he setteth downe , as our doctrine , if a man sweare vnwillingly , saith he , it is vnto him ( according to the Papists Doctrine ) as if he had not sworne at al. But where can he find that Azorius saith this ? If we looke into the place by him cyted , where he handleth de Iure i●rando , there is no such matter , but only it is said to this point , that if a man do sweare hauing no intention to sweare indeed ( but only to comply and deceaue another ) though it be no Oath in it selfe , yet in respect of the iniury or hurt ensuing , it may bind the swearer to performance : which is quite contrary to that which M. Barlow here citeth . And in another place speaking of an Oath extorted by feare or death , as to a thiefe vpon the way , or the like , which no man will deny to be vnwillingly made , he answereth in these words : Respondeo ex communi sententia Theologorum & Pontif●ij ●uris Doctorum , valere . I do answere out of the common opinion of al D●uines , and Doctors of the Common laws that it bind●th . For which he citeth seauen Doctors for the same . And what wil M. Barlow say to this ? Will he not blush at this vnhonest dealing herein ? But he passeth further to a second member of our Doctrine in this matter . If a man be willing to sweare , sayth he , 〈◊〉 hath no wil to bind himsel●e to performe what he su●eares , it is no Oath vnto him : he is as free , as if he were neuer sworne . But what ●hal a man say to these people , that are so forlorne in this point of fals dealing , as they care not what they set down ; so they may satisfy their present appetite , of seeming to say somewhat ? Let any man read the place of Azorius heere quoted , but according to my quotation , and not his which ordinarily is false , and he shal see a good large and learned dispute of Azorius vpon this question , VVhether a man promi●●●g a●y thing by Oath , without intention to per●orme the same , be notw●thstanding bound in conscience to per●orme it ? Wherein hauing hid downe the two different opinions of ●undry learned ●en , togeather with their reasons , arguments , and proofs , the one affirming that he is bound , as Caietan , Sotus , and C●●●rruuias ; the other that he is not bound by force of that Oath , as Syluester , Nauar , and others , Azorius sheweth that both parts haue their probability of reason , but he inclineth more to the first opinion , saying : that if the swearer had an intention to sweare , thinking nothing of the obligation , then was he bound : and that in this sense the opinion Caietan is most true . And further determineth not the question : and therefore this notorious vntruth of M. B●●low , that Azorius holdeth this to be no Oath vnto him that sweareth at al , but that he is as free , as if he had neuer sworne , I cannot tell in ●hat Predicament of impudency to place it , and therfore we will let it passe for a Tran●cendent . OF CERTAINE OTHER Fraudulent , and vntrue dealings of M. Barlow , vnto the end of this Paragraph : with a notorious abuse in alleadging S. Thomas of Aquine his Authority . §. II. VVHereas often and eager inuectiues are made by M. Barlow against the Pope and Cardinall Bellarmine , and all others , that do seeme in any sort to exhort the Catholickes of England to stand for their consciences , and to suffer rather whatsoeuer losses , hurtes , or dangers may happen to their liues , liberty , goods , or other temporall affaires , then to preiudice any point of their religion , M. Barlow terming these exhortations not only needlesse and vayne ( there being no persecution at al against the Catholickes ) but that they do tend in like manner to open disobedience against their temporall Princes , and so may iustly be cause of their ruyne indeed ; my answere was , I did not see but that the very same might be obiected vnto S. Cyprian , and other Fathers of the Primitiue Church , that they were guilty of so many Martyrs bloud , wilfully cast a way , and of the ruyne of their familyes , and other inconueniences , by exhorting them not to do against their Consciences , nor to yield to their temporall Prince● Commandements against God and their religion : no not for any tormēts that might be laid vpon them , nor for any losse that might fall vnto them , of goodes , life , honor , fame , friends , wyfe , children , or the like , which were ordinary exhortations in those dayes of persecution , as by their bookes yet ●xtant doth appeare . Neyther is i● sufficient to say , that those times & ours are different , for that the thing●s then demanded were apparen●ly vnlawfull , but these not : for that , to vs that are Catholickes , these thinges are as vnlawfull now , as ●hose other were then to them , for that they are no lesse against our consciences in matters of Religion . For why should it be more damnable then , and indispensable to deliuer vp a Bible , or new Testament , for example sake , when the Emperour commanded it , then now to sweare an Oath against our conscience and Religion , when our Temporall Prince exacteth it ? For that this perhaps , is called the Oath of Allegiance ? who knoweth not , that the fayrest title is put vpon the fowlest matter , when it is ●o be perswaded or ●xacted ? And he that shal read the Histories of that time , and of those ancient afflictions , shall s●e that Act also to haue bene required , as of Obedience & Allegiance , and not of Religion , being only the deliue●y vp of material books : and yet did the whole Church of God condemne them for it , that deliuered the same , and ●eld for true Martyrs , all those that died for denying therof , for that they would not do an Act against their consciences . Against this my speach M. Barlow first doth trifle , affirmimg me to say , that in the consciences of Catholicks it is as vnlawfull to sweare Allegiance vnto his Maiestie their naturall and rightfull Soueraigne , as to sacrifice to Idols . Which is a meer cauill indeed , for first I do not say , that it is vnlawfull at all to sweare Allegiance to their naturall Soueraigne , as often hath bene told him : but he ●●uer stayeth his tongue from repeating the contrary againe without end . The vnlawfulnes consisteth in swearing that for Allegiance , which appertaineth not to humaine and temporal Allegiance , but diuine Allegiance also , in keeping our consciences vnspotted before Almighty God. Secondly my comparison was not so much in the thinges themselues , to wit , swearing and sacrificing , or to determine which of these is the greatest sinne in it se●fe , as of the similitude in obligation both in those times and ours , to st●nd for defence of the integrity of our conscience both in them and vs , whatso●uer inequality of the sinne may be in the sight either of man or God. It is inough that both of them be forbydden to sacrifice against Christian Religion , & to sweare against C●tholick Religion . And further to shew that the external small apparence of that which is forbydden , cannot alwaies be a ●ule of taking away , or diminishing the obligation of conscience in obeying the prohibition ; I did alleadg the other example of giuing vp diuine bookes vnto the persecutors , when they demaunded them , and might haue alleadged many other examples to the like purpose , as namely the ●ating of flesh offered to Idols , in the beginning of Christianity , with offence of others , whereof S. Paul maketh so great accompt , as albeyt he maketh light of the thing it sel●e , and sayth that the Idol is nothing , yet doth he account the transgression for damnable , if he doe it against his owne conscience . But what sayth M. Barlow to this ? you shall heare his distinction and determination . Simply , sayth he , to deli●●r vp a Bible to his Superiour , requiring it , is no sinne , yea to deny i● , i● a contempt . About this proposition we will not much contend , but only aduertise him , that it is not to the purpose , that we doe talke here of Superiours lawfully requiring it , but of a Persecutor vniustly exacting the same . Let vs see then what he sayth further . But if the Emperour , sayth he , requireth them , to wit the books , to burne and de●ac● , in conte●p● and despight , or ●ury and passion , or as Iulian the Apostata , wh● called in all the heathen writers , both of Philosophy and Poetry , out o● the Christians hands , vnder a fayre pretence of abandoning Paganisme , to bereaue them o● all knowledge , therby to take ●rom Christians the true meanes o● their instructions , the cause is far different : for so to o●ey were wil●ully to betray the truth of God. This is his determination consisting of two members , as you see : the first , of the vnlawfulnes of giuing vp the Bible , & other such diuine bookes of Christian Religion , consisted in the ill intention of the persecutor , to bereaue men of so importāt meanes , for their instruction and saluation , and therefore not to be obe●ed , which seemeth to be far different , from that which before he held so resolutely , that Princes were to be obeied euen against conscience : but of this we will not dispute any more now , but only I say , that conforme to this his doctrine , English Catholickes are admoni●h●d also to consider , with what intention this new Oath ●g●inst the authority of the Bishop of Rome is exacted , whether to preiudice Catholike Religion , or no. For that ●●is may increase their obligatiō of refusall or acceptance , ●●en according to M. Barlowes doctrine in this place . But for the second point concerning the fact of Iulian the Apostata in demaunding Heathen wryters to be deli●ered vp of Philosophy , and Poetry ; that , in this case I say , there should be the like obligation not to obey that Emperour , but rather to deny to obey , yea and to dy for the sayd deniall , if need were , as many did for the other : I confesse that I cannot conceaue M. Barlowes mystery therin . For who euer wrote this before ? Or who was euer accounted a Martyr in the Church of God , for refusing to deliuer vp ● Heathen Poet , or Philosophers booke ? Doth not now M. Barlow shorten againe , and straiten greatly the lymits of temporall obedience to Princes , when h● graunteth that Christiā Subiects may deny to obey them , when they exact the deliuery vp of a Poeticall prophane booke , to wit a Catullus , or Tibullus , or Ouids Metamorphosis , or some such other fit for M. B●rlowes reading ? Is not the man very constant to hims●lfe in his assertions , that sometimes so ouerlasheth in extending temporall obedience , and sometimes so exc●ssiuely contracteth the same ? He sayth that Iulian herby did meane to bereaue Christians of all knowledge , and therby to take from them the true meanes of their instruction ; and for this he noteth in the margēt the Ecclesiasticall History of Socrates lib. 3. cap. 12. But as in all other citations commonly he erreth more or lesse , wherof I might all●adge some scores of examples , if I would stand therupon , and therby giueth iust suspition , that he neuer read the Authors themselues , but had them out of other mens note●bookes ( as M. Morto● confessed of himselfe , when he was pressed therunto , ) so here no such matter is found in the Chapter by him cyted , but in two Chapters after , Socrates hath these words , Atque Iulianus Imperator &c. And Iulian the Emperour applying his mind ear●estly to this thing , made a law that Christians should not be instructed in the doctrine of the Gentiles , most certainly assuring himselfe , that the f●bles that are read in Heathen writers , would ●asily be turned by the said Christians to the reproofe of his Religion . Which is anoth●r thing you see , then this which here is set downe by M. Barlow . And much more likely that he was afraid , that Christians reading the Pagan wryters , would turne the folly and foulenes of Heathen fabl●s against his religion : and not that Christians should want true meanes of instruction● for want of those fables , as M. Barlow here fable●h . Albeit if he instruct his flocke with no better meanes of instructions , I must needs graunt that they are in a miserable case . But let vs go forward to examine a little further his very next lines , as they ly in his booke , about tēporall obedience to Princes , in which point he runneth so forth & backe , from extremes to extremes , as it is strange to consider : for hauing so diminished the same in hi● former example of the Emperour Iulian , as now you haue heard , that Christians might disobey him euen about the deliuery of a Poeticall Booke , though he had neuer so earnestly required , or cōmanded the same , now he starteth to the other end againe , saying , as out of S. Thomas Aquinas , that temporall Princes are to be obeyed euen in things vnlawf●●● . His words are these : From subiection to Princes there is no startling exception , sayth Aquinas , vnlesse he be either an vsurper or I●truder which commaunds ( and this is not our case God be thanked : ) or that he commaund things vnlawfull ; if he say this is their case , we deny it ; but let vs suppose it , yet their Angelicall Doctour will tell them , that in those things they must notwi●hstanding obey propter vi●andum scandalum , aut periculum : ( of this diuinity I iudge not , it is their owne . ) Is this our owne Syr ? Not so properly , as it seemeth that lying & cogging is your owne , for we acknowledge not this doctrine , but with due lymits , far different from your allegation . But you do absolutely abuse both S. Thomas and the Reader , and cannot choose but know that here is falshood vsed by you , except you will confesse extreme ignorance in not vnderstanding the sense of S. Thomas , whom you alleadge , though it be most cleare and plaine for children to conceaue , that haue the latin tongue . The title of S. Thomas h●s Article is , VV●ether Christians b● 〈◊〉 to obey secular Powers , or not ? And he proueth that they are , by an euident argument deduced out of the 3. to the 〈◊〉 , that the fayth of Christ hindreth not the order of I●stice appoynted by the Law of Nature , and consequently that no man is excused by being a Christian from performing due obedience to temporall Princes : and for better strengthning of this his assertion , he proposeth an obiection according to his custome , and solueth the same . The obiection is this . S. Augustine in his fourth booke of the Citty of God teacheth , that great Kingdomes when they cast of iustice become great robberies , and the●uedomes , but Christ his l●w doth not bind Christians to obey such vniust Princes & Magistrates , and therfore in all cases Christians are not bound to temporall obedience . Wherunto he answereth thus ; that forsomuch as the order of Iustice is the ground of all Obedience , therfore a Christian man is bound so far forth to obey secular Princes● as order of iustice requireth : and therfore if such Princes haue not iust principality , but vsurped , or that they should command vniust ●hinges , his subiects are not bound to obey him , ●i●i fortè per accidens , ad vitandum sc●ndalum , vel periculum , except perhaps accidentally , for auoyding of scandall , or perill . And this is the Diuinity that M. Barlow scoffeth at , & saith he will not iudge of it , for it is our owne . And I say that the Diui●ity is very good , and so would haue appeared , if M. B●rlow had eyther vnderstood it rightly , or truly alleaged it , for that the doctrine of S. Thomas is very cleare and incontrollable , that Christian subiects are bound to obey their lawfull temporall Princes , so long as they commād lawfull thinges : but if they be vsurpers ( in which ●ase I say also with M. Barlow , God be thanked we are not ) or command vnlawfull thinges , then are not subiects bound to obey them , at leastwise by obligation of iustice , and conscience , which is the true foundation of obedience ; though perhaps , saith S. Thomas , accidentally they may be somtimes boūd therunto , for auoyding sc●ndal & perill . As for example , if a Prince s●ould demaund of me the one hal●e of my goodes vniustly , I were not bo●nd in conscience & iustice to giue it him : yet if I should doubt that by my deniall , he would take away the other halfe also , or perhaps my life , or that some scandall would follow , as that other men by my example , would shew disobedience in greater thinges ; I should be bound in prudence , and p●ety , for auoyding of these greater euil● , both to my selfe and others , to obey , and giue him the halfe of my goodes , which he demaundeth : but this is not directly by force of iustice and conscience , as you see , but per accidens , that is to say ●accidentally for auoyding of those greater euills of scandall , and perill , if I obey no● . But now let vs see the truth of M. Barlow in relating this resolution of S. Thomas . First he cutteth of the words , nisi forè per accidens , which do alter the whole case , and ●ayth , that their Angelicall Doctour telleth them , that in vnlawf●ll things commaunded they must obey , ●or auoyding scandall and perill : wheras S. Thomas sayth , non te●tentur obedire , si iniusta praecipi●●● , that they are not bound to obey their Princes , if they commaund vniust things . Secondly M. Barlow distinguisheth not , when vnlawfull things are commaunded , whether they be vnlawfull only vnto the Prince that cōmaundeth , or to the subiect in like manner , to whom they are commaunded . And it may be that the Ministers head conceaued not the distinction , or if he did , he concealed it by guile and fraud , for the thing importeth much to the resolution of the case : for when the thing commaunded is vnlawfull only to the commaunder , as in the former example , when he commaundeth me to giue halfe of my goods wrongfully ; then may I out of prudence , as hath bene sayd , for auoyding of greater euils , obey that vniust commaundment : but if the thing commaunded should be vnlawfull , not only to the Prince to cōmaund , but to me also to performe , as to do another man iniury , or to endanger my owne soule , or to offend God by any sin whatsoeuer , then may not I according to S. Thomas his doctrine , for auoyding any scandall or perill whatsoeuer per●orme the same . This was craftily here concealed by M. Barlow ( for I will not hold him so grossely ignorant , as that he did not consider it ) and the c●●se o● this concealment was , for that it maketh , wholy ag●●st him , in our mayne controuersy of temporall Obedience . For that the swearing to the new Oath cōmaunded vnto Catholikes in preiudice of their conscience , & Religion , is of the number of those vnlawfull things , that are vnlawfull not only to the commaunder , but also to ●●e performer : and consequently neither for the auoyding scandall or perill may be obeyed . And therby is cut of all M. Barlowes idle discourse which he maketh in this place of ●●e danger , and perill , that by taking this Oath he sayth , may be auoyded : & vrgeth vs with the doctrine of S. Tho●●● therin , that euen in things vnlawfull we must obey our temporall Princes . But in this you haue seene both the depth , and fidelity of the man. Now let vs see a poynt or two more , and so end this Parapraph . Pag. 190. he hath these words against me : The Epistler saith he , makes the way to end this Paragraph , for as cōcerning Rome bei●g Babylon , he speakes not a word , as by silence granting that to be true which Cardinall Matthew playnly also acknowledgeth , and ●●sesseth to be that Babylon of the Apocalyps . So h● . And truly it is strange , and ridiculous to see men of reason , to proceed in this manner so , without reason : for it Cardinall Bell●rmine and other Catholikes do graunt that Rome was called Babylon by S. Iohn in the Apocalyps , and by S. Peter also that wrote his Epistle from thence , vnder the name of ●abylon : and if S. Hierome and other Fathers do expound 〈◊〉 of R●me , as it was Heathen , & persecuted the Martyrs in ●hose dayes , and not of Christian Rome , or the Christian people of Rome , who were holy , and Saynts in those dayes : if this I say be so , and that the Protestants be told therof aboue an hundred times , and yet still their writers do come● forth with this doughty Argument , that Rome was Babylon ; what shall a modest man do , but passe it ou●r with silence and contempt ? There followeth a certayne contentiō about the two ●reues of Clemens Octauus written into England at two different times● about the point of succession to the Crowne ●fte● the Queenes death ; the first exhorting the Catholicke● to doe their best inde●uours ●or procuring a Cath●●licke Prince : the other altogether in fauour and recom●mendation of the aduancement of his Maiestie that 〈◊〉 is ; of which two Breues I wrote in my Epistle , that haui●● procured some knowledg about that point , I found th●● they were sent into England , not both togeather , nor i●●mediatly before the late Queenes death , as was obiected but the one diuers ye●res before she died , to wit , vpon th● yeare 1600. and the other 3. yeares after , to wit vpon th● yeare 1603. immediatly after the sayd Queenes death contrary to which M. Barlow sayth , that Tort●● affirm●●● that hauing the Copyes of 2. Breues in his hand , 〈◊〉 findeth that they were sent in togeather vpon the year● 1600. But the reconciliation of this is easy . For tha● those two Breues named by Tortus , are accounted by me b● one Breue , for that they were all of one matter , but d●plicated in effect , the one to the Archpriest and Clergie , th● other to the Laity , so that there is no contradiction at al● For that besides that first double Breue , there was anothe● sent in , of another Argument , wholy in fauour of hi● Maiestie in particuler , as now hath bin said , vpon th● yeare 1603. And so there i● no contradictiō at all in this , but that both the assertions are true . Only that is fals● which is here in parciculer affirmed by M. Barlow , that i● the first Breue was set downe , that no man might be admitted , except he would first sweare , not only to tolerate , but also to promote the Romish Catholicke Religion , which wordes are not there , neither is swearing once mentioned in either of these duplicated Breues . And as this is vntrue , so that which ensueth is parasiticall , when vnto my speach of Pope Clements particuler good opinion and affection towards his Maiesties Person , when he was King of Scotland , to wit , that he loued him most hartily , and alwayes spake honorably of him , treated kindly all those of his Nation● that said they came frō him , or any wayes belonged vnto him : and oftentimes vsed more liberality that way vpon diuers occasions , thē is conuenient for me perhaps to vtter here ; caused special● prayer to be made ●or his Maiestie &c. To all which M. 〈◊〉 answereth in these words . That albeys there is nothing 〈◊〉 M●●●stie , but that which is amyable , and admirable , his parts of 〈◊〉 , art , & grace all so singular , that by the eminency of his place 〈◊〉 descryed far and neere , they must needes excite great loue to his 〈◊〉 , draw ●ne●s affections to him , and occasionate most honorable ●●●●es of his qualityes , and deportementes : yet that Pope Clement 〈◊〉 be so kindly respectiue vnto him , is much no be doubted . And is it so Syr ? Yet spirituall writers do admonish 〈◊〉 , that in dubiis pars p●a magis s●quēda , in doubtfull things the more pious part is to be followed by a pious mind . And why had not you done this also , if your mind had not 〈◊〉 impious ? You know who sayth Mala mens , malus animus . And this is that which before I called parasiticall in this answer , not so much for your grosse flattery , & annointing his Maiestie with oleum peccatoris , which holy King 〈◊〉 so much detested , and his Maiesty in time I doubt not will discerne ; but for your malignity in misconstruing the knowne good affections of Pope Clement towards his Maiesties Person , for that both these parts belong properly to a parasite , as you know , not only laudare in ●s pra●●●●● , ambitiously to prayse him that is present , whether the thinges vttered be true or false ; but malignantly also 〈◊〉 absenti , to detract from him that is absent : of which two partes , the latter is the worse , for that the former may proceed sometimes of lightnes , or intemperate desire to please , but the other alwayes goeth accompanied with enuy and malice . And as for his Maiesties due prayses , albeit they cannot be but most pleasing and comfortable to all his louing subiects , yet when they are so rudely clowted on , and so importunely thrust in , and that by such a one as M. Barlow is held to be , that alwayes speaketh for his profit , men can haue commonly no other sense therof , then is wont to be when they see a faire garment marred in the cutting , or a delicate peece of meat spoyled in the dressing . And as for the honorable speaches occasionated abroad , as he saith , of his Maiesties qualities & deportments , true it is , that as his Maiesties rare qualities are had in due consideration with externall Princes & people , so is it not doubted , but that his deportmēt towards his Catholike subiects also 〈◊〉 be correspondent , were not the sycophancy of this , a●● other like flatterers continually occupied in egging & v●ging him to the contrary . And among other speaches i● these partes , none are more ordinary , then in lamentin● that so good a nature , as that of his Maiesty is , should be 〈◊〉 strange●y abused : as also in pittying the same , that for w●● of fit men he should be forced to bestow the Prelacies and Bishopricks of his Realme , vpon such as M. Barlow is 〈◊〉 who in other Coūtreyes would scarse be thought worthy for his manners to be a Seruant or Sexton , in so honour●ble a Church as Lincolne is . The last point remayning of this Paragraph is of th● later two Breues of Paulus Quintus concerning the Oath 〈◊〉 Allegiance , and his misliking thereof in respect of th● poynts conteyned therin in preiudice of the integrity o● Catholicke religion , which M. Barlow doth so much debase , as here he taketh vpon him to defend , that they ar● deuoyd ( especially the first which is the principal● , the other being but a confirmation , or ratification thereo● ) not only of all diuinity , but of policy , and cōmon sense also : which is a long dispute , and a large enterprize to b● taken vpon his shoulders , that any man that doth but read the Breue , and is acquaynted with the grauity , learning , wisdome , and modesty of the Author thereof , will rather laugh at M. Barlow , for taking such an enterprize in hand , then perswade himselfe , that he can haue good successe therin : but he that shall turne from reading the said Breue , to read the pittifull proofes , which here M. Barlow goeth about to set downe , to shew that the said Breue hath neither diuinity , policy , or common sense in it , will pitty him indeed , and thinke that he lacketh cōmon sense in setting downe such senselesse reasons , as he doth against so sensible a declaration , as there the Pope maketh in that his Breue . The end of the second Part. THE THIRD PART concerning Card. Bellarmine his Letter . OF THE OCCASION OF THE LETTER written by Cardinall Bellarmine vnto M. George Blackewell Archpriest . AND VVhether he mistooke the state of the question . ALSO Of the change of Supreme Head , into Supreme Gouernour . CHAP. I. FIRST of al then , for the better vnderstanding of the whole matter , and to make the Reader acquainted with the occasion of this present contentiō , I do not thinke it amisse to repeate in this place , what I wrote in my Letter concerning the same . My words then were ●hese . The last Part of this Apology concerneth a letter written by Cardinall Bellarmine in Rome , vnto George Blackwe●● Arch-priest in England : which letter , as appeareth by the argument therof , was written out of this occasion : Tha● wheras vpon the comming forth of the forenamed new Oath , intituled , Of Allegiance , there were found diuers points combined togeather , some appertaining manifestly to Ciuill Allegiance , wherat no man made scruple , some other seeming to include other matters , contrary to some part of the Catholicke faith , at least in the commom sense as they by ; there arose a doubt whether the said Oath might be taken simply and wholy , by a Catholicke man , as it is there proposed , without any further distinction , or explication therof . Wherupon some learned men at home being different in opinions , the case was consulted abroad , where all agreed ( as before hath byn shewed ) that it could not be taken wholy with safety of conscience , and so also the Pope declared the case by two seuerall Breues . In the meane space it happened , that M. Blackwell being taken , was committed to prison , and soone after , as he had byn of opinion before , that the said Oath might be taken as it lay in a certayne sense ; so it being offered vnto him , he tooke it himselfe . Which thing being noysed abroad , and the fact generally misliked by all sortes of Catholicke people in other Realmes , as offensiue , and scandalous in regard of his place and person , so much respected by them ; Cardinall Bellarmine , as hauing had some old acquaintance with him in former yeares , as it may seeme , resolued out of his particuler loue , & zeale to the Common cause of Religion , and especial affection to his person , to write a letter vnto him , therby to let him know what reportes , and iudgments there were made of his fact , throughout those partes of Christendome where he remayned , togeather with his owne opinion also , which consisted in two poynts , the one that the Oath , as it stood , compounded of different clauses , some lawfull , & some vnlawfull , could not be taken with safety of Conscience : the other , that he being in the dignity he was of Prelacy , and Pastorall Charge , ought to stand fir●e and constant for example of others , & rather to suffer any kynd of danger or domage , then to yield to any vnlawfull thing , such as the Cardinall held this Oath to be . This Letter was written vpon the 28. day of Sep●ember 1607. and it was subscribed thus in Latin ; Admodum R. dae Dom. is V. ae Frater & seruus in Christo. Robertus Card. Bellarminus . Which our Apologer translateth , Your very Reuerend Brother : wheras the word very Reuerend in the Letter is giuen to the Arch-priest , and not to Card. Bellarmine , which the interpreter knew well inough , but that wanting other matter , would take occasion of cauilling by a wilful mistaking of his owne , as often he doth throughout this Answer to Bellarmine , as in part will appeare by the few notes which here I am to set downe : leauing the more full answere to the Cardinall himselfe , or some other by his appoyntment , which I doubt not , but will yi●ld very ample satisfaction in that behal●e . For that in truth I fynd , that great aduantage is gyuen vnto him , for the defence of his said Epistle , and that the exceptions taken there against it , be very weake and light , and as easy to be dissolued by him , and his pen , as a thin mist by the beames of the sunne . This was the Preface vsed before to this third Part. To which M. Barlow hauing very little or nothing to say , seeketh to spend time in idle talke . For thus he beginneth : As if the Apologers answere , saith he , like to Iericho's walls should presently ●all with the blast of a Ramms-horne , and a few tournes about it & . So hath he many tournings and windinges in the preface before he c●me to it● and being in it , he treads a laby●inth , and some times looseth himselfe , and yet in the conclusion he windeth his cornet with three seue●all blasts , Communicatory , Causatiue , Supplicatory &c. And is not this a pretty deuise to spend time , and to play the Vise indeed ? VVhat of all this is seene in my Preface ? Next to this he beginneth against me thus : This Epistler s●yth , that Cardinall Bellarmine taketh the Oath to be compounded of lawfull and vnlawfull clauses , wheras the Cardinall saith plainly , though it be so tempered and modified , yet is it wholy vnlawfull : whi●● is as much to say , as there is not a lawfull clause in it . So he : & this me thinks is to great an vntruth to begin withal . For that according to art he should goe by order and degree , and if he begin with such wilfull escapes as these are , what wil he doe before he come to the end ? Cardinall Bellarmine doth not only not say this , which he imposeth vpon him , but sayth the quite contrary , to wit : Vt Iuramentum recusetur non est necessarium , vt cos & singulae partes eius sint male : satis est , vt velvna sit mala . That the Oath may be refused , it is not necessary that al & euery part therof be naught , it is inough that one only be naught . Is not this plaine inough ? Next after this he taketh in hand the defence of that translation of the Cardinalls subscription vnto his Letter Your very reuerend brother Robert Cardinall Bellarmine : the latin being as you haue now seene , Admodum Rdae Domis Vae frater & seruus in Christo Robertus Card. Bellarminus . And it is a world to see how many wayes he windeth himself to get out of this brake . First he beginneth with a tal● of a certayne Emperour , that would perforce make a gentleman belieue that he was like to be sicke , for that he saw a pimple rising vnder his naile : but this tale he applyeth not : and I se not where vnto indeed he may apply it . Then cōming to the matter , he demaundeth this question : Suppose it were not exactly translated , is not the sense all one ? Whereto I answere , no : for it were somewhat ridiculous to call him selfe M Blackwels Reuerend Brother . For by the same reason he writing to a Duke ; & ●aying , Excellentiae Vestrae Frater , might translate it , your excellent Brother : and the same might a poore man doe in like manner writing to the same Duke , Excellentia vestrae humillimus seruus : your most humble Excellent Seruant : which I thinke no man will approue . But M. Barlow will proue it by reason , for that both the Brotherhood sa●th he , and Reuerence are reciprocall , and may be referred to both parties either , your Reuerence-ships brother , or your Reuerend brother : but this is refuted now already by my examples al●edged . And besides this wil M. Barlow haue no respect to the cases and genders in Latin ? Is not Reuerenda with a dipthong , and of the femynine gender , and genitiue case , different from Reuerendus of the masculine gender and nominatiue case ? And if they be different , how can they then be reciprocal in signification & translation ? But yet further M. Barlow hath another shift , saying : that in the written copy D. in the end had such a dash , as it might be taken for dus or dae . But this shift is worse then any of the rest , for so much as that D. doth not stand in the end of the subscription , but in the very beginning , as hath byn seene by the words before set downe , which are Ad●●●um Rdae Domis V rae , which D. though it had neuer so great a dash , yet could it not signify dus , by force of the sense , being set in the first place , and in such order as it was . After this M. Barlow attempteth another euasion demanding of me , why I had not translated the word Domi●●tionis into English , that he might haue posed me therin ? For if it should be translated Lordship , it would haue seemed to much , and if Mastership , it would seeme to little , and therupon telleth vs againe another tale out of Diogenes L●●r●i●● ( for he is copious in this kind out of his note books as before I haue aduertised : ) and the tale is , that Diogenes the Cynicke begging a tallent at King Alexanders hands , he ●●d it was to much for a Cynicke to aske , then he damāded him a halfe-penny , but the other answered , it was to little for Alexander to giue , and with this M. Barlow thinketh he hath wel satisfied the controuersy in hand . Next vnto this there is an exception made against Cardinal Bellarmine his Letter to M. Blackwel , as though therin he had mistaken the whole state of the question by going about to impugne the old Oath of Supremacy made in King Henry the eight his time , insteed of this new Oath intituled of Allegiance , and consequently , that the Cardinal did batter a castle in the ayre of his owne framing . Which as I confessed , had beene a great ouerfight in him , so learned and famous a man , if it could be proued : so I did conuince by sundry euident arguments , and by Cardinal Bellarmines owne words , that it was not so : but that he impugned directly this later Oath of Allegiance : The cause why this was obiected to Cardinal Bellarmine was , for that he going about to impugne the vnlawfulnes of this later Oath , doth insist much in reprouing the Kings spiritual Supremacy , and in shewing the same to belong to the Bishop of R●●● , which they say appertaineth to the ancient Oath , and not to this , wherin nothing is demanded but Ciuil Obedience only , which the Cardinal denyeth , and in the very first leafe of his answere vnder the name of Tor●●● , ioyneth issue principally vpon that point , saying : Primùm ●stend●mus Iuramentum hoc Catholicis propositum , non solum ciuilem obedientiam , sed etiam Catholicae fidei abnegationem requirere . We shal first proue that this ( later ) oath proposed vnto Catholicks , doth not only require ciuil Obedience , but abnegatiō also of Catholick faith . And he proueth it by fiue or six arguments . First by the words of the English Statute , the title wherof is , for the detecting and repressing of Papists : which word of Papists , importing such as stick to the Pope , or defend his Supremacy , maketh it euident that the Statute was not intended only against them that deny ciuill Obedience , but rather the Kings Supremacy in spiritual affaires . Secondly by the words of the Oath themselues , that the Pope cannot by himselfe , or any other , or by any authority of the Church depose &c. Which is some denyal of the Pope his authority , and consequently not meerely only of temporal Obedience : and so out of foure or fiue points more by him obserued , and there set downe ; which as I had not seene , when I wrote my Epistle , before the publicatiō of the said Cardinals booke : so I vsed not those arguments , nor any of them , but contented my selfe with one only taken out of the Cardinals words in the beginning of his Letter to M. Blackwel , as sufficiently prouing the same that in it sel●e was most cleare , I said as followeth . This exception against the Cardinal for mistaking the state of the cause , seemeth to be most clerely refuted by the very first lynes almost of the letter it selfe . For that telling M. Blackwel , how sory he was vpon the report , that he had taken illicitum Iuramentum , an vnlawfull Oath , he expoundeth presently , what Oath he meaneth , saying : Not ther●ore ( deare Brother ) is that Oath lawfull , for that it is offe●●● s●●ewhat tempered and modified &c. Which is euidently meant of the new Oath of Allegiance , not only tempered with diuers lawfull clauses of Ciuill Obedience , as hath bene shewed , but interlaced also with other members that ●each to Religion : wheras the old Oath of Supremacy hath no such mixture , but is plainly , and simply set downe , for absolute excluding the Popes Supremacy in caus●s Ecclesiasticall , & for making the King supreme Head of the Church in the same causes : all which is most euident by the Statutes made about the same , from the 25. yeare of King Henry the 8. vnto the end of the raigne of King Edward the sixt . To this declaration of myne M. Barlow is in effect as mute as a Macedonian frogge , if to say nothing at al to the purpose be to be mute , though words and wynd be not wanting . But first to the Cardinalls six argumentes he s●yth neuer a word , albeit he had both seene and read them , as may be be presumed . To my reason of the difference between the Oath of Supremacy and this of Allegiance , for that this is modified and tempered with different clauses of thinges partly touching ciuil Obediēce and partly Religion , wheras the other is simply of Religion , against the Popes Supremacy : to this , I say , he answereth with this interrogation : If this Oath be so modified i● comparison of the other , why is it accounted by ●he Censurer the greatest affliction and pressure , that euer befel the Catholickes ? Do you see what a question he maketh , and how farre from the purpose ? My intention was , and is to proue , that for so much as Cardinall Bellarmine did particulerly impugne this mixt and tempered Oath , therfore he did not mistake the question by impugning only the other Oath of Supremacy , as was obiected ; there being between them this difference amongst others , that the one , to wit of Allegiāce , is compounded of different clauses ( as hath bene said ) partly touching ciuill Obedience , and partly Religion : wheras this other of Supremacy is simply of Religion . This was my demonstration . And to what purpose then ( for answere of this ) was brought in that other dem●und of M. Barlow , asking vs very seriously why this second Oath should be afflictiue vnto vs , if it be modifyed and tempered ? Is there any sense in this ? We say , for so much as it is compounded and tempered , as the other is not , therfore it was meant by the Cardinal , and not the other : M. Barlow saith , if it be so tempered , why doth it afflict yow ? We say first , that this is nothing to the purpose , noe more then , VVhich is the way to London ? A poke ●ull of plummes . Secondly to M. Barlowes impertinent demand we say , that albeit we grant that this second Oath is modifyed and tempered : yet we say not that it is moderate and temperate , for a law that in substance is mild , may be by some clauses or circumstances so modified , that is to say , framed in such manner , as it may be seuere and rigorous : and a thing may be tempered aswell with exasperating ingredientes as mollifying , and as well with afflictiue as leniti●e compounds : and so is this Oath more sharpe perhaps then the other ; and so doth M. Barlow him selfe confesse within a few lynes after , saying : that this last Oath of Allegiance is more press●ng , pitthy , and peremptorie , and in all circumst●nces a more exact and searching touch-stone , then the ●ormer of the Supremacy . And yet as though we did not see nor feele this , he will needs haue vs to acknowledge in the same place that this Oath is allaied , tempered , corrected , and moderated ( for all these are his wordes ) by the variety of clauses therein contayned , & theron foundeth his subsequent discourse of our ingratitude in not accepting the same ; wheras both he , and we do hold the contrary , that it is more stinging , as now you haue heard , and that euen by his owne confession : what then shall we say of this manner of M. Ba●lowes disputing ? Is he fit to be a Kings Chāpion in writing ? But heere now by the way I must tell the Reader , that in my Letter I interposed a few lines in this place , for noting the different style vsed by King Henry , & King Edward , in their Statutes concerning the O●●h of Supremacy , and this oth●r now related , in the A●●logy in thes● wordes : I. ● . do vtterly t●stify and declare , 〈…〉 , that the King● H●ghnes is the only Supr●me Gouer●●● , 〈◊〉 in all causes Eccl●sia●t●call , as temp●rall : wheras in t●e S●tute of twenty sixt of king Henry the Eight , where the Tytle of Supremacy is ●nact●d , the wordes are these 〈…〉 ●●●cted by this present Parliament , that the King , his Heires , 〈◊〉 S●●cessors , ●●albe taken , ●●●epted , and rep●t●d , the ●nly Sup●eme 〈…〉 earth , of the Church of England , and sh●ll 〈◊〉 a●d ●ni●y , 〈◊〉 and vnited , vnto the Imperiall Crow●e of this Realme , as●●● the tytle and style therof , as all honours , dignitie● , authorities , 〈◊〉 , profites and comm●diti●s 〈◊〉 the said dignityes of Supreme 〈◊〉 of the said Church belonging &c. And in another Statute , two yeares after that : From h●●cef●rth he shall accept , r●pute , ●●d take the Kings Maiestie to be the ●●ly Supreme Head o● earth , of 〈◊〉 Church of England &c. And that the refusers of this Oath , 〈◊〉 reputed traytours , and suffer the p●y●es of ●●ath &c. And in other Statutes it is decr●●d , that it ●halbe ●reas●● t●●eny th●● tytle 〈◊〉 Headship ; and that this was held of such importance , vnder King Edward , who succeeded his Father , that it is decreed by Statute , that all authority of iurisdiction , spirituall and temporall in the Bi●●ops , and Mi●istry , 〈◊〉 dedu●ed , and deriued fr●● 〈◊〉 Kings Maiestie as Supreme 〈◊〉 &c. Vpon this important doubt , I was so bold as to stay my selfe a little , as now ●lso I must , intreating M. Barlow to giue the solution therof● to wit ; that forsomuch as this matter of the Headship of 〈◊〉 Chu●ch was held of so great weight , by th●ir prime , a●d principall Protestant● , and especially by their Pa●riarkes , Cranmer , ●idley , H●●per , and others , then holding the places of Bishops in Parlament , when the sayd Title was not only confirmed in the Child King , but declared als● to be the fountayne of all spirituall ●uthority and i●risdiction in the Clergie ; and that it was treason , to deny this Tytle of spirituall influxe in the Clergie ; how this matter came about , that it should be so little esteemed , as to be left of , and changed now , yea to be denyed expressely by their principall wry●●●● , as namely by Doctour Iohn ●●ynolds , in his ●ōference with M. Hart , where he flatly de●yeth , that they doe call the Queene Supreme Head but only Supre●● 〈◊〉 : which if they be Syno●●ma , and all one , then what nec●●●●●ie to h●ue denyed 〈◊〉 vnto her● But i● Go●ernour do signify any thing les●e , then Supreme Head , then haue they changed their principall point o● doctrine , wheron dependeth the law●ulne● of their whole Cl●rgie , a● you se● ; and so the matter being of such weight , I thought it worth the staying to haue some answere . But M. Barlow falleth into a great chafe for this my stay : The giddy fellow ( sayth he ) hath an other err and to do , not 〈◊〉 of the way , but by the way . The Scripture setteth a more esse●●i●●● 〈◊〉 vpon such by-way takers , saying : That wicked men declinant 〈◊〉 o●●iquation●s , take all the by-wayes , n●okes , a●d lanes they c●● passe , for feare to be descryed or apprehended : This is one reprehension , as you see , insteed of answering the matter . Yo● shall heare ano●h●r more ch●leri●ke : It is a vexing torme●● 〈◊〉 a man ( sayth he ) th●● is inioyned a io●rney , vpon a speed● 〈◊〉 requiring a serious dispatch , to tra●aile with a tri●ling compan●●● , that will make many er●ands by th● way , or hath many acquaintances to stop him in the way , or is forced to make often returnes , vp●● forge●fullnes of d●●ers ●hing● &c. And I expected , that he would haue sayd also , that he must need● d●inke at eue●y Ale-house , as he passeth by . But this perhaps , he thought would haue caused more reflection then he esteemed conuenient ; and those other triflings are inough , for so much as they yield such a ve●ing t●rme●● to M. Barlow in his i●ioyned 〈…〉 , ●pon so speedy a busines . But , why did he not giue me 〈◊〉 a speedy answere , without tryfling , and so dispatch both me , and himselfe quickly ? Truly you haue heard , somewhat largely b●for● , what he can say to this matter ; ●nd therfore , I meane no● to dwell theron long in this pl●●e , especi●lly for so much , as the man is in such hast , and so impatient of stay . You haue heard what hath bene treated before , about this point of spirituall authority , in the temporall Prince , and to ●ow ●ow a pitch he bringeth the same , euen in effect to agree with vs , granting ●nto the Prince the power ●●ly o● execution of such things , as are determ●●ed by the Church . But now in a wo●● let vs see , how he shifteth of the change of the name of Supreme Head. First he sayth that 〈◊〉 Maiesty did not leaue it out o● his Title vpon ●uer-awed 〈◊〉 to take it , forasmuch as God gaue the said Ty●le to a far worse King ( & I pray you note the phrase which is strang from a s●biects pen ) ( to wit to Saul ) when he said he was Caput in Tri●●bus● Head among the Tribe●●f Israel . And S. Paul nameth the ●●sband head of the wife . But what is this to our purpos● , that do talke of the spirituall Head of the Church ? Nay it seemeth rather to make against M. Barlowes prouing that the Tytle o● Head was lawfull ( and so it was in the true sense of ciuill Head ship ) and consequently it should haue bene con●inued : wheras we demand why it was left of , & chan●ed ? So as this first answere is nothing to the purpose . His second is , that it is but identity of commaund expressed 〈◊〉 ●iuersitie of termes . But why then was it changed ? And why doth M. Doctour Reynolds by M. Barlowes owne , ●●●●i●ony , giue the Title not of Head● but of Supreme Gouernour ? What need that expresse negatiue , if they were all one ? If you should deny to the Kings Highnes , the Tytle of King , and of Supreme Head of the Common-Wealth , and call him only supreme Gouernour , would it be taken well , or excused by identity ? No man can be ignorant , but that in euery state neuer so popular , there is a supreme Gouernour ●hough no King. Thirdly he sayth , that the change of supreme Head , into supreme Gouernour was made by Parlament , the first yeare of Queene Elizabeths raigne , at the request of the Nobles and Deuines of the Land. But the question is , why , and vpon what ground , forsomuch as it may be presumed , there were as great Deuines in King Henry the Eight h●● time in the Parlament ? And if not , yet at least in King Edwards Parlament , that did approue and establish this Tytle of supreme Head. It was , saith M. Barlow , not in regard of Queene Elizabeth her sexe , for she being descended as she was , she had as absolute authority in the fruition of the Crowne ( for both powers spir●tuall , and temporall ) as any Male-Monarch whatsoeuer . And a little after agai●e he saith , that this change was made , least a weaker 〈…〉 thinke , that they gaue vn●o Kings t●●t Ti●le , secundum interiore● influ●um , according to ●he in●●riour influence , which 〈◊〉 the pr●p●● office of the head , as being the fountayne of moisture , and is ●he ●●st 〈◊〉 attribute of Christ alone . But not to speake in this place , of this internall influxe of grace , that commeth originally from Christ alone ( although instrumentally also frō men , as in the administration of Sacraments , according to C●tholike doctrine ) what will he say of the externall influ●● of power , & iurisdiction ouer soules , of preaching , te●ching , & administring Sacraments , ordayning Ministers , and the like ? Could this power come aswell from a Feminine , as a Masculine Mon●rch ? If it could● I do not see why she might not be called aswell supreme Head of the Church , as supreme Gouernour . And if it could not , then is there some difference in the names , for that according to the Protestant Bishops , & diuers of King Edwards dayes , that made the forenamed Statute , all spirituall power descended from the title of Headship , which is here denied to descend from the Title of supreme Gouernour . And this shal be sufficient for this place . WHETHER THE DENYING Of taking this New Oath doe include the deniall of all the particuler clauses contayned therin ? §. II. IN the progresse of the Argument here handled about the refusall of this New Oath , the Apologer affirmeth first , as you haue heard that there was no one clause in the whole Oath that touched Religion , but were all and meerly of Ciuill Obedience . Secondly , that a man could not refuse this Oath , but he must refuse all & euery one of the clauses therin contained . The former point hath bene h●ndled in the precedent Chapter : of the other we must speake now in this place . ●●d for more perspicu●ty , we ●●all set downe heere what I wrote , before in my Epistle about the same , which was this . This later Oath ( said I ) albeit the Apologer sticketh ●ot to say , that it toucheth not any part of the Popes Spi●ituall Supremacy : yet in the very next period , he contradicteth & ouerthroweth himselfe therin . For so much , as deuiding the said Oath of Allegiance into 14. seuerall partes or parcels , twelue of them , at least , do touch the said Supremacy one way or other , as by examination yow will fynd , and we shall haue occasion after to declare more at large . As for example , he writeth thus : And that the Ini●stice ( saith he ) as well as the error of Bellarmine his grosse mistaking in this point , may yet be more cleerly discouered ; I haue thought good to insert immediatly the contrary conclusions to all the poynts & Articles , wherof ●his other latter Oath doth consist , wherby it may appeare , what vnreasonable and rebellious poynts he would dryue his Maiesties Subiects vnto , by refusing the whole body of that Oath , as it is conceaued . For he that shall refuse to t●ke this Oath , must of necessity hold these propositions following : First that our Soueraigne Lord King Iames is not the l●wfull King of this Kingdome , and of all other his Maiesties Dominions . Secondly that the Pope by his owne authority may depose &c. But who doth not see what a simple fallacy this is , which the Logicians do call à composito ad diuisa , from denying of a compound , to inferre the denyall of all the parcels therin conteyned . As if some would say , that Plato was a Man , borne in Greece , of an excellent wit , skilfull in the Greeke language , most excellent of all other Philosophers , and would require this to be confirmed by an Oath ; some Plato●ist , perhaps , would be content to sweare it : but if some S●●icke , or Peripateticke , or Professour of some other Sect in Philosophy , should refuse the said Oath in respect of the l●st clause , might a man infer against him in all the other clauses also , Ergo he denye●h Plato to be a Man ? He denieth him to be borne in Greece , he denyeth him to be of an excellent wit , he denyeth hi● to be skilfull in the Greek● tongue &c. Were not this a bad kind of arguing ? So in like manner , if an Arrian , or Pelagian Prince● should exact an Oath at his subiects hands , concerning diuers articles of Religion , that were belieued by them both● and in the end , or middle therof , should insert some cl●●ses , sounding to the fauour of their owne sect , for which the Subiect should refuse the whole body of that Oath , as it was conceyued ; could the other in iustice accuse hi● , for denying all the seuerall articles of his owne Religion also which therin are mentioned ? Who seeth not the iniustice of this manner of dealing ? And yet this is that which our Apologer vseth heere with Catholicks , affirming in good earnest , that he which refuseth the whole body of this Oath , as it is conceyued ( in respect of some clauses therof that stand against his Conscience , about matters of Religion ) refuseth consequently euery poynt and parcell therof , and must of necessity hold ( in the first place ) that our Soueraigne Lord King Iames is not the lawfull King of this Kingdome , and of all other his Maiesties Dominions . The contrary wherof all Catholicks do both confesse , and professe : & consequently it is a meere calumniation that they deny this . This much was written about the matter . Let vs consider what is brought by M. Barlow against the same . And first concerning the contradiction obiected to the Apologer , in that he sayd , that the Oath touched not any point of the Popes Supremacy , and yet he deuiding the said Oath into foureteene points , diuers of them are euidently seene to be agaynst the same ; M. Barlow after a great deale of fumbling , and shuffling , of things togeather , as desirous to say somewhat , thoug● with such obscurity , as that ( I dare auo●ch ) any ordinary Reader can hardly vnderstand him ; I find him to say no more in effect , but that these clauses excepted against in the Oath , do concerne the Popes temporall authoritie , & not his spirituall Supremacy : but that is nothing . For as it hath bene often sayd , this extraordinary temporall au●●ority to be vsed in some cases , belonging to the censur●●g of temporall Princes , when other remedy is not foūd , ●s it proceedeth from the Popes spirituall charge , and is giuen for the conseruation of the spirituall : so consequently , can it not be denyed , or impugned without preiudice , ●●d impeachment of the sayd spirituall Supremacy it selfe ? and consequently for so much , as in the Oath it is ●●idently by sundry clauses impugned , it must needs follow that the Popes spirituall Supremacy is also impug●ed , which no man can deny , but that it appertaineth to the integrity of Catholike Religion , which is contrary to that which M. Barlow saith , Th●● only and meerly ciuill obe●●●●ce is exacted in this Oath . To the Sophisticall fallacy obiected by me , of arguing à c●●posito ad diuisa , that whosoeuer denieth this cōpound 〈◊〉 , must needs deny all , and euery part & parcell therof● and to the two examples by me alleadged , against the ●●●e , one of a Philosopher describing Plato , the other of 〈◊〉 Arian Prince propounding an oath , with many lawfull clauses , and one only vnlawfull , tending to the setting ●●●th of his owne heresie , for that they are euident in cō●on sense , and do presse M. Barlow to the quicke , he findeth himself in very great straits : and to the first he pre●ermitteth to answer at all , seeking to couer himself with a ridiculous calumniation against me , for naming a Philosopher . He girds ( sayth he ) at his Maiestie for bei●●● Philo●●●her , which is his Maiest●●s great glory , & our Realmes happines● for true Philosophy ioyned to gouernment , regulats the scepter to his subiects c●●fort , and to the Kingdomes renowne . By which words you may see , how vigilant and exact a craf●seman M. 〈◊〉 is in the art of adulation , in somuch that if the sci●nc● of parasitisme were lost he could restore it agayne of himselfe . And I say he is vigilant in this place , for that he hath taken occasion to flatter his Maiesty , where none at all was giuen . For I did not so much as name his Maiesty , but only said , as now you haue seene , that if any ●an would describe Plato , affirming him to be a man born in Greece &c. of an excellent wit , and ●●ally a●●ing that he was the most eminent of all other Philosopher● , 〈◊〉 last point only might be sufficient to make 〈…〉 Pe●●pate●icke deny to sweare the Oath , although they did not d●ny all the other particulers therin contayned , ●o wit , that he was borne ●n Greece , of an excellent wit , skilfull in the Gr●●ke Language , and the rest : and so , th●t albeit a Catholicke man doe refuse to sweare to a●e Oat● of Allegiance , in respect of diuers clauses the●●in co●tained in pr●iudice of his religion : yet doth not he deny all the other clauses , as both absurdly and ini●riously M. Barlow doth affirme . The second example in like manner , of an Ari●● Prince proposing vnto his subiects an Oath contayning di●●●● clauses of true Catholicke Religion , and some one of A●ianism● , for which the whole is refused , Barlow●●ndeth ●●ndeth to be as vnanswerable , as the former , though for a ●●●rish he taketh vpon him , to set it downe againe , in a better frame , as he pretendeth , but in very deed the very same in effect , and wholy against himselfe , to wit , tha● an Arian Prince con●●yueth an Oath for his subiects to sweare , th●t there are three persons in Trinity , that the s●cond Person is the S●●● of God &c. adding notwithstanding , that he is not ●quall with his Father , which is Arianisme , some Christia●● , saith M. Barlow , fearing an error therein haue recourse to s●●e great Doctour : he descrying the Arianisme , sorbids them to take it , and not shewing them the erroneous artic●e , assureth them that the 〈◊〉 Oath as it lyeth is vnlawfull . And doth not that doctour conde●●e all the articles the●in ? and willeth them inclusiuely to deny the Trinity ? This is M. Barlowes demaund vpon this case . And euery man of common sense I trow will answer , No , that he doth not eyther inclusiuely or exclusiuely deny the Blessed Trinity . And it is strange that a man of sense will argue so , or make so senselesse a demand . For why , or how doth this doctour deny heere the other two articles of true Catholick doctrine ? For that he did not tell them distinctly which of the clauses contayned Arianis●● ? First this maketh not to our case of the Oath of Allegiance , for that we set downe clerly the claus●s that we mislyke therin , which are all those , that touch either the Popes authoritie , or any other part of the Roman Catholicke Religion . Secondly it was not necessary to tell the clause in particuler that contayned the Arianisme , for that some of the people perhaps , that demaunded him the question could not well vnderstand it , and therefore it was sufficient to say , that the oath was , as it lay , naught : that there was some heresie therin : as if a Phisitian should say of a dish of myn●ed meate brought to the table , that the eaters should beware , for that in some part there were poison , it were sufficiēt , though he shewed not the particuler part . Or if a Cooke should say , that among other hearbes in the pot , there was one very noysome , it were sufficient for aduise , to refuse the whole pot of pottage : and yet by this he doth not condemne all the other good hearbes , that might be in the pot . Or was it perhaps for that the Doctour said that the whole Oath as it lay , was vnlaw●ull ? First I do not find the word whole to be vsed by Cardinal Bellarmine , but only the word Iur amentum indefinitly . And secondly , if he had said , that the whole Oath , as it lyeth , were to be refused , he had not thereby condemned ●uery clause , or part therof , which he proueth in these words , saying : Nam ex 〈◊〉 sententia bonum ex integra a causa constituitur , malum autem ex singulis de●ectibu● : quare vt Iur amentum prohibeatur vel recusetur , 〈◊〉 est necessarium omnes & singulae partes eius sint malae : satis autem est , si vel vna sit mala &c. For according to the common sentence of Philosophers , that which is good , must consist of the whole cause , that is to say , of all parts requisite ; but to make a thing euill it is sufficient , that it hath but some one defect ; wherefore , for prohibiting or refusing this Oath as euill , it is not necessary , that all and euery part thereof be euill , but it is inough if any one part therof be naught . And soe on the contrary part , to the end that this oath may be admitted , as good and lawfull , it is necessary that no part thereof be euill . This is Cardinall Bellarmines doctrine , wherein we see , first that he doth not vse the word VVhole , totum I●ramentum , which word notwithstandinge M. Barlow doth often vse , and repeate in this place , making it the foundation of all his idle dispute . And secondly we see , that he doth not condemne al the parts of this oath , for that some be vnlawfull , but rather proueth the contrary out of the common sentence of Philosophers , that if any one part be euil , it is sufficiēt to make the Oath euil & vnlawful . In which kind M. Barlow himselfe in the very nex● ensuing page , giueth an example of an Indēture that hath many clauses , wherof the breach of any one Prouis● ( sayth he ) doth forfeit the whole ; whereby is euident , that one de●ect is sufficient to make the thing euil ; but to make it good , al that is requisite must be obserued . And so in this Oath , to make it vnlawful , it is inough that any one clause therof be naught , or against a Catholick mans conscience , but to make it good and lawfull , al the clauses therof must be good and lawfull . And so you see how substantially M. Barlow hath answered this point , ouer throwing himselfe with his owne argument . I wil not stand to confute that other mad assertion of his , more franticke then fantastical , wherby he affirmeth , and wil needes defend , that whosoeuer refuseth to sweare , to any one of the articles of this Oath , acknowledgeth not the first , that King Iames is lawful King of England . And what is his reason trow you ? No other , but that of the Indenture before mentioned : for the whole Oath , sayth he , is like an Indenture , al the clauses tying , and tending to one condition o● Allegiance , the breach of oue Prouiso in the Indenture ●or●eits the whole ; the denying of one article in the Oath , is the dental of the whole , euen of the very first , that King Iames is not lawful King. So he . But he that shall examine the matter wel , wil find that this pretended parity betweene the Oath and Indenture , articles and Prouiso's , is only in sound of words , and not in substance ; for that in making an Indenture , and the Prouiso's therof , both parts must agree , that the breach of euery such Prouiso shal forfeit the whole ; for that otherwise euery such Prouiso , doth not euacuate the whole Indenture , or make it naught . But herein framing this new Oath , and the articles therof , there is not the consent or agreement of al those that are required to take the Oath , nor obligatiō of conscience to agree : but rather to the contrary , they are bound by the principles of their religion to disagree , and disclaime against the same , as preiudicial to their soules . So as here those articles , or different clauses . are not as Prouiso's agreed vpon , as in an Indenture , but rather as points , and conditions proposed and required by the Landlord , wherof the Tenant may by right deliberate and consider , whether they stand wel for him or noe . And if not , he may refuse them , or at the least so many as he shal thinke to be hurtful or iniurious vnto him . Neither is the denyal of any one or more , the denial of al , as M. Barlows bad Diuinity , and worse Philosophy presumeth , to teach men that it is . But yet before I end this matter , on which he standeth so much , I would demand him further , whether this his assertion be not general concerning al Kings , and he may not wel deny it , for that his reason is general as presently ensueth ; saying , The King being once in lawful possession , whosoeuer shal say , that he may be deposed for any cause , denieth that he is lawfull King. Wherupon it followeth , that the Kings of France , & Spaine also are no lawful , or true Kings in the opinion of their subiects , for that they al with vniforme consent , do hould this doctrine of the Church , that Kings and Princes may in some cases ●e excommunicated and deposed . Saul also was neuer lawful King , for that he was deposed , or els must we say that God did him iniury in deposing him . It followeth also by this inference of M. Barlow , that if a man should deny to sweare to the last clause only , of al the Oath , to wit , that he sweareth al the former articles hartily , willingly , and truly , vpon the faith of a Christian : So help him God. &c. doth deny to acknowledg King Iames to be lawfull King ; which is another point of parasitisme , more ancient ( perhaps ) then the former , especially if you adde therunto his propositions , vsed here to that effect , as namely , that if he were once lawful , he ●● ouer so●●or th●● 〈…〉 neither intended nor remitted , that vnlaw●ulnes o● title 〈…〉 with it the casuality of deposing , that no varying in religion , 〈◊〉 altering of manners , 〈◊〉 misordering a Common wealth 〈…〉 his title ; that only a King can say to God , tibi soli p●●●ani ; that whosoeuer de●ieth not to the Pope a deposing● power , de●ieth to 〈◊〉 King the law●ulnes of h●● Inuestiture● and do●●●ion ; that , let a ●ing 〈◊〉 he will , for his religion , and gouernment , if he hath right to the 〈◊〉 his subiects must indure &c. And wil you not say now , that M. Barlow is as good a Chaplaine for the King , as he is a Champion ? that is to say , as good a Ghostly Father of spirituall counsaile and resolution of case● of Con●cience , as he is a valiant defendour of whatsoeuer was set down before in the Apology ? But inough herof . VVHETHER THE FOVRTH COVNCELL OF TOLEDO Did prescribe any such set forme of Oath to be exhibited to the Subiects , as is affirmed in the Apology ? CHAP. II. BVT now we must passe to another contemplation about a certain Councel of Toledo in Spaine , alledged by the Apologer , for authorizing and iustifying of this new oath , not only allowed , but decreed also ( as he sayth ) in that ancient Councel , to wit , the fourth of Toledo : I shall alleadg his words togeather with my answere therevnto at that time . And that the world ( saith he ) may yet further se his Maiesties and whole States setting downe of this Oath did not proc●ed from any new inuention of theirs , but as it ●warrāted by the word of God : So doth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance , decreed a thousand yeares a● gone , which a famous Councell then , togeather with di●uers other Councels , were so farre from condemning ( ●● the Pope now hath done this Oath ) as I haue though● good to set downe their owne wordes heere in that purpose : wherby it may appeare , that his Maiestie craue●● nothing now of his Subiects in this Oath , which was no● expresly , and carefully commanded them by the Counce● to be obeyed , without exception of persons . Nay , not i● the very particuler poynt of Equiuocation , which his Maiestie in this Oath is so carefull to haue eschewed : but yo● shall heere see the said Councels in their Decrees , as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the sa●e ; so as , almos● euery poynt of that Action , and this of ours , shall be foun● to haue relation , and agreeance one with the other , sau● only in this● that those old Councels were carefull , an● strait in commanding the taking of the same ; wheras by the contrary , he that now vaunteth himselfe to be Hea● of all Councells , is as carefull and strait in the prohibition of all men , from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance . S● he . And then I added . And I haue alleadged his discourse at large , to the en● yow may better see his fraudulent manner of proceeding● He saith , That the example of this Oath is taken from a● Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeares agone in the Councells of Toledo , but especially the fourth , which prouided also for the particuler point of Equiuocatiō . But le● any man read those Councells , which are 13. in number , and if he fynd eyther any forme of an Oath prescribed , or any mention of Equiuocation , but only of flat lying and perfidious dealing , let him discredit all the rest that I doe write . And if he fynd none at all , as most certainly he shall not● then let him consider of the bad cause of this Apologer , that driueth hi● to such manner of dealing , as to auouc● Euery point o● that Action to haue agreeance with the offering of th●● Oath . Here now you see how M. Barlow is prouoked to shew his manhood in defence of this passage , which he begin●eth very fiercely , with many contumelious words , with I ●e● passe as wind , and only shall relate those that ●e of some moment to the cause . VVhiles this Iesuite ( sayth ●e ) i●●●aching the Apologer of supposed fraudulency , himself euen 〈…〉 be arested of a fraudulent impuden●y , ●or that he charging 〈◊〉 Apologer to say , that euery point of that Toletan action hath 〈◊〉 with ours , ●e leaues out the principall word , which the said ●●●●●ger vsed , when he sayth , that almost euery point agreeth ; as if 〈◊〉 were no● difference , betwene his speach that should say , that Father Persons was almost vpon the Sea-coast for England , and his that 〈◊〉 a●●rte , that he was at the sea-cost and shipt for England . ●●erto I answer first for the word almost left out . Secondly 〈◊〉 the example . The words of the Apologer about the likenes of our 〈◊〉 , to the Toletane action are thrice repeated by me : first in the beginning of the matter p. 76. n. 11. where repeating the Apologers words , I said , almost euery point of that action is 〈◊〉 to ours . In the end also , p. 81. n. 19. I related his words ●●s : that almost euery point of that action hath agreeance with that of 〈◊〉 &c. So as twice the word almost is repeated , though in the third place pag. 77. num . 12. It is said , euery point of that 〈◊〉 &c. which might be , as well the errour of the writer , or printer , as ouerslip of the Authour . And how then can this be called fraudlent impudēcy ? Or rather was i● not more fraudulent in M. Barlow , not to tell his reader , that it was twice put downe , though once left out ? As for the two mēbers alleaged , they are both known to be false , that either Father Parsons was almost vpon the Sea-coast for England , or vpon the Sea-coast , and shipt for England , to expect the ●●●der-●lot , for that hundreds of witnesses will testifie in 〈◊〉 , that neither at that time , nor in al that yeare was he out of that Citty ; so as this is somewhat more , then almost two vntruthes . And this is as much , as in effect he answereth to this matter . But I went forward in my Letter to shew out of the Councell , and Histories of Spaine , the occasions , causes , and circumstances of this Councell , and how it was procured by the King of Spaine , Sis●nandu● of the Gothish bloud , who hauing ceposed his Lord , and Maister King Suintila , was somewhat iealous , least the Oath of f●●elity , made vnto him by the Spaniards , would not be obserued , and therfore made recourse vnto the Bishops , and Clergy , for assisting him in that behalfe , with their Ecclesiasticall authority , as they did , both confirming the one , and excluding the other : wherupon is set downe in the preface of the said Councell , that he comming into the same , accompanied with many Noble , and honourable persons of his trayne , coram Sacerdotibus Dei bumiprostratus , cum lacbry●●● & gemitibus , pro se interueniendum postulauit , he prostrate on the ground before the Priests of God , besought them with teares , and sobs to make intercession for him . Wherupon the Councell commaunded vpon seuere Censures , that no man should practise his death or deposition , or breake his Oath of fidelity made vnto him ; but no particuler forme of oath do I find there to haue bene prescribed , or decreed , wherby this our new oath may be confirmed , or authorized , but rather another oath prescribed vnto the King , and all his successours , Iuramento po●licean●ur hanc se Catholicam non permissuros eos violare sidem : that they sweare that they will neuer suffer their subiects to violate this Catholike faith . And marke ( said I ) that he saith ( 〈◊〉 ) which was the Catholike fayth then held in Spaine , and explicated in these Coūcels of Toledo ; the particulers wherof , do easily shew that they were as oposite to the Protestants fayth as ours is now . To all this , what sayth M. Barlow ? He beginneth with a tale , as he is wont , when he hath little els to say : Pericles ( sayth he ) as some do affirme , had that skill in wrastling , that though he receaued a fall , yet he would perswade the wrastler , that cast him , and the spectatours that beheld him , that he was the conquerour . You will imagine how well this is ●pplyed by him : he sayth , that there is not one poynt of this which I haue sayd , to the purpose or against the Apologer . But how doth he proue it ? First he saith , that this Conncell was gathered by the cōmand of King Sisenandus . And what maketh this to the purpose ? Did not we graunt also , that Kings within their Kingdomes , may cause Prouinciall Councels to be made by their Bishops , Archbishops , & Metropolitans ? But how submissiuely this King did behaue himselfe in that Coūcell , appeareth by his former submission , both in fact & words . And ye● by the way , the Reader must note M. Barlows smal truth in relating for his purpose these words : religiosissimi Sisenandi Regis iussu & Imperijs conuenimus ; we are assembled by the commaund and authority of our most Religious King Sisenandus , wheras the true words in the Councel are , ●●m studio amoris Christi , ac diligen●ia religiosiss●●● Sisenandi Regis , apud Toletanam Vrbem , in nomine Domini conuenissemus : wheras for the loue of Christ , and by the diligence of our most religious King , we came togeather in the name of God , in the Citty of Toledo . And then those other words which ensue a●terwards , to wit , eius ●mperijs atque iussis , are referred to another thing , not to their meeting , but what matters they should principally handle touching discipline &c. Vt communis a nobis ageretur de quibusdam Ecclesiae disciplinis tractatus . In which Treatise of discipline , was contayned in like manner the Kings owne temporall cause , concerning the assuring of his succession by Ecclesiasticall Cēsures . When or wherin then shall we find M. Barlow to deale pūctually , and sincerely ? But let vs go forward . In the next place , he sayth , that this Councell , & the Canons therof do make for the Protestants , and giueth example in three or foure Canons , and concludeth generally in these words : The Church o● England , both for substance in doctrine , and ceremony in discipline , doth hould the same , which ma●y of the sayd Canons do conclude . Well then we shall see presently , how many they be . He citeth only foure of seauenty and foure , and those so impertinently , as by the citation he maketh himselfe miserable , as now you will perceaue . And first he cyteth the 43. Canō , saying , that the marriage of Priests , so it be with the consent of the Bishop , is therin allowed : and he beginneth with this , for that it seemeth to him a knocker , and to the purpose indeed , for authorizing Priests marriages . Wherfore we shall handle it in the last place of the foure alleadged by him . In the second place then he leapeth back from the 43. Canon , to the 24. saying , that therin it was positiuely set downe , that ignorance is the mother of all errours , but not of de●●tion . A great obiection no doubt against vs ; as though we were great friends of ignorance : Ignorance ( sayth the Canon ) the mother of all errours , is most to be auoyded by Priests , who haue the office of teaching the people . Do we cōtradict this . What meane our Schooles ? Our Seminaries ? Our Colleges ? Our Vniue●sities for bringing vp , and instructing Priests ? Are our Priests in England , or on this side the seas , more incumbred with ignorance then the Ministers ? Why then is this Canon brought in against vs ? For that perhaps it sayth not , that Ignorance is the mother of deuotion , nor we neither , as it hath bene sufficiently proued against Syr Francis H●sting● that ignorant Knight , who following M. Iewell , obiected it as spoken once by Doctour Cole , meaning ( if he spake it ) that some simple people are more deuout then greater learned : but that ignorance should be a mother , or necessary bringer forth of deuotion , was neuer affirmed by any position of Catholikes , and was proued to be very false in Syr Francis owne person , who shewed himselfe to be very ignorant , and yet nothing deuout . And the same in due measure and proportion , may be verified in M. Barlow : & if he deny it , let vs part our proofes . I haue shewed his ignorance in alleaging this Canon that maketh nothing for him ; let him proue his deuotion . From the 24. Canon he steppeth forward againe , to the 46. Wherin he saith , is decreed that the Clergies imm●nitie from ciuill molestations , and troubles , is from the King , and by his Cōmaund and authority . And what maketh this against vs , or for the Protestants ? Why is not this practised at this time in Englād , that all Clergie men be free , ab omnipublica indictione atque labore , ●t lil●ri s●ruiant Deo , sayth the same Canon ? from all publike taxes , & labour , to the end they may attend to se●ue God more freely ? Is the vse of this Canon more amongst Catholikes or Protestants ? and if more amongst Catholikes , and nothing at all amongst Protestants , especially in England , what wisdome was this of M. Barlow , to b●ing it in as a point decreed by the Councel , conforme to their doctrine , and practice ? But saith he , this immunity came from King Sisenandus his order and commandement . True it is that he , as a good Catholike Prince , was very forward therin , yet the Decree was the Councels , and therfore it is sayd in the Canon , id decreuit Sanctum Concilium , the holy Councell decreed it . Neither do we teach that this immunity , or freedome of the Clergy , from secular burthens , is without the consent , & concurrence of Christian Princes , proceeding out of their piety , and deuotion towards the Church , to fauour & further that , which was esteemed by the Church needfull to Gods seruice , & conforme to Gods diuine Law , both written , & impressed by nature . So as this immunity of Clergy men was brought in both by Diuine and Humane Law , as largly & learnedly doth proue Cardinall Bellarmine in two seuerall Chapters of his Booke de Clericis , to whom , as to his Maister , I send M. Barlow to Schoole , though much against his will : where also he will learne , that long before this fact of King Sisenandus , other Christian Emperours and Kings , had consented to these immunities of Clergy men , and confirmed the same by their temporall lawes & decrees : which piety King Sisenandus did follow , and imitate in Spaine . And would God he would inspire his Maiesty to do the same in England . But what helpeth this M. Barlowes cause ? Truly euen as much as the rest . Let vs see if you please , what is his fourth Canon , which he cyteth for his proof , of the Coūcels agreement with Protestants . He leapeth then lastly to the 75. Canon , which is one more then is in the booke , for there be but 74. but this is a small fault in respect of that which presently ensueth . His words are these : Lastly that all the decrees , and Canons of that Councell , were confirmed by the Clergy , annuente religiosissimo Principe , after the Kings royll assent had vnto them , and that set downe Can. 75. But first of all if the thing did stand in the Councell as heere it is set downe , that the Princes consent and confirmation had bene demaunded to all the Decrees , and Canons , as M. Barlow sayth , yet the words being but annuente Princip● , the Prince consenting therunto , I do not see how it can be truly translated , as it is by M. Barlow , after the Kings Royall assent had vnto them , which are the vsuall words whereby Parlament Statutes are confirmed , wherein the King , as truly supreme head , hath chiefe authority to allow , or reiect ; which I doubt not but that King Sisenādu● toke not vpon him , in this Councell of Toledo : nay if the place be rightly examined , which is in the very last lynes of the sayd Councell , it wil be found that the said consent of the Prince was not about the decrees of the Councell , but about the subscribing of all the Bishops names vnto the sayd Councell . For they hauing ended all , and made a large prayer for the prosperity of the said King , and all said Amen , it is added lastly : Definitis itaque ●is , qua superiùs comprehensa sunt , annuente religiosiss●mo P●incip● , ●lac●it d●inde &c. Et quia pros●ctilus Ecclesiae , & anima nostra con●●ni●nt , & iam propria subscriptione , vt permaneant , roboramus . Wher●fore hauing defined these things , that before are comprehended , it seemed good also by the consent of our most Religious Prince , that forsomuch as these things , that are decreed are profitable for the Church , and for our soules , we do strengthen them also by our owne subscriptions , to the end they may remayne . I Isidorus in the name of Christ Metropolitan Bishop of the Church of Siuill , hauing decreed these things , do subscribe &c. And so did all the other Bishops by name . Heere then I see not what M. Barlow can gayne by alleaging this Canon . For if this allowance of King Sisena●dus , be referred to the Bishops subscriptions ( as it seemeth by that it cōmeth after the mention of the made decrees ) or if it were in generall allowance of the whole Counc●ll by way of yielding to the execution therof , as M. Barlows doctrine ●lse where is ; it maketh nothing against vs at all . For we grant this consent to all Princes , whithin their owne Kingdomes , therby to haue their assistance , for execution especially for such points as interesse , or touch the politicall state or Cōmon-Wealth . There remaineth then to examine a little the first allegation out of the 43. Canon , where he sayth , that Priests marriage is allowed in this Canon , so it be with the cōs●nt of the Bishops . Wherin two egregious frauds are discouered so manifestly as he could not but know when he wrote them , that they were such . The first is , for that he translateth Presbyteri , for Clerici , peruersly thereby turning Clarks into Priests , knowing well inough what he did , for that he must needs see the difference in the very Canon , as presently we shall shew . The second fraud is , that he knowing , that this Coūcell did vtterly disallow the marriage of Priests , yet he shamed not to affirme the quite contrary . We shall say a word of the one and the other . For the first he alleageth as you haue heard , the 43. Canō , whose words are : Clerici qui sine consultu Episcopi sui du●●int &c. : Clarks that without the consultation of their Bishop shall marry wiues &c. must be separated from the Clergie , by their proper Bishop . Which word Cleri●i , M. Barlow translateth Priests , notwithstanding he knoweth i● i● not so taken there by the Councell , but for inferiour Orders ●nder Subdeacon , which is the first of the three that excludeth marriage . This is seene by many Canons , as namely by the 40. which beginneth thus : Omnes Clerici vel Lectores , siue Leuitae & Sacerdotes , detonso superiùs capite toto , inserius solam circuli coronam relinquant . All Clarks and Readers , as also Deacons and Priests , cutting of all the hayre of the vpper part of their head , let them leaue in the lower part only the crowne of a circle . Here you see that Clerici , & Sacerdotes are distinct Degrees : you see also this Ceremony of discipline in that Church of Spaine . Will M. Barlow confesse that his Church agreeth in this ? The tytle also of the 67. Canon is , de cupiditate Episcopi , Presbyteri , v●l Diacomi , siu● Clericorum : Of the couetousnes of a Bishop , of a Priest , or Deacon , or Clarks . Wherby is euident that in the Councels sense , Priests , Deacons and Clarkes are distinct Orders in the Church , and consequently though the Councell doth say that Clarks may not take wiues , without the consent of their Bishops ; yet their meaning is not that may take wiues , with the said consent ; so as in this M. Barlow was false , and knew that he deceaued , when he translated Clerici for Priests . But now for the second point , that he must needes know also , that the meaning of this Councell could not be , that Priests myght marry , by allowance of the Bishop , I proue it thus , for that this Councell did make profession to follow their Auncestors , and forefathers decrees ; and we find registred in an ancient Spanish Councell held three hundred yeares before this , called Elibertinum , this Canon which is the 33. of the said Councell ; Placuit in totum prohibere Episcopis , Praebyteris , Diaconibus & Subdiaconibus positis in Minist●rio , abstinere se coniugibus suis , & n●n g●nerare filios , quod quicumque ●ecerit , ab honore Clericatus extermi●etur . It seemeth good to the Councell wholy to forbid , all Bishops , Priests , Deacōs , & Subdeacons placed in Ministrie , that they abstayne themselues from their wiues , and beget no children : and whosoeuer shall do the contrary , let him be cast out of the Clergie . After this agayne in another Coūcell of Toledo , which was the second held some hundred yeares before this fourth , the mater is determined in the very first Canon thus , speaking of yong men , that pretended to take holy Orders , & to be Priests : Vbi octauum decimum aetatis suae compleuerint annum &c. When they shal be full eighteen yeares of age , let the Bishop in the presence of the Clergie and people search their wils , about desire of marriage , & then if by the inspiration of God , the grace of chastity shall please them , and they shall answer that they will keep their promise made of chastity , without coniugall necessity , then let these men , as desirous of a most strait way , be admitted vnder the most sweet , and easie yoake of our Sauiour . And first , let them take the Ministry of Subdeacon at 20. ●eares of age after the probation had of their constancy , and at 25. yeares , let them take the office of Deacon : cauendum tamenest his , ne quando suae sponsionis immemores , ad terrenas nuptias vltrà recurrant : yet must these men take heed , least being at any time forgetfull of their promise or band , they do run backe to earthly marryage . By these two more ancient Councells then of Spayne ( not to speake of others ) we may see what could be the sense of this fourth of Toledo , cōcerning marriage of Priests , as also what is meant by that direction giuen in the 26. Canon : vt quando Presbyteri , aut Diaconi per parochias constituun●● , ●p●rtet eos primùm professionē Episcopo suo facere , vt castè & purè ●i●ant : when Priests or Deacons are appoynted throughout Parishes , they must first make profession vnto their Bishop , that they will lyue chastly and purely . The Councell doth not say heere , that they may take wiues , with the Bishops consent , as was said of Clerici before . Wherfore in both these points , I meane as well in this translation , as in the maine assertion , that then it was lawfull for Priests to haue wiues , M. Barlow dealt fraudulently . I will not cite other Councells held both before and after this both in Spaine & elswhere concerning this matter : as before , that of Toledo the third about the yeare 589. that of Lyons , 5●6 . that of T●u●rs , 570. that of Orlea●ce , 587. as also after , let the Reader view the 8. and 9. of Toledo , about the yeare 656. and 657. that of Shalons in France the very next yeare after . Yet can I not pretermyt one Canon of the forsaid third Councel of Toledo held vpon the point of fifty yeares before this fourth , wherof we now talke , which third Councell of Toledo , in the fifth Canon hath these words : C●mpertum ●st à sancto Concilio &c. It is vnderstood by this holy Councell , that certayne Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , comming from Heresie , do contynue to haue carnall desires , and copulation with their wiues , and to the end this may not be done hereafter , it is cōmanded by the Councell , as also it hath bene determyned in former Canons , that it is not lawfull for them to lyue togeather in carnall society , but that so long as coniugall faith doth ●●mayne betwene them , they may haue care , one of the others cōmon vtility , but yet not dwell togeather in one ●oome : or if their vertue be such , as may seeme to haue no● perill ; yet let them place their wiues in another house , that their chastitie may haue testimony , both before God and man. And if any man after this ordinatiō , will choose rather to liue scandalously with his wife , let him be deposed from Priestly function , and beheld only as a Lector or a Reader &c. By which ordination of the Coūcell , we may see the seueritie of that time , not only in keeping Priests from marriage after they were Priests , but euen in forbiding the vse of their wiues that were married before , if any such were admitted . And it is to be noted , that the Coūcell saith here , that this custome of Priests liuing with wiues , came from the heroticks of those dayes , and was practized by them principally , that were turned from heresy to Catholike Religion . And finally I cannot pretermit , for the vpshot of this matter , to note one sentence of Isidorus Archbishop of Si●●ll that was President , and first subscribed to the foresayd Councel of Toledo , who in his second booke , de Ecclesiastic●● officys , talking of this very same Councel , as it may seeme , sayd , Placuit sanctis Patribus , vt qui s●cra myster●● cont●●cta● , ●asti sint , & continentes ab vxoribus . It seemed good vnto the holy Father , to determine that such as do handle the holy mysteries , should be chast , & continent from wiues . And thus much for the first point auerred by M. Barlow , that foure Canons of the fourth Councel of Toledo do make for him , and his religion . But now we haue seene his ill fortune in the choice , for that no Canon maketh for him , but rather all against him , and especially this last . Now let vs see somewhat about the second point , that the Church of England at this day , both for substance in doctrine , and Cerimony in discipline doth hould the same , which many of the said Canons do conclude : which though as before , I haue noted , it may seeme to be a very dubious & imperfect assertion , for that they of England , being Christians , and so those of that Councel also , it were very ●ard but that of 74. Canons ( wherof the first only comprehēdeth the summe and confession of all Articles of Christian fayth contayned in the common Creeds : ) it were hard I say , ●ha the Church of England should not hold in substāce , at least , the same that many of those Canons do conclude . But let vs touch the point indeed , concerning the articles now in controuersy betweene vs , and Protestants , ●oth for doctrine and cerymonies , whether in these the sayd Councel of Toledo , did agree m●re with the Church of Engl●●● as now is teacheth & practizeth , or with the Church of Rome . And albeit this Councell was not gathered togeather , purposely to handle and determine matters of faith , and doctrine for the establishing of King Sisenand●● his successi●● , and concerning ●he dep●sition of King Suintila , as hath bene touched , ●nd by that occasion , for reformation also of manners of the Clergy : yet are there many things here handled which giue sufficient signes with what Church they more agreed , either the Protestants or ours . In the very f●●st Canon , where they make their profession of 〈◊〉 , ●hey say , Descendit ad inser●● , 〈…〉 he descended into Hell , to fetch from thence tho●● Sain●● which were there detained . Do the Protestants agree to this interpretation ? And then talking of the last iudgment they say : Alij pro iustitiae meri●●● vitam 〈◊〉 : some shal receaue life euerlasting at Christs ●and● for their merrits of iustice . Will Protestants acknowledg this in their Creed ? And it followeth immedi●tely , Haec est Ecclesiae Catholicae fides &c. This is the ●●ith of the Catholicke Church : this Confession we 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ●hich 〈◊〉 ●h●soeuer shal constantly keepe , shal 〈◊〉 li●e euerlasting . S● they● And for so much as there oc●●●red a doubt in the Church of Spaine , about the vse of ●aptisme , some allowing a triple dipping in the water , some one only ; the Canon saith● that the recourse in former ●●me was made to the Sea Apostolick for deciding of the same , by S. Leander Archbishop of Siuill , who wrote to S. Gregory the Great then Pope of Rome , to haue his resolution . And wil M. Barlow allow of this recourse ? But let vs heare the words of the Canon . Proinde quid à nobis &c. Wherfore what we are to do in Spaine ( saith the Councel ) in this diuersity of administring the Sacraments , Apostolica Sedi● in ●●●mem●r praecepti● , non nostrā sed paternam instructionem sequent●● : Let us 〈◊〉 by the pr●cepts of the Sea Apostolick , not following our owne instruction , out that o● our fore-●at●●rs● Wherfore Gregory of holy memory Bishop of Rome , at the request of the most holy man Leander Bishop of Si●●●● , demāding what was to be followed in this case ; answered him in these words : Nothing can be more ●ruly ans●ered , about the three dippings in Baptisme , thē that which you your selfe haue set down , that diuersities of some customs , doth not preiudice the holy Church , agreeing all in one faith . So S. Gregory . But yet discusseth the question more largely , as may be seene in that Canon : but much more in his owne booke , lib. 1. Regist. Epist. 41. And is thi● conformable to the practice & doctrine of M. Barlows Church ? Some men will say perhaps ; yea , to the Church of Engl●●● that then was , for that about the very same tyme that S. Leander Metropolitan of : Si●ill wrote to S. Gregory , to haue his resolu●ion about this difficulty of diuers custome● in baptizing . S. Augustine Archbishop and Metropoli●●n of the English Nation , wrote vnto the same S. Gregory , about the like doubts , as appeareth by Venerable Bede , and had his answere to the same . But this recourse also of the English Church at that time will not greatly please M. Barlow . In the seauenth Canon some men are noted , that vpō good Friday after h●ra nona , did vse to breake their Fast , for which they are much condemned by the Councell , adding this reason for the same : for that the vniuersall Church did obserue the fast of that day , wholy , and strictly , for the memory of the passion of our Sauiour , & therfore whosoeuer should breake that fast , besides yonge children , old men , and sicke men , before the Church haue ended her prayers of Indulgence , he should not be admitted to the Festiuall ioy of Easter day . And is this conforme to the present Church of England ? In the eight Can●n there is a re●son giuen by the Councel , Cur lucer●a & cereus in peruigilijs à nobis benedicantur : why the candell , & the waxe taper are blessed by the Bishops . And if any mā will contemne this Ceremony , qui haec contempserit , Patr●● regu●is subia●ebis , sayth the Canon , he shall vnder goe the punishments appointed by the rules of the Fathers . This cogitation I thinke hath neuer much troubled M. Bar●●● . In the tenth Canon , order is giuen about the discipline to be vsed in Lent , both in respect of publike prayer , and priuate chastisings of the bodie . Touching the first , it is ordained , vt in omnibus quadragesimae diebus , quia te●pus non est gundij sed m●rori● , Alleluia non decantetur : that Alleluia be not songe in all the daies of Lent , for that is a time , not of ioy , but of sorrow● and then for the chaftysment of the flesh they say : Opus est fletibus & ie●u●ijs insistere , corpus cilicio & cinere induere , 〈◊〉 moeroribus deijcere , gaudium in trislitiam vertere quousque ●●●iat tempus Resurrectionis Christi . It is necessary to insist in weeping and fasting , to couer our body with haircloth ●nd ●she● , to deiect our mynd with sorrow , to turne mirth into sadnes , vntill the day of Christs Resurrection do come . And doth this Ceremony of discipline please M. Barlow , Or doth his Church admit the same ? And if he doe not , th●̄ let him heare what followeth in the Councel , hoc enim Ecclesiae Vniuersalis consensio in cunctis terrarum parti●us roborauit &c. For this the consent of the vniuersall Church hath establyshed in all parts of the Christian world , and consequently it is conuenient to be obserued throughout the Prouinces of Spayne , and Galicia , and therfore if any Bishop , Priest , or Deacon , or any whatsoeuer of the order of Clarks , shall be found to esteeme , or perferre his own iudgment before this Constitution of ours , let him be put from the office of his order , and depriued of the Cōmunion at Easter . This toucheth M. Barlow neere , & euen to the very quicke : and I thinke his Church will hardly brooke this seuerity of the old Spanish discipline , though you haue heard him promise that he will. In the 12. and 13. Canons , order is giuen for singing of hymnes in the time of Masse , and namely that of the three Children in the fornace , and certaine Priests are reprehended quòd in Missa Dominicorum dierum , & in solemnit atibus martyrum canere negligant , that they do neglect to sing the said hymne at Masse on Sondayes , and on the festiuall dayes of Martyrs . Wherfore this holy Councell doth ordayne , sayth the Canon , that throughout all the Churches of Spayne and Galicia , in omnium Missarum sole●●itate idem in publico decantetur , in the solemnity of a●l Masses , the s●me hymne be publikely song ; vnder payne of loosing their Communion , who shall do contrary to this ancient custome of singing this hymne , and shall violate this o●● definition . So the Councell . And will M. Barlows Church admit this doctrine of Masses and celebrating the Martyn feastes ? In the 51. Canon remedy is prouided for certaine disorderly monks , who ●unning ou● of their Monasteries non solùm ad saecul●m reuertantur , sed e●iam vxores ac●ipia●t , do not only returne to the world , but take wiues also : and the remedy is , that they must be brought backe to their Monasteries againe , & poenitentiae deputentur , ibique ●●fle●●t crimina sua , and be appointed to do penance , and there let them weepe , and bewayle their sinnes . And what will M. Barlow say to this point of discipline ? Or at least what would his chiefe doctours and Grandfathers , ●●ther , O●colampadius , Peter Martyr , Ochinus , or to come neerer home , what would Scory of Hereford , Bartlet of Bath and VVells , Fryar Bale , and others haue sayd therunto ? Might not Beares as soone be brought to the stake , as these men againe to their Monasteries to do penance ? And yet if they had bene in Spayne at that time , this Spanish discipline would haue brought them backe , which M. Barlow in generall saith , that his Church houldeth also : but when i● commeth to the particuler , I doubt not but he will go from his word againe : and therfore I will stand no longer vpon this point , though many other examples might be alleaged . There remayneth only then now for the conclusion of this Chapter , to see and weigh the comparisons that may be made betweene this Oath of fidelity of the Spanish subiects vnto their King Sisenandus ( the keeping wherof is so earnestly recommended by this Councell ) and this other English Oath of Allegiance , required by his Maie●●ie , wherin I sayd I found no more parity or semblance , but as that was an Oath of ciuill Obedience to their temporall Prince , so is this also in some clauses , and therfore as the Councel did well allow , yea much recommend and incharge the keeping of that Oath to King Sisenand●● : so do all good Catholickes desire the obseruation of the foresaid clauses contayned in this Oath , so far forth , as they concerne the said temporall obedience . But this doth not proue that any such forme of Oath as this new Oath is , was there prescribed or decreed , either quoad for●●● , or quoad materiam . For as for the forme , I find no particuler forme set downe or decreed in the Councell , as hath bene said , but only an admonition to keepe the Oath before taken , with an earnest dehortation , & commination against all perfidious conspiring or rebelling against their King , which we most willingly also agree vnto . And as for the matter and subiect of the Oath it is cleere , that , that was of temporall obedience only , and had no such clauses against the authority of the Bishop of Rome , as this hath : nor can it be imagined with any probability that if any such thing had bene proposed by K. ●isenandus to that Councel , that they would haue harkened vnto it , and much lesse agreed , and subiected themselues to ●ake it , or allowed it to others , to be either proposed or taken . Well then , what saith M. Barlow to this conclusion ? Certes he seeketh so say many things , but so far from the purpose , that he truly may be sayd to say nothing . He setteth downe clauses of my speach , with his answers thus . First , quoth I , there is noe partyculer forme of an oath put downe in the Councell and consequently this new forme could not be taken from that . He answereth ; Can an oath be kept which was not first taken ? But what is this to the purpose : for the question is not , whether the Spaniards did take an Oath to their King or not , for that is graunted , but whether the forme of the oath were like to this of ours . And yet as though he had answered to the purpose he goeth forward to proue that an Oath was taken . It appears ( sayth he ) in the Canon i● self , that all of them had taken an 〈◊〉 the State decreed it , the subiects of all sorts tooke is , the 〈◊〉 inioyned the inuiolable performance thereof . So then an oath there was● that is without question , and a forme it ●ad , i● not set downe i● 〈◊〉 Councell what is that to the point ? Truly Syr nothing at all : as is neither this your prouing of that which is not denied , but it had bene much to the point to proue that , that forme and this forme had bene a like , and soe the one confirmed by the other , which you attempt not at all to do . And yet I pray thee good Reader , see heere how he braggeth immediatly . Sufficiently ( sayth he ) hath the Apolog●● euicted what he would to proue that the oath of Allegiance amongst 〈◊〉 is no such strange thing , hauing a president in like kind confirmed by diuers Councells , about a thousand yeares sithence . But I would demaund of M. Barlow , what was the question betweene vs ? Was it whether there were euer any oath of Allegiance to temporall Princes allowed , or taken in the Christian world before this of ours ? For if this were the question , then hath he sufficiently euicted his purpose , by shewing that so long ago an oath of Allegiāce was allowed in the Councell of Toledo . But if this was not the question , but only whether there was a like Oath to this in forme or matter allowed in the Councell of Toledo , then hath M. Barlow euicted nothing , but his own disgrace , for that he hath run quite from the purpose . And yet to seeme to say somewhat , he returneth agayne afterward to speake of the forme , and matter of this oath , recommended in the Councell of Toledo . And first he sheweth , that albeit the forme be not expressed in the Councel , yet must it be persumed to haue bene made in the name of God , as is commaunded in Deuteronomy the 6. But this is very general . Then he setteth downe a certayne Protestation made by the Bishops , and Archbishops in the sixt Councell of Toledo , for the temporall safety of their Prince , in these words : Ideo testamur 〈◊〉 Deo , & omni ordine Angelorum &c. Therefore we do testyfie , before God● and all the orders of Angells , as also● before the quire of holy Prophets , and Apostles , and of all Martyrs , and before the whole Catholike Church , and congregation of Christians , that no man intend the destruction of the King , that no man attempt any thing against the life of the Prince , that no man depriue him of the gouernment of the Kingdome , that no man by Tyrānicall presumption vsurpe vnto himself the height of his Kingdome , that no man by any machination in his aduersytie do associate vnto him the assistance of Conspirators ; and if any man shall presume to attempt any of these thinges , let him be stroken with our Curse , and be condemned to euerlasting iudgment without any hope of remedy . Here now M. Barlow tryumpheth , and sayth , that this is a forme of an oath prescribed , and therfore I haue lost my credit , that denied the same ( in the 4. Councel . ) Whereto first I answere , that this is rather a protestation of the Councel , a commination , or threatning to others as appeareth by the punishment appointed , thē any forme of an oath , either taken by themselues or prescrybed to others . And secondly I say , that this is so far different from the forme of our new oath of Allegiance , now exacted as nothing can be more ; which euery man will see by comparing them togeather : for I hope M. Barlow will not allow the inuocation of Angells , Prophetts , Apostles & Martyrs called for witnesses , as heere is vsed : and so the formes are nothing like , nor is this an Oath made to the King. But let vs see somewhat more of this matter . He alleageth my exception , that the Oath in the Councell confirmed , was an Oath of ciuill Allegiance only , which neither the Catholikes refuse , now Pope Paulus doth prohibite . Against which he maketh a long idle discourse , that the same thinges are contayned in the one , and the other Oath , as the safety of the King , the preseruation of his life and Crowne , and the like . Which though in some part it be acknowledged to be true ( and in this we haue no difficulty to agree with him : ) yet is not this only sought in the new Oath , but the deniall also of the Popes authority . Or if M. Barlow will contend , that this of the Princes safety , is only sought : we answere , that at least it is not sought by good and lawfull meanes , but by such as the Councel of Toledo would neuer haue yielded vnto , if their King Sis●●dus should haue demanded them such an Oath , with such and so many exceptions against the Popes authoritie , wherof in that Oath M. Barlow shal not find one , although he search and sist it neuer so narrowly , and therfore all that hitherto he hath said , is nothing to the purpose . There remayneth then only the last clause to be examined , whether the said Councell of Toledo did prouide euen for the particuler point of Equiuocation , as the Apol●g●● said , & I in my answere denied , that there was any mention of Equiuocation in that Councel , but only a reprehension of lying and per●idious dealing ; which M. Barlo● comming now to treate , confesseth that there is no mention indeed therof , but that lying and Equiuocating is all one , which is to rayse vp agayne an old contention , that passed betweene M. Morton and me , wherein I presume to haue made so euident demonstration , that lying and Amphilology or doubtfull speach ( by others called Equiuocation ) are far different thinges , and cannot stand togeather ( and much lesse are all one , ) as no man though ●f very meane capacity can but see the same ; though malice doth not suffer M. Barlow to confesse it . To which effect I haue alleaged many proofes out of the nature and definition , both of the one , and the other , many examples out of the holy Scriptures , out of the old & new Testament , the authority of sundry ancient Fathers , the practice of many Saints , the consent of Schoolmen , and other like proofes , which M. Barlow hauing read and wel pondered , should haue confuted , or at least some of thē in this place , before he had cast him selfe anew into M. Mortons absurdities , by affirming againe with him , that menda●i●● and Amphibologia , lying and Equiuocating is all one . But he doth not only this , but he runneth also to find out certayne Synonima of different soundes , of the same sense , in the North and South of England , as for example . Takers in the North , doe signify theeues in the So●th , 〈◊〉 vsed women in the North are called wh●res ( as he saith ) in the south : * fit examples for his inuention . But all is impertinent : for we do not hould that mendacium & Equi●ocatio are Sy●●●i●a , but quite different things . For a lye , as largly hath bin han●ed against M. Morton , is when any false thing is vttered , contrary to the knowledge of the vtterer ; but he that doth Equiuocate , doth alwayes speake truth in his owne sense and meaning , though the hearer doe conceaue another meaning , for that the speaker reserued somewhat in his minde , which he vttereth not : & this thing is so ordinary , & euident in the speaches both of the ancyent Prophets and Apostles , and of Christ our Sauiour himselfe , as M. Barlow , and M. Morton laying their heads togeather , will neuer be able to answere the multitude of examples by me alleadged in that behalfe ; which appeareth sufficiently , both by that M. Morton in his late Reply , pretermitted them all , and durst not as much as take them in hand to answer ; and the like doth M. Barlow heere , but only that this later , as more temerarious , runneth into other absurdities , shewing indeed , not to vnderstand well the state of the question or nature of the thing it selfe . For thus he describeth Equiuocation & lying . VVhen a man , saith he , speaketh any thing contrary to that he thinketh in his mind , Equiuocare est ( say the Iesuits ) mentiri est , sayth the M. of Sentences . Wheras notwithstanding , euery learned man knoweth that both the Iesuits , and others that write of this matter do agree with the M. of Sētences in this point . For whosoeuer speaketh cōtrary to that which in his mind he thinketh , it is a lye , & no Equiuocatiō , for he that doth Equiuocate , must alwayes haue a true sense in his owne meaning , which he cannot haue , who doth speake contrary to that which in his mind he thinketh . Then goeth he forward in his declaration , saying : The principall difference which they make is in their purpose , for that they do it not with an intent to deceaue , but only to defend themselues : and then as though this supposed ground were true , he goeth forward to shew vpon the same , that a good intention is not sufficient , to iustifie the doing of that which is euill : but this principall difference seemeth to be a principall ignorance in M. Barlow , shewing that he doth not vnderstand indeed wherin we do put the principall difference betweene lying and equiuocating , which is not in the purpose and intention of the speaker , as he sayth , but partly in the thing it selfe vttered , to wit , that it be really true , in the sense , and meaning of the vtterer : and then in the quality of the hearer , whether he be a lawfull iudge , and therby may oblige the speaker , to speake to his intention , and other such circumstances , which are largely hādled in my foresaid booke , and not vnderstood as it seemeth , or not read by M. Barlow , which me thinkes he ought to haue done , meaning to treate of this matter here . And so I shall passe no further therin , but referre him & the Reader , to the larger Treatise of that subiect already extant . CARDINALL BELLARMINE is cleered from a false imputation : and a controuersie about certaine words & clauses in the Oath is discussed . § II. AFTER this M. Barlow passeth to a poynt concerning Cardinall Bellarmine , set downe in the Apology in these words : Some of such Priests and Iesuites as were the greatest traytors & fomentours of the greatest conspiracies against her late Maiesty● gaue vp F. Robert Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles . So sayth the Apologer , & noteth in the margēt , Campian & Hart in their conference in the Tower. This was noted by me in my Letter , as an vniust charge , both in respect of the two men mētioned in the margent , who were most free from being traytours , and much more the greatest Traytours : excepting only their Priestly functiōs most iniuriously made Treasōs , against all truth & equity , as aboundantly else where hath bene proued ; but much more in respect of Cardinall Bellarmine , who was not so m●ch as named , by any of them in any matter tending to Treason , or conspiracy towards the late Queene ; and therfore if he were by any of them named or mentioned , it was in matter only of learning , not of Treasons , and conspiracies , which M. Barlow is also forced here to confesse , and sayth that it was meant in matters of the Conference in the Tower : but euery man of iudgment will se what the words of the former charge do import , and how farre they reach , which M. Barlow considering , he dareth not stand to his first refuge , but addeth , that Bellarmine in his Booke which English Priests do study , doth teach such doctrine as is the ground of rebellions : he blowes ( sayth he ) the bellowes of seditious doctrine , which flames out by his Schollers conspiracy , to the disturbāce of the chiefest States of Christendome . But this now men will see how passionate , and vntrue it is , that the chiefest States of Christendome are disturbed by Cardinall Bellarmines doctrine : I do not meane to stand vpon the confutation of so childish imputations . There followeth a certaine small controuersie , about the words temperate , and tempered , whether they signify the same or no : wherof we haue handled somewhat before , & so shall dispatch it here in a word . Cardinall Bellarmine had said in his Letter to M. Blackwell , that this Oath is not therfore lawfull because it is offered as tempered , and modified , with diuers clauses of ciuill Obedience , giuing an example out of S. Gregory Nazianzen of the Ensignes of the Emperour Iulian , wherin the Images of the Heathen Gods were mingled and conbyned togeather with the Emperors Picture , and therby so tempered & modified , as a man could not adore the one without the other . Which speach of the Cardinall was much reprehended by the Apologer , as though Bellarmine had misliked the temperate speach vttered in the forme of this oath . But that was no part of Bellarmines meaning , but that the said Oath was tempered , mixt , and compounded of different clauses , some lawfull , and some vnlawfull , as a man would say , morter is tempered with water , sand , & lyme : and this appeareth by his example of the Ensignes before mentioned tempered , that is , mixt with the images of the Emperours , and their false Gods. And if M. Bar●●● will needs haue this temperament to haue also with it some temperature , which is his only reply now in this place , we will not greatly striue with him . Let it be esteemed to be some temperature , that here are mingled some clauses of ciuill obedience , with other concerning Religion , it helpeth the mixture , but not the scruple of conscience to him that must take it . I pretermit all the rest of M. Barlows superfluous and idle speach about this matter , as striuing to say somewhat , but yet in substance sayth nothing . It followeth in my Letter , concerning the answering of two questions proposed by the Apologer , wherin I shall repeate againe my owne words then vttered : thus then I wrote . That the Apologer hauing said with great vehemency of asseueratiō , That heauen and earth are no further a sunder , then the profession of a Temporall Obedience , to a Temporall King , is different from any thing belonging to the Catholike fayth , or Supremacy of S. Peter ( which we graunt also , if it be meere Temporall Obedience without mixture of other clauses : ) he proposeth presently two questions for application of this to his purpose . First this : As for the Catholike Religion ( sayth he ) can there be one word found in all this Oath , tending to matter of Religion ? The second thus : Doth he that taketh it , promise to belieue , or not to belieue any article of Religion ? Wherunto I answere first to the first , and then to the second . To the first , that if it be graunted , that power & authority of the Pope , and Sea Apostolike left by Christ , for gouerning his Church in all occasions and necessities , be any poynt belonging to Religion among Catholikes , then is there not only some owne word , but many sentences , yea ten or twelue articles , or branches therin , tending and sounding that way , as before hath bene shewed . To the secōd question , may make answer euery clause in effect of the Oath it selfe . As for example the very first : I A. B. do truly , & sincerely acknowledge , professe , testify , & declare in my conscience , that the Pope neither of himselfe , nor by any authority of the Sea or Church of Rome , hath any power & authority &c. doth not this include eyther beliefe or vnbeliefe ? Againe : I do further sweare , that I do from my hart abhorre , detest , & abiure , as impious & hereticall , that damnable doctrine , & position , That Princes which be excommunicated , and depriued by the Pope , may be deposed &c. Doth not here the swearer promise , not to belieue that doctrine which he so much detesteth ? How then doth the Apologer so grossely forget , and contradict himselfe , euen then , when he goeth about to proue contradictions in his Aduersary ? It followeth consequently in the Oath : And I do belieue , and in conscience am resolued , that neyther the Pope , nor any person whatsoeuer , hath power to absolue me from this Oath , or any part therof . These words are plaine as you see . And what will the Apologer say heere ? Is nothing promised in those words to be belieued , or not belieued ? This was my speach . And now see what quarrell M. Barlow seeketh agaynst it . First wheras in my answer to the first question , I say , if it be granted , that the power and authority of the Pope , and Sea Apostolicke &c. be any point belonging to religion among Catholicks , then is there not only some one word , but many sentences concerning Religion in the Oath . What answereth M. Barlow ? This Epistler ( saith he ) doth impudently impugne the Oath as vtterly vnlawfull , and agaynst religion , which yet dependeth vpon an If , and is not yet determined for a point of religion , that the Pope hath any such authority ouer Kings , as in the Oath is mentioned . No Syr ? not among Catholiks ? ( for of them only I speake , though you leaue it out , and doe many wayes corrupt my words : ) Will not they grant the Popes authority in such cases to be a point belonging to their Religion ? Doth the word If put the matter in doubt , that when you say , If there be a God , this or that is true or false , you may be said to doubt , whether there be a God or no ? And when you say , If I be a true man , this is so , you may be thought to doubt , whether your selfe be a true man or no ? Do not you see that this is playne cauelling indeed , and not disputing ? But what more ? You say that when I do affirme the Popes power , I do not distinguish whether in Ecclesiasticall or ciuill causes : but you know well inough that I haue often distinguished , and so do other Catholicke Deuines , that the Popes authority is directly only Ecclesiasticall and spirituall , for gouerning and directing of soules to euerlasting life ; though indirectly for conseruation of this Ecclesiasticall , and Spirituall end , there is annexed also Temporall , in such cases , as before hath bene specified , concerning temporall Princes . And so this is but a shift to say , that I doe not distinguish . As that is also another , about my answere to the second demaund of the Apologer , where he demandeth whether any man that taketh the Oath , doth promise to belieue , or not to belieue any one article of religion , contayned in the said Oath . For answere wherunto , I did set downe sundry clauses of the said Oath , wherby it seemeth plaine , that the swearer doth make such promise . Now you reply with this new shift , saying , that I doe still beg the question in controuersy . So you talke to seem to say somwhat . But what is the question in controuersy ? Is it not whether the swearer doth make promise to belieue , or not to belieue any article of religion , in taking the Oath ? Yes . And I haue proued that he doth so , by diuers examples . How then doe I beg the question , when I do euince it by proofe ? You reply , that these articles abiured , or allowed by him that takes the Oath , concerning the Popes authority , are not points of ●aith , but rather Machiauelismes of the Conclaue . But this now is rayling , and not reasoning , for that a Catholike conscience houldeth the doctrine of the Popes Supremacy , and all poynts belonging therunto , for matters appertayning to fayth & Catholicisme , and not to Machiauelisme , which Machiauelisme agreeth much more fitly to M. Barlows assertions , that depend on the pleasures of Prince & State , alteration of times , and temporall vtilities ( wherof Machiauel was a great Doctour , ) then to the simple positions of Catholikes , who without these worldly respects , do playnly and sincerely imbrace and belieue , all such points of doctrine as the knowne Catholike Church doth deliuer vnto them , as any way appertayning to the integrity of Catholike Religion . Heere then M. Barlow being driuen from his refuge of my begging the question , layeth hand vpon another , much more ridiculous , in my opinion : for it is somewhat like the Sermon of the Parish Priest to his Parishioners , which he deuided into three parts ; the one , that he vnderstood , and not they ; the other that they vnderstood , and not he ; the third , that neither of them both vnderstood : and the third part seemeth to be our case now : for as I confesse , that I do not conceaue well , what M. Barlow would say , so I haue reason to suspect that himselfe also can hardly explane his owne meaning , or at least wise , he doth it not so here , as the Reader may easily vnderstand the same . His words are these : This censurer is an absurd dispu●●nt , still to beg the Question , as if these articles abiured or allowed were points of ●aith &c. This you haue heard answered now : there followeth the other member : Or as if ( saith he ) beliefe were vsed euery where ●heologically , and that a Christians beliefe should alwayes be taken for his Christian beliefe : ●or there is a naturall beliefe , the Obiects wherof are naturall and ciuill things , such as in this Oath &c. So he . And did not I tell you , that you should haue mysteries ? A Christians beliefe , is not alwayes a Christian beliefe , but a naturall beliefe ; the good man would haue holpen himself , with the School-mens distinction , of fides diuina & fides ●umana , diuine & humane fayth , if he could haue hit vpō it , but yet wholy from the purpose if he had found it out : nay quite contrary to himselfe . For I would aske , what fayth or beliefe , diuine or humane , Christian or naturall● did the Apologer meane in his demaund ? Whether he that taketh the oath , do promise to belieue , or not to belieue , any article of Religion ? Did not he meane diuine fayth , or Theologicall beliefe ? It cannot be denied : for that the obiect being articles of Religion , as heere is sayd , which are not belieued but by diuine fayth , as they are such ; it followeth , that in this question , the Apologer ma●e his demaund of Christian beliefe , and not only of a Christians beliefe , yea of Theologicall beliefe , and not of naturall beliefe , that is to say of humane beliefe : & so conforme to this his qu●stion were the clauses of my answere , I do truly and s●●cerely acknowledge , professe , testify , and declare in my conscience &c. And againe , I do further sweare , that I do from my hart abhorre , dete●t , and abiure , as impious doctrine &c. And yet further , I do belieue , and am in conscience resolued &c. And is not all this beliefe in Conscience , out of Conscience , and for Conscience , and of things belonging to Catholike Religion , to be vnderstood of Christian and Theologicall beliefe , but naturall only ? Who would write so absurdly , but M. Barlow , who seemeth not to vnderstand what he writeth ? And that this may be better vnderstood , I am mynded to say a word or two more of this matter . He maketh a distinction heere as you see , betweene naturall , and Theologicall beliefe , adding for his reason , that the Obiects of naturall fayth , are naturall and ciuill things , and that such are the articles contained in the Oath , ayming as before hath bene said , at the distinction of diuine and humane faith . But he is grosly deceaued , in that he distinguisheth these two faiths , or beliefes , by their materyall obiects , and things belieued , contrary to the generall consent of all Philosophers and Deuines , who do hould , that o●●es actus specificantur ab obiectis formalibus , that all acts are specified by their formall obiects , and not by their materyall , which may be the same in acts of different nature , and consequently cannot distinguish them : and so in our present purpose , these two faiths or beliefes are not distinguished , for that the one hath naturall and ciuill things for her obiects , and the other supernaturall . For that as well humane , and naturall faith , may both haue naturall , and supernaturall thinges for her obiects , as also dyuine and Theologicall faith may haue the same . As for example , when a man belieueth that there is a Citty called Constantinople , for that many men do report it : and when a Pagan belieueth that there is a God , for that some learned Philosopher hath tould him so , to whom he giueth credit ; heere both naturall , and supernaturall things are obiects of humane , and naturall fayth . And so on the contrary side , if a man should belieue naturall , and ciuill things as reuealed by God in his Scriptures , or otherwise ; as that Cayn killed his brother ; Matth●salem lyued so long , and the like ; these things should be obiects of Thologicall and diuine fayth , as well as if they were in themselues supernaturall . Wherfore these two faithes and beliefes , are not distinguished by their materiall obiects , be they either naturall or supernaturall , but by their formal obiects or motiues ; non per res creditas , sed per rationes credendi , as Scholemen say , not by the things that are beleiued , but by the motiues and causes , for which they are belieued : so as whatsoeuer is belieued vpon any humane motiue or authority , though in it self it be supernaturall , appertayneth to humane fayth , and not dyuine ; so likwise on the contrary side , whatsoeuer is beleiued vpon diuine motiues and authoritie , and as reuealed from God , though in it self , it be naturall , and cyuill , as M. Barlow calleth it : yet doth it appertaine to Theologicall and diuine fayth , as an obiect thereof . But these things it is like M. Barlow hath no commodity to study , and therefore I would easily pardon him these rude and grosse escapes , if he did not shew himself so insolent in vaunting , as he doth , and so con●umelious against others that know more then himself . VVHETHER PRINCES HAVE IVST CAVSE TO FEARE MVRTHERING by the commandement of Popes . And in discussing of the particuler example produced by the Apologer , concerning the fame , great fraud and malice is discouered in M. Barlowes falsifying of Authors &c. CHAP. III. IN the page 86. of my Letter , I do handle a certaine speach of Cardinal Bellarmine in his letter to the Archpriest , wherin he saith , that neither his maiestie of England , nor any Prince else hath cause to feare violence from the Pope , for that it was neuer heard o● from the Churches infancy , vn●il this day , that any Pope did command , that any Prince , though an hereticke , though an Ethnicke , though a persecutor , should be murthered , or did allow of the murther , when it was done by another . Thus the Cardinall . Against which was obiected , that Popes had depriued diuers Princes , and had raysed great warres against others , and that in warre was contayned the casualty of killing in like manner . But this was answered , that the question was of murthering . Now what reply thinke you maketh M. Barlow ? First he bringeth in a long idle discourse to shew that according to Homer , and other Poets , & politicke Historians , Princes ought to go alwayes armed , and vigilant for their safety ; and then he maketh this demaund : What difference is there betweene personal murthering of Princes , & raysing war against them , the lot wherof is common and vnpartiall ? Thirdly he bringeth in my answer as saying , that though the Pope hath waged warre against Princes : yet he neuer caused any to be vnlaw●ully murthered . Wherin , saith he the Aduerbe is worth the obseruing , secretly implying , that the Pope hath commanded , or may command Princes to be murthered , but not vnlawfully . Wherin he sheweth himselfe to be a meere calumniator : for that I speaking diuers times of this matter , did neuer ioyne the Aduerbe vnlawfully with the word murthered ; but in one place only I sayd thus : that albeit Popes vpon iust causes , haue waged warrs against diuers Princes , yet they neuer caused any to be vnlawfully made away , murthered , or allowed of their murthers committed by others . Where you see the Aduerbe vnlawfully is not ioyned with the word murthered , but with the wordes made away . And the like corruption of my wordes , and peruerting my sense , he vseth afterward in the same page , with intolerable iniquity , making me to say that which was farre from my meaning , concerning the warres betwene popes and Princes ; and it is his generall fashion , neuer commonly to recite my wordes with sincerity . But he goeth forward to proue , that Popes do command murthers of Princes , saying : VVere there no example of fact extant against the Popes in this kind : yet they may command Princes to be killed , is Bellarmines owne doctrine , both Symbolical as the spirit may command the flesh to ●asting and chastisement , yea euen 〈◊〉 death it selfe , i● the spirit s●e it necessary : and Positiue also , for that Christians may not suffer an Infidell or hereticall King to raigne ouer them . So he . And out of these two arguments doth proue that Popes do , or may command Princes to be murthered . But who doth not see the folly of these arguments , which can moue nothing but laughter , or stomacke ? For albeit B●llarmine do teach that the spirit in a man may punish the flesh by fasting and chastisement , where it is necessary for the souls health ( and I could wi●h that M. Barlow had some of this spirit : ) yet may he not kil him selfe , or punish his body vnto death , as M. Barlow falsifyeth him , but cum detrimento aliquo , & debilitatione ipsius corporis , though it be with some losse and weaknes of the said body . True it is , that in another case of Martyrdome , Bellarmine teacheth that the spirit may command the flesh to yield it selfe vp to the persecutour , for defence of Christian fayth : but this is not our questiō . So as in this first point M. Barlow is foūd to falsify : & in the second , to make a foolish consequēce , that for so much as Christian men may not tolerate in some cases an Infidell Prince &c. therfore they must murther him ; as though there were no other remedy but murther : these are odious inferences , fit for such a spirit as M. Barlowes , who notwithstanding meaneth not to murther himselfe by the seuerity of Bellarmines doctrine , whom he falsely affirmeth to teach , that the spirit may subdue the flesh , by fasting and other chastisements , yea euen vnto death , nor yet to debilitate his body therby , according to Cardinall Bellarmines true doctrine . Another argument of the Popes murthers is made to be , for that he is said to haue cōmanded the body of Henry the 4. Emperour of that name , that died excōmunicated in Liege vpon the yeare 1106. to be taken out againe of his sepulcher , and thereof he inferreth , that if the Pope would vse such rage against a dead body , much more against alyue . But this argumēt houldeth no more , though the matter were true , as heere it is alledged , then the former , for that many things are done against Princes bodies when they are dead , which would not be attempted in their life tyme. Who will not confesse this to be true ? But let vs leaue the consequent , & consider the antecedēt : two things are auouched by the Apologer pag. 65. first , that the Pope ( which was then Paschal is the second ) was enraged at the yong Emperour Henry the fi●th , for giuing buryall to his fathers body , when it was dead , in the Citty of Leodium or Leige . The second was , that the Pope had stirred vp the said sonne Emperour against his Father . and for both these points were cited in the margent as wittnesses , Platina and Cuspinian in their Histories . To which I answered in my Letter , that Platina had no such matter , & that Cuspinian had the contrary , to wit , that when Henry the Father was dead and buried in a monastery at Leige , his sonne would not make peace with the Bishop of that place , called Otbert , except the dead body were pulled out of the graue againe , as it was , and so remayned for fiue yeares . This I answered to the first point , about the exhumation of the body , by the enraged sonne against his father , for taking armes against him againe , after that with common consent he had resigned the Empire vnto him : and for more proofe of this , I cited two authors more , to wit , Nauclerus and Crantzius in their histories , that affirme the same . To this now M. Barlow in his replie , sayth first neuer a word vnto the silence of Platina , nor to the testimonies of Nauclerus & Crantzius , but passeth slyly to proue another matter , that we deny not , to wit , that the bodie of the elder Henry was taken out of the graue againe at Leige , after it was buryed , but by whome or whose commaundemēt eyther of the Pope Paschalis , then liuing , or of his Sonne Henry , that lay neere by with an army , that he proueth not , which is the only point he should haue proued , to wit , that by order of the Pope the dead corps had bin tak●n out of the graue . I haue for the cōtrary besides the Authors before alledged , the manyfest authority of Vrspergensis who liued and wrote in that tyme , and might be present perhaps at t●e fact , relating the matter how after that the death of Henry the 4. was knowne to his sonne & to all the Bishops , and Archbishops that were there with him , and that notwithstanding he dyed excommunicate , his body was buryed by the B. of Leige , that had followed also his part ; the said yong Emperour , and Bishops would not admit the said Bishop of Leige vnto their communion ( though he most earnestly offered himself ) but with condition that he should both doe pennance , and besides that , take out of the sepulcher agayne the buried bodie of the said Emperour , which contrary to the Canons of the Church he had buryed the day before : his words are these : Leod●ensis autem Episcopus &c. But the B. of Leige , and other Bishops who had followed the part of Henry the 4. were receiued into communion to doe pennance with this condition , that they should take forth of the graue the dead corpes of the said excommunicate Henry , which they had buryed in a Monastery the day before . So he . And the same word pridie , the day before , hath not only Vrspergensis , but also Nauclerus , which doth euidently conuince , that this exhumation could not be commaunded by the Pope Paschalis , that liued at Rome , and could not be aduertised of the death of the Emperour Henry , and of his buriall so soone ; and much lesse giue order for his taking vp againe within the compasse of 3. or 4. dayes , if there were so many betweene his death , and his buriall . To this I do add the manifest and perspicuous testimony of Huldericus Mutius in the 16. booke of his Germane Chronicle , who speaking of the admitting to fauour of the foresaid Bishop of Leige and his people , sayth : Leodienses noluit recipere , nisi e●●ossum Genitoris sui cadauer abijcerent in locum quempiam vbi solent mortua pecora loca●i . Henry the yonger would not receaue into grace those of Leige , except they would cast out the dead body of his Father , into some place where dead beasts are wont to be cast : and this not so much for religion , sayth the same Author , as for deepe ●atred , that he had conceaued against his said Father . By all which is seene , that not the Pope , but the yong Emperour , and the Bishops & Archbishops , that were with him , hauing stood against the old Emperour , and his followers , and excommunicated the same , were the cause why the body was taken vp agayne . But now let vs see how M. Barlow doth seeke to establish the contrary , to wit , that he was digged out of his graue by commandment of the Pope , for in this he laboureth much , and alleageth for shew therof , some 5. or 6. authorities of different Authors , calling them a cloud of witnesses . For digging vp , saith he , the dead body out of his graue , that is compassed with a whole cloud of witnesses . But if in all this cloud , we find nothing in manner , but clouted fraud●s , and that no one of them hath passed his hands without corruption , then may you cal it a blacke cloud indeed . First then let vs examine the two Authors already alleadged for our cause , to wit Vrspergensis and Nauclerus , cyted here in his margent , for that he will haue thē to proue the quite cōtrary of that , for which I produced thē before . And as for Vrspergensis , he citeth his words thus : The Bishop of Leige with other of his sort were receiued into the communion of the Church ( who cast them out but the Pope ? ) vpon condition they would dig out of the graue the corps of the Emperour , which he had before buried in the Monastery . So he relateth the words of Vr●ergensis in a different letter , as though they were punctually his , which indeed they are not , but accommodated by M. Barlow , with some paring and mincing to his purpose . For wheras Vrspergensis saith , that the Bishop of Leige , and his fellow Bishops inter caetera recipiuntur in commu●●nem poenitentiae , were receaued among other conditions , to the communion of pennance , M. Barlow thought good to leaue out the word pennance : as also , where he sayth cadauer i●siu● excommunicati , the dead corps of the excommunicate Emperour , which did yield the reason of their digging vp , M. Barlow left out also the word excommunicate . But of much more moment was his leauing out the word pridie , when he saith the body of the excommunicate Emperour buried by him the day before in the Monastery should be digged vp , for by that he striketh of the head of the strongest argument that is against him , as be●ore we haue shewed . For if the Emperour were buried but one day before his exhumation was commanded , then could not that commandment come from the Pope , but m●st needs come from the Emperour & Bishops there present . Heere then is found fraud in M. Barlow his allegation ; and to publish the same more , he would needes vse the word BEFORE BVRIED in great letters , as though they had well expressed pridie tumulatum , buried the day before . But heere perhaps some will demaund , suppose this narration of V●spergensis were graunted to be true , as M. Barlow setteth it downe , how doth it proue that the Pope commanded the exhumation ? Whereunto he answereth heere by a certayne demaund , in a parenthesis , VVho cast them out ( to wit those of Liege ) but the Pope ? Wherunto I answere that the Bishops and Archbishops that were with the new Emperour , had excommunicated them long before , and the Emperour himselfe had giuen out against them the Imperiall band , which is a ciuill excommunication : which besides that it is euident by the testifications of Histories , is made cleere also by that they receaued them into communion , presently vpon the death of the old Emperour , without imparting the matter to the Pope , which they would not haue done , if the excōmunication had not come from themselues : For that no man can take away , that which he could not impose . And so here is nothing proued against the Pope , but a great good will to calumniate him . The like fraud is committed in the allegation of the other Authour Naucle●us , who , saith M. Barlow , relateth verbatim both the fact , and the reason of the fact , as Vrspergensis doth . VVherunto I answere , that it is true , that he relateth both ; but the one and the other are peruerted by M. Barlow : for thus writeth Nauclerus . Inopinata fama mortis Im●eratoris mox subsequitur &c. The vnexpected fame of the death of the old Emperour did presently ensue , which being diuulged , all those that for gayne-sake had stuck vnto him , and had sould their soules vnto him , did subiect themselues sine mora , without delay vnto the obedience of the yong Emperour , and to the Catholicke communion . But they of Liege were receaued into the said Cōmunion , with this condition , that the dead body of him that was excōmunicated , and buried the day before in a monastery , should be digged vp &c. In relating which words , we see that M. Barlow left out first the censure of the Author against them , that had followed the part of the old excōmunicated Emperour . And secondly he leaueth out , that they were reconcyled to the new Emperour , and to the Catholicke communion of the Bishops there present sine mora , without any stay , which inferreth that they could not send for the Popes consent to Rome . Thirdly , he leaueth out as he did in his former Author the words , per se pridie tumulatum ●ff●derent , that they of Leige should dig vp againe the body , which the day before they had buryed . Fourthly , he leaneth out these words that ensued , comprobātibu● his qui aderant Archiepiscopis & Episcopis , the Archbishops and Bishops that were present approuing and giuing their consents . To whome ? To the new Emperour that would needs haue it so : which deliuereth the Pope from hauing any part therin . And doth not M. Barlow trim vp Authors well that passe through his hands to make them serue his purpose ? But now you must heare the trymming of another , which is Cuspinian the Historiographer , whom I denied before , to affirme that Pope Paschalis was enraged with the new Emperour Henry the fifth , for burying his Father , as was said in the Apologie , but rather the contrary . For that when King Henry the Father ( said I ) was dead , and buryed in a Monastery at Leige , Cuspinian writeth , that his Sonne would not make peace with the Bishop of that place , called Otbert , except the dead corpes were pulled out of the graue againe : which words he sayth , that I alleadged as Cuspinian his owne words . But I deny it , but only I alledged his sense , as may appeare in that I did not recite them in a different letter , as is accustomed by them that deale playnly , when the proper words of any Author are alleaged , though M. Barlow doth not obserue this with me , but alledgeth as my words , euery where cōmonly in a different letter , those which are not my words , nor often times my sense , but either framed of himself , or so interlaced with speaches of his owne , as that it is a quite different thing from that which I do say . Let the Reader examine but some few places , as they come , cōferring his booke , and my booke togeather , and he shall see , that I haue good reason to make this complaint of his perfidious dealing therein . But now to the present case . M. Barlow affirmeth that the latyn words of Cusp●●●●● are , Filio procurante , non potuit reconciliari Episcopus Leodiensis , nisi exhumaretur cadauer , by the Sonnes procurement the Bishop of Leige could not be reconciled , except the dead body were taken out of the ground againe . Out of which words I did inferre , that the Bishop of Leige could not be reconciled to the other Bishops , but vpon condition , that the body should be taken vp , and this at the procurement of the yong Emperour . And for so much , as his reconciliation with the said Bishops did imply also his reconciliation with the Emperour , he that letted the one , letted the other , which was the yong Emperour himself , who though himself would not for respectes ( the Bishop being a potent man ) vtterly deny to admyt his submission ; yet did he procure the stay therof by others ( to wit , by the Archbishops and Bishops ) vntill he had yielded vnto the condition of taking vp the dead body , & consequētly the thing is true , which I alledged out of Cuspinian that the yong Emperour would not make peace with the Bishop of Leige except the body were taken vp ; for so much as himself was he , that had letted that reconciliation , as here appeareth , and procured also as may be supposed the great reprehension which was giuen to the said Bishop and his cōpany , when they were admitted , wherof Crantzius speaketh when he sayth , ad fidem Regis confugiētes grauiter increpati rec●piuntur , they making their refuge to the protectiō of the Emperour , they were admitted , but with a grieuous reprehensiō : & this among other causes ( no doubt ) for hauing buryed the dead body of the Excōmunicate Emperour . This then being the playne meaning and sense of Cus●●●ian his alleaged speach , let vs see how M. Barlow doth trym vp the same for his turne : The ●ords of Cuspinian ( sayth he ) are playne , Filio procurante , non potuit reconciliari ●piscopus Leodi●●sis , nisi exh●maretur cadau●r . That is , By the Sōnes procuremēt , ( at whose hands but the Popes ? for what needed any procurement by himselfe to himselfe ? ) the Bishop could not be reconciled ( to whom but to the Pope , who had accursed both Church and Churchmen at Liege , for burying the Emperour ? ) except the dead body were taken vp againe . So M. Barlow . Where you may see , that in this only translation of two latyn lines , he hath inserted twice two falsities of his owne , against the Authors owne sense , & meaning . The first is , that the Emperour had procured the stay of the Bishops reconciliation at the Popes hands , which could not be for the breuity of time , and distance of places , as before hath bene shewed : nor doth it agree with the sense of Cuspinian and other Authors that haue the words mox , fine mora , pridie , and the like . The second is in his second interrogation , what needed any procurement by himselfe to himself ? which is a fallacy , for that a man being desirous to stay a sute , & yet not willing to take all the enuy vpon himselfe , may procure that the stay may seeme to come from others . The third fallacy is in his other demaund , to whom could not the Bishop of Liege be reconciled , but to the Pope ? Yes to the Archbishops , Bishops and others , out of whose communion he was cast forth before , as now hath bene shewed . The fourth vntruth is , that the Pope had excōmunicated both the Church and all Church-men of Liege , for burying of the Emperour , which cannot be true , as now hath bene declared , for that in so short a space as 2. or 3. dayes , newes could not be sent to Rome , and answere be returned ; and much lesse such an Excommunication be sent . And albeit M. Barlow for this last do cyte Viterbiēsis : saying , that he liued in those very times ; yet he being an Italiā , & liuing neere ●n hundred yeares after the fact , might be misinformed . And howsoeuer it be , the credit of his owne relation is not to be matched with that of so many other Authors , and namely of V●spergensis , that liued at the very same time , and with the said two Henryes , the Father and the Sonne . There remaine three other Authors cyted by M. Barlow , who are Helmoldus in his History of Sclauonia , Sigoni●● in his ninth booke De regno Italia , & Binnius in his last edition of the Councels , all which he cyteth to proue this poynt , that Pope Paschalis did forbid the buriall of the dead body of Henry the fourth . But in all this is voluntary fraud , & M. Barlow could not but know it , going about to deceaue his Reader by Equiuocation in the time . For albeit Pope Paschalis did not , nor had time to forbid the first buriall , after the Emperour was d●ad , nor yet commaunded the taking vp therof againe , as now by many witnesses , and other arguments hath bene proued : yet the said body being once taken vp , and carried to Spire , and there placed in the Chappell of S. Asra , in sarcophago lapideo saith Cuspinian , in a tombe of stone , where it remayned fiue yeares , before it was buryed solemnely in the Church of our Lady : In this time ( I say ) the Pope informed perhaps of more of his enormityes of life , & not to seeme to condemne the fact of so many Archbishops , and Bishops , who had excommunicated him , as among others , Dodechinus Abbas that liued presently after the fact doth testify , and to the terrour of others that should liue , and dye out of the Church in excommunication : for these and other reasons ( I say ) Pope Paschalis seing the body placed already in a sacred Chappel , was not easily moued for some time , to haue the same solemnly and publikely buryed ; though at length his Sonne in respect of his honour , desired and demaunded the same . But what is this to proue our chiefe question , whether the said Pope did forbid the first buriall , or commanded him to be digged vp againe , when he was buryed ? Where is the Cloud of VVitnesses that should proue this ? No one of these three last alleaged doth auerre it , no not as M. Barlow corruptly alleadgeth their words . For out of Helmodus he cyteth them thus : Tanta seueritate Dominus Papa in ipsum vl●us est , vt humari non sineret : the Pope did pursue him with such seuerity , as being dead he suffered him not to be buryed : which could not be at the first buriall , and consequently must be vnderstood of the subs●quent time , when he lay in the Chappell of S. Afra . I pretermit the sleight of M. Barlow heere , laying all vpon the Pope alone , wheras the Author saith , Papa & 〈◊〉 ad●ersary ciu● , the Pope and other of his aduersaryes did pursue him , & speaketh still in the plurall nūber . Sigenius also speaketh to the very same effect , that the Emperours body lay vnburyed for fiue yeares , in a certaine de●art Cell of a Church , Pontifice id sepeliri vetante , the Pope prohibiting the same to be buryed : which must needs be vnderstood in like māner of the time ensuing , after the first taking vp of the body . And finally Binnius maketh no more to his purpose then the other , but sayth the same thing , though he haue taken more paines in corrupting him then the rest . For thus ●e relateth him to say : the Emperours body being put into the earth , hortatu Papa , by the Popes perswasion it ●a● digged out againe , and remayned alo●e ground fiue yeares . And heere you will find a notable patching , to make vp a sense without a Verbe , and therby seeme to say somewhat , but flying the true words , and contexture indeed , as they lye in the Author , which are these : C●m hortatu Papae defuncti & excommunicati cadau●r exhumatum quinque annis insepultum reliquisset anno Domini 1110. Romani pety● &c. Wheras Henry the fifth by perswasion of the Pope had left the dead body of the Excōmunicate Emperor , taken out of the graue , vnburied for fiue yeares , he went vpō the yeare 1110. to Rome &c. By which words we see , that the Popes perswasiō was not to haue the dead corps digged vp againe , but forsomuch as his Father died in excōmunication , & that his body was now taken vp , he should leaue the same vnburyed ( according to the Canons , for terrour of others ) and not that he perswaded it to be taken vp , as it was in Leige : or this was not possible , as before hath bene shewed . And why now had not M. Barlow recited the whole sentence , as it lay in Binniu● ? Why should he vse such nipping & paring in his allegations , but that Iuglers must not be seene in all their knacks ? If his cause were good , he would not need these shifts . And by this also we may discouer the foundation of a great many of other impertinent discourses , and assertions which M. Ba●low maketh in this place , both out of Viterbiensis and Baronius , to proue that the Sonne Emperour was ●ory to haue his Father lye vnburyed , and therfore he alleadgeth out of Viterbiensis : Filius ossa Patris doluit fore c●● sceleratis , It grieued the Sonne , that his Father should lye amongst wicked men . Baronius is also alleaged to affirme out of Petrus Diaconus ( not Paulus , as M. Barlow erroneously , or ignorantly doth name him , for that Petrus , & Paulus Diaconus , were different Authors , and liued long one after another : ) Baronius , I say , is affirmed to relate out of the said Petrus , that amongst other points in a certaine consultatiō , betweene the Popes Commissioners , and the Emperours , neere vnto Rome in the yeare 1110. it was demaunded by the Emperour , that his Fathers dead body might be interred , and that the Pope denyed the same . But neyther of these points do make against vs , nor in fauour of M. Barlow his assertion , for that we deny not , but that Pope Paschalis , for the reasons before touched , was , after some time that the body had bene taken vp and placed in the Chappell of S. Afra in Spire , vnwilling to yield to the sollemne , and sumptuous reburyall therof , the man dying excommunicate , and out of the Church , and the memory of his many violent actions against the Church , being yet fresh in all mens minds . But what proueth this to our principall controuersie , whether the Pope did prohibite his first buryall , and commanded his disinterring in Leige● Do you not see how M. Barlow fighteth in the ayre with the wind , and runneth from the purpose in euery thing he taketh in hand , and yet braggeth of a cloud of witnesses ? But I hope I haue cleered the ayre , and dispersed all these smoky clouds . But it is worth the considering how besides this deuiation , he vseth both Baronius , and Petrus Diaconus , in relating out of their testimonies Pope Paschalis his answere to the yong Emperors Cōmissioners when they proposed the matter , of the solemne burying of his Father some foure yeares after his body had bene taken vp in Leige , by the said Sonnes commandement . M. Barlow relateth the matter ironic● thus . The Pope yielded presently to the demaund , with a strong negatiue , and tells him , it may not be , and giues him his reason , for that he had receiued a terrible iniunction from the Martyrs deceased , and in those places shrined , that he should suffer no wicked persons to be buryed within their Church , for they would not indure it . And all this relateth M. Barlow in a different letter as if they were the very words of the Author , and diuers clauses he setteth out in great letters , which cōmonly are great lies , and not found in the Author . I shall set downe the true words as they stand in Baronius , taken out of Petrus Diaconus . Ad hoc respondit Paschalis &c. To this demaund of the Emperour , about the buryall of his Father . Pope Paschalis answered : The authority of holy Scripture is against this , and the reuerence we beare to diuine miracles doth forbid the same , for that Martyrs themselues now placed in heauen haue dreadfully cōmanded , that the carcasses of haynous wicked men should be cast out of their Chappell 's , and with whom we haue not had communion in their liues , we may not communicate when they are dead . These are the words of Paschalis verbatim , which M. Barlow hath trymmed to his purpose , as you see . For if he had set them downe sincerely as he found them in the Authour , they would not haue appeared so ridiculous , as he desired they should appeare , and therefore spiced them after his owne fashion . For first the Pope beginneth not , with that strong negatiue , It may not be , set downe in great letters , but only sayth , that the authority of holy Scriptures was against it , alledging , as may be presumed , to th●se places of Scriptures , wherin separation is willed to be made , betweene the good and the bad , the wicked and godly , especially such are curst out of the Church for their contempt , and dyed in the same contempt , according to that saying of our Sauiour , si ●cclesiam non audierit , sit tibi tamquam ●thnicus & Pu●licanus : if he heare not the Church , let him be vnto thee as an Heathen , and Publican . And we may see by the diligence of Tobie , and other holy men , how carefull they were least the bodies of the faithfull people , should be mingled with Gentils , which S. Augustine , and other Fathers do much commend , and for auoyding wherof euen from the beginning of Christianity , places of speciall buriall for Christians were prouided , as appeareth by S. Dionysius Areopagita in the end of his Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie , which places afterward were named in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , C●emeteria , that is to say dormitories or sleeping places : for that Christians deaths are accompted but for sleepes , appeareth by the Apostle . And the holy Martyr S. Cyprian , and others after him do often make mention of these Cemeteries , or burials of Christians : and among other thinges , the foresaid S. Cyprian writing an Epistle to the Clergy , and people of a certaine Church in Spaine against one Martialis , that had committed Idolatry , he accuseth him among other poynts ; quod filus apud profana sepulchra depositos , & alienigenis consepultos permisisset : that he had suffered his children to be depositated in prophane sepulchers , and to be buried with such as were externes , & not of the same Church and communion . This was the care at that time , but much more afterward did the Church by speciall prouision of Ecclesiasticall Canōs , ordayne that Infidels , Hereticks , Schismaticks , and excommunicated persons , should not be buried togeather in sacred buriall , as well for the instruction and terror of such sortes of men , as also for the reason alleaged heere by the Pope , that with whome we haue had no communion in life , we should not communicate after death : which reason M. Barlow in his playne dealing thought good to leaue out , as also the mention of the authority of holy Scripture , named by the Pope , and the reuerence due to diuine miracles . There remayneth then the chiefe iest , brought in by M. Barlow , of the terrible iniunction , which the Pope said he had receaued from the Martyrs deceased and shrined in those places , that he should suffer no wicked persons , within their Churches , for they would not indure ●t . In which few lines cōsider I beseech you how many corruptions there be , and confesse that M. Barlow is a craftes man indeed . First the Author doth not say that the Pope himself had receiued this terrible iniunction frō the Martyrs shryned in those places , as M. Barlow doth , but only that Martyrs now in heauen had so commaunded , but by what reuelation , or to whome , or when , he sayth not : so as it might be many yeares before , and in far different places that the apparitions had bene made . For that Martyrs haue often tymes appeared to good men , and reueiled somewhat touching their owne or other mens bodies , is euident by all Ecclesiasticall histories , wherof we haue example of the Saints Geruasius and Protasius , in S. Ambrose , S. Augustine , and others : and of the apparition of S. Fa●stinus Martyr in Brixia , commaunding the remouall frō thence of the body of Valerianus Patricius , whereof S. Gregory wryteth , as also of other examples to the like effect in the ensuing Chapters . Secondly he doth not say , that the Martyrs commaunded to suffer no wicked persons to be buried within their Churches , for that were hard , that no sort of euill men should be admitted to buriall within Saints Churches : but the apparitions must be presumed to haue bene at certayn particuler places , vpon particuler occasions , where the said Martyrs willed , vt sceleratorum corpora de suis basilicis ei●cerentur , that the bodyes of certayn heynous wicked men , such as Infidells , Hereticks , excommunicated persons are , should be cast out of their Chappels . Why doth M. Barlow confine the matter to these Martyrs , that were deceased & shrined in those places of Germany , where the Emperours body lay ? Hath he a generall licence , to take away or adde what he listeth to his Authors words ? And finally those last words , that they would not indure it , written in great letters , where doth he find them ? And if he find them not , who gaue him leaue to add them , and crowne his owne inuention with Capitall letters ? Is there no law of truth or sincerity ? Is it lawfull for euery man to deuise , add , alter , cut of , or disguise what he wil without controlment ? Is this the liberty of Ghospellers ? There haue bene now alleadged by him about this point some eight seueral authors , Cuspinian , Helmodus , Vrspergensis , Nauclerus , Sigonim , Binnius , Baronius , and Petrus Diaconus , and euery one hath receaued his cut . Will euer Catholicke writer be found that dealeth so with authors ? And so much of this point . Then followeth the other , whether the Pope did stir vp the Emperours Sonne , that is Henry the 5. against his Father . And first I sayd that it could not be verified of Pope Hildebrand , called Gregory the seauenth , for that the rebellion of the sonne succeded after Gregories death , and the report also was , that Gregory the 7. before his death had absolued the same Emperour Henry the fourth . And this I alleadged out of the Apologers owne author Cuspinian : and moreouer I shewed that the said Cuspinian affirmed , that the rising of the Sonne against his Father , was by the perswasion of the Marques Theobald , and of Ber●ngarius Count of Noricum , now called St●ria , and of Otho which was neere a kinne vnto him by his Mothers side : and for confirmation of this , I alleadged foure other Historiographers besides , to wit Vrspergensis , Nauclerus , Crantzius , and Sigonius . To all which authorities M. Barlow replyeth neuer a word in this his answer : yet to the former point wherin I said , that the report was , that Gregory the 7. did before his death absolue the Emperour , he answereth thus . First this is written but for a report , then which there is nothing more vncertaine , saith the Orator . But yet what followes h●erof , therfore the Pope stirred not vp the Sonne against the Father ? A weake consequent . Whereto I answere that the consequent is good , and strong to proue , that Pope Gregory the 7. of whome I spake , did not stir vp the Sonne against the Father , if he absolued him , especially if you ioyne this with the other alledged by me , that he tooke not armes against the Father , till after the said Popes death . And as for the other Popes that followed , Victor , Vrbanus , and Pas●halis , vnder whome the rising of the Sonne against his Father was ; and vnder whome the said Henry the 4. died almost twenty yeares after the death of Gregory the seauenth , the testimonies now alleadged of those other three Noble men that stirred the said Sonne against the father , do sufficiently deliuer the sequ●nt Popes from that calumniatiō of setting him on ; albeit it is not denied , but that diuers yeares after , when that all the States of Germany did generally so much mislike the life & gouernment of Henry the fourth , as by common consent and counsaile they determined that it was conuenient , and necessary for the good of Christēdome , that he should giue ouer his gouernment to his said sonne Henry the 5. Paschalis the second of that name Pope , being informed by the said States , of the said necessity , and that Christendome otherwise could not be quieted , nor infinite miseries , calamities and abuses remedied , he concurred with them , with his consent and approbation , though himselfe were at Rome . And the Diet or meeting of the States was held at Mentz , from which Parlament were sent , in the name of the Pope , and all the rest , three Archbishops , to wit , of Mentz , Cullen , and VVormes , all Princes of the Empire , to take from him , that was prisoner in a little castell neere vnto that place , all the Imperiall ornaments , and ensignes belonging to that State , and to deliuer them ouer to his sonne Henry ; and so was it done . And what more orderly proceeding could there be then this , in an act of such quality ? M. Barlow maketh it a hainous point , against the Pope for dealing in the matter ; and bringeth in the testimonies both of Sigonius & Genebrard , to aggrauate the same ; but both of them ( as alwaies ) somwhat corrupted : for albeit he do alleadge these words of Sigonius truly , which were spoken by the fores●id t●ree Embassadors vnto Henry the 4. Pon●●fici Principibusque Germaniae placuit &c. It hath seemed good to the Pope , and to the Princes of Germany , that thou be depriued : yet doth he craftily leaue out the reasons yielded of the said deposition by the Embassadors , to wit , quia tu deterrimo dissidio multos iam annos Dei Ecclesiam lacerasti &c. for that thou hast rent the Church of God many yeares by most wicked breach of discord , and for that thou hast put to sale both Bishoprickes , Abbeys , and all other Ecclesiasticall dignities ; and that thou hast broken all lawfull order in choosing of Bishops &c. And that M. Barlow may not except against the testimony of these Embassadours because they were then in actuall opposition against him , their sentence in this behalfe may be confirmed by one who was not the Popes friend , but of great authority , as I suppose with M. Barlow , to wit Iohn Caluyn himself , who in his 4. booke of Institutions sayth thus : Henricus Imperator eius nominis quartus , 〈◊〉 leuis & temerarius &c. Henry the 4. Emperour of that name an vnconstant and rash man , of no wit , very audacious , and of dissolute life , had the Bishopricks of all Germany exposed in his Court , partly to sale , and partly to pillage . And a litle after : Erat Henricus &c. This Henry for his very insolent manner of gouernement was odious to the most part of the Princes . So he . But not to depart from Sigonius , of whose testimony we now specially treat , he that shall read what he relateth of him out of Helmodus and Dodec●i●●● touching the horrible abuse done to the Empresse his wife called Adelis , by his commandement , will be ashamed if he haue any shame in him , to praise and commend a man of so monstrous iniquity , as I for my part do for meere shame forbeare to expresse the thing . And besides that , his other excesses were so enormous in the eies of all disapassionate men , as he of all others may least seeme worthy to be produced for an example , of such as haue susteined wrong at the hands of the Pope , in regard that all the courses held against him , both by Popes and Princes , may in respect of his outragious demerits seeme to haue bene very myld , moderate , and gentle . And so much for Sigonius . The other wordes of Genebrard also are cited with diminution , by saying that Genebrard commeth not short of Sigonius , who saith , that this was done ( to wit the deposition ) iussu Paschalis Pontifi●is , by the commandement of Pas●halis the Pope , leauing out the next words , & Principum qui ad generalia Comitia conuenerant ; and of the Princes of Germany that met in that vniuersall Diet or Parliament at Mentz : so as euery thing is heere minced to the purpose , & scarce any thing set down sincerely & simply throughout the whole booke . And as for the principall point , that M. Barlow would and should proue in this place , that Pope Paschal●● did set on the sonne against his Father ; now you haue seene , that those his two authorities alleaged of Sigonius , and Genebrard , that he concurred with the generall Diet in Germany , do proue it nothing at all , for that the Election of the Emperour by seauen German Electors , hauing bene appointed by the Sea Apostolike not much aboue an hundred yeares before that time , to wit , by Gregory the 5. that crowned Otho the 3. and annexed the Imperiall dignity to the Germane nation , Pope Paschalis hauing by this meanes , besides all other , so great right to haue a hand in this matter , for the good of Christendome , cannot be said to haue stirred vp the sonne to rebellion , when he concurred with the whole State of Germany for the translation of the Crowne , from the Father to the Sonne . Nor whē the said Sonne took armes against him afterwardes , doth any probable author ascribe it to the Pope , but expresly vnto others , and namely to the three noble men before mentioned out of Cuspinian ? Vnto which three noble men in like manner Vrspergensis , that was present , & saw what passed , doth ascribe the said rebelliō vpon the yeare 1105. without euer mentioning the Pope , against whome notwithstanding the said Vrspergensis as one that followed the part of Henry the fourth vseth no fauour at all in his relations , and consequently may be a witnes without exception , as also may be Huldericus Mutius , a Protestant German ●riter , whose wordes are : Henricus filius quorumdam consilijs seductus , aduersus Patrem moli●ur res nouas : Henry the Sonne being seduced by the counsailes of certaine men , did attempt new thinges against his Father : and in all his narration he toucheth not the Pope , ascribing any part therin vnto him . And this shall be sufficient for this matter . And as for the other point that he toucheth out of Cuspinian and Sigebertus , that Pope Gregory the 7. did acknowledge at his death , that he had molested Henry the 4. vniustly , and was sory for the same , besides that it maketh nothing to our purpose for stirring vp the sōne against the father , which hapned almost 20. yeares after Gregories death , none of th● doth alledge it as a thing certaine , but as a report , which M. Barlow a little before proued out of the Orator to be vncertaine : besides that they do not agree in the narration in diuers points : & finally for the most of them , they are plainly contradicted by a multitude of witnesses , which you may read layd togeather , both by Doctor Sanders in his Monarchie , and Cardinall Bellarmine in his 4. booke de Rom. Pontifice . And so I shall need to say no more in this matter . ABOVT THE DEATH OF HENRY the third King of France : whether it may be an example of the Popes allowance of such murt●ers ? As also about the late Queene of England . §. II. FOR another example and proofe , that Popes are wont to allow murthers of Princes is brought in a certayne Oration which Pope Sixtus Quintus is sayd to haue made in the Consistory with admiration and praise of that fact , and that the fryar which committed the murther , should haue beene canonized for the fact , if some Cardinalls out of their wisdome had not resisted the same : whereunto was answered both by me first , and afterward by Cardinall Bellarmine , that no such oration was euer extant in Rome , or els where , but onely amongst the Protestants in forrain Countreys , that wrote against it in their declamatory Inuectiue , intituled Anti Sixtus , who in this against the Pope deserues smal credit . Onely it is acknowledged that Sixtus in a secret Consistory vpon the first news of the fact , did vtter a certayn speach in admiration of the strange prouidence of almighty God ( said I ) in chastising by so vnexpected a way , so ●oule and impious a murther , as that King had committed vpon a Prince , & Cardinall Archbishop ( & those two also of nearest bloud to his Maiesty of England ) without any forme of iudgment at all , & that a spectacle hereby of Gods iustice was proposed vnto Princes to be moderate in their power and passions , for that in the midst of his great & royal army , and corporall guards , he was strangely slaine by a simple vnarmed man , when he nothing lesse expected , or feared , then such a disasterous death . To this now M. Barlow replies with great excesse of railing against the Pope , saying , that the Oration was made , & that the Pope therin was like yong Elihu whose words boyled within him for ioy of the fact , like new wine in a bottle , & with open mouth , & stretched sydes & glorious tearmes he did hyperbolize both the author , manner and fact , and that this Oration was like to haue rec●aued in that Consistory an Herods Plaudite in Deifying the Pope , & canonizing the fryar &c. All which as it hath no other proofe but the assertion of M. Barlowes wild and vnruly tongue , so is it easily contemned by any man of discretion , especially since there be so many graue men , Cardinal● and Bishops yet aliue that can testify of the matter , and Gentlemen that were at Rome also at that tyme , and neuer saw or heard that euer any such Oration of Pope Sixtus Quintus was extant , or made by him in allowance , or approbation of that horrible fact of the fryar , though otherwise as I sayd , he did highly admire the strāge prouidence of God in chastising by so vnexpected a way , so foule and impiou● a murther , as that King had committed against all order of law and iustice . Secondly then hauing nothing in effect to say to this ; yet for that he is bound to say something for his fee allready receiued , he thought best to carpe at those wordes of m●ne , that Pope Sixtus did highly admire the strange prouidence of God in his vnexpected Iustice vpō the sayd King ; and so iesting at my words of strange prouidence , he saith , A fit Epithete doub●les , and fetched from profound 〈◊〉 : for can Gods prouidence be strange , which in the vniuersall gouerment of the world , and guidance with protection of particuler creatures , i● daily and continuall ? Well then here M. Barlow will needs shew the profundity of his Diunity , and the shallownes of his aduersary . And in very deed he vttereth diuers profundityes , which are so deepe , as I thinke that the Reader will say , when he hath considered of them that himselfe vnderstood them not , when he set them downe , and much lesse that he can iustify them in the Readers vnderstanding . I shall touch some of them in order . The first profundity that he vttereth , is in his first question or demand , which now yow haue heard , to wit : Can Gods prouidence be strange which is daily and continuall ? As though it could not . And in this demand two positions are contained if yow marke the matter , and both of them false : the first , that the prouidence of God in those effectes , which are daly and continuall , can not be strange and admirable : the second , that this euent whereof we intreat to wit , of the King of France his vnexpected chastisement from God , is daily and continuall . And who will not laugh at these two profundityes of M. Barlowes diuinity , neither of them being iustifyable in the eyes of any man of meane capacity ? As for the first , I remit him to S. Augustine his learned discourse vpon the miracle of our Sauiour in S. Iohns Ghospell , when he did feed fiue thousand men with two barley-loaues : vpon which place the sayd learned Father maketh a notable discourse to proue the quite contrary of M. Barlowes assertion , to wit , that many things of Gods prouidence , and heauenly power that fall out daily and continually , are as strange and admirable ( mira stupenda ) in themselues , as other things that fall out seldome , and by their seldom euents doe seeme more strange ; and he guieth an example of the daily gouernmēt of the whole world , the course and continance of the starres , the multiplying of graines of corne in the ground , which is no lesse meruaylous then the multiplying of those two loaues to the feeding of fiue thousand people : and yet sayth S. Augustine this is wondred at , and the other not wondred at , non quia maius est , sed quia rarum est , not for tha● it is a greater miracle , but for that it falleth out more seldome . So as according to S. Augustine the effects of Gods power and prouidence which are continuall , and fall out daily , are no lesse strange and admirable in themselues , for that they are so common : seing the strangnes therof is not to be vnderstood as M. Barlow would haue it , onely for the rarenes of the euent ( for then it should seeme strange that M. Barlow should speake a wise word , because he doth it so seldom ) but for some thing which is admirable in the worke it selfe , whether the same be seldome or cōmon : and this also , especially in the iudgment of wise men , as here M. Barlow will seeme to be accounted : but that this first depth of his helpeth him nothing to the attayning of that good opinion . His second depth also or profundity contained in this question , which is , that this euent of King Henry of France his vnexpected chastisment by so an vnimaginable means of a simple fryar , and other like circumstances , is daily and continuall , and consequently neither strange nor admirable , is such a depth , that euery shallow wit will easily discerne it to be both false and fond , and against experience it selfe . For how many such examples can M. Barlow produce to haue happened in many ages togeather , & much lesse daily and continually , and therby to be neyther strange not wonderfull ? But now his third profundity standeth in another question immediatly ensuing vpon the former , which is deep indeed , and passeth all sense and vnderstanding . For is any thing strange in Gods prouidence ( saith he ) which seeth things to come , as if they were present and existent ? Which demaund is quite from the purpose : for our question is , whether Gods prouidence in his workes & effects may be called strange and admirable in our eyes , as this of the King of France his punishment ; and not whether any thing can be strange or admirable in the eyes of God , and his eternall prouidence . ●he●e questions are as ●arre different , as are the vnderstanding of God and man , and the two poles the one from the other . But will you heare another profundity of his , in another question . Can visible acts ( sayth he ) be called Gods pro●●●●●● And why not Syr , as they are the effects of Gods prouidence , & do proceed from the same ? As when we see certaine effects of Gods iustice vpon any wicked man ; we truly say it is Gods Iustice. And the like when we see certaine eminent works of Gods mercy towards any people , Countrey , or priuate person , we truly say , that it was Gods mercy towards them , and so in all the rest of Gods attributes , though they remayne in God , and be the selfe same thing with God : yet when they worke , and their effects be apparent , we do cōmonly call the effects by the names of the attributes themselues , that is to say , the effects of Gods iustice , are called Gods Iustice ; the effects of his Mercy , are called his Mercyes ; of his Wisedome , his Wisdome ; of his Prouidence , his Prouidence ; which as it is most true , so notwithstanding my words were with more exactnes vttered , then M. Barlow would seeme to take them , I saying that Pope Sixtus Quintus did highly admire the Prouidence of God , in chastising so ●oule a murther : so as I distinguished betweene the cause and the effect , and betweene Gods prouidence , and the chastisement of the King proceeding from the same : wherby is preuented a certain petty florish made by M. Barlow , by naming the definition of Schoolemen to be , that Gods Prouidence is so farre forth called Gods Prouidence , as it remaineth in his secret Counsaile : but when it sheweth it selfe in effects sensible , then is it called Fatum , and not Prouidentia . And for this he cyteth in the margent , Aquinas , summa contra Gentes , but no place at all where ( the said worke being great , and contayning foure Bookes , and aboue an hundred and fourescore Chapters ) the thing may be found , which is a common shift of his , when he will not be vnderstood , nor found out . But the worst of all is , that the poore man vnderstandeth not one scrap of what he hath read in S. Thomas , or other Schole-men concerning this matter , for they do not say , as he doth , that Gods Prouidence is no longer called Prouidence , then it remayneth secret in Gods counsaile , and that when it sheweth it selfe in sensible effects it is no more prouidence , but Fatum : but thus they say , that wheras Gods prouidence hath two partes in it , the one which is in the mind of Almighty God to dispose of all thinges in the world , how they shall fall out ; and the second the execution of this disposition by secondary causes : this second part of Gods prouidence conteyning the cōnexion & order of the secōdary causes , is called , though improperly saith S. Thomas , Fatum , destiny , for that in respect of Gods immoucable order in his disposition , the second causes doe worke infallibly , though in producing their effects some worke necessarily , some casually , some freely . Hereby then we see first , that M. Barlow vnderstood not his Authors , in saying that Gods Prouidence is so farre forth called Gods Prouidence only , as it remayneth in Gods secret counsaile : for as Saint Thomas in the booke by him alleadged , saith , Gods Prouidence hath two partes , the one is ordinatio or ●ispositio rerum , the other is ordin●● executio per causas secundas , which second is called fatum , or destiny ; but yet is a part of Prouidence , as yow see , and therby doth M. Barlow erre grossely in contraposing it to Prouidence , saying it is called fatum , and not prouidence , wheras fatum is a part of prouidence , as appeareth by that which hath beene said : but yet more grosly doth he erre , when he sayth that when Gods Prouidence doth shew it selfe in sensible effects , it is destiny & not prouidence , for that this Fatum , or destiny consisteth , as it hath beene said , in the order & connexion of the second causes , before they worke their effect , & not in the sensible effects themselues , when they are now produced , and extra causas . And so by this we see in part M. Barlowes profundity in Schoole-diuinity . But we haue not yet done , for that he goeth forward against the Pope , saying : If after the murther of the King of France , the Pope had seene that some really true , not partially supposed good , had bene effectuated by the Parricyde , that should he truly and only haue ascribed to Gods Prouidence , as Ioseph applyed his being in Egypt , for the reliefe of his kinred vnto Gods permission , but not vnto his brethrens sale &c. And heere now we see another profundity , not so much of Diuinity , as eyther of ignorance or impiety , ascribing only vnto Gods Prouidence things that in our eyes seeme good and profitable , wherin he impiously abridgeth Gods Prouidence , which is ouer all things without exception eyther dispositiuè or permissiuè , by ordayning , or by permitting : as he might haue seene in the Author by him alleadged , I meane S. Thomas in his question de Prouidentia , not that God is the Author of sinne , or of the obliquity therof , as Caluin & his followers wickedly affirme , but that God doth vse euen naughty and sinfull actions oftentimes to his glory , and to the vniuersall good of his gouernment : and so he vsed the wicked action of Herod , Pylate , and others to the furthering of Christ his sacred passion : for so it is sayd expressly in the Acts of the Apostles vnto God himself , that Herod & Pilate togeather with the Gentils and Iewes conspired against our Sauiour , facere quae manus tua & consilium tuum decreuerunt fieri , to do those things which thy hand & counsaile haue determined to be done . To which effect many other places of Scripture might be alleadged : wherby it is euident that the admiring of Gods Prouidence in such actions , is not an allowāce of the thing it selfe , as lawfull in the doer , for that no man will say , that the Apostles did allow the actions of Herod & Pilate , in putting Christ to death , though they do acknowledge it as we haue now seene to haue come by the particuler prouidence of almighty God : & consequently all that idle speach which is here vsed by M. Barlow against Pope Sixtus Q●intus , that he did not as King Dauid did , in detesting Ioab for his trayterous slaughter of Abner , but would haue canonized the Fryar , if some Cardinals had not resisted : this speach , I say , is very idle indeed . For neuer was there any such cogitation knowne to haue bene in the Pope for canonizing that man , nor did the Pope euer prayse , or allow the fact , as often hath bene sayd : nor doth M. Barlow know , how he would haue dealt with the sayd Fryar for the same , if he had escaped death , and had bene in his power to punish him : so that all heere is spoken out of passion , and will to calumniate : much also out of errour and ignorance , as hath bene sayd , as namely , that nothing is to be ascribed to Gods Prouidence , but that which to vs seemeth really true , good , and not partially so supposed . So as heere a man is made iudge , what is to be ascribed to Gods Prouidence and what not . In which case I doe not see how the actions of Herod & Pilate could well be ascribed to Gods prouidence , as the Apostles did ascribe them . I do not see also , how M. Barlow can mantaine his assertion here set downe , that the selling of Ioseph into Egypt by his brethren was not by Gods Prouidence , but only as he sayth for the reliefe of his kinred ; which the Patriarch Ioseph doth seeme plainly to contradict , when discouering himselfe vnto his brethren , he said : I am your Brother Ioseph whom you sold into Egypt , be not afrayd , nor let it seeme vnto you a hard thing , that you sold me into these Regions , for that God sent me before you into Egypt for your safety . And more plainly in the last of Genesis , where the Patriarch speaking to his Brethren , sayth : Vos cogitas●is de me malum &c. you thought to do me hurt , but God turned it to good , to exalt me , as at this present you see , and to saue many people . And are not these words playne , that the whole action of Ioseph his selling into Egypt was by Gods permissiue prouidence ? Or will M. Barlowes profound diuinity teach vs , that in the selfe same mysterious actions , one part is subiect to Gods Prouidence , and the other not ? The last example brought forth to proue the Pops accustomed attempts for murthering Princes , is that of Queene ●lizabeth , late Queene of England , against whose life was obiected many attemptes to haue beene made by priuity and incitation of diuers Popes ; but I desired some proofes therof : whereto was answered in th●se words , for veryfication of this , there needeth no more proofe , then that neuer Pope , eyther then or since called any Church-man in question for medling in those treasonable conspiracyes . To which my words of answer were : And needeth there noe more Syr but this ( quoth I ) to condemne both Confessors and Popes , for that no Pope hath called into question or punished any Clergy-man for such like attempts ? what if he neuer knew of any such attempt , nor beleiued , that there were any such really designed ? What if he neuer heard of any Clergie man accused , except such as were put to death by the Queene herselfe , and so were sufficiently punished , whether they were culpable or innocent ? To all which demands of myne M. Barlow answereth with great impatience . For where I demand , And needeth there no more , Syr , for proofe but this ? His answere is : There needeth no more ( CVRR ) but that . But this I ascribe to his choller . And for that he bringeth no other thing of any moment about this matter , & that I haue spoken largely els where of Queene Elizabeth her affaires ; I shall here pretermitt the residue of the trifles , which M. Barlow for lengthening his booke bringeth in , spicing the same euery where with most virulent raylings ; as the examples of Squire and Parry , which so often haue beene answered by vs , the former as a meere fiction , for so much as concerned his sending from Spaine into England by F. VValpole the Iesuite for poisoning the Queenes chaire , and the Earle of Essex his saddle ; the other a deuise of his owne , to wit of Parry himself , to gaine the Queenes goodwill , and therby some preferment by telling her that he was sent to kill her , by some Catholikes out of the Land : whereas indeed he was neuer trusted by them in farre lesse matters , then in such an enterprize . But he returneth yet once ag●ine excessiuely to praise the said Queene . That Lady Queene Elizabeth , saith he , the diamond amongst Princes , the glory of royall Maiestie , the ioy of the Christian world for her sex whilst she liued . And what will the discreet reader hould M. Barlow for his sex ? Truly I thinke for one of the most grosse and palpable flatterers that mankind doth containe : and as for her being the ioy of the Christian world , I meruaile what Christian world he can pretend to meane . For if he will confine the Christian world within the Protestant world , it is , God wote , but a very small part therof , and yet in this Protestant world neyther was she held to be so rare a diamond , or glory of royall Maiestie , nor was she such a ioy vnto them , as there is sayd , which is euident by their writings extant , especially of the Lutherans that misliked her religion , & māner of proceeding , and especially her taking vpon her to be head of the Church , whereat they do laugh , euen vntill this day . And the same or greater dislike was euen in the purer sort of Caluinists , both at Geneua the Mother-Church of that profession , as also throughout all France , Holland , Zeland , Scotland , and England : so as this little Protestant world held her not for such a ioy , nor yet Iewell of theirs , as here by M. Barlow she is described . But as for the Catholike Christian world , for what diamond they held her , and what Ioy they tooke of her , and in her , appeareth well by their bookes which are extant , and will indure till the worlds end : so as the chiefe ground of all these excessiue and exorbitant prayses and flatteries , is no other , as far as I can see , but the volubility of this Ministers tongue for the present : what it may be hereafter vpon the blast of other windes I know not , but it is like that the Weather cock will turne . Some examples haue we seene before of his constancy about the Earle of Essex , and may do also hereafter concerning Queene Elizabeth , if his Maiestie that now reigneth shall neuer so little turne the fauour of his eyes from her actions , which of all other Princes , by the iudgement of most men , he hath most cause to do , as somwhat I touched in my ●ormer letter , and now shal be inforced to repeat somwhat againe for defending my selfe , against M. Barlows calumniations ; but it shal be only the conclusion of that my discourse . To conclude then ( said I ) about Queen Elizabeth : albeit Pius Quintus , & some other Popes did excōmunicate her and cut her of from the body of the Catholike Church by Ecclesiasticall Censures , in regard of her persecuting Catholicke Religion : yet did I neuer know it hitherto proued , that any Pope procured or consented to any priuate violence against her person : albeit , if the forealleadged Statute of the 28. yeare of King Henry the 8. be true , wherin it is determined both by the King himself , his Counsel and whole Parliament , and by the Archbishop Cranmer , with his Doctors in his Iudiciall Seat of the Arches , that Lady Elizabeth was not legitimate , nor that her mother was euer King Henryes true wife ( which once being true , could neuer afterward by any humane power be made vntrue , or amended to the preiudice of a third , rightly by due succession interessed therin : ) & if , as the whole Parlament testifyed , it should be against all honour , equity , reason , and good conscience , that the said La. Elizabeth should at any tyme possesse the said Crowne , then the said Popes respecting in their said sentence ( as it is certayne they did ) the actuall right of the Queene o● France and Scotland , and of her noble issue his Maiestie that now is , they might proceed , as they did , against the other , for her remouall ( whom they held for an vsurper ) in fauour of the true inheritours oppressed by her , not only by spirituall , but temporall armes also , as ag●inst a publicke malefactor and intruder , contrary to right and conscience . And I cannot see , how this fawning Apologer , can eyther without open vntruth , or manifest iniury to his Maiesty , auerre the contrary . Which being true , doth greatly iustify the endeauours and desires of all good C●tholicke people , both at home and abroad against her , their principall meaning being euer knowne to haue bene the deliuerance , & preferment of the true Heire , most wrongfully kept out , & vniustly persecuted for right ●ousnes sake . To this discourse of mine M. Barlow with many bitter wordes taketh vpon him to reply this that followeth : First , that there are many more euidences to proue , that the Pope is Antichrist , then that Queene Elizabeth was illegitimate : this you see what force it hath , & how fit it is vnto this purpose , and therfore he taketh hādfast of another hould , thus : If King Henry her Father , B. Cranmer , with his Court of Arches , and , body of the Parlament , did sentence her for such ; yet the same Father Arches and Parlament , vpon better ground within few yeares renounced the same sentence , and repealed that act . This now is somewhat , if M. Barlow had cited the Act , or Parlament , or Decree of Bishop Cranmer , or his Arches , or some other particularity , how , or where it was repealed , as I did cite for the contrary of her condemnation Rastals Abridgments . I do find indeed in the booke of Statutes that seauen yeares afterwards , to wit , anno 35. of Henry the eight cap. p●●●o , when King Henry had determined in person to go ouer and make warre in France , as in the said Statute is affirmed , and after the death of so many other wyues had married the Lady Katherine Parre widdow , hauing small hope of more issue , he made a certaine declaration of the succession , if in case himselfe and the Prince Edward , and Lady Mary should dye without lawfull issue , to wit , that for lacke of such issue the said Lady Elizabeth should succeed in her turne : but there is no word of her legitimation , nor of the repeale of the foresaid Statute declaratory , of the inualidity of her Fathers and Mothers marriage . And albeit I find diuers other clauses of that Statute 28. Henry 8. cap. 7. repealed by 1. Edward . 6. cap. 12. and primo & secundo Philip. & Mariae cap. 1. & 8. yet do I not find any such repeale made concerning the said illegitimation of Queene Elizabeth . And King Henry himselfe in that Parlament of the 35. cap. 1. doth professe that he had authority by Parlament to giue and dispose the said Imperiall Crowne by his Letter Patent at his wil & pleasure ; which sheweth that he might if he would , appoint her to succeed in default of other issue , though she were neuer so much illegitimate ; seing all was referred to his owne appointment . But for so much as M. Barlow doth make so light accompt of this sentence of Parlament , as after you shall heare out of his owne contēptible words against the same , I haue thought it good briefely to repeate them heere , and therby shew the weight and moment therof . Thus then they ly in the Statute . And albeit , most dread soueraigne Lord ( saith the Parlament ) that the said acts were then made , as it was then thought by your Maiesties Nobles and Commons , vpon a ●●re , perfect , and cleare foundation , thinking the said m●rriage then had betwene your Highnes & the said Lady Anne in their consciences to haue bene pure , sincere , p●r●●●● and good , and so was reputed , accepted , and taken in the Realme , till now of late , that God of his infinite goodnes ( from whom no secret things can be hid ) hath caused to be brought to light euident and opē knowledg , as well certaine , iust , true , and lawful impediments , vnknown at the making of the sayd acts , and fithence that tyme confessed by the sayd Lady Anne , before the most Re●er●nd Father in God Thomas Archbishop of Cāterbury Metropolitan and Primate of all England , sitting iudicially for the same : by the which plainely appeareth that the said marriage betwene your Grace and the said Lady Anne , was neuer good nor correspondent to the lawes , but vtterly void and of no effect , by reason wherof your Highnes was , and is lawfully diuorced and separated from the bands of the said marriage , in the life of the sayd lady Anne . And this notwithstanding most gracious and soueraigne Lord , the Lady Elizabeth your Daughter , being borne vnder the said vnlawfull marriage , by vertue and authority of the act of your Succession aboue remembred , for lack of Heirs-males of your Body , should immediatly succeed as your lawfull hei●e in the most royall Estate of your Imperiall Crowne of this Realme , against all honor , equity , reason , and good conscience , if remedy should not be prouided for the same . This was the sentence , which is graue and weighty as yow see , for that the whole Parlament affirmeth , that such impediments were discouered by Gods infinite goodnesse , and con●essed by Queene Anne in publicke iudgment before the Archbishop Cranmer , sitting vpon the same matter , as by the same it was euidētly conuinced that she was neuer King Henries true wife indeed , and consequently that the lady Elizabeth was neuer his true and lawfull daughter . And did not this deserue , that M. Barlow should haue brought forth authenticall testimony to the contrary ? For if this attestation of the Parlament , King , and Metropolitan were good and true , that Queene Anne was neuer in her life lawfull wife to King Henry , then could not any future Parlament , though neuer so faine it would , afterward make her legitimate , or lawfully giue her the Crowne , in preiudice of the next lawful heire , after Queene Maries death , which at that time was his Maiesties Mother Queene of France and Scotland . But here now M. Barlow would seeme to make some answere to these last words of mine , saying : that being once true , quoth he , to wit the illegitimation , no humā power could make it vntrue to the preiudice of another ; & then he answereth : If the illegitimation had byn in her bloud , it is true , no law could make it good against the right Heire . And do you grant thus much Syr ? That if the illegitimation had bin in her bloud , no law could make it good ? Wherein then I pray you was this illegitimation ? Was it in her bones , or in her flesh , or skinne ? For in one of these foure it must needs be : for asmuch as it descended by her birth from her Father & Mother . But , saith M Barlow , her bloud being sound , seming allegations and plausible inferences might for a time dazell , not alter her right , but they being cleared and reuersed , these second deliberations did not so much establish her right , which was inherent in her bl●ud , as make it more apparent , and sensibly incontrollable . Here now is indeed that begging of the question which without cause it pleaseth M. Barlow sometimes for fashiōs sake to obiect against me . For here our questiō being , whether Queene Elizabeth was sound in bloud or no , he supposeth it for a principle , that it being so , then seeming allegatio●s , or plausible inferences cannot hurt her right , but the Parlament supposeth & proueth the cōtrary , that she was not soūd in bloud , but wholy vnsoūd by her birth & natiuity : and the same do we suppose by the authority of this Parlament , and by the testification both of her Father and Mother . And how ridiculous then is it that M. Barlow should suppose the con●●ary without proofe , saying : that supposing she was sound , plausible inferences could not hurt her ? Secondly he calleth the resolute , and seuere asseuerations of King Henry himselfe , and of Archbishop Cranmer and of all the Lords both spirituall and temporall of the Parlament togeather , with the iudiciall confession of Queene Anne her selfe , be●ore her execution ; he termeth them I say but seeming allegations , and plausible infere●ces , which thing considering both the greatnes of the persons , and grauity● of the matter , both in the sight of God and man , and the most weighty consequences which therof did depend , is the grieuous iniury that in words could be offered to so great authority . For it is to make them all wicked men and lyers , they affirming the matter to be true , and to h●ue beene reuealed by gods infinite goodnes , so euidently , as there is set down ; and M. Barlow saying to the contrary , that they are nothing but seeming allegations , & plausible inferences . Thirdly , where he sayth that these plausible inferences being cleared and reuersed in the second deliberation , to wit of the Parlament , did not so much establish her right , which was inherent in her bloud , as make it more apparent , he beggeth againe the question , and supposeth that for his ground , which we deny vntill he can proue it , to wit , that the former determination of Parlament , was reuersed concerning her illegitimation . For why should not this appeare in the Satute booke , as well as the former . And wheras he sayth , that her right of successiō was but dazeled , & not altered by this Decree of Parlament , for that it was inherent in her bloud , we haue now shewed , that it is a ridiculous tergiue●sation , for that the Parlament condemning , and disanulling vtterly the marryage of her mother with her father , doth therby condemne her whole bloud for vnlawfull to succeed , except M. Barlow will say she had other bloud , which she tooke not from Father or Mother , or els that he will teach vs by his law or diuinity , that albeit her Father and Mother were neuer truely man & wife : yet she borne by their coniūction , had true right in her bloud to succeed in the Crowne , which yet the Parlament denyeth , as yow haue seene . And this shall suffice for this matter : wherby may appeare what causes some Popes might haue , in respect as well of this knowne illegitimation by her Father & Mother , as also of other many Pe●●●nall demerits of her owne , to fauour the right of her next lawfull successour , persecuted , & iniuted , & finally destroyed by her . But now as for the other cauill of recrimination that D●●●man in his Booke sayth , that it is a grieuous sinne for any man to giue consent to the making of a King that is of a contrary religion , it hath beene answered sufficiently before against M. Morton , who obiected the same , but with fraud and falshood , as this man doth , leauing out the principall words that do ensue , which are , that is a sinne to him that doth it , ●●hat side souer the truth be , or how good , or bad soeuer the party 〈◊〉 that is preferred . He doth leaue out also the reason of the speach , taken out of the authority of S. Paul in these words : For if S. Paul haue pronounced so absolutly and plainly in the place be●ore alleadged , that euen in eating a peece of meat it is damnable for a man to discer●e , and yet to eate ; what may we thinke will it be in so great and important a matter , as the making of a King is , for a man to ●ssemble , or do against his owne conscience , and iudgment ? Here you see is nothing , but that a man should not do against his conscience in the choice of a King , when that case shall fall out . Can M. Barlow say any thing iustly against this , if he will not calumniate ? I see not what . But yet he leapeth to another thing , in a farre different place , where Doleman sayth , that the Statute of Association was obiected by other Competitors against the succession of Scotland , which Statute was made in the 27. yeare of Queene Elizabeths raigne , and intended principally ( as it seemeth euident both by the Queene , and by such as procured the making therof ) against the sayd succession of the Queene of Scotland and her issue , in such forme of words , as she being prisoner in England might easily be ●●tr●pped therin , as afterward she was by the attempt of M. ●abingt●n & his fellowes , and lost her life for the same . The Statute contained , That if any Act should be attēpted tending to the hurt of Queene Elizabeths person , by or for any person , that shall , or may pretend any Title to the Crowne of this Realme , after her Maiesties discease , by any person , or with the priuity of any person , that shall , or may pretend Title to the Crowne &c. then all such persōs shal be excluded and disabled for euer , to haue , or claime the sayd Crowne &c. Hereto M. Barlow answereth now first , that they only in this Act are excluded from Succession , by who●e meanes Queene Elizabeths life should be taken away ( not sought ) and that should not touch their issues , except they had bene any wayes assenting or priuy to the same . But to this may be replyed ; that the words now set down in the Statute are cōtrary , which say , that if any act be attēpted tending to the hurt of her Maiesties most Royall person ( though not achieued ) yet they shal be excluded . And as for their heires and issues , though in the second part of the Statute , when Queene Elizabeths life should be taken away by such attempts , there is mention of them , that it must be by some assent or priuity of theirs ; yet in the former part now alleadged , there is no mention ; wherby notwithstanding the sayd pretenders , for whome , or by whose priuityes such attempts only should be made , are condemned of treason , and made incapable of any pretence to the Crowne : which being once effectuated , the consequence doth easily ensue in like manner against their heires and issues . So that this is but a meere trifling matter , brought in for want of other better . OF CERTAINE CONTRADICTIONS OBIECTED TO Cardinall Bellarmine : AND what confidence may be placed in a mans owne good workes . CHAP. IIII. WHERAS among other things there were obiected in the Apology of the new Oath of Allegiance certaine cōtradictions against Cardinall Bellarmine , out of his workes , as impugning the one the other , I thought good in my Letter , to looke into some t●ree or foure of them , leauing the rest for the Cardinall himselfe to answere , as he did very sufficiently : which answere might serue for vs both , but that I hauing enlarged my selfe somewhat for the better explayning of the first obiected contradiction , about the placing of confidence in good and meritorious workes , M. Barlow hath bene so copious in his reply , partly preaching , partly pratling , without substance or verity , as I am inforced to insist more vpon the matter , then I had purposed . And for more plaine dealing and discouering of his fraud , and impertinency I shall here repeat againe , what in my Letter I set downe about this controuersy . The Apologer●quoth ●quoth I ) doth thus begin his list of cōtradictions against Cardinall Bellarmine . First in his bookes of Iustification ( saith he ) Bellarmine affirmeth , that for the vncertainty of our owne proper righteousnes , and for auoiding of vaine glory , it is most sure and sa●e , to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnes of God : which proposition of his , is directly contrary to the discourse , and current of all his ●iue bookes De Iustificatione , wherin the same is conteyned &c. Of this first contradiction we haue said somewhat before , to wit , that it is strāge , that fiue whole bookes should be brought in , as contradictory to one proposition . For how shall the Reader try the truth o● this obiection ? Shall he be bound to read all Bellarmines fiue bookes , to see whether it be true or no ? Had it not bene more plaine dealing to haue alleaged some one sentence , or conclusion contradictory to the other ? But now shall we shew , that there can be no such contradiction betwixt the senten●● of one part of his said Booke of Iustification , & the whole discourse or current of the rest : for that Bellarmyne doth make all the matter c●e●re by soyling three seuerall Questions in one Chapter , which is the seauenth of the fifth Booke here cyted . The three Questious are these about Fiducia quae in merit is co●●oca●i possit , what hope and confidence may be placed by a Christian man in his good workes , and merites . The first Question is , whether good workes , in a Christian man , doe increase hope & confidence by their owne nature , and the pro●ise of reward made vnto them ? And Bellarmine answereth that they doe : and proueth it by many places of Scriptures , as that of Toby the 4. where it is said : That almes-dedes shall giue great confidence , and hope to the doers therof in the sight of God. And Iob sayth , that he which li●eth iustly , shall haue great confidence & hope , and shall sleepe securely . And S. Paul to Timothy saith : That whosoeuer shall minister well , shall haue great confidence &c. I omit diuers other plaine places of Scriptures , and Fathers there alleadged by him , which the Reader may there peruse to his cōfort , shewing euidently , that the conscience of a vertuous life , and good workes , doth giue great confidence to a Christian man , both while he liueth , & especially whe he cōmeth to dye . The s●cond Question is , whether thi● being so a man may place an●●o●●idence wittingly in his own●●●rits , or ve●●uous li●e . And it is answered , I hat he may ; 〈◊〉 be with due circumstances of hum●lity , auoydin●●●●●e & pr●sumption . For that a man feeling the effect of ●ods g●ace in himsel●e , wherby he hath beene direc●ed to liue well , may also hope , that God will crowne ●is gifts in him , as S. Augustines words are . And many examples of Scriptures are alleadged there by Card. Bellarmine of sundry holy Saints , Prophets and Apostles , that vpon iu●t occasions mentioned their owne merits , as gifts ●rom God that gaue them hope and con●idence o● his mercifull reward : and namely that saying of S. Paul , I haue sought a good fight , I haue consummated my course , I haue kept my faith &c. and then addeth , that in regard hereof , R●posita●●st mihi corona Iustitiae : a crowne of Iustice is ●ayd vp for me , which ●od the iust Iudge shall restore vnto me . The third Question is ( supposing the foresaid determinations ) what counsaile were to be giuen , Whether it be good to put confidence in a mans owne merits o● no ? Wherunto Card. Bellarmine answer●th , in the words set downe by the Apologer , That for the vncer●ain●y of our o●ne proper Iustice , and for auoyding the perill of vayne glory , the su●●st way is to repose all our cōfidence in the only me●cy & benignity o● God ; from whome and from whose grace our merits proceed . So as albeit Cardinall Bellarmine doth confes●● , that good life , and vertuous acts do giue hope , and confidence of themselues , and that it is lawfull also by the examples of ancient Saints , for good men to comfort themselues with that hope and confidence : yet the surest way is to repose all in the benignity and mercy of almighty God , who giueth all , and is the Authour , aswell of the grace , as of the merits , and fruits of good workes that ensue therof . And thus hath Cardinall Bellarmine fully explicated his mind in this one Chapter , about Confidence in good workes , by soluing the foresaid three different Questions , wherof the one is not contrary to the other , but may all three stand togea●●er . And how then is it likely , that the foresaid proposition , of reposing our confidence in the mercy of God , should be contradictory , as this man saith , to the whol● discourse and current of all his fiue Bookes of Iustification ? Let one only sentence be brought forth , out of all his fiue Bookes that is truly contradictory , and I shall say he hath reason in all the rest of his ouerlashing . This was may declaration , and explication of Card. Bellarmines doctrine , in this point , whether any confidence might be placed in good workes , and what his counsaile is therin . Wherunto , though M. Barlow finding himself vnable to make any substantial reply , do multiply words from the matter , without answering directly , to any one of these points now set downe , and much lesse , to the authorityes of Scriptures , and other proofes alleadged for the same : yet shall we take an accompt of him what he saith , reducing him back againe to these heades , as they lye in my letter , now recited , and see whether they make any iust satisfaction for an answere or no. First then , whereas I required , as you haue heard , that for prouing this first contradiction , obiected to Bellarmine that one only sentence , might be brought forth , out of all his fiue bookes of Iustification , that is truly contradictory to the foresaid proposition , counsailing to put our whole confidence in Gods onely mercy : this hitherto is not done , which notwithstanding had beene easy to do , if the whole current of these fiue bookes , as there was said , had beene contradictory to this proposition . But now let vs see M. Barlowes proofs , out of those bookes in generall . All the chiese questions ( saith he ) in that bulke o● controuersies ( about Iustification ) may be reduced to these two principall heades , eyther to the quality of our Iustice , that is inherent , not imputatiue : or of the merit , whether it be rewarded ●or the value of the worke , or of meere grace . And both these by the first word of this proposition ( to wit vncertainty ) are directly cut off . Thus he . And this we deny : for that the vncertainty of a particuler man , concerning the perfection of his owne merits doth not cut off any of those thinges , which M. Barlow fondly dreameth . Let vs heare his proofe . For the vncertainty there mentioned ( saith he ) is eyther rei , or personae , of the righteousnes it sel●e , or of him which hath it . Wherto I answere , that it may be of both in regard of a particular person , for that he may haue some vncertainty , both whether the Iustice that is in him , be perfect , or that himselfe haue performed all circumstances requisite to true merit , though notwithstanding he doth not doubt but that the doctrine of the Catholike Church is true , & most certaine , about the merit of good workes : and that in the said Church , and many of her children , there be true merits , wherin iustly some confidence may be placed , as the Scriptures themselues , and the plaine words , and example of S. Paul before alledged do euidently conuince . For which cause S. Bernard alleadged by Card. Bellarmine doth worthily cry out . Felix Ecclesia , cui nec merita sine praesumptione , nec praesumptio absque meritis de est . Habet merita , sed ad promerendum , non ad praesumendum . Happy is the Church , vnto whom neither merits are wanting without presuming thereon , nor presumption without merits . The Church hath merits , not to presume vpon them , but to deserue Gods fauour by thē . And why had not this bene answered ? Let vs heare his further speculation . If the vncertainty ( sayth he ) be of the thing it self , then is it no true righteousn●s . This now is one folly . For a man may haue true righteousnes , & yet not be sure therof himself , according as the Scripture sayth : no man knoweth whether he be worthy of loue , or hate at Gods hands ; but let vs heare him further . For truth , saith he , whether of essence , or of propriety cassiers all vncertain●y . This is another folly . For how many thinges be there truly and really in particuler men , which they themselues know not , as would appeare , if they should see their owne anatomy ? And in M. Barlow , may there not be true ignorance , pride or presumption in many thinges , though himselfe eyther do not know , or at leastwise will not confesse it , for that he remayneth not perswaded therof , and consequently vncertaine ? I might name , for example , those two words of Essence or Propriety thrust in heere , eyther of ignorance or ostentation , without sense or purpose . For what is truth or propriety , that ●assiers vncertainty ? The man would seeme to speake pro●oundly , and so exceedeth his owne capacity . But let vs heare him further . It is hypocrisy ( saith he ) not righteousnes , which is not true : if not righteousnes , then not inherēt . Whereunto I answere , that this is not true which he saith first , for that all defect of true righteousnes , maketh not hypocrisy , but onely when a man pretendeth to be iust , and is not . But if a man should doubt , whether his righteousnes be perfect or no ( which is our case ) then were it no hypocrisy at all , and if it were , then were it inherent hypocrisy in the hypocrite , which is contrary to the other inference of M. Barlow : that if it were not true , and perfect righteousnes , it were not inherent , for that be it true or false , perfect or vnperfect , such as it is , it must needs be inherent in the subiect , which it doth denominate . And this is M. Barlowes wise discourse , about the first part of his two-membred proposition , of incertitudo rei , & personae ; incertainty of the thing it selfe , or of the person ( to wit ) of righteousnes it selfe , or of him that hath it . Now he commeth vnto the second , about the person , saying : If the vncertainty be of the person , then the second part of the proposition , concerning merit , is cut of : for merit raiseth a confidence , but where there is no comfort , there can be no confidence ; and in vncertainty there is no comfort . Which speach is so prudently vttered , as how many inferences , so many plaine falsities there be in the same . As first , that where there is no comfort , there can be no confidence . For that Iob in his tribulations , was greatly abandoned of comfort , and yet he said to God , Albeit thou shalt kill me , yet will I hope in thee , and it is an ordinary thing with God to take away oftentimes sensible comforts from good men , who notwithstanding do not loose their confidence in him , and his mercies for the same . The other proposition also is false , that in vncertainty there is no com●ort . For then would no man labour to obtaine any thing , wherof he were not certaine : no merchants would aduenture to the seas , being vncertaine of their gaine ; no suters would come to Londō to feed Lawiers being vncertaine what successe they shall haue : and f●nally , not onely common experience , but also common sense doth conuince these propositions to be ridiculous , and so I meane to spend no more time in examining them , but will pas●e to the examining of the other three propositions or resolutions of Cardinall Bellarmine before mentioned . In the meane space , you see how well and substantially M. Barlow hath proued hitherto , the contradiction of the third proposition , against his fiue whole bookes of Iustification , wherewith notwithstanding he saith the Cardinall was so pressed , as he gasped for wind , whē I stept in to help him . He steppes , saith he , to Bellarmine , o●er whome , as if the Cardinall were gasping for breath vnder the blow he hath recieued for his contradictions , he braues it with some ●hetoricall ●lorishes &c. This is his confidence , which I grant commeth not of merits , but of onely faith , or rather presumption , and therefore I meane not to impugne it . He saith then concerning my answere before set downe , out of my Letter ; first of all , that Bellarmines case standing so bad in it selfe as it did , I m●de it farre worse , by seeking to assist him : and for proof hereof he saith , that I , supposing the Cardinall to handle the controuersy by questions and answeres , wherby it seemes that I neuer read the place myselfe , do summe vp the Chapter in way of Interogatiō , & solution . Whereto first I answere , that the many particulers , which I do set downe out of that Chapter , whence the proposition is taken , aswell of Scriptures , and other reasons , must needs conuince M. Barlow , that I had read the whole Chapter , and so he cannot say this heere , but against his owne conscience . Secondly it is true , that Bellarmine doth not handle those three assertions of his by the way of questions , and solutions , but onely by way of assirmatiue , and resolute propositions . But I thought it best , and more cleare for the English Readers vnderstanding to frame the questions of my self , and take the summe of his said propositions , for answers and solutions to the same . What can M. Ba●low mislike in this ? He sayth , that I haue wrongfully set down the Cardinalls meaning , and namely in the first question , and that there is no such thing in the whole Chapter . Let vs examine then this . The first question then , said I , is whether good works in a Christian man doe increase hope , and confidence , by their owne nature , & the promise of reward made vnto them . And Bellarmine answereth that they do , and proueth it by many places of Scripture . Thus I said : & doth not Bellarmine allow this doctrine ? Or doth he not teach any such thing in this chapter ? Let the reader peruse it , and blush for M. Barlow that affirmeth it . But he giueth an instance saying : Neither Bellarmine , nor any other Deuine , eyther Protestant or Papist , will say good works increase confidence in their owne nature . But good Syr , is your nature such , or lack of grace so great , that you can speake nothing without manifest falshood ? I say that good works in a Christian man , do increase hope and confidence , by their owne nature , & the promise of reward made vnto them . I do ioyne two things togeather , you doe separate them and caui●l vpon one onely . I doe speake of good workes in a Christian man , to whom the promise of God is made of reward for good works , you leaue out that , and do speake of good workes as they may be in a Pagan , and for the same cause you say in their own nature , as cōsidered in th●●elus & without Gods grace & promise of reward : I do ●ay , that they do increase hope , and cōfidence by their owne ●●ture , and Gods promise of reward . Wherby I doe meane that being workes so qualified , they do of themselues , and by their owne nature of meritorious works increase hope and confidence in the worker , though he for his part , do not place any confidence in them . These then are the first corruptions vsed by M. Barlow vpon my words . Why did he alter them , and not recite them as I set them downe ? But let vs see a second proofe of his . He alleadgeth Card. Bellarmine against me , saying , that he distinguisheth betweene good workes , and merits , for that all good workes are not meritorious : and so say I too . For that good morall workes , may be in Infidels , as hath bene said , for they may do almsdeeds , & other such good things , but they cannot be meritorious , for that they do not proceed from grace , & haue not the promise to God made vnto thē . What then doth this make against me ? Nay harken I pray you what ensueth : he bringeth the wordes of Bellarmine against me , saying : that if good workes should be consider●d in their owne nature , without respect both of the promise made ●nto them , and also of the dignity of Gods spirit , the originall worker of them , they could carry no merit : which doctrine I willingly acknowledge , as fully making with me , and condemning M. Barlow of false dealing , that he left out wilfully in my words before recited the clause of the promise of God made vnto them : and so in this he fighteth against himselfe , and discouereth his owne vntrue dealing . But hath he any more to say , thinke you , against the first question ? or doth he answere one word to the plaine testimony of Scriptures , alleadged out of Toby , Iob , and S. Paul for proofe therof , all cyted by me ? No , not so much as one word , and much lesse to those other , that stand in Bellarmines booke , which are more in number , as neyther to the ancient Fathers S. Cyprian , S. Chrysostome , S. Ambrose , S. Augustine , euidently confirming the same , that good and meritorious workes do of themselues comfort the conscience of the doer , by increasing hope , and confidence in him , in respect of the promised reward ; yea albeit he do not of himselfe place any confidence in them , but respecteth onely , and relyeth vpon God almightyes grace & mercy ; for that so it may often fall out ( and it is to be noted and borne in mind ) that a man may haue confidence by good works , and yet place no confidence in good works ; for that a vertuous life enriched with many meritorious actions , may of it self giue a man much confidence , for the life to come , though he for his part do not place any confidence therin , but only in Gods mercy : so as now we see the first propositiō of Cardinall Bellarmine to be true , that the confidence of holy m●n , which they place in God , doth not only spring out of ●ayth , but also out of good meri●s , and therefore that ●uery man must labour wi●h all study , to procure good meri●s , to the end that they may haue confidence with God ; which is the very same in substance , that I set downe in my letter , though somewhat by me abridged and accommodated to the capacity of the vulgar reader . There followeth the second question , proposed by me in these words : VVhether this being so , a man may place any confidence wittingly in his own merits , or vertuous life ? and it is answered , that he may , so he a●oyd pride &c. which containeth the very same in effect , that d●th Cardinall Bellarmines second propositiō , that some confidence may be placed in good me●its which are known to be such , so as pride be auoyded ; vnto which second proposition , M. Barlow not being able to say any thing ag●inst the truth therof , confirmed by many testimonies , & exāples , both out of the old , & new Testament , and writings of holy Fathers , that did both teach , and practice the cōfidence of a good conscience , he runneth to seeke Cauills , both against me , and Cardinall Bellarmine ; and for me he hath deuised one of the most childish , that euer perhaps you heard , and such a one that doth euidētly declare the malice of his mind , and misery of his cause , that driueth him to such shifts : for that neuer man of grauity , or sincerity would vse the like , knowing , that it must needs be discouered , by the first inspection of the booke , by his aduersary : thus then it is . Where I do frame the second question thus ; VVhether a ●an may place any confidence in his owne merits , and do answer , yea ; he leaueth out of purpose , the question it self , and putteth downe the solution only without question , a●●i●ming me to say , as it were by way of propositiō , A man m●● place any confidence in his owne merits , and writeth the word ANY , in great letters , to make it more markable , as though I ha● said , a man may place ( any ) confidence w●atsoeuer , that is to say , al confidēce in his own merits : wheras if he had set down the que●tiō simply as I did , whether a mā may place any cōfidence in his merits , & answered only yea , as I did , without adding any further , it would haue appeared plainly , that the word ( any ) did signify as much as some con●idence , answering to Bellarm. words , aliqua fiducia ; wheras omitting the question & putting down againe the word ( any ) he changeth the significatiō therof , & maketh it to signify , as much as all , or any whatsoeuer , as though I had said , a man may put all confidence , or what confidence soeuer in our merits , & therby disagree frō Bellarmine , whose word● are , as hath bene sayd , aliqua fiducia in bonis meritis collocari potest ; some confidence may be placed in good merits : & this shifting fraud is so palpable , as it may be discouered by infinite examples . If one should aske another , whether he had any bread in his house , as Elias for example did aske the poore widdow of Sarepta , euery man of sense seeth that the meaning is , whether he haue any bread at all , of any sort soeuer , and not whether he haue all kind of bread : & so if the other do answer , yea , without adding further , it is to be vnderstood , that he answereth according to the meaning of the demaunder , that he hath some bread in his house ; but if he should answer , as M. Barlow maketh me to answer , yea , I haue ( any ) bread , it would import , that he had all sorts of bread . And the like is , if a man should aske M. Barlow whether he haue any vertue , the meaning is , whether he haue any at all , and soe euery man I thinke will vnderstand it , and himselfe also , I belieue , would take it , and thinke himself iniured thereby , if any man should answere , no : but if he should repeate againe the same word ( any ) in the a●swere , saying : y●a he hath any vertue : heere the word ● 〈◊〉 ) changeth the fo●mer signification , and import●th as much , as that he hath all vertue● which I suppose himself would be ashamed to answer in his owne cause , as a thing contrary , asw●ll to his owne conscience , as to other mens knowledge . And the l●ke i●● if a man should demaund him , wh●●he● h● hat● any s●●ll in the Mathematickes ; he might an●●●●e pe●h●pps , y●a , if he added no ●urther , vnders●●nding ther●by that h● hath some skill : but if he should a●swere , a● he maketh me to do ; yea , I haue any skill ; it may s●●ue to make pa●time to his demaunder : and yet vpon th●● f●ol●sh ●●●ging d●uise of the different taking of t●e word ( a●y ) he mak●t● great a doe ; and foundeth m●ny ●r●●●●ntations , writing it still with great letters , a● pres●n●ly you shall see , seeking thereby to proue , that Cardinal B●llarmine , & I are at debate ; he saying , that some con●●dence may ●e placed in merits , & I saying , that ( any ) confidence may be placed : which is al he hath again●t me , about the ●econd question . Now let vs see , what he hath again●t Cardinall Bellarmine . ●wo thinges he pretendeth , to wit , that his second , and third propositions are contrary the one to the other i● two pointes ; for that the second proposition , doth ●llow some kind of confidence , to be put in mans merits , the third doth exclude all , and sayeth it must be in the only mercy of God. But this is a very ridiculous contradiction , to be obiected to so learned a man as Bellarmin is . For that both th●se are true , and may stand togeather as 〈◊〉 s●tteth them downe : for that , it is both true , th●t a m●n may place some confidence is his merits , as Cardinal B●●●●●min● proueth , both by Scriptures , and Fathers before mentioned : and it is true also which he sayeth in his third p●oposition , that this notwithstanding , tu●●ss m●m ●st , it is mo●● safe for a man , though he haue good m●rits , yet not to respect them , but to place all his confidence in the only mercy o● God. And what contradiction is there heere ; A man may place some con●idence , but the sure●t way is to place none ? Cannot these two stand togeather ? Let vs examine some places of Scriptures . If a man , or woman had come to S. Paul , to aske his opinion , whether he , or she should marry , or no ; he would haue said as he wrote : You may marry , you shall not si●ne by marrying , but the safest way is not to marry : the one is lawfull ; the other more perfect : should this ●peach of S. Paul be contrary to it self ? I trow no. Now t●en let vs see , whether Cardinall Bellarmines speach be a like : he is demaunded , whether it be good for a man to put any confidence in his merits , or noe : he answereth , that i● he find that he hath good merits , he may put some hope therein , so it be done without pride ; but yet the saf●st way were not to respect , or thinke vpon his owne merits , but only to put his whole confidence in the only mercy of Almighty God. Is here now any contradiction ? He sayth in the one , that he may put some confidence : in the other , the sa●est way is to put none ; this is but a counsaile what were best to be done , and most safe ; the other a declaration , what in rigour may be done ; no man I thinke of common sense , will say that here is any contradiction , and yet doth M. Barlow vrge it againe and againe ; insisting vpon the words , whole con●idence , and al●ne mercy of God , vsed in the third proposition , which carrieth with it ( sayth he ) a double contradiction , both subiecti , & obiecti ; the subiect , tota ●iducia , all mans confidence , tota , the whole , whether greater , or lesse ; whether weake , or strong ; whether one , or the other , is wholy to be cast vpon Gods mercy ; euen as our Sauiour commaundeth vs to loue God with our whole soule , hart , and strength , includes therein all the facultyes of the soule and body , parts inward and outward , inward of vnderstanding , will , affection , outward all the members of our body to be made S. Paules whole burnt sacrifice &c. And so runneth forth , amplifying vpon the words ( whole ) and ● all● and then also vpon the obiect , saying , that the obiect affoards a strong cōtradiction● sola misericordia , only mercy , or mercy alone , which admits no participation with another : and ●uch more like ●●usle , as if he were in his Pulpit , deluding the people there , by vaine repetition , and exagg●●ation o●●●●●e words , which yet import no mo●e , ●ut that Car●inall Bella●mi●e his counsayle is ( though not as a p●ecept of nec●ssity ) that albeit a man haue ●●uer so many good workes , and may iu●●ly therby in●r●a●● his hope , and con●idence in God , by looking vpo● t●●m as his gi●●●● ; yet to be ●ure ( for that a man may be decei●ed in e●timatiō o● his owne merits ) the best way is no● to respe●t them , but only to place his whole hope in the sole mercy of Almighty God. And this by way of counsaile , and not of precept , as you haue heard , though M. Barlow doth egregiously also abase him , y●a very per●idiously , vrging again●t him , that in his third proposition he sayth , VVe must place all our whole con●●dence in t●e sole m●rcy of God , and th●n indeed it were cont●a●●c●o●y to t●at , which he sayth in the second , that a man may plac● some confid●nc● in his merits , but the Cardinall saith not that , we must , but that , it is the saf●st way . And the like perfidiousnes doth he vse in peruerting , and vrging the words of his second proposition , as though he did ●ay , some con●idence must be put in our merits , and not only may : whereas the Cardinall sayth ●n●y , that some confidence may be put : & this also with a restriction , vt ca●catur super●ia , that pride be auoyded . Let vs heare I pray you M. Ba●lows insolent conclusion , ●fter that he hath 〈◊〉 beaten himself vp and downe to proue these to be co●●r●d●●●ions . ●her●ore , sayth he , the Apolog●rs o●●●ruation 〈…〉 made , a●d ●ogi●ke , ●onf●●m●s it to be a viol●n● contradiction ; 〈…〉 t●o pr●posi●ions , mans whole confid●nce i● to ●e 〈…〉 God● me●cy alone ; and , some confidence i● to be 〈◊〉 in man●●●●it , will no more agr●e as b●ing m●st opp●●●te , 〈◊〉 a new pee●e , wi●h an old g●rm●nt , which our Sa●iour saye●h to ●e an 〈◊〉 i●possi●ility . So he . By whic● speach of his o●ly , if the●e were no other o● 〈◊〉 note , the man , and his t●uth may be t●roughly dis●●●ned , h●uing here falsified both Cardina●l B●llarm●n● words , and mea●ing , in the recitall of both the●e propositions . For as Cardinall Bellarmine setteth th●m downe , they are both true , as be●ore I haue shewed : but as this man rela●●th them , he maketh them opposite . For Cardinall Bella●mine sayth not , that mans whole confidence is to be placed in Gods mercy alone , as though it were by way of nec●ssity , and not lawfull to respect any thing our owne good works , but that , the safest way is so to do . And secondly , he doth not say , that some confidence is to be put in mans merits , as though this also were of necessity , but that some may be put : so as this man seemeth wholy to be compounded of fraud , and that with sincerity of truth he cannot vtter any sentence , either of his owne , or ours without some imposture . What a Prelate is this ●or men to hang their soules vpon the truth of his words ? The other point in this sentence , I leaue to be laughed at by his Reader , that ●ogick confirmeth a viol●nt contradi●tion , betwene t●ese two propositions , to wit , that himself hath framed out of his owne fingers ends . And as for his example of cont●adict●on , and highest opposition , yea imp●ssibility of cohe●ence betwene a new peece , and an old garment , euery begger that goeth vp and downe the countrey , with a patcht clo●ke , will conuince him of vntruth therein , e●pecially if he haue passed lately by any Taylors shop , where he hath had commodity of new shreds to ioyne to his old cloake , and shew , that there is not such Logical contr●diction or opposition betweene them , but that they may stand togeather in a beggers cloake , if not in congruity of decency and handsomnes ( wherof it seemeth ●hat our Sauiour only meant : yet at leastwise without Logic●ll opposition , or impossibility● which was far from the s●nse of Christ in that Parable . So as here are now thr●e or foure fal●●oods at once discouered , & conuinced against M. ●a●l●w , about this ●irst imputed contradiction , ●etwene these two propositions . Let vs see the second . The s●cond obiected contradiction is , for th●t C●●d . B●llarmine sayeth in his second proposition , or 〈◊〉 to the second question , that a man may put 〈…〉 dence i● bonis meri●is , quae talia e●se compertum sit , in go 〈…〉 that are found to be truly such . And in his third proposition , he sayth , that propter incertitudinem propriae iustitiae tutissimu● est &c. for the vncertaynty of our own proper iustice , the safest way is to put all our confidence in the only mercy of God : which , sayth M. Barlow , is contradictory the one to the other ; the former affirming , that we must know , that our merits be truly good , before we can put any confidence in them ; and the second , that this is vncertaine , & therefore it is most safe to put our confidence only in Gods mercy . Wherto I answere , that if these things be well considered , there is no contradiction ; for that the knowledg of our merits , which is required before we can put any iust confidence in them , is a morall knowledg only , such as may stand with some vncertainty , as is to be seene in many things of this world . As for exmple , a man borne now in England , is morally certaine , that he is baptized , for that he is tould so by his parents and others , for that the Ministers do odinarily baptize infants in the Parish where they dwell : but for that he doth not know certainly , whether he that did baptize him , had the intention of the Church , and vsed the forme of words prescribed , it may stand with some vncertainty , whether he be baptized or no. And the like is in marriage , wherein there is morall certainty , that a man and woman that haue liued togeather many yeares in wed-locke , are truly husband and wife : but yet for that there is not absolute assurance , that both parts did consent in hart to that marryage , it may stand with some vncertainty , whether the mariage were good or no. And so in infinite other thinges . And in this our case it is euident , that the knowledg required by the Cardinal of our merits , is but morall , such as may stand with some vncertainty ; for though we should know , that we haue giuen almes aboundantly , redeemed captiues , nourished orphans , visited the sicke , and imprisoned , and done other good works cōmended by our Sauiour , that promised life euer lasting to the same : yet because we know not whether we haue done them with all due circumstances or no , it is but a morall knowledg of their being t●ue merits , & con●●quent●y may ●●and with some vncertainty , as is sayd in the third proposition . And what now hath M. Barlow to say to this ? Still he telleth vs , that they are contradictions , and setteth them downe thus in great letters . A man ( sayth he ) must be a●ertained that the wo●ks that he doth be truly g●od , or ●ls ●e may ●ot trust in them , and y●t no man can assure himsel● that th●y ar● so , ex●●pt he haue a reuelation sayth the Cardinall . Well Syr , and what will you infer of these two propositions ? You say that they are opposite , and contradictory . Proue it : ●or that a contradiction est a●●irmatio , & negatio de eodem , respectu eiusdem : here the certainty and vncertainty , that are spoken of , are of different kinds . A man must be acertained that the good works , that he hath done , be truly good before he put cōfidence in them . This is to be vnderstood of morall certainty only ; not absolute & infallible . And then againe , no man can assure himself , or know certainly that his works are such , which is to be vnderstood of absolute , and infallible certainty ; so as morall certainty , and absolute certainty , being neither the self same thing , but much diffe●ent , the former may be affirmed , in the ●econd p●oposition , and the other denied in the third , without any cōtradiction at all . So as all the rest of M. Barlowes tat●●ng , in this place , saying ; That better it were ●or the Cardinall to ac●knowledg an ouer sight , then to ouer●hrew one soule , redeemed by Christs bloud : and : That contradiction in assertion woundes but o●e o●posite member , but vnsoundnes in doctrine doth wound the we●●● cons●ience of a Christian : that this may be amended by repeale , retr●●●ing it &c. All this , I say is but idle , and vaine speach , without any ground giuen on the Cardinals behalfe , as b●fore hath bene shewed . And the vnsoundnes hath bene pro●ed to be on M. Barlows side , in reg●rd of the many vn●ru●hes , sleightes , and absurdities committed by him . And not to loose any more tyme in this , we will pas●● to other contradictions , obiected to the sayd Cardinall . OF THREE OTHER Contradictions imputed vnto Cardinall Bellarmine , but proued to be no Contradictions at all . §. II. AS wee haue bene more large then was purposed , in the discussion of the precedent obiected contradiction , about the thr●e que●tions , and answers proposed : so shall we endeauour to recompence our length there , with breuitie in this place , for that M. Barlow indeed hath heere as little to say , as there he speaketh much to small purpose . The second Contradiction then , is said to be , for that Cardinall Bellarmin taking vpon him to shew that God is not the author of sin , nor inclineth man thereunto , hath this proposition : That God doth not incline a man to euill , eyth●r naturally or morally , physi●e vel morali●er ; expounding in the same place , what he meaneth by the words naturally and morally , to wit , that to incline a man naturally to euil , is immediatly to mooue his will to some euill act ; but to incline morally is to cōmaund , or counsaile an euill act to be done ( which is properly called morall concurrence : ) in neither which kind , may God be said to incline a man to euill : but yet there is another way , called o●casionaliter , or by occasion , as when an euill man that hath a naughty will is bent to sinne , God almighty , by sending some good cogitation to him , may be the occasionall cause , why he committeth this sinne , rather then that : wherof I gaue an example out of the booke of Genesis , the 57. Chapter , where the brethren of Ioseph , hauing a naughty will to kill him , God almighty by sending that way the Ismaelite merchāts of Galaad , ga●e an occasion rather of thinking how to sell him into ●gipt , then to kill him , & so to commit rather the lesser synne , then the greater . Cardinall Bellarmine also in his answere repeateth againe those words of the Psalme , Conuertit cor ●orum , vt odi●ent populum eius , God did turne the hartes o● the Eg●ptians , to hate his people : not that God did either physice o● morali●er , properly moue their wills , or command or counsaile the Egyptians to hate his people , but only occasionali●er , that is to say , as S. Augustine expoundeth the matter , God by doing good , and b●e●sing his said people ( which was a good action in him ) g●ue the Egyptians occasion to enuy , and hate them , they abusing that to euill , which he did for good . And for that this occasionall concurrence , may be tearmed also morall , in a certaine large sense , therfor● God may be said also to cōcurre morally in this meaning : but for ●o much as these two meanings of moral concurrence , are far different ; the first which is proper , may be denied , and this which is vnproper may be granted without ●ll contradiction , for so much as a contradiction is not , but when the selfe same thing is affirmed and denied in the sel●e same subiect , and in the same re●pect , which here is not ; no more then if a man should say , these two propositions are contradictory : God commandeth expresly all men in generall , Non oc●ides , thou shalt not kill ; and yet to diuers in particuler for seuerall causes , he permitteth to kil , and yet here is no contradiction , for that killing is taken in different senses . And this is so plaine , that M. Barlow though he striue to talke som what , for that he is obliged for his credit , & hired therunto ( as you know : ) yet findeth h● nothing to fasten vpon by any probability , and therefore in the end , hauing intertained himselfe for a while in repeating what Bellarmine saith , in the place from whence this supposed contradiction about the different sorts of Gods concurrence is taken ( in repetition wherof he sheweth plainly not to vnderstād him : ) he finally breaketh out in his malice to end with the odious example of Iames Clem●nt the Monke , in killing the late King of France ; dem●nding how God concurred with that action , either in generall or in particuler ? But to this now the answere is already made , and so many wayes of Gods concurrence , or not concurrence , as concerne this cause , haue bene explained , as to stand long●r vpon it , were los●e of time : let M. Barlow meditat● by himselfe , how God can concurre with so many ●urthering actions of his , by slandering and de●aming his neighbour , as heere againe he chargeth Iesuits wit● poisoning of Popes ; which being not only apparantly f●●●● , but without all ●hew or colour of probabilit● , & yet most violently malicious ; sure I am , that God concurreth not therwith , either physicè , or moraliter , by mouing his hart or tongue to speake so wickedly , and much les●e by commanding or approuing the same . But whether he ●o it occasionalit●r or no , to his greater sinne & damnation , ●●at I know not : but certaine I am , that the contumely being ●o intolerably false , and ridiculous as it is , and yet vtter●d and repeated againe so often by him , in this his booke : most certainely , I say , I do perswade my selfe , that the D●uel hath cōcurred with him in al these three waies , both ph●sice , moraliter , and occasionaliter . Almighty God forgiue him , and make him to see , and feele out of what spirit he speaketh . And so much for this second proposition . The third contradiction is vrged out of Bellarmine , in two books of his ; the first , de Clericis , where he sayth , that all the Fathers do constantly teach , that Bishops do succeed the Apostles , and Priests t●e se●uenty disciples ; and then in his book de Pontifice , he hath the contrary : that Bishops do not properly succe●d the Apostles : Vnto which my answere was at that time vpon viewing the places themselues in Bellarmin , that this was no contradiction at all , for that it was spoken in diu●rs senses : to wit , that Bi●hops do succeed the Apostles i● power of Episcopal order , & not in power of extraor●inary , & Apostolical iurisdiction , and so both were true , and might well stand togeather , for that all Bishops haue t●e same sacred Episcopal order , which the Apostles had , but not their extraordinary iurisdiction ouer the whole world , as each one of them had : which answere o● mine , since that time , hath bene confirmed by Cardinall Bellarm●ne himselfe , in his owne defence , though in different words , saying : Episcopos succedere Apos●olis &c. that Bishops do succeed the Apostles , as they were the first Bishops of particuler Churches , as Iames of Ierusalē , Iohn of Ephesus , & the like , is grāted in the book de Clericis , but yet that Bishops do properly succeed the Apostles , as they were Apo●tle● , that is to say , as they were sent into all the world with most ●ull power , is denyed in the booke de Pon●i●ice . So as in different senses both are true : Neque sunt contraria , vel con●●a●ictoria , sayth Be●l●rmine , nisi apudeos qui I ogi●am ignoran● , v●l sensu communi carent : neither are they contrary , or contradictory , but with them that want Logicke : or common sense . So he . All which being so plaine , yet notwithstanding M. Barlow will needes say somwhat to the contrary , not ●or that he doth not see , that the thing which he is to say , is nothing at all to the purpose , but perchance , that h● thinketh himselfe bou●d to say somwhat for fashions ●ake , and so rusheth himselfe into absurditie● , as now ●ou ●hal 〈◊〉 . Thus then he relateth the case , t●at Bell●rmine 〈…〉 place that Bis●ops do succeed the Apostles , and in another , tha●●is●op● do not properly succeed the Apostles : and least any should thi●k● , t●●t this is no Antilogy , because in the last proposition ●he 〈◊〉 ●p●●p●●ly ) qualifieth it , t●e Cardinall hims●lfe ha●h in the v●ry next pre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chapter , preuented that , wh●re he saith , that Bishops do pr●●●●●y succeed the Apo●●les : then which , what more strong coun●e●-●●ocke ca● there be b●●●●ene any two ? So he . And what ●e me●neth by this strong counter-shocke , I know not , but sure I am that he giueth a ●trong counter-buffe to his owne credit , by bringing in this reply ; for that Bellarmine in the very sel●e●ame place , and words of the precedent Chapter , wh●re he sayth , that Bishops do properly succe●d the Apo●●les , sheweth him selfe to meane in succ●ssion of ●piscopall ord●r , and power of preaching thereto b●longing : in which power of preaching he s●yth , Epis●opi proprie Apostoli● 〈◊〉 ut , Bishops do properly succeed the Apo●●l●s ; and proueth it out of the sixt of the Acts ; but where he sayth in the other place , that they do not properly succeed the Apostl●s , he mean●th , and so expoundeth his meaning to be , t●at t●ey do not succeed them in their extraordinary vniue●sall iurisdiction ouer all the world . And could M. Barlow choose but see this when he wrote his Reply ? If he did not , yet will I not retu●ne the vnciuill word , here vsed to me , out of the Poet ( for th●re lyeth his learning ) nauiget Ami●yras , ●or that my braine wants purging &c. but I will answe●e ●im mo●e modestly , to wit , that if he saw not this error of his , then it was at least a great ouersight in him to look so negligently to what he writeth : but if he did see it , & yet wou●d so falsely alledg it , then were a pu●gation rather to be wished for his conscience , then for his braines . But he ceaseth not heere , we must see two , or three false tric●s of his more . First he taketh vpon him , to proue that Bella●mine in the place before cited de Clericis , doth ind●●d proue tha● Bishops do succeed the Apostle , not only in power of holy Order , but also of Iurisdiction . For that B●llarmine being to proue , sayth he , according to the title of his Chapter , that Bishops are greater then Pri●sts , he setcheth his s●cond reason from their differ●nt power of iurisdiction in the new Testament , because they , the Bishops , haue the same that the Apostles had : Nam ●pi●copos Apostolis succedere , that Bishops do succ●ed the Apostles , therin is not one mans testimony alone , constanter docent omnes Patres , say●h he , all the Fathers do hould it with one consent , without varying in themselues , or differing from others . Hitherto M. Barlow . And if he shew himself faithfull in this , you may trust him if you will another time : but if in this as in most other things , he still vse shifting , then you may trust him as you find him . First then it is true that Card● Bellarmine his purpose in this 14. Chapter , is to proue against Caluin , and some other Protestants , that Bishops and Priests are not equall in degree , but that Priests are inferiour to Bishops , and he promiseth to proue three points . First that a Bishop is greater then a Priest , quoad Ordinis po●estatem , in the pow●r of holy order . Secondly , quantùm ad iurisdictionem , that he i● greater also in iurisdiction , for that a Priest hath iuri●diction but ouer one Parish , and a Bishop ouer his Dioc●ss● : thirdly that Bishops in the primitiue Church , were not only , as Caluin sayth , like Consuls in a Senate , but like Princ●s rat●er in 〈◊〉 . The fir●t , an● 〈◊〉 of which points appertaine not to our p●●s●nt p●●po●e , ●ut ●●ly the ●●cond about iuri●●●ction , ●●d this not much nei●her , if you consider it we●l , ●or that Cardina●● 〈◊〉 in●ent is , to shew , that the iuri●●iction of B●s●ops i● greater thē that o● Prie●ts , but not th●t Bishops had a●l the iuri●dictiō which the Apostles had , no● doth ●e once name it , or say any such thing : and it is a no●orio●● deceipt of M. Bar●●● , when he sayth ●●ere , that 〈◊〉 ●etcheth his s●cond re●son to proue the preheminēce of Bishops aboue P●iests frō their power of iuridis●tion , becau●e they haue the s●me that the Apostles had . Bellarmines words are these : Se●●●●● probatur h●c idem , ex aistin●●i●ue Apos●clo●um & Dis●ip●lor●m s●ptuaginta . Secondly the same is proued ( to wit that Bishops are greater then Priests ) by the di●tinction of the Apostles , and the seauenty Disciples ; and then do ensue immediatly those words : Epis●opos Apostolis suc●edere , that Bishops do succeed the Apostles , and Prie●●s the seauenty disciples , all Fathers do constantly teach . So that here Bellarmine doth not found his argument of prouing Bishops to be greater , and worth●er then Priests● vpon the succession of Bishops to the Apostles Apostlicall Iu●isdiction , but in the dignity of holy Order , which is sufficient to proue thē to be greater then Pri●sts : nor doth he fetch this his second reason from iurisdiction , but from distinction , as you see , in his plaine words : and therfore these other words of M. Barlow written in great letters , that they haue the same ( to wit Iurisdictiō ) which the Apostles had , and did succeed the Apostles therin ; this I say , is falsely put in , and he did well to write the word ( therin in markable great letters , for that it contayneth a markable fraude , no such word b●ing in Bellarmine to that sense : nor did all Fathers , nor any Father teach this , that Bishops succeed the Apostles in Apostolicall Iurisdiction ; but rather the plaine contrary , as is largely proued in the other places , ci●ed out of the fou●th book de Pontifice , where the negatiue is put downe by Bellarmine as you haue heard , concerning Apostolicall Iurisdiction ; to wit , that Bishops do not therin succeed vnto the Apostles ; which though of it selfe it be euident , for that euery Bishop hath not Iurisdiction ouer the whole world , as the Apostles had , nor may teach , or preach , or build Churche● throughout the world , as they by their vniuersal iurisdiction might : yet doth Bellarmine proue the same largely t●roughout foure whole Chapters togeather , shewing that al●eit Christ our Sauiour did giue immediatly vnto all the Apostles , vniuersall iurisdiction ouer the world ( but yet differently to S. Peter from the rest , for that he was appointed to be the ordinary high Pastour ouer the same , and they extraordinary , and consequently he to haue successours in his vniuersall iurisdiction , and they not : ) yet doth he not so giue it to all their successours , but only mediatly by the chiefe ordinary Pastour of al , which is Peters successour , and that also with more limitation of place : wherof ensueth , that no Bishop , besides the Bishop of Rome , though he succ●ed the Apostles in dignity of Episcopall Order ; yet doth he no● in iuri●diction , but receiueth that mediatly only from God , by the sayd Bishop of Rome . And this doth Bellarmin proue , ( to wit , that all Bishops take their iurisdiction from the Bishop of Rome ) by eight seuerall arguments out of Scriptures , Fathers , Councells and reasons in one chapter , which is the 24. next following , and answereth all the arguments obiected to the contrary , to wit , fix by name , repeating often and prouing , that in this power of iurisdiction , Episcopi non succedunt proprie Apost●lis , Bi●hops do not succeed properly the Apostles : expounding also what he mean●th by the word properly● Dicuntur Episcopi ( sayth he ) succedere Apostolis non proprie , eo modo quo ●nus Episcopus alteri , vnus Rex alteri , sed duplici alia ratione , primò ratione Ordinis sacri Episcopalis , secundò per quamdam similitu●inem &c. Bishops are sayd to succeed the Apostles , not prope●ly , as one Bishop succeedeth another , and one King a●other , ( in all their power and iurisdiction ) but two other wayes ; the first by reason of sacred Episcop●ll Ord●r which they haue , which the Apostles had : and secondly by a certaine similitude or proportion , that as the Apostles were the ●irst , and immediate vnder Christ , when he was vpon earth , so are Bishops now vnder the chiefe Bishop &c. A●l which being set downe so clearely in Bellarmines owne words , and writings , heare I pray you what modest conclusion M. Ba●low maketh of all that is said . If he stand ( saith he ) on the place where the negatiue is , to wit , in the fourth booke de Pontifice , there indeed the Cardinall , driuen to ●is shif●s , is forced to coyne this distinction : but yet that salues not the contradictiō , but maketh it greater . For therin he sheweth , that he mani●estly opposeth both himselfe and all the Fathers . For in superiority of Iurisdiction Bishops by testimony of all the Fathers succeed the Apostles , as himselfe con●esseth , proueth , and approueth in this place . So he . And what shall we say now to this ? Was there euer the like dealing or māner of answering , to out-face a man , against his owne words , proofs , and protestations ? Doth Bellarmine confesse , proue , and approue in this place , that Bishops do succeed the Apostles , in their superiority of iurisdiction , receaued immediately frō Christ , which he hath impugned before by so many strong arguments ? In what law of modesty doth this lye , to affirme such things ? But see , I pray you , how cōtradictory he is to himselfe , euen in these few lynes . For if Bellarmine were driuen to coyne this distin●tion , that Bishops did succeed the Apostles in dignity of Order , not in power of iurisdiction , then cannot he be sayd to confesse , proue , and approue , that they do succeed in superiority of iurisdiction , as here M. Barlow affirmeth him to auouch . And can there be any thing more contradictory then this ? And is not passion a great infirmity , that driueth a man to these absurdities ? I will let passe that childish , though malicious scorne which he vseth against Cardinall Bellarmine in comparing him with D. VVhitaker , whose name ( sayth he● though dead , like Zisca his drume , is a terrour to Bellarmine : alluding vnto that famous roguing Rebell of Bohemia , Zisca , who enraged with the drunkennes of Iohn Husse his new heresie , vpō the point of some two hundreth yeares agoe , tooke armes against his lawfull Soueraigne , made an army of the common people , that were put into madnes with the same heresy , tooke Castels , spoyled Townes , bu●ned Villages , Monasteries , murthered in●inite people , especially o● the Clergy , and finally died so miserably blind , both in body and soule , that as hauing not any one eye corporall left him : so seemeth he ( though M. Iohn Fox do set him d●wne for a Saint and Confessour of his Church , in his Ecc●●siasticall Kalender , vpon the fifth day of February ) to haue had no lea●t part of any spirituall eye in his sou●e ; for that men comming to him as he lay on his death-bed , to know how he would be buried , & what sort of obsequies he would haue , he answered most prophanely , that they should ca●t him out where they would , that ●oules might deuoure his flesh , but that first they should take of his skinne , and make a drum therof , assuring them , that his enemies ( the Papi●●s ) would fly vpon the only noise of the same . This is the witty , and modest comparison that M. Barlow thought good to vse betwene Cardinall Bellarmin , and D. VVhitaker ; and of the terrour that M. VVhitakers name , being now dead , doth strike into Bellarmine , as o●ten as he heareth it , no lesse then the drum of Zisca . But how like soeuer M. VVhitaker might be to Zisca for his sect and religion ( scarce setled peraduenture in any ) I will not dispute ; but for the terror of his drum to Bellarmine it is ridiculous to them , that haue read , or do read both their works . And surely what miracles M. VVhitakers memory , or skin may worke now after his death ( especially if it should be made into a drum , as that of Zisca was ) I cannot tell , but sure I am , his tongue , and pen wrought few miracles , whilest he was aliue . And that is euident both by his owne writings , and of others against him , as well in English , as that of M. D. Stapleton , M. Gregory Martyn , and M. VVilliam Reynolds ; as also in latin , of the said D. Stapleton in two bookes , Duraeus , and Gretz●rus haue euidently d●clared . And to repeat only a note or two , giuen by the said M. Reynolds , whome all men know to haue byn a very modest man , and for many yeares to haue byn a great Protestant , his censure was very meane of M. Doctor VVhitakers learning , as may appeare by his booke against him , ascribing vnto him very shallow knowledg , and in●olerable arrogancy , in condemning all Doctors and Fathers , as appeareth both in his Preface p. 44. 45. and in the ensuing book pag. 495. 496. And againe he sheweth , pag. 109. that he vnderstandeth not the Protestant doctrine of only Faith , which he taketh vpon him to defend . Moreouer he sheweth , pag. 23. 25. 114. 115. 123. 126. 319. how he contradicteth himselfe most mani●estly : and that this is his custome , which is no signe of exquisite learning as all men know . And finally to enter into no more particularities , I will cite only halfe a score of lines , if they be so many , of M. Reynolds words , concerning M. VVhitakers ignorance , discou●red in one only Paragraph . In this Paragraph , sayth M. Reynolds , you commit as many errors as lightly you may . For first you vnderstand not M. Martyn , whome you go about to confute . Secondly you vnderstand not S. Paul alleadged by him . Thirdly you vnderstand not S. Paul alledged by your selfe . Fourthly you vnderstand not the state of the question , of which you talke . And lastly you vnderstand not your selfe , and the doctrine of your fellowes . Thus he . And presently proueth all these ignorances , one by one , in such sort , as I see not how any of them may iustly be denyed . And yet ( forsooth ) this is the man , whose skin and drum M. Barlow will haue to be a terror to Bellarmine . Let vs put this to his other follies , and so an end . But if this do not suffice , let M. Barlow if his leasure serue him , reade the two books of M.D. Stapleton , against M. VVhitaker , and he shall soone see the mans weight and worth , and what drum might be made of his skin , or rather what scar-crowes , to feare fooles , for learned men he can neuer feare , that was himselfe so ignorant , and so euer esteemed amongst them , in his life-time ; wherto we may add this for an argument , that his large latin Duplication against the said Doctor , was held by all to be such poore stuffe , as it lay on the printer ( Legats ) hands for want of sale : in so much that he was forced to make sute to M. Chatterton ( your predecessor M. Barlow in the Sea of Lincolne ) in respect of the great multitude of Ministers in that diocesse , that he would cause thē to buy the copies , therby to ease his charge , who otherwise was like to be much ●ānified , if not vndon by the printing of such a worthlesse worke , which of all the works of Bellarmine and Stapleton , you shall neuer heare of to haue happened , though they haue byn printed , and reprinted diuers times . There followeth the fourth Contradiction obiected to Cardinall Bellarmine , about Iudas , where he is accused to ●ay in one place of his works , to wit , lib. 1 de Pontifice , cap. 12. That Iudas belieued not : and yet in another place , lib. 3. de Iust ficatione c. 14● he sayth , that Iudas was iust , & certainly good , which I say was no contradiction at all , if we respect the two seueral tymes , wherof Card. Bellarmine did speake , prouing out of S. Iohns Ghospell , that Iudas in the beginning was good , and did belieue , but afterward , he became euill , and lost his fayth . This was the summe of my answer : and the Cardinalls booke comming out afterwards , hath the same in effect in these words : Distinguish the tymes , you shal agree the Scriptures . Iudas belieued , and was iust , and good , in the beginning of his election ; but afterward he yealded to the tempter , and not only did not belieue , but became a thief also , and betrayed his Lord , and lastly hanged himselfe . So he . And now what do you think , that M. Barlow out of his ingeniosity will find to bring for maintenance , that this was a true contradiction in Bellarmine ? Truly he will adventure far to find somewhat , though it be to his owne shame and discredit . Let vs heare his mad defence . ioyning●sayth ●sayth he ) of the Aduerbe verè ( by Bellarmine ) that Iudas was truly righteous , and certainlie good , and yet did not belieue , makes it a contradiction incurable . And to the end that his fraud may be more notorious , he writeth the wordes truly , certainly and not belieue , in great letters . But now if you looke vpon Cardinal Bellarmines words , you shall find first , that he doth not ioyne the aduerbe vere , that is truly righteous , nor the others of certainly good at all ; his words are these : Domini●o ●o annis 17. Pater quos dedisti mihi custodiui , nemo ex eis periji nisi filius perditionis . Si Pater de dit illum Filio , certe bonus erat . That Iudas was sometimes iust , S. Hierome doth proue out of the words of S. Iohn 17. Father I haue kept those , that thou hast giuen me , and none haue perished , but the sonne of perdition . If God the Father gaue him to his Sonne , truly he was then good . Heere then you see that there is no ●ere iustus , truly righteous , as M. Barlow hath thrust into Bellarmines words . And albeit he sayth , certe bonus erat , yet certe is not referred to bonus , as is euident . These are then two willfull corruptions . But the third is much more eminent , that he maketh Bellarmine to say , that notwithstanding that Iudas was truly righteous , and certainely good : yet did he not belieue . Wheras Bellarmine sayth , he did belieue , and so is it set downe in the forme it selfe of the obiected contradiction , saying ; that first he did belieue , when he was chosen an Apostle , and that then he was iust : but afterward he lost his faith , and did not belieue . And now wil M. Barlow for making vp of some shew of contradiction against Bellarmine , make him say , that at the one , and the selfe same tyme , Iudas was truly righteous , certaynely good , and yet not belieued . And to shew that this is an absurd proposition , he maketh a long discourse out of Scriptures and Fathers , to proue , that without fayth a man cannot be truly righteous , nor certainely good , as though Cardinall Bellarmine had denied the same . Is there any shame in these men ? But after this againe , he goeth further in another place , demanding ; whether , supposing Iudas to haue belieued at the beginning , his fayth were ●ormata or no ? that is , informed by grace , working by charity ; ●llead●ging Aquinas in these words : Surely in him that hath such a ●aith Aquinas sayth , nihilinest damnationis , there is no damnation For being once had , it cannot totally , and finally be lost : nor is it more separable from him , then the essentiall forme of any thing frome the subiect , which it denominates . Thus he . And will not euery man that readeth these words , thinke that Aquinas doth hould all this doctrine heere auerred , that fides formata once had , cannot be finally lost ? M. Barlow hath holpen the matter the best he can to deceaue his Reader , in not citing any place of Aquinas , where he houldeth this , for that he could not do it : but they that are acquinted with Aquinas his bookes , and doctrine , know him expresly to teach the cōtrary , as the Reader may see , if he li●t to peruse the places here quoted , where he purposly proueth , that charitas semel habita potest ami●●i , and for that charity is the forme of faith , it followeth by necessary consequence , that fides formata , to wit , a iustifying faith may in Aquinas his opiniō be lost : and herof no Catholicke Deuine can doubt . So as the impudency was strange , in charging Aquinas with this , which is the proper heresie of Iohn Caluin : but much more that in the very place , whence this pretended contradiction , about Iudas , is taken , to wit , out of Bellarmines third booke de Iustificatione , Bellarmine doth proue by eight examples out of Scriptures the quite contrary , to wit ; that fayth , and iustice being once had , may be lost againe . What will M. B●●low answere to all this ? wil not his friends blush for him in this behalfe ? Or will not euery iudicious Reader make a pause here , and say , that it is a strange misery of a cause in religion , which cannot be defended , but with such grosse , & palpable falshoods . Let vs leaue thē these obiected contradictions and passe to some other things . The Cardinal hath answered al the rest him selfe ; nor did I think it good , that wrot besore him , to preuent him therin , nor yet to ●asse any further , hauing proued these first foure to be such , as now you haue seene : though M. Barlows defence hath made the matter far worse . OF THE CONTENTIONS OF SVNDRY OTHER EMPEROVRS , KINGS , AND PRINCES with Popes of their times , in temporall affaires : obiected as arguments against the security of acknowledging the Popes Superiority . VVHERIN many fraudes and forgeries are discouered in M. Barlow , particulerly concerning Fredericke the second , and his contentions with Popes . CHAP. V. THis argument of the temporall dangers imminent to Princes , as is pretended , by acknowledging the Popes supreme Authority , and of so many hurts and dangers ensuing therof , though we haue ●omwhat largely handled before by occasion of the examples obiected of the Emperours Henry the 4. and Henry the 5. yet here are we forced to re●terat● the same argument againe : for that many more examples are obiected , concerning the sayd Henry the fourth his doing pennance at the Ca●tle of Canusium , inforced therunto by Pope Gregory the 7. as also of the Emperour Fredericke the 1. forced by Pope Alexander the third to lye a groo●e on his belly , and to suffer the other to tread on his neck : of Philip the Emperour sayd to be slaine by Otho , at the Popes motion : of the Emperour Fredericke the second excommunicated and depriued by Pope Innocentius the 4. & procured afterward to be poisoned : that Pope Alexander the third wrote to the Souldan to poison the Emperour , & sent him his picture to that effect : that Pope Alexander the sixt caused the brother of Baiazetes the Turkish Emperour named Gemen to be poisoned at his brothers request , and had two hundred thousand crowns for the same : That our King Henry the second , besides his going barefoote on pilgrimage , was whipped vp and downe the Chapterhouse , like a schoole boy , and glad to ●scape so too : That the Father of the moderne King of France was depriued by the Pope of the kingdome of Nauarre , and himselfe ( I meane this King of France ) forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxation of his excommunication , as he was content to suffer his Embassadour to be whipped at Rome for pennance . All these examples ( sayd I in my Letter ) were heaped togeather to make a muster of witn●sses , for profe of the dangers that Princes persons are , or may be in , by acknowledging the Popes supreme Authority : adding this for answere . But first ( quoth I ) in perusing of these , I find such a heape indeed o● exaggerations , additions , wrestings , and other vnsincere de●lings , as would require a particuler Booke to refute them at large . And the very last here mentioned of the present King of France , m●y shew what credit is to be giuen to all the rest , to wit , Rome● & the latin Interpreter turneth it , Vt Legatum suum Romae virgis caesum passus sit , as though he had byn scourged with rodds vpon the bare flesh , or whipped vp and downe Rome ; wheras so many hundreds being yet aliue that saw the Cerimony ( which was no more , but the laying on , or touching of the sayd Embassadours shoulder with a long white wand vpon his apparell , in token of submitting himselfe to Ecclesia●tical discipline ) it maketh them both to wonder , and laugh at such monstrous assertions , comming out in print : and with the same estimatiō of punctual fidelity do they measure other things here auouched . As ●or example , that our King Henry the second was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house , and glad that he could escape so too , ●or which he citeth Houeden , and this he insinuateth to be by order of the Pope : in respect wherof ( he saith ) the King had iust cause to be afraid . But the Author doth plainely shew the contrary , first setting downe the Charter of the Kings absolution , where no such pennance is appointed : and secondly after that againe in relating the voluntary pennance which the King did at the Sepulcher of S. Thomas , for being some occasion of his death , doth refute therby this narration , as fraudulent , and vnsincere , that the King was whipped like a school boy by order of t●e Pope , as though it had not come from his owne free choice , and deuotion . Thus sayd I in my Letter . To these two last examples of whipping , both in the King of France his ●mbassadour , & our King Henry the second of England , M. Barlows reply is only in certaine scoffs for intertaining of t●●e . A wand ( saith he ) was laid so●tly on the Embassadour of France his shoulders &c. Is the rod of Ecclesiasticall discipline in Rome , turn●d now in●o a white wand so●tly laid on ? Againe after : Herby a man may coniecture , what the sel●e-whipping of Iesuits , and Roman●sts is . VVill they not s●y when they haue the ●●ip in their hands , as S. Peter said to his Maister , Parce tibi : be good to your sel●e Syr ? For no man yet euer hated his owne flesh , but nourished it : which is a better place of Scripture against selfe-whipping , then t●e Pop● hath any for turning the rod of correction , into a wand of Cerimony . So he . And whether it be a better place of Scripture or no , I wil● not decide : but sure I am , that the practice is more ●asy and sweet to nourish a mans owne flesh , then to disciplin the same ; and more allowed , I doubt not , by M. Barlow , & such as follow his spirituall directions . But yet about this better place of Scripture auouched by M. Barlow , against whipping , it shall not be amisse to consider somewhat , how rightly it is aleadged , and therby see what becōmeth of Scriptures , when it is once brought into these mens possessions . The place is cited togeather , as you see , all in a different letter , as if S. Peter had spoken the whole ; & yet in the margent he quoteth Matth. 16. and Ephes. 5. wherby those that are learned vnderstand , that the former words only of Parce tibi : spare your selfe Syr , are of S. Peter , and the later , of nourishing our flesh , against disciplining , is of S Paul. And not to stand vpon the former clause , albeit that it differ from the vulgar translation , surely the place of S. Paul beareth not M. Barlows sense and application against disciplining of our flesh , which is so farre of from the Apostles true drift and meaning , as nothing can be more . His words are these : Husbands ought to loue their wiues , as their owne bodies , and he that loueth his wife , loueth himselfe , for no man euer hated his owne flesh , but nourisheth , and cherisheth the same , euen as Christ the Church . And is this so good a place of Scripture now , as M. Barlow saith , against selfe-whipping , for so much as here the Apostle speaketh of husbands nourishing and cherishing their wiues , as Christ doth his Church ? Which though he loued as his owne flesh , yet doth he often whip and chasten , as all men do both see , and feele , that liue in her . This then is impertinent , and nothing to S. Pauls meaning . But what ? were it not a better place to the contrary , for whipping and chastening a mans owne flesh voluntarily , when the same apostle saith , Cas●igo corpus meum , & in ●●r●itutem ●e●igo : It do chasten my owne body , and doe bring it into seruitude : the Greeke word also being more forcible , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to make blacke , or ●lew : as also where he talketh of Vigiliae , & ieiunia multa , of manie Vigills and fastings , practized by him , and other Apostles . Doth not this proue that a selfe-chastizing of a mans bodie is pleasing to God ? What will M. Barlow say to that other precept of ●erram● do you mortifie your members vpon earth . Doth not voluntary mortification of the members of our body include voluntary cha●tisment of the flesh and consequently allso whipping sometimes if need require ? What will he say of that crucifying our members , wherof the same Apostle speaketh ? Doth not crucifying imply as much as self whipping ? But it semeth that these things are strange paradoxes to M. Barl. that was neuer acquainted with the same , but being accustomed rather with the other pa●t of the sentence of nourishing & cherishing his flesh , by good cheere , soft apparell , and other delicacies of life , so far ●orth as he hath bene able to procure it , laughing at them that ta●ke o● whipping , quia ani●alis homo non percipi●●a qu● 〈◊〉 sp●●itus D●● because the fleshly man doth not vnderstand those thing● that appertaine to the spirit of God. And this shal be a sufficient answer to M. Barlowes trif●ing about whipping , both in the King of France his Embassadour at Rome , and King Henry the second at Canterburie in England . But yet one thing is to be noted , for conclusion about whipping King Henry the second , of whom it was sayd before , that he was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-●ouse , like a schoole boy , and glad to escape so too : now being pr●ssed by my answer thereunto out of Houeden , and other witnesses that the penn●nce which King Henry did there , was voluntary , and not enioyned by the Pope : now ( I say ) M. Barlow answereth it thus : VVhether the pennance were voluntary or enio●ned to the King , who maketh the question ? the Apologer said no such thing &c. But let the words themselues now recited be iudges in the matter , which say , that he was whipped vp & downe the Chapter-house like a schole boy , and glad to escape so too . Doth this import voluntary or inuoluntary whipping ? And how then can M. Barlow say , that the Apologer said no such thing ? For if he were glad to escape so too , who will not inferre , that he would haue escaped with lesse whipping , if he could , and that therefore the same was in●erred ? which is y●t contradicted by those Historiographers that recount the same . And I think M. Barlow will find very few school-bo●es that are voluntarily whipped . There remaine now the other examples of the Emperours Frederick the first , Henry the sixt , and the rest before mentioned , affirmed to haue bene iniuriouslie dealt withall by Popes of their time . All which I might iustly pretermit , as prouing nothing against our case of the Oath , though all were graunted , which hath bene obiected about them . For suppose that some Popes had dealt hardly , and rigorously with some Emperours , Kings , and Princes , that should no more take away his authority , then it should take away any Kings authority , if he should offer iniury to one , or more of his Nobilitie . But besides this , I sayd further in my Letter , that in examining the particulers , I found many exaggerations , additions , wrestings , and vnsincere dealings in the alleaging of these examples . And as for the first of Fredericke , that he should ly a groo● on his belly , and suffer Pope Alexander the third to tread on his necke , and say , super aspidem & basilis●um &c. is a great exaggeration , and refuted as fabulous by many reasons , & authorities of Authors alleadged by Card. Baronius , to whom I remitted the same , for that the discourse therof was euer long to be repeated by me in that Letter . The other exāple also of Henry the 6. Emperour , whose Crowne C●l●stinus the Pope is accused to haue stroken from his head with his foote , after he had set it on , I held in the same number of fabulous narrations , for that it being sayd to be done in Rome , it was only mentioned first by an ●nglish writer Roger H●ueden , that liued so many hundred miles from the place , and thereby might easily be deceaued , as Reynold of Ch●ster in like māner was , that took it of him . Wh●ras no other writer o● other nations , eyther present 〈…〉 coronation , when the thing is fayg●ed to haue bene done●● God● fridus 〈◊〉 Secr●tary to the said Emperor ) n●r other writers afterward relating the said Coronation , a 〈◊〉 , b Na●●●●rus , c Sab●ll●●●s , d Blondus , e Sigoni●s and f 〈◊〉 do so much as o●●● make mentiō therof , which ●s ●m●rob●●le that they would haue pretermitted , being so 〈◊〉 a ●oint , if it had fallen out . To this last example , and my answer about the same , M. Barlow hath no reply to make , but that Baronius seemeth to take it for a truth , and graceth it , saith he , with a symbolical hieroglyphike , expressing what the Pope should meane in doing so . Whereto I answer , that Baronius relating the matter out of Roger Houeden , doth neither affirme it to be true , or false , but according to that narration of Houeden expounds what it might signify if it had bene true , and as it was ●ould Houed●n in England . But so many other authors that speake of that Coronatiō , & mention not this other f●ct , as ●ow we haue alleadged , do make the negatiue much more probable . And as for the former about Fredericke the first Emperour , and Pope Alexander the third , I 〈◊〉 to stand to my former remissiō therof , to the large di●cussion of Cardinall Baronius , far ouer long to be brought in , into this place : but there all may be seene at large , to wit , the meeting of the said Pope and Emperour at Venice , vpon the yeare 1177. the kynd and friendly reconcilement betweene them , written by the second Archbishop of Sal●rnum called Rom●aldus , who was Legate or ●mbas●ad●ur to the King of Sicily , & was present , & saw all that pass●d : whose Recordes are yet extant in an ancient Got●icall character aswell in the Church of Sal●rnum , as in the Vaticam Library . He proueth the same also by the epi●●les & act●s themselues of Pope Alexander yet extant , and by the silence of all ancient writers that lyued then , or soone after , w●o m●ntioning all that passed very particulerly , do not make mention of this act of the Popes putting his foot vpon the Emperours necke , nor of any such spe●ch , as super a●pidem & ●asilis●ū &c. And finally he proueth the same to be a table , by the disconueniency of diuers other thing● there done to make peace , as that yt had beene the way to ouerthrow all , and to exasperate the Emperour for euer , whom the Pope sought by all meanes to pacific and gaine , and yt was contrary to that Popes nature and condition , who was sweet and curteous , with sundry other arguments , which I let pa●●e , re●erring the Reader to that co●ious discou●s● and declaration of his about this matter : Agaynst all which , M. Barlow now alleageth nothing of any moment at all , but inueighing ●irst against Baronius for alleaging a manuscript in the Popes Librarie , one Romualdus ( sayth he ) not yet extant in view , and for ought is knowne , may aswell be ●orged as true . And is not this good dealing , when ther● are so many authors o● credit in print , to a●●ow this s●orie ? One manuscript , vn●o●h , ●b●●ure ●rit●r must encou●t●r the credit of them all . So he . And ag●ine after he tea●meth the said Rom●aldus , A Vatican Desk-creeper &c. But the answere is easie , that the printing o● a booke , maketh it not of greater authority : for then no worke had beene of authoritie , some hundred yeares agoe when there was no print in the world , but all were manuscripts . And as for the truth of this s●orie , Baronius toucheth so many particulers of the two Libraries where the worke is extant in Gothicall characters , which euery man may see and read , as no probable doubt can be that he hath deuised or faigned it ; as there may well be of VValthramus Naumburg●nsis so often alledged against vs , of whom notwithstanding we haue no other certainety then the credit of Flaccus Illyricus the Lutheran , which with vs is very small : wheras Baronius remitteth all men to these two auncient manuscripts , stil extāt and to be seene by al that wil. And as for some later writers obiected by M. Barlow to haue affirmed the same of Fredericke , Baronius his answere a●ter many other proofs , is this : Si quid huiusmodi per Alexandrum Papam &c. If any such thing had byn done by Alexander the Pope , how would these writers , that were present and wrote euery least thing that was done , yea did set downe euery seu●rall thing , in the very words that they were sp●ken there , & that with all diligence , as we haue seene now the Kings Legate Romualdus to haue done : how I say , is it probable , that they would haue pretermitted this matter , so strange , so new , so mon●●rous for the indecency thereof , there being also so many emulators , and of faction ag●inst the Pope ? Would no one of them set it downe in their writings , or so much as make mention therof ? So Ba●o●ius . There followeth in the third place , the story of the Emperor Philip , of which I wrote thus before : That also of the Emperour Philip , affirmed to be slaine by Otho his opposite Emperour , at the incitatiō of Pope Innocentius the third , is a meere slaunder , for that according to all histories , not Otho the ●mperour , but another Otho named of VVitil●spacke a priuate man , and one of his owne Court , vpon a priuate grudg did slay him . Albeit Vrspergensis , that followed the ●action of the Emperours against the Popes , do write , that he had heard related by some the speach here set downe , that Innoce●tius should say , that he would take the Crown from Philip , or Philip should take the Myter from him : yet he sayth expresly● quod non erat credendum , that it was not to be belieued . And yet is it cited here by our Apologer , as an vndoubted truth , vpon the only authority of Vrspergensis in the margent . To this also M. Barlow hath very litle to reply , & might wel haue held his peace ; but that he saw himselfe obliged to say somwhat . Wherfore first he granteth , that such a mistaking of one Otho for the other , might be in so intricat a Story . Then he goeth about yet further to amēd the matter , by this euasion , that it was not sayd , that Philip was slaine by Otho the Emperour his hands , but that Otho slew him , which may ●e re●●rred ( saith he ) to his meanes , rather then to his hands . But what is this to our purpose , who do seeke which of the Otho 's did slay Philip ? And Vrspergensis who then liued , saith , that he was slaine by Otho the Count , without any mentiō in the world of any procurement therof by Otho the Emperour , and much lesse of the Pope ; howbeit M. Barlow maketh one Nicolas Cisucrus ( o● whome yet I had otherwaies no notice● to tell vs out o● Vrspergensis , That not long after the p●ace was concluded mutual●y , what ●y the Pope , what by Otho , betw●ne them BOTH , Philip , was murthered in his Chamber , and ●laine : putting the words , what by the Pope , what by Otho in di●●erent letters , and then the word BOTH in capitall characters , to make his lye more visible , which otherwaies was gros●e inough of it selfe . ●or ●●re I am , that no such thing is to be ●ound in Vrsp●rgens●s : & if Cis●erus relate no other then he hath of him , it is very probable that he hath as little , and that all is framed out of the forge of M. Barlows chymerical inuention . And as for the distinction , which he maketh in the same place , betwene Conradus a Lich●●na● , and Abbot Vrspergensis , I shall a little after in this Chapter , vpon another occasion , shew it to be no more , then there is betwene VViliam Barlow , and VVilliam ●incolne , as he stileth hims●l●e in the end of his Epistle to his Maiesty , to wit , that it is one and the selfe same man , and it is but a dreame of M. Barlow to make them two . So likewise touching the other distinction● set down in the words be●ore alleadged , that the 〈◊〉 marke re●erred to Otho the Emperours meanes , as w●ll , or rather , ●●en to 〈◊〉 hands ; there shall need no further r●futation , 〈◊〉 the Apology it selfe , saying : vp●●aith ●●aith he ) Otho against him , who sl●●● him , and presently went to Rome and was crowned Emperour by the Pope . Do not these words affirme plainly , that Otho the Emperour , and not Otho the Count slew Philip ? And yet doth his Author Vrsp●rg●nsis cited in the margent affirme expressely , that Otho the Count , and not Otho the Emperour slew him , as now hath bene sayd , which M. Barlow here granteth , though with an exception , saying : For the Count he is plaine , of the Emperour he sayth nothing : silence omits the relation , excuseth not the guilt . By which words it seemeth that he would say , that albeit Otho the Count did sl●● Philip , yet Oth● the Emperour had his hand therin . But what one author can he alleadg of any credit , that saith the same ? He alleageth for a coniect●re , and vrg●th t●e words of the Pope before cyted ; that he would either take from Philip his crowne , or Philip should take ●rom him his M●t●r , which being related only by Vrspergensis , as a 〈…〉 , he addeth notwithstanding , quod non erat cr●den●●● , that it was not to be belieued : which word● M Bar●●● now corre●t●th , s●●ing , that his true words are , dissi 〈…〉 , & vi● credendum , which he Eng●isheth thu● ; 〈…〉 , was a hard thing to be related , and scarsely 〈…〉 , wherin you see that he helpeth the dye ( to vse M. M●●ton● phrase ) by a fauourable translation . The substance is not any thing different from the summe of his words which I set downe before . There ensueth in the fourth place , the obiection about the ●mperour Frederi●k the second , of whō I wrote in my Letter thus . The like may be said of the tale of Fredericke the second , attempted to haue bene poysoned , first in Apulia by Pope Innocentius the 4. and afterward effectuated by one Man●redus , as hyred by th● Pope : which is a very tale indeed , and a malicious tale . For that he which shall read all the Authours that write of his life , or death , as 1 Platina ( whom the Protestants hould for free in speaking euil of diuers Popes ) 2 Blondus , 3 Sabellicus , 4 Nauclerus , 5 Crantzius , 6 Sigonius , & others , shall fynd , that as they write very wicked things committed by him in his life : so talking of his first danger in Apulia by greiuous sicknes , they make for the most part no mention of poison at all , and much les●e as procured by Pope Innocen●ius , praysed * for a very holy man , & to haue proceeded iustly against Fred●ricke . And s●condly for his death , they agree all , that it was not by poyson , but by stop●ing his breath and stifeling him in his b●d with a pillow , by Man●redus his owne bastard-Sonne , to whome he had giuen the Princedome of Ta●entum , for 〈◊〉 l●a●t he should take it ●rō him againe , & b●stow it vpon Conradus his other sonne . But that the Pope was priuy to this , or hyred him to doe the fact , as our Apologer a●●irmeth , there is no one word or syllable in these Authors thero● . But you will sa● , that he cyteth one Petrus de Vineis in his margent , and Cus●●nian in the life of Fredericke , both which are but one Author ; for that Cuspiniam p●of●sseth to t●ke what he sayth , out of Petrus de Vin●●s , which Petrus was a seruant to Fredericke , & a professed enemy to the Pope , and wrote soe parti●lly of this contention , as Pope Innocentius himselfe wrote Apologe●i●os● ( as Blondus record●th ) Apologeticall Books , to confute the l●e● of this Pet●us de Vin●●s in his li●e tyme. And yet you must note , that ●● auouc●eth not all that our Apologer d●th , with soe much stomacke , or affirmatiue ●ssertion . For thus relateth Cuspinian the matter out of Petrus de Vineis : Non potuit ca●ere , &c. The Emperour could not auoid , but when he returned into Apulia he perished with poyson , the 27. yeare of his raigne , and 57. of his age , on the very same day that he was made Emperour . For wheras at the towne of Horenzola in Apulia , hauing receaued poyson he was dāgerously sicke , and at length , by diligence of Phisitians , had ouercome the same , he was s●ifeled by Man●redus his bastard-sonne , begotten of a noble woman his Concubine , with a pillow thrust into his mouth , whether it were , that Man●redus did it as corrupted by his enemies , or by the Pope , or for that he did aspire to the Kingdome of Sicilia . So he And albeit , as yow see , he sayth more herein against the Pope , then any of the other Authors before mētioned for that he desired to cast some suspitions vpon him : yet doth he it not with that bold asseueration , that our Apologer doth , saying : That both his first sicknes was by poyson of the Popes procurement , and his murthering afterward by hyring of Manfredus to poyson him againe : wheras the other ascribeth not the first poysoning to the Pope ( if he were poysoned ) neyther doth so much as mention the second poyson , but onely the stifeling , and finally leaueth it doubtfull , whether the same proceeded from the Emperors enemies , or from the Pope , or from his Sonnes owne ambition , and emulation against his brother . Thus much I wrote then . Whereunto now M. Barlow endeauoureth to make a large reply , but without any re●utation in e●fect , of that which is said : only in words he seemes to wrangle , wherein I meane not to follow him , but with breuity , to see whether any thing in substance be contrary to that which heere is set downe . The points in controuersie are : First , whether Frederick the Emperour dyed by poyson : then whether he were murthered by stopping his mouth with a pillow by Man●redus his Sonne : and thirdly whether the Pope had any part in the one or the other . The first two points are of small importance to our purpose , but only the third . About the fir●t t●at ●e died of poyson , my words were , that the most part of Authors make no mention thereof ; but whether they doe or not , it litle impo●teth . M. Barlow replieth to this , saying : That he was poysoned , there are as many ●or it , as otherwise : Cus●inian , Petrus de Vineis , and Matthaeus Pari●tensis . W●erto I answere , that these three will not make one sure witnesse in this matter : for the first is of small credit , and withall so variable in his tale , as within the compasse of six lines he contradicteth notably himself . For hauing sayd , that v●n●no p●r●t , he died of poyson , in the same place he sayth , that by help of his Phisitians he ouercame the poyson , and was stifled by Man●red . And so our question being , whether he died of poyson , Cuspinian sayth in the last place , no , but that he recouered of the same , and was choaked with a pillow . Let M. Barlow tell vs which we shall belieue : for that , he recouered , and died of the same poyson , is a cleere contradiction , and then I shall answere him further . Neyther can Petrus de Vineis , as after I shall shew , be a witnesse at all , for this poyson . And truly it S. Augustine i●s●ed at the Iewes because against the truth of Christs resurrection they brought forth dormientes testes , sleeping witnesses , much more may we laugh at M. Barlow , for producing the blind braineles carcase of this Peter , to write and testifie what passed a yeare after his death . For albeit there may be some mistaking in the sense of Cuspinian , who ( as M. Barlow afterwards telleth vs ) prefereth this Petrus de Vineis before the Italian writers ( because he fitted his humor best ) for the truth of those things he writeth of Frederick ; yet more exactly reading that Author , I find that he speaketh not of his death , but of the other accidēts of that ●mp●rours life , to which that testimony of Petrus de Vin●is only by him is applied , which at the first sight , may seeme to be referred vnto all , I meane , as well to his death , as life . But M. Barlow his errors are so grosse in this affayre , as they can be excused by no mistaking : for he doth not only often au●●re , that all which Cuspinian hath , is taken out of Petrus de ●ineis , but setteth downe , and that in a different letter , the very words as he would haue them seeme of this Author , saying : In Apuliam rediens veneno per●●t , sayth Petrus de Vineis . Returning into Apulia he perished by poyson ; and then citeth in the margent Epist. lib. 2. But all is cogging and notorious forgery , as more at large shall afterwards be shewed , when we shall handle this authority more in particuler . And for the third witnesse , brought in for a supplement by M. Barlow , to wit , Matth●us Parisiensis , I say , that neither he can be a sure witnesse of this poysoning , for that he affirmeth it not with that certainty , which M. Barlow assureth his Reader , when he sayth , Certayne it is , a●d therin most agree , that the Emperour was drenched , and had tak●n in the poyson before he came to Apulia , potionatus venit in Apul●am , saith Matthew Paris . But here I must cal vpon M. Barlows vnsincerity in alleadging Matthaeus Parisiensis , to his owne purpose , and ●●auing out that which serued not his turne . Matth●ws words are : ●edijt in Apuliam , vt dici●●● potionatus ; he return●d into Ap●lia , as it is said , drenched . Why should M. Barlow leaue out the words ( as it is said ) and yet infer a certainty vpon his words ? Is this plaine dealing ? And as for the second point ; to wit , whether he died by poyson , or by stifeling , M. Barlow though he alleadge Nau●le●us , yet confes●eth , that allbeit he make mention of poyson , yet doth he no● determine it . But I doe add further , that the same Nauclerus , in the very same place , and in the words immediately following , affirmeth the verie same that I doe say , that is , that the most part of Authors do affirme , that he was killed by his bastard sonne Mansredus . Binnius also , he saith , is doubtful , in respect of the variance of writers . But by his leaue , he houldeth the opinion of his stifeling for probable : and lastly he saith , that S●●●nius houldeth that he died of poyson in Apulia . But this is little to the purpose . For what Authors besids Sigonius , or sound arguments , doth M. Barlow bring to proue , that the death of this Emperour Fredericke was by poyson , and not by stifeling ? Wheras , first we haue for the later , in some sort Sigonius himself , confe●●ing that it was so reported , but more assertiue by Vincentius , Ioannes Villan●s , S. Antoninus , Blondus , Platina , Sabellicus , Thomas Fazelius , Crant●ius , Paulus Lingius , Cuspinian , and others , whom we omit ; for that these may suffice , to conuince the Apologer affirming resolutely , that he died of poyson , which is the case now in question betwene vs , and denyed by me . And ●ere by the way ( gentle Reader ) I cannot omit ( hauing since the printing of my Letter , ●allen vpon another edition o● Cuspinian , with large annotations vpon the same , by one VVolfgangus Hungerus , a Dutch m●n ) to let thee know also his iudgement herein : who hauing much trauailed , as it seemeth , to si●t , and search out the truth of this matter , reiecteth both the one , and the other opinion as fabulous , and proueth largely , that he died of a feuer , and that also very repentant . To which we may add the testimony of Abbas Stadensis , and Matthaeus Pari●iensis , who making mention of his finall repentance , absolution frō Censures , & putting on the habit of the Cisterciā Monks , haue nothing of the poyson , or pillow , which Matthew yet liuing at that time , by all likelyhood , should haue heard of the same , if any such thing had happened . And with the former Authors agreeth also Scardius the Caluinist in the li●e of this Emperour . And therefore that he should dye of poyson , is of all the rest most improbable : & it argueth small sincerity in M. Barlow , in so resolute tearmes to affirme vncertainties , only to disgrace the Sea of Rome , which yet will more fully apeare by that , which is now to ensue in the third point ; to wit , whether Pope Innocentius procured his death , which M. Barlow goeth about to proue thus . No Author freeth the Pope , saith he , from this matter : the only freedome which they giue him , is their silence o● him . And is not this S●r a good freing ? I● you had bene aliue at that time and should now be accused to haue had part in that fact , were it not a good freeing of you to say , the Authors that wrote thereof , neuer so much as mentioned you ? Bu● let vs heare you further : Theyr freeing of him is by their silence of ●im , sa●e only one , to w●t Matthaeus Parisiensis , who acquitteth him thus : That indeed the enemies of the Church gaue it out , that the Pope had hyred one , what with money , what with promises , to poyson him● but doth he free him therby ? God knowes , saith he , whether it were true or noe , but ( absorduit Domini Pap● s●ma per hoc non mediocriter ) the Pope got him a soule name by it : quoth that very Author . Thus M. Barlow . But what proueth this very Author against the Pope in this matter ? to wit , that he was infamed by the enemies of the Church . And may not this happen to the holiest man that is ? And did it not happen to our Sauiour hims●l●e , and S. Paul , and other great Seruants of God ? And is the infamation of enemies sufficient with you , M. Barlow , to condemne a man ? But now for this very Author , brought in heere by M. Barlow , and vrged against the Pope , why doth he alleadg him so ca●telously , and with such sleights ? Why had he not tould vs plainely , what he findeth in him , concerning the credit o● this his relation ? Why doth he so closely couer & mince the narration , by telling vs a part , and not the whole , as it lyeth in the Author ? He saith , that the Pope was reported to hyre one to poyson the Emperour , but he telleth not , who that one was , though his Author doth , and maketh a large declaration therof in this very place cited by M. Barlow , and sayth , it is was Petrus de Vineis , as afterwards shall be further declared , when we come to discusse M. Barlows inf●llible demonstrations , which he bringeth in for proofe , that the Emperour was poysoned by the Pope , the chiefest of which is the authority of this Petrus de Vineis , whome M. Barlow there exalt●th aboue the clouds : but we shall so pull him downe , as he shall be brought vnder the earth , and rotten also before that Fredericke died , and so not in case to testify that , for which he is alleadged . And ●or that M. Barl. to cōclude more forcibly against me , and more euidently conuince , that the Emperour was poysoned by the Pope , laieth downe two sorts of proofs , the one which he calleth strong presumptions , and violent inducements ; the other which he maketh more sure and e●iden● : I shal for once be content exactly to examine them both , and see what weight , or moment they carry with them , and whether they be sure foundations to build so much vpon , as M. Barlow would make them . I shal therfore for better perspicuity , set downe his owne words at large , and then after examine them part by part . Well then that the Pope procured the Emperors death by poyson , he goeth about to proue in this manner . The presumptions ( saith he ) are very strong for it ; for sure it is , that the Pope hated him so extremely , vt noc●es , di●sque ( saith Cuspinian ) that day and night he deuised how to DESTROY him . Saul not more eager in the pursuite of Dauid ( yet he eyed him and followed him as the Hawke doth the Partridg ) then Pope a●ter Pope was in pursuing that Emperor , more like Diuels then Christians , if their owne stories be true . He is excommunicated and depriued of Crowne and Allegiance , vpon sleight pretenses by them ; he is procured by them to promise in per●on to go into the Holy-Land against the ●urke ( euen as Iason by P●lias into Col●hos for the Goulden-Fleece ) that in the meane time they might ri●●e his Territories in his absence , and so they did indeed . The Emperour by reason of his dangerous sicknesse , was forced to stay his iourney one yeare ; the Pope tooke it for a dissembling , and excommunicated him for his delay ; the Emperour sending his Embassadors to Rome with their affidauit , to make fayth for his sicknesse , the Pope would not admit them to his presence . Next yeare , to satisfy the Pope , the Emperour determined his iourney , but before his going , he called a Counc●●l of his Princes to Rauenna , which he appointed also for the place of R●ndre-●ous for some of his Souldiers to attend him . The Pope caused them to be stayed from that meeting , way-laying the coasts of Verona and Mil●an , and tooke order that the Souldiers should be spoiled , that were prepared for that expedition against the Tu●ke ; which , alas , is a shamfull thing to speake of , sayth the Abbot that wrote it . The Emperour being in the Holy-Land , and in battaile against the Turke , the Pope ( in his absence ) enters Apulia ( part of the Emperors Dominions ) surpriseth and takes it to his owne vse , and keepeth backe all supply of Souldiers that should go ●or aide of the Emperor in that holy warre : and ( which is the height of all impiety ) the Emperour hauing performed his promise by this iourney , requesting absolution from the Pope , he , not only with contempt denied it , but cōmanded the Christian Souldiers in A●ia , to leaue the Emperour to the Turkes malice , as being a publike enemie of the Church ; and dispatched secret Letters to the Patriarke of Ierusalem , and the Souldiers there , to Rebell against t●e Emperour , a● Blondus ( the Popes soothing flatterer ) is forc't to confesse : and by priuate Letters ( which were intercepted by the Emperour , & wherof he complaines ) dealt with the Saracens to make no truce with the Emperour , nor to deliuer the Crowne of Hierusalem vnto him , though he should winne it by Conquest . And when the Emperour sent Letters of ioyfull aduertisment to the Pope , of his victory and truce taken with the Turke , the Pope threw away his Letters in disdaine , and caused it to be giuen out through the Empire , that the Emperour was dead ; vpon which rumor , there grew a de●ection of many Citties from the Emperour to the Pope ; and those valiant souldiers ( the Almaines ) which were returned from that Christian expedition against the Turke into Apulia , were designed to be slaine by the Inhabitants , vpon this rumor . VVhat is this ( will he say ) to the Popes consent for his POISONING ? Surely they are violent inducements , that he thirsted a●ter the Emperours death which way soeuer : for he which would arme the Emperours owne Souldiers against him ; cause a treacherous Reuolt from him while he was fighting the Lords Battails ; betray him into the mouth of Christs sworne enemy ; inuade his possessions in his absence ; disperse ●al●e rumors of his death , contrary to truth and his owne knowledg ; and by contempts and Anathema's do his best● or worst to breake his heart : would make little accompt or conscience to dren●h him out of this life , if opportunity & secrecy wou●d concurre . Thus you see , I haue fully set down M. Barlows loathsome discour●e : now let vs briefly examine the substance , and truth therof . And wheras he doth so odi●●sly accumulate the rigorous proceedings , as he would haue them to seeme of diuers Popes against the ●mperour ; yet doth he , as you see , fraudul●ntly dissemble & conceale the Emperours demerits , and misbehauiour against the Church , and whole State of Christianity , ●●s●ifi●d by so many Authors , as he may be ashamed to plead ignorance of it : as it may appeare , first by that which Binnius , out of others setteth downe , of the causes of his excommunication by Gregory the 9. in these words : Fredericum secundum tamquam ●oedifragum , Sarace●o●●m sautorem &c. Gregory did ius●ly , and worthily excommunicate Fredericke the second , as a league-breaker , a fauourer o● Saracens , a deceauer of the King of Hierusalem , yea , and of all the Christians that made warre in Asia against Infidels , a breaker of his vow , often confirmed by oath to make warre against the Saracens , and whē afterwards he was absolued from c●nsures by the same Gregory , and restored to the communion of the Church , he added to his offences before abiured , other more gri●uous crimes , to wit , he besieged the Citties of the Church , and raised vp againe that most odious faction of the Gu●lphs and Gibbelines , after it had bene appeased for more then 200. yeares . He gaue offices to the Saracens , and granted them a Citty called Nu●eria Saracenorum . H● spoyled Churches and Monasteries : he Tyrannically oppressed the Sicilians : he dissuaded , and withdrew the King of Tunis his brother , from his holy desire of Baptisme at Palermo : he stopped all the waies , for the assembly of the Councel which Pope Gregory had called at Rome : and finally he kept certaine Cardinalls , and other Prelats in prison , for which Pope Gregory excommunicated him the second tyme. Thus he . All which may be seene more at large in the definiti●e " sentence of Excommunication , and deposition exta●t in the Councell it selfe of Lyons , and related by Matthew Paris ; where also are specified diuers other particul●rs of his periury vpon periury , horrible abusing of the Clergie , his Assassinating of the Duke of Bauaria , the notorious suspition of his being an Hereticke ( for as Fazelius writeth , he tearmed Moyses , and our Sauiour Impostors , & Deum de Virgine nasci non potuisse horrende protulerit ; and horribly pronounced that God could not be borne of a Virgin , and the like : ) which albeit he partly excused , and resolutly denyed ; yet were the proo●es so euident , and euincent , that Patrum omnium consensu ( saith Fazelius , with diuers others here noted ) with common consent of all the Fathers , he was excommunicated , and deposed . To which , if we add what all other Authors ( excepting Vrspergensis his follower , and fabulous Cuspinian ) write of ●im , we shall find him a fit subiect for such an Encomiast , worthy , I meane , to haue his prayses thus blazoned out by M. Barlow . For none I thinke of any honesty , would euer go about to cōmend so wicked a man. But this whole matter will better appeare by the particul●r examination of that , which M. Barlow here reporteth . He is excommunicated , and depriued , sayth he , of Crowne and Allegiance , vpon sleight pretenses by them . And are these sleight pretenses Syr VVilliam ? It seemes your consciēce is not very ●trait that can swallow downe so fast such great gudgeōs . And the same to be no vniust charge against the Emperour , great multitude of Authors may be produced , which both for learning , truth , and credit , wil farre ouer-weigh the flattering collusion of one Vrspergensis , of whome Paulus A●milius ( seeing how he contradicted all manner o● authority ) in his French history writeth thus : Abbas Vrspergensis cius temporis aequalis , Historias suas claudit laudibus Frederici , insectation●que Pontisicum &c. Fama frequenter , & sensus propè omnium conspirans eum d●mnāt &c. Abbot Vrspergensis who liued at that time , endeth his histories with the praise of Fredericke , and railing against the Pope &c. The more common fame , and the conspiring consent almost of all men do condemn him . So he . But it sufficed M. Barlow , that this Abbot could flatter the Prince , ●nd ra●l● against the Pope , which are the most frequent flowers in all his writings . Which two alone , with the huge heape of his lyes , being deducted out of this his large Answer , that ●e●t which remaines may be ●hut vp in a le●se nut-shell , then that was , wherin ●lexander is said to ●aue kept Homers Iliades . But M. Ba●low goeth on . He is procured ( saith he ) to promise in person to goe to the Holy-●and , against the Turke , that in the meane tyme they may ri●l● his Territories , in his absence : and so they did indeed . So he . This is much wrested , or to speake more plainly , is a notorious vntruth , and framed out of his fingers ends , not only against the credit , and vniforme report of Authors , but euen contrary to Vrspergensis himself , on whome only he wil seeme to rely for ●is whole narratiō . For read Vrspergensis that will , he shall not find him to assigne any such cause of the Emperours sending : and if he haue it not , I would faine know vpon what authority M. Barlow doth auerre it ? But we haue seene store of such legier-d●-main ; & if any one trust such a Iugler further then he seeth with his owne eyes , he shall not tayle to be deceau●d . The most that , that Schismaticall Abbot saith , is , that the Empero●rs enemies taking occasion of his abs●nce , inuaded his Ter●ito●i●s . And if M. Barlow will ●ay , that this is all one : although any blynd man will say , that there is great diuersity , then l●t him also combine these two togeather as one : When M. Barlow was in Londō , the Earle o● ●ssex was beheaded● and M. Barlow was in London , that the Earle of ●ssex might be beheaded . And if he cry out against this la●●r , I will ●lso cry shame on the former , for they are both of one stamp . The true causes then why the Pope cau●ed some of his States , as namely Apulia , to be inuaded , are diuers : ●irst the certaine aduertisement he had receaued of a fraudulent peace made by him secretly with the Soldan , before he d●parted out of Italy , and in confirmation therof , vpon his arriuall at Acra in Syria , his Mar●hall depa●ting from him , with part of his army , attended not ( saith S. An●oni●us ) to fight against the Saracens , but against the Christiās , whom he spoyled , as they returned victorious with great booty gotten of their enemies , killing many of them , taking many prisoners , in accōplishment , as it is thought , of his ●ecret agreement before made . ●o●●oue● being a● A●●a , h● would haue destroyed the Church of the Ten plans , & ind●●d he tooke many ●or●restes from them ; and ●inally I●●●salem being yelded vnto him , by the Sol●●n , accord●ng to their cōposition , he permitted the ●oly Temple of our Sauiou●s Sepul●her to be still in the Saracens hands , that Ma●omet might be serued and inuoca●ed th●●●i● . In so much , that neither the Pop●s ●egate , nor the Patriarch of Hi●rusalem nor the ●●m●plars , nor the Knights of S. Iohn● , nor other Barons and Noble men in Syria ; nor the Captaines of the s●rangers would consent to this peace , Quia omnibus v●sa est pax fraudulenta &c. ( saith S. A●toninus ) b●cause it seemed to them all a fraudulent peace , to the hurt & shame of the Christians , & hinderance of the conqu●st of the Holy-Land . And a little after he addeth : Gregorius audita nequitia Imperatoris &c. Gregory hearing of the wickednes of the Empe●our , and his treacherous peace made with the Souldan , ordayned , that besides the sentēce of excommunication pronounced against him before , that King Iohn of Hi●rusal●m , who was then in Lom●ardy , with the army of the Church , should with his souldiers enter Apulia , and stirre vp the people of that Kingdome , to reuolt against ●redericke . So he . And besides this , two other causes are assigned of this inuasion by Sigonius , to wit , that the Emperour departed before he was reconciled to the Church : and moreouer because he went with so small forces , leauing the most part of his a●mie behind him , to rifle , and spoile the Churches o● Sicily . And as for his other most pe●●id●●us dealings before related out of S. Antoninus , they are all recorded in like manner , not only by Ioannes Villanus , who liued soone after Fr●de●icke and by diuers others : but also by the Pratriarch o● Hierusal●m himself , who was an eie witnes of what passed in Sy●ia in his ●pistle to the Christians of the west , who setteth downe so many particulers of his foule and vnchristian dealings , as maketh the matter most ●u●d●nt . A fourth cause , & by all liklyhood one of t●e chiefest , was , that at his departure to the Holy ●and , he le●t order with R●ynald his Deputie in Sicily , to hould the Pope ●nd a●● Clergie men for enemies , who accordingly , vpon Fredericks departure , entred into the state of the Church and t●ere tooke certaine townes in the Marchia of Ancona : as● so Conradus Guiscard , another Captaine of his , entred into the vale of Spoleto , & tooke Ful●gnio . So as we see , that the first beginning of this warre came from the Emperor and not from the Pope , which M. Ba●low might haue seene in Nau●l●rus himself , whom diuers tymes he cyteth ; but that he will haue all men see , that he seeketh not the truth but to intertaine talke by telling of vntruthes , for Nau●l●●us telleth expressely , that wheras the Emperour complayned after his returne , that the Pope had inuaded his territories , w●il●t he was in the Holy Land , the Pope answered that he did that , because R●ynaldus , Fredericks Deputy did first ●et vpon the state of the Church . And as for the cause of Fredericks voyage ( which M. Barlow blusheth not to affirme , to be procured by the Pope that he might ri●le his estate at home al Authors agree , that it was specially pro●ured by Io●n King of Hierusalem , who seeing the present daunger of his owne Countrey , to be ouerrūne by the Saracens , came in person into Eu●ope , & most earnestly sollicited both Pope , Emperor , Kings o● France and England , & other Princes , ●or present succour : wherevnto they all contributed , as euery where is testified . And thus much for thi● point . M. Barlow proceedeth , and saith , The Emperour by reason of his dangerous sicknes , was forced to sta●one year● : the Pope ●oc●e it for a d●ss●mbling , and excommunicated ●im for his delay : and the Emperour sending his Embassadours to R●me with their ●ffi●auit , to make saith for his sicknes , the Pope would not adm●t 〈◊〉 to his presence . So he . In which words two things are au●uched : first that the Emperours stay & delay of ●is vo●age wa● truely sic●nes : and secondly , that for the sam● h● was ●xcommu●icated . But both these if we belieue t●e who●e torrent of other Authors are manifestly false . For most agree t●at the sicknes was counterfait , and that the cause of hi● e●communication , was not for that del●y , but rather for his return● againe with his f●rc●s & gall●●●s a●●●r he had bene for some time at sea , which M. Ba●low could not but haue seene , and therefore might haue beene ashamed vpon the credit of one Schismaticke to checke all other writers , and to set downe this fabulous report for true . For that his sicknes was counterfait may manifestly be gathered by the very behauiour of the Emperour himself , who in that very time , when he was sicke , forsooth , hearing of the death of the Lantgraue of Thuring , came in al hast from Sicily to Brundusium , to rifle the said Lantgraues Palace , where ●e tooke away ●●yth ●rantzius , di●ssimi , P●incipis ●quos , arma , aurum & argen●●m , lau●iss●mam supe●●●●●lem ; the ●o●●●s , ar ●ou● , gould , siluer , and other most sumptuous furniture o● t●at most wealthy Prince . And this his dissimulatiō of sicknes , in plaine termes is ●uo●ched , fi●● by the Pope himself in hi● letters , who 〈◊〉 th●t he knew the sam● , euen frō the 〈◊〉 who then were with the Emperour : and by the ●a●d ●a●zius , a Luthers●nco ●nco ●●a b ●om●i●a●io ●hronologica al Germans al●o by c Platina d Sabellicus , e Blo●dus f Ta●cag●o●a , and others : but these in so cleare a matter may suffice . Now that his excommunication was not for his delay but for his returne , after he was set forth from Brundusium , is most euident by the testimony of most writers , amongst whom Hulderi●us Mutius , a brother-German of M. Barlows ( I meane of the same Sacramentary faith , although as it seemeth , of a more sincere historicall faith or fidelity then he ) relateth the matter thus : Mense Augusto venit Fredericus &c. In the month of August came Fredericke to Brundusium , and making no stay , by reason of the insection , with all his nauy set forth , and went directly for Asia : but being on his way , he came backe againe with the fleete , and returned not without shame : for now all did openly cry out , th●t he was a coward , an effeminate , and periured person , that he neuer intended to go against the enemies of the Christian faith , that he was a dishonour of the Empire . The Pope when he was certified , that Fredericke was returned back againe , presently calling a Councell , with common and ioynt consent of all assembled , iudged the Emperour excommunicated , by vertue of the sentence pronounced against him by his predecessor Honorius , and againe he doth anathematize him vntill he performe his voyage to Hierusalem , and this sentence be caused to be promulgated by his Legates , in Germany , France , and Italy . Frederike when he vnderstood this sentence of the Pope to be euery where esteemed , himself to be accompted a ●oole , and hated of many , and that by contempt of the sentence , there might arise danger , that he might be deposed from the Empire ; the next spring he sayled with many troopes o● German and Italian souldiers into Asia &c. So saith this Zuinghan . And v●●th him agreeth a Nauclerus , b Crantzius , c Fazelius , d Villanus , e Blondus , f Sa●●ll●us , g Ta●●agnota , h Platina , i Antoninus , k Sigonius . ●o which a●so we ma● ad● Matthew Paris , in whom may be seene , both Pope Gregories testimony of the cause why he did excommu●ic●●● him , as also Frederiks letters to the christian Princes in purgat●on of himse●● , for his retu●ne , affirming himsel● to be vniu●tly excommunicated , fo● that as he t●●re saith , he was sicke : and last of all the Authors iudgment of the fact it sel●e , though otherwise partiall inough to the Emperour . For he writeth that vpon the newes of his returne , aboue forty thousand souldiers were so discouraged , that they returned home : Q●od sactum Imperatoris ( sayth he ) domnosè nimis &c. which fact of the ●mperour did redound to the great hurt , shame , and preiudice of all the whole busines of Christ crucified , and for that cause according to the opinion of many , the Sauiour o● the world ( as hath bene said ) shewed himselfe to the Christian people , nayle● on the Crosse , and besprinkled with bloud , as it were making open com●laint vnto all and euery one , of the iniury don● vnto him by the Emperour . Thus Matthew Paris . Whose testimony M Barlow vsing so often in other things , I hop● he will not reiect in this . But let vs go forward . It followeth in M. Barlow . The next yeare to sati●fy the Pope , the Emperour determined his iourney , but before hi● going , he called a Councell at Rau●nna , which he apointed also for the place of Rēdre-vous , ●o● some of his souldiers to at●nd him : the Pope camed ●●●m ●o 〈◊〉 ●tayed from that meeting , way-●aying t●e coastes of Verona and Millaine , and tooke order , that the souldiers should be spoiled , that were prepared for that expedi●●on against the Tur●e , it● T●us he . But by his leaue his Authour Vrspergensis hath it not , in such sort , as he setteth it downe , and therefore it is a shamefull thing in M. Barlow to bely him . For the Abbot saith no other , t●en that , when the Emperour had called a Diet to be held in Lent , at Rauenna of the Princes of Germany , he was hindered from the same , by the messages , and Embas●ages of the Pope , Nam Veronenses , & Mediolanēses , sayth he , non permiserunt &c. the people of Verona and Millaine , would not suffer any to pas●e by their Territories , spoiling and rifeling euen those that were signed with the Crosse , vt asserebāt , au●loritate Domini Papae &c. as they sayd , by the authority of the Pope , which ( alas ) is a shamefull thing to speake . And this is all which that Author hath hereof . And here we may see the di●●erence betwene Vrspergensis , and M. Barlow , in seting downe this thing . The ●●r●t only relating what the souldiers pretended and ●aid , for their excuse : and the other most resolutly affirming it for true . Vrs●ergensis sayth , that those of Verona and Mill●ine affirmed , that they spoiled the Emperours souldiers by the Popes authority . M. Barlow seteth it not downe , as the words and excuse of the souldiers , but with a resolute affirmation , that the Pope tooke order , that the waies should be laied , the souldiers spoiled &c. wherin also it is to be noted , that this thing falling out in the yeare 1228. as is to be seene in Vrspergensis , & Frederik● being excōmunicated the yeare before , & remaining 〈◊〉 vnder ce●sures , these souldiers hauing relation to the sentence past , might well say , that they did it by the Pope 〈…〉 to wit , by vertue of the excōmunication , alt●ough the Pope him self neuer knew thereof , and so you see the obiec●ion to be friuolous , albeit we should belieue Vrspergensis the Schismaticall Abbot , de●ending the Emperour ●uen then , when he was excommun●c●c● : yet yt had bene we●l that M. Barlow for his credits ●ake had cited him , as he is : ●or he o● himself is had inough , and litle needed M. Barlows furtherance , to haue made him worse . The next charge against the Pope is more tragicall , then the ●ormer , and is thus expressed by M. Ba●l●w . The ●mperour being in the Holy-Land , and in battail against the Turkes , the Pope ( in his absence ) enters Ap●lia ( part of the Emperonrs dominions ) surpriseth and takes it to his owne vse , and keepeth backe all supply of souldiers , which should goe for ayde of the Emperour in that holy war●e , and ( which is the height of all impi●ty ) the Emperour hauing performed his promise , by that his iorney , reque●ting absolution from the Pope , he not only with contempt denied it , but commanded the Christian souldiers in Asia to leaue the Emperour to the Turkes malice , as being a publicke enemy of the Church , and dispatched secret letters to the Patria●ke of I●rusalem , and the souldiers there , to rebell against the Emperour , as Bl●●dus ( the Popes soothing flatterer ) is forced to confesse . Thus far M. Barlowes piti●ull complaint . And as for the first point , it is already sufficiently answered , in ●hewing Frederick himself to haue bene the Author of the wars in Apulia , by giuing order to R●●nald sonne to the Duke of Spoleto , and the Emperours D●puty of Sicily , to inuade the Popes state in his absence , which he did , a● already at large hath bene declared . All the rest which is added , contayneth nothing but meere malicious vntruthes , and calumniations . For vntrue it is , that the Pope ●ept backe all supplie o● souldiers , whilest the Emperour was in the holy-land , which he laboured to gather from all parts of Christendome to send thither . Neither doth V●spe●g●nsis●ay ●ay so much , but only that he denyed passage by ●ea to the signed souldiers in Apulia and ●omba●dy , which commeth far short of k●eping back all supply , vnlesse it may be proued , that ●e had no ot●er souldiers , but in those two places , or that they could haue no passage but from thence : both which are very false , as this charge is both ridiculous & vntrue , Ridiculous , for the warrs being so ●oat on foote , both in Lombardy , and Apulia , what need was there of any prohibition , ●or not sending away of souldiers out of these partes , when as they were so needfull at home ? Vntrue , for that M. Barlow cannot be ignorant , that Fredericke in his letter to the Duke of Cornewall , which he wrot after his returne from the Holy-land , & in which he laieth down all his agrieuances sustayned ( as he would haue the world to beleiue ) at the Popes handes , hath not one syllable therof : which silence could not come of any ●orgetfulnes , being written a●ter his returne , when things were fresh in his mind , nor yet of any desire he had to spare the Pope : seeing , that lesser matters , & more vnlikely are there vrged , with the most aduantage : and by all meanes he did seeke by this accusation , to discredit him with all Princes , as the most potent meanes , to couer his owne shame , and dishonourable behauiour , as well in the Holy-Land , as in other partes of Europe . Secondly , it is false , that the Emperour performed his promise , which was to go to aide the Christians , and recouer the Holy-Land , w●eras he with his secret and treacherous treaty , & peace , which of purpose he made to hinder the war intended against the Soldan , sayth Antoninus , & Villanus , betrayed them both : the one ( to wit the Christians ) sustayning intolerable iniuries at his hands , and Hierusalem with all the Countrey soone after his returne being vtterl● lost . And this cause all Authors al●eadge , for the not abs●luing of the Emperour by Pope Gregorie , when by his Embassadours he did request it . To whom , saith Crantzius , the Pope euen to their faces obiected the per●idious dealing of their Lord the Emperour , & as Faz●lius addeth , euen the very Turkes themselues confessed , that had Fredericke ioyned with the Christians , and fought ●gainst them , he had gotten out of their hands by force , both Citty and Kingdome . And the euidence of this truth is so radiant ( to vse M. Barlows phrase ) that euen the aboue named Zwinglian Huld●●icus Mutius writing of this request of the Emper●ur , & the Pops denyall , setteth down the matter in these words : Mit●it autem in Europam Legatos &c. The Emperour sendes his Embassadours to ●●gni●y to the Pope and Princes how he had forced the Soldan to yield him vp Hierusalem ; but that peace with the Soldan nothing pleased the Pope , who forsaw that it would not endure , because the chiefe strength of the Kingdome , remained in the enemies hands in such sort , that as soone as the Christian army should be di●●olued , the enemie would easily recouer all againe . Neither was Fredericke himselfe so simple , that he saw not this , but that his mind was wholy set on Germanie and Italy ; and thought it inough for him to haue satis●●ed his vow ( by going thither ) sic fit cùm venatur aliq●is in●i●is ●a●ilus ; So it falles out ( saith he ) when men doe hunt with doggs that haue no list to runne . And Naucleru● sheweth the issue of this affaire after the ●mperours returne into Europe vpon the yeare 1247. where he writeth that this very Soldan of Babylon , with whom the Emperour had dealt , caused the Ara●ians to rise in armes against the Christians : which Arabians setting first vpon the Knights of the Tēple , quite vanquished thē , and easily tooke the Citty of Hierusalē , which had no wall to defend it , & slew the Christians that were in the same . And the Sepulcher of our Sauiour which vntill that tyme had bene kept vntouched , was now with great shame defiled . Thus he . And this may suffice to shew how well Fredericke performed his promise , and what good of●ices he did to the Christian cause , by his going to the H●l●-Land . The third which followes , is so emin●nt an vntruth that alone it may carry away the siluer whetstone , frō all the lyars of Lincolne : for who euer heard , or read before M. Barlow set it out in print , that the Pope ●ōmaund●d the Christian souldiers in Asia to leaue the Emperour to the Turkes malice ? What malice is this in M. Barlow to report so sham●ull an vntruth ? What Author besides himselfe doth auerre it , in this manner , as he doth ? For the Pope knew full w●ll , that Fredericke was in no danger of the Turke , with whom before his departure from Europe he had made peace , and by whom vpon his arriuall into Syria , he was still either fea●●ed , or presented with rich giftes in recompence of his perfidious league , by which he betrayed the Christian army and cause , as hath bene declared . And all that which Naucl●rus sayth , whom M. Barlow citeth to auer the same , is in these words : Pontisex Hospitalarijs , Tēplarijsque in Asia mili●ā●ibus , vt ●rederico tāquam hosti publico sauores detraher●nt , iniunxit . The Pope commaunded the Knightes of the Hospitall , and Templares to withdraw their help from Frederick , as from a publicke enemy : or , as other Authors Platina , Fazelius , Paulus A●milius , & others expres●e it , Vt ab Impera●or●●aue●●nt ; that they should beware of the Emperour . And the last named is more particuler , saying : Vt cau●●ët nomini Christiano insidias à perditissima simulatione F●ederi●i ; that they should beware of the treachery , intended against the Christian cause , by the most wicked dissimulation of Fr●d●ri●ke S● he . A●d thē addeth , Ne● vana suspitio visa , Arabibus , A●●yp●y●que aequio● inu●ni●atu● Caesar quam nostris . Neither was this a vaine ●u●pitiō , ●or the Emperour was found to be a greater friend to the Arabians & Aegiptians thē to the Christians . And this alone sheweth how free Frederi●ke was frō any danger at the Soldans hands : which the Pope well knowing , could not intend to leaue him to his malice , as M. Barlow hath most confidently affirmed : but contrary wise , in respect of the great league , and loue that was betwene him and the Soldan , he feared more that the Emperour would betray the Christians , and leaue them to the Soldans malice ( as in the end it fell out , as now you haue heard ) then that they should leaue him , of whom there was no feare , by reasō of the ten yeares truce already made betwene thē , by which Fred●ricke was secure from all danger , and might stay in the Holy-Land , and returne at his pleasure . Which being so , and the Emperour excommunicated at this time , there was great reason why the Pope should giue order to the Christians for the one , and the other : to wit ; as well to take heed of him , as of a perfidious Traytou● to the cause , as also to withdraw their fauours from him , as from an excommunicated person , and publicke enemy of the Church : but both of these come farre short of leauing him to the Turkes malice , as M. Barlow doth most fa●sly and maliciously auouch . There remayneth yet one vntruth more in this matter , and that worthy of the maker , to with , that the Pope dispatched secret letters to the Patriarch o● Hierusalem , and the souldiers there , to rebell against the Emperour , as B●ondus the Popes soo●●ing flatterer ( sayth M. Barlow ) is ●orced ●o confesse . But here without all soothing and flatteryng I must con●esse , and professe also , that all is lying & forgery which here you speak . For where I pray you , as Blondus forced to this confession ? Where doth he mention these secret letters to the Patriarch ? Truly these letters are so secret , that no mention of them is to be seene in Blondus , and therfore I will more beleiue my owne eyes , then M. Barlowes reportes in this affaire . Hospi●alarijs Templarijsque in Asia pro Crucis honore militātibus ( saith Blondus ) vt Fred●rico tamquam hosti publico fauores detraherent , iniunxit . The Pope commaunded the Knights of the Hospitall , & Templars fighting for the honour of the Cros●e , to withdraw their help or fauours from Fredericke , as f●om a publike enemy . And this is all he hath of this matter , in which as yow see , he sayth no more , then Nauclerus sayed before , but much lesse then M. Barlow would haue him , or rather force him to speak . For there is no mention in him , of any secret letters to the Patriarch , or of any rebellion to be made against the Emperour , but only that they should withdraw their fauours , which no wi●e man , I thinke , will take to be all one , with rebellion : the one being but a meere negation of help , & the other an actual opposition of hostility . All which being considered , there remayneth only this , that some good friend of M. Barlows , aduise him before he write againe , that for common honesties sake at least , he would in his assertions be true in some thing , for hitherto we haue found him f●lse in euery particuler , and shall do much more in that which is to ensue . For thus it immediatly followeth in M. Barlows charge , or rather lying slaunder against the Pope . By priuate letters ( saith he ) which were intercepted by the Emperour , and wherof he complaines , the Pope dealt with the Sarracens , to make no truce with the Emperour , nor to deliuer the Crowne vnto him though he should win it by Conquest . So he . This tale is of it selfe so incredible , and deuoid of all shaddow , or likelyhood of truth , as there needeth no other proofe besides the bare narration thereof to refuse it : and M. Barlow guilty , as it should seeme , of forgery , citeth no Author for the same , vnles he referr vs vnto Vrspergensis , whome in the beginning of this paragraph he cyteth thus : Vide haec omnia apud Vrsp●rgensem ; see all these thinges in Vrspergensis . But of this matter , I must tell him , that Vrspergensis , hath not one syllable , and therefore me thinkes , some other Authour should haue bene cited either in text , or margēt . The most that I can find hereof , is in a letter of the Emperours , to Richard Earle of Cornwall , vnto which it may be M. Barl. hath relation , where amongst other complaintes , the Emperor saith the Popes Nuntius & Legates in Syria dealt by secret letters with the Soldan , that he should not render to the Emperour the Holy-Land , which by right was due vnto him : but , that he should make no truce with him , nor yeald him the Crowne though he should win it by Conquest ( which are M. Barlows words ) there is no mention : and therfore I shall beleiue M. Barlow , as I shall see his proofes , hauing already found him so false in all other Authors whom he hath cited . But graunting all to be true , to wit , that Fredericke obiected this thing , and in this manner against the Pope ; yet it may be presumed that M. Barlow could not but know the answer of the said Pope , which also Mathew Paris setteth downe at large , to wit , that the thing was so absurd , & so improbable , as no man , that was well in his wits would beleiue it . And moreouer the vertuous life of Gregory , and the wickednes of the Emperour being knowne to all , this answer of the Pope to this and other such imputations , being published and spread ouer Christendom , did make the Emperours letters suspected to the whole wo●ld . And so much for this . Now let vs examine the last which followeth in these wordes . And when the Emperour sent letters of ioyfull aduertisement to the Pope of his victorie , & truce taken with the Turke , the Pope threw away his letters in disdaine , & caused it to be giuen out through the Empire , that the Emperour was dead : vpon which rumor , there grew a de●ection of many Citties from the Emperour to the Pope : and those valiant souldiers ( the Almaines ) which were returned from that Christian expedition , against the Turke into Apulia , were designed to be slaine by the Inhabitants vpon this rumor . So he . Still M. Barlow wil be M. Barlow , like himselfe , and false in all things . For why could he not here haue set downe the words of his Author ? Or why doth he so resolutely affirme that for certaine , which Vrspergensis , otherwise imprudēt inough , doth but only relate vpon heare-say ? Papa ( sayth he ) ●um suis cōplicibus ( vt ass●rebant homines ) seci●●n Apulia diuulgari &c. The Pope with his followers ( as men gaue our ) caused to be reported in Apulia , that the Emperour was dead &c. Were these wordes so heauy that they must ly on your stomacke M. Barlow , & not be vttered . Truly if Vrspergensis , who cared litle what he spake against the Pope , said he had it but by heare-say , we may well say , that it is vnlikely to be true , seeing that without that limitation , he bouldly affirmeth for true many thinges , which all other writers condemne for fal●e . But I perceaue we must perforce pardon you M. Barlow ; for it seemes that by some necessity , you are constrained to be sincere in nothing ; your selfe telling vs out of the Oratour , that there is nothing more vncertaine then a report : & this being spoken by the Abbot as a report , and that also of the vulgar people , must needs in the iudgement or disapassionate men , & by force of your owne position , be vncertaine , and consequently your malice very singular , in putting downe this heare-say as an vndoubted truth . And thus good Reader hast thou seene all this sharpe charge against the Pope , to haue bene sufficiently refuted , and that , vnles I be deceaued , to M. Barlowes shame . And if this suffice not , I hope that which ensueth will make vp fu●l weig●t , and therefore I pray thee to stand attent to that which vpon the premisses M. Barlow will now inferre : ●or all this hath bene alleadged to make it probable , or ( to vse his owne wordes ) to lay downe strong presumptions , or violent indu●ementes , that Pope Innocentius the 4. in whose time Fredericke died , had hyred one to poison him . Thus then he concludeth his former charge vpon the premisses . What is this ( will he say ) to t●e Popes consent for his poysoning ? Surely they are violent inducementes , that he thirsted after the Emperours death , which way so euer : ●or he which would arme the Emperours owne souldiers against him , cause a treacherous reuolt from him , whilest he was fighting the Lords batta●ls ; betray him into the mouth of Christes sworne enemies ; inuade his possessions in his absence ; disperse false rumors of his death cōtrary to truth and his owne knowledg ; and by contemptes and Anathema's doe his best , or worst to breake his hart ; would make litle acompt or conscience to Drench him out this lif● , yf opportunitie and secrecy would concurre . So he Wel pleaded M. Barlow . But soft Syr , I pray you take me with you . What is that , which by these violent inducementes , as you terme them , you go now about to proue ? Is it not to shew that Innocentius the 4. hired one to poyson Fredericke ? And are these particulers , or any one of thē which you haue so much vrged , for this purpose , to be verified of Innocentius ? Did not all these thinges passe in the tyme of Gregorie the ninth ( of whose going about to poyson t●e Emperour no man hitherto euer so much as dreamed : ) neyther do yow your selfe charge him therewith , diuers yeares before Innocentius was Pope ? How then may these thinges violently induce any man to beleiue , that Po●e Innocentius did conspire the poysoning of Fredericke ? A●d to the end that your inducementes may be the more strong , we shall reduce the whole force of them into a Logicall argument , thus : Pope Gregory the ninth armed the Emperours soulddiers against him , caused a treacherous reuolt from him , whilest he was fighting the Lords battails , betrayed him into the mouth of Christs sworne enemies &c. Ergo twenty yeares and more after this , Pope Innocentius the 4. hired one to poyson him . This is M. Barlowes violent inducement , set downe in forme , to prooue Pope Innocentius the 4. to be guilty of poysoning the Emperour . And what force it hath , I shall not need to declare . For the argument is so ridiculous and transparent , as there is no child so simple , that doth not see through it . And truly M. Barlow cannot here excuse himselfe in my iudgment from willfull malice , that alleaging all this out of Vrspergensis , who ended his historie with the yeare 1228. or the beginning of the next , at what time Pope Gregory liued , as he did for 12. yeares after , would notwithstanding lay it all vpon Innocentius the 4. for which cause as it may be thought , he dissembled Pope Gregories name throughout al his relation , which he could not but see expressed in his Author . And what will you say to such malicious follie , or foolish malice ? M. BARLOVVS MORE sure and stronger proofes are discouered to be lyes : with other things concerning Fredericke the second , and Innocentius the fourth . §. II. BVT M. Barlow , yow may thinke , hath some better proof besides these violent inducements , to proue the Pope accessory to the poyson , and death of Fredericke , by which he will make all so cleare , as there shal rest no more difficulty in the matter . In those , perhaps , he will vse more sinceritie : & I say , perhaps , for that the custome of lying is so habituated , and rooted in him , as it is difficise mobilis a subiecto , hardly to be separated from him , as the Philosopher speaketh of all other habits , which are not easily separated from their subiectes . Let vs see then what demonstratiue proofs , and irrefutable arguments he will bring to proue , what he intendeth . His words are these . [ And yet that presumptions ( sayth he ) may not only carry it , Cuspinian hauing Authors for both reports , relateth the procurers therof doubtfully , but the instrument certainly , that Mansredus POYSONED him wit●out controuersie , siue ab hostibus , siue a Ponti●ice corruptus , but whether corrupted by enemyes of the Emperour , or by the Pope , he will not say ; but so he died● So he . What still nothing but lying M. Barlow ? Did you not promise vs surer argumentes , then presumptions ? And why then doe you beginne with so notorious vntruthes ? Doth Cuspinian say , that Manfred poysoned him ? Then truly hath M. Barlow belied Cuspinian before ; for that he saied , And Cuspinian agreeth with them ( to wit Petrus de Vineis , and Nauclerus ) that the Emperour recouering by the help of Phisuians , from the poison , Manfred tooke a shorter course with him , and as Hazael serued Benhadad with a cloth , stopped his breath with a pillow . So he . And yf this be true M. Barlow , how then do you here set it out in Capitall letters , by the Authority of Cuspinian , that Man●red POISONED him , and that so died : for these are your words heere . So as if M. Barlow be true in one place , he must needes be false in the other . For in the one he sayth , that he recouered of the poyson , in the other , that he died of the same : which is so playne a contradiction , as M. Barlow will neuer be able to make doth partes to agree . Besides it is a grosse vntruth to affirme , that Cuspinian should say , that the Emperour was poysoned by Man●red , whereof he speaketh nothing at all : and therfore where you say , that he reported the instrumēt certainly , that Mansredus poysoned him without cōtrouersy , certainly without con●rouersie it is a lie of yours , and not the assertion of Cuspinian , whose words you might haue seene set downe in my letter alleadged thus : Non pot●it cauere &c. The Emperour could not auoide , but when he returned into Apulia , he perished with poyson , the 37 ●eare of his raigne , and 57. of his age , and the very same day that he was made Emperor , for wheras at the towne of Florenzola in Apulia he was daungerously sicke , and at length by diligence of Phisitians had ouer come the same , he was stifled by Manfredus his bastard-sonne ( begotten of a noble woman his concubine ) with a pillow thrust into his mouth , whether it were that Manfredus did it , as corrupted by his enemies , or by the Pope , or for that he did aspire to the kingdome of Si●ilia . So he : where you see no mention made of Man●red for the poysoning , but only for the sti●eling . And how then doth he relate the procurers of the poyson doubtfully , and the instrument certainely ? I thinke M. Barlow vseth to write sometimes in his sleepe ; for had he bene waking , he would not ( as I suppose ) euer haue bene so shameles , or ignorant , as so to corrupt or mistake the Authors which he citeth , in so base a manner . And truly Cuspinian himself seemeth to haue dreamed in these few lines here cited , as before I haue noted , for hauing said veneno peryt , he perished or died with poyson , yet presently after as you see , he saith , that by diligence of Phisitians he ouercame the same , and afterwards was stifeled . And with such sleepers , and dreamers are we troubled with all , who not seeking to finde out , or deliuer the truth in the matters they handle , do contradict themselues , and runne into grosse , and palpable absurdities . But let vs proceed . The second maine pillar , vpon which M. Barlow relieth for proofe of the Popes poisoning of the Emperour Frederick , is Matthew Paris , an English man , who ( saith M. Barlow ) affirmeth , that the Emperour hauing discouered a poyson intēded & prepared , or him by his trustiest attendan●es , as he thought , vpon examination , ●oūd it to be the Popes doing , & makes a lamentable cōplaint therof . So he . And indeed this testimony seemeth somwhat more forcible and euincent , then the former , both for that the Author liued at that time , and for that he aue●reth it so con●idently , saying that vpon examination he ●ound i● to le●se Popes doing . But what if here also vpon examination we find M. Barlow a lier ? What if neither these words no● the sense of them , be to be found in Matthew Paris ( as indeed they are not ) nor yet in any Author besides ? Is not then the false Prelate worthie for euer to be discredited ? Well , let vs see what Matthew Paris hath hereof ; who hauing set downe the storie , how the Emperour discouered the treachery of Petrus de Vineis , and his intent to poyson him , setteth also downe the said Emperours complaint , in these wordes : Vae mihi contra quem propria pugnant viscera &c. Wo be to me , against whom my owne bowells doe fight . Peter whom I beleyued to haue bene a rocke , & the half of my soule , hath by treason sought my life . And lo , the Pope whom the Empire hath exalted of nothing , and enriched vnder my Noble predecessors , doth go about to exterminate it , and seekes to ouerthrow me the Gouernour of the same declining Empire . Whom shall I trust ? Where shal I be safe & c ? So Matthew Paris : whom you see auerreth not , as M. Barlow sayth he doth , that the Emperour found it to be the Popes doing : for all that can be truly gathered out of these wordes , is , that the Emperour suspected some such thing in the Pope . And so far is Matthew Paris from affirming that it was found to be true , that hauing said that the Popes fame was therby much blemished ; he addeth this restrictiue clause , as from himself , Veritatem tamen nouit Deus secretorum scutator infallibilis : but God knoweth the truth , who is the infallible searcher of secrets , as though he had sayd , that this matter had no other ground then the Emperours suspition , and slaunder of his scismatical followers , for had there bene but any apparent proof therof , it would haue bene layed open to the vttermost . And to confirme this , the same Author a little before the wordes now rehearsed , saith , that the enemies of the Church gaue out , that the Pope had sought to corrupt Petrus de Vineis to poyson the Emperour . So then to conclude , wheras out of this Author M. Barlow saith , that Fredericke vpon examination found it to be the Popos doing , there is no such thing to be found : that which we find , is that M. Barlow either corrupteth , or corruptly alleadgeth all the Authors which he dealeth with . But now you may thinke , that he hath kept a sure card for the last , and bringeth forth an Author without all checke or controll , who with his verie name will ouerbeare all opposition : and indeed he is here discribed as an vnconquerable Giant , and as such a one , who by himselfe may stand for thousandes : and this man forsooth is Petrus de Vineis , of whom M. Barlow speaketh th●s : But what better witnes , and of more credit can there be , then Petrus de Vineis , who liued in those dayes , and was continually about the Emperor : and as Cuspinian sayth , hath truly related the occurrences of that time ? And againe after : VVho was euer about him , wrote truly , & is an Author approued . And yet further : In whome Cuspinian , an Authenticall writer , ver●ies that Prouerbe , omnia sub vnam Myconum , he alone may stand for all rest . Yea this man is so great , that in M. Barlows iudgement , no man is to be heard against him . Not Innocentius the Pope , who refuted him : not the Italians , who contradicted him : nor yet all other Authors , that condemned his partiality , and falshood : in so much , as if we will beleiue M. Barlow , he is an Author of infallible truth , notwithstanding he were a professed enemy of the Pope , and sworne seruant of the Emperour . And if we belieue other Authors , a very corrupt man , & therefore iustly punished by allmighty God with vntimely death : & that rather for his greatnes , vpon a pickt quarrell ( as some affirme ) then for any iust cause of demerit giuen by himselfe for the same , against the Emperour . What then shall we say to this ground , or rather to this strong foundation , & inuincible bulwarke ? The words of this Author are plaine , In Apuliam rediens veneno peri●t , returning into Apulia he perished by poyson : and M. Barlow noteth vs the place in the margent thus Epist. lib. 2. but yet like a bad Grammarian he omitteth the principall verbe , I meane our cheifest question in hand , which is not so much , whether Frederick were poysoned , as whether he were poysoned by the Pope , for to that end are these strong presumptions , violent inducements , & other argumēts brought , & what place is cyted out of this Author for proofe hereof ? Truly no more thē there is alledged to proue that Fredericke went about to poyson the Pope . And is not this per●idious treachery in M. Barlow to make him his chiefest pillar , who hath not one word o● the matter in controuersy ? But let vs suppose that some such thing is in his booke ( which I cānot beleiue to be true ) I am content that for once it be not thought ridiculous in M. Barlow , which in other men would seme to be meer madnes , to produce one , & that such a one against the whole stream of other Authors . Let vs make this Petrus de Vin●is another Achilles , Hercules , or Golias ; yea let him stand for all , as M. Barlow will haue him , & let his litle finger be as great as Alexanders backe , yet sure I am that for the poysoning & death of Fredericke , eyther by the Pope or any other , he will stand for nothing els but to condemne M. Barlow , and all others who layne so much vpon him , of fraud , or folly , or worse dealing , which I trust to make so euident & cleere , as it is cleer & euident M. Barlow neuer saw one to write after that his eies and braines were out , his body cold , and his bones rotten . And first I suppose , which M. Barlow doth freely grant me , that this Petrus de Vineis was Secretary vnto Fredericke and continually about him ; but certaine it is , by vniforme consent of all Authors of those tymes , that the same Petrus de Vineis was dead a yeare at least before the Emperour , and therefore could testify nothing of his death , vnles he wrote by Prophesy : for by the Emperors commaundment for treason eyther indeed intended , or pretended only , as I haue said , he had his eyes put out , and being committed to prison , he knocked out his owne braines ; which besides the testimony of Catholike Authors , as a S. Antoninus b Villanus , c Tritemius , d Volateranus , e Sigonius , f Matthaeus Parisiensis , g Fazelius , h Pigna , i Caraffa , k Tarcagnota , l Dante 's the Poet , who liued presently after in the same age , with his two Commentatours m Landinus , and n Velutellus , and others , is also testifyed by o Scardius a Caluinist in the life of the sayd Petrus de Vineis , set out with his epistles , & p Martinus Crusius a Lutheran , who also cyteth Poggius a Florentine writer . And this M. Barlow did well foresee , though he would s●eme to dissemble it , or which is worse , is forced to forge a new deuise ( as the man is full of his fictions ) & to come vs out another Petrus de Vinea , who also should be Secretary to the Emperour & continually about him , which is an inuention worthy of M. Barlow , hauing no Author or shadow of reason for the same , seing all writers to agree , that the same Petrus de Vineu who knocked out his owne braines , had bene Secretary to Fredericke , and written tam ex persona sua , quàm Imperatoris , Epistolarum libros sex , six bookes of Epistles , as we●● o● his owne , as the Emperors , sayth Tri●emius : besides that it is most improbable , that he would take another Secretary , of the same name , within lesse then a yeare after so horrible a treason , as was pretended against his owne person , which alone might make that name hate●ull vnto him whiles he liued , and therefore M. Barlows marginall note , to wit , Some thinke it was the same party , but it is not probable , is without all probabylitie . And M. Barlow should haue alleadged some Author for the same ; but that he saw all Authors , reason , & truth it selfe to stand against him in this point . Wherefore seeing so many to stand for me , in defence of this truth , and no one man that I haue seene to deny the same , I may with more reason challenge the priuiledg of Gods rule of two witnesses against M. Barlow , then he doth against me . For a litle after in handling the matter of Alexanders poysoning of Gemin , related by Iou●us and Guicciardine , which I said to haue most Apparence of truth of any of the former accusations , and yet not to be altogeather certayne● for that other Authors do otherwise report the same , M. Barlow thus replyeth . The rule of Almighty God is , that is the testimony of two witnesses speake with one mouth , in ore duorum , it shal be an establishment : and that is more , then an apparence of truth . In the case of Frederick the second , Vineis and Cuspinian were both produced to confirme one storie , that would not serue the turne , because they were but one ( the last borrowing what he said from the formost : ) in this instant there are two different witnesses , which concurre in the veri●●ing of one and the self same ●act , and this , though thus seconded , is sleightly turned of , as making but an APPARENCE . Thus far M. Barlow , pleading a certainty vpon the credit of two witnesses , which yet in the case of Susanna proued not so certaine , & much lesse in the matter we now talke of , wherin is diuersitie of opinions , and neither of the two Authors auoucheth it for certainly true , as in the next Paragraph we shall shew . In the meane time , this rule will serue most APPARENTLY and CERTAINLY also , to condemne M. Barlow , seeing that here not only in ore duorum , in the mouth of two , but of seauen or eight times as many , we haue proued M. Barlow a false forger of Petrus de Vineis wordes , and that with such euidency , as he cānot produce one man to the contrary , & therfore is cōpelled to defend one , by making of another ●for by writing one and the self same name , of de Vinea , and de Vin●is , in the singular , and plurall number , he will needes shew vs a plurality of persons , and make one man to be two . But let vs see what ground there is of this fond inuention . Al that he hath for proof of his idle conceipt , is a seely coniecture , set downe in a few wordes , and those also so obscure , as they require some attention in the reader to vnderstand them , if not Natatorem Delium , to interpret them . For thus he sayth : A man shall oftentimes heare his own seruants cursing him , sayth King Salomon : and no fitter instance can be giuen , them of this Emperour in that case : for he differed not much from the Historians name , whom the Pope hired once to poyson this Emperour ( if Parisiensis do not erre , or deceaue his Reader ) for his name ( being of neere place , & trust about the Emperour , euen for his soule ) was Petrus de Vinea , that was so HIRED , and plotted withall . This is all , and very intritate also , as you see . But his sense , & meaning is ( if I mistake him not ) to make a difference where there is no diuersity , in separating one & the self same man from himselfe , to wit Petrus de Vineis , from Petrus de Vinea , which is all one . But this is not the first error which M. Barlow hath committed in this manner of Metamorphosis , by transforming one man into two ; for some three leaues before , he doth the very same with Vrspergensis , making him to differ frō Cōradus of Lichtenaw ; wheras there is no greater difference betwene them , thē that Conradus of Lichtenaw was A●●ot of Visperge , & writer of the History : for so ●ay Tritemius , Posseuinus , and others , notwithstanding M. Barlows metaphy●●cal distinction , who tells vs that Ni●b. Cisuerus iustifieth ●hat ●e sayth , by the testimony of an Abbot of Vrsperge , ●●ose name being for a long time not kno●ne , ●is Annales were as●ribed vnto him whom we vsualy call Vrspergensis , till the er or was espied & amended . So he . And putteth in the margent Conradus or Lichtenaw . But I pray you Syr , whom we call vsually V●spergensis , is not this name Conradus of Lichtenaw ? Surely his owne printed booke ( with the abridgement of his life set before it ) Tritemius , Posseuinus , & others say , yes . And how then was the error espied and amended ? Where I pray you was there any error at all ? And if no error , wherin was the amendment ? I would to God , M. Barlow , your errors could be as well amended , as they are espied , and then might your friendes hope to see you once a true man ere you dye . Now for Petrus de Vineis , that he was the same with Petrus de Vinea is so euident , as I much maruaile at your simplicitie , for calling it into ques●ion . It is a signe you read little , or vnderstand not what others write : for whom a Parisiensis , Paulus Aemilius , Sigonius , b Philippus Bergomas , Vbertus ●olieta , c G●ne●ard , Ciaconius , d Posseuimus , with others cal Petrum de Vinea , or Petrum Vineam , the same , S. Antoninus , Fazelius , Tritemius , e Blondus , f Nauclerus , g Vincentius , h Paulus Langius , i Collenutius , k Scardius who wrote his life , Iohn Fox , and l Huldericus Mutius ( all which foure last are Protestant Calumists ) with Crusius the Lutheran , call Petrum de Vineis : to whom we may add the Italian writers , as Villanus , Pigna , Caraf●a , Landinus , Velutellus , Dante 's , and Tarcagnota , who call him in their tongue Pietro delle Vigne , which in latin is de Vincu . And he that shall confer all their writings togeather , cānot choose but see , that he is one , & the selfe same man , who is signified by both these names : yea Volateranus in one worke calleth him , both Vineis● and Petrum Vineam ; and the self same things are recorded vnder both names , as that he was Secretary to the Emperour Fredericke the second , in great and speciall fauour with him , was sent to the Councell of Lyons with Thaddaeus Sinuessanus , had his eyes pulled out for treason , & finally knockt out his owne braines : only I must confess , that none of these Authors , vnder the one or other name , do mention of his miraculous writing of Frederikes death , after his eyes & braynes were out , but left that as a meere lying fiction to be registred alone by M. Barlow . This then being so , whereof I thinke no learned man , that hath read the Histories can make any doubt , to wit , that Petrus de Vinea , and de Vineis is but one mans name , who was put to death by the Emperour Frederick ; it must needes follow ( as I haue said ) that , that Epistle , or what else so euer , vnder his name , which mentioneth the poysoning or death of the Emperour ( if there be any such ) to be bastard , counterfait , and forged by some schismaticall or hereticall writer , who the better to deceaue the Reader would vse the cloke , and authority of the name of Petrus de Vineis , and M. Barlow , who setteth him out with such lofty prayses , and makes him according to his misapplyed prouerbe , to be omnia sub vnam Miconum : He alone , sayth he , may stand for all the rest , shewes himselfe to be a brain-sicke beetle , so much to commēd a blynd & brainles author f●r a thing , which eyther he neuer wrote , or else he did it , w●ē both his eyes & braines were out of his head : and th●n you may be sure , it was very wisely done . And as wisely hereunto doth M. Barlow apply the prouerbe of omnia sub vnam Miconum , which he in ●rpreteth , as you haue heard ; he alone may stād for all the rest : whereas Strab● , whome he alleadgeth for the same , doth explicate it in a far different fense , saying : Omnia sub vnam Miconum , Adagium est de his , qui sub vnam descriptionē cogunt ea quae natura seiunxit : All vnder one Miconus , is a Prouerbe spoken of thē , who comprehend things of different natures vnder on description . And the like he might haue seene in Manutius , who explicating the prouerb , sayth , qui res natura diuersas eodem titulo complectuntur : who comprize things of different natures vnder one title . And with them agreeth Calepine . But it is M. Barlows good fortune to be mistaken in all things , be it of Historie , Humanity , Philosophy , or Diuinity . But not to stand longer on these trifles , but to draw to an end of the whole matter , in which M. Barlows manifold mistakinges haue made me the longer , it will not be amisse for conclusion hereof , to lay good Reader , before thine eyes , all the errors & vntruthes , that in this matter only M. Barlow hath committed , by which thou wilt easily consecture , how great a bulk I had bene forced to write , if I should haue bene so particuler in all other pointes , which he handleth , as I haue bene in this : but I thought it sufficient for a tast to exemplyfie only , in some few , omitting the rest , as being loath to loose good tyme in searching so narrowly into such false and friuolous matters . Vntrue then it is , that the Emperor was excommunicated vpon sleyght pretences , as the Councell of Lyons , and all other Authors do testifie . It is vntrue , that the Emperour was sent into the Holy Land , that the Pope might rifle his State at home . Thirdly it is vntrue , that the Emperour stayed for sicknes , which ( euen by them who were with the Emperour ) was testified to be but seigned . Againe it is not true , that for the same stay he was excōmunicated , but for his returne with the Nauie , after he had set forth to sea . Fiftly Vrspergensis sayth not , that the Pope way-lied the coastes of Verona and Millaine , and tooke order that the Souldiers should be spoyled . Sixtly , that the Pope kept back all supply of forces from the Holy-Land whiles Fredericke was there , which his owne Author saith was but only in Lombardy and Apulia . Seauenthly that the Emperour perfourmed his vow , and promise by his voyage to Hierusalem● and therfore was vniustly denyed absolution . Eightly , that the Pope commaunded the Christians in Asia to leaue the Emperor to the Turkes malice , & that Nauclerus doth affirme the same . Ninthly . Blondus is belyed , whom M. Barlow will haue to auouch , that the Pope sent secret letters to the Patriarch of Hierusalem , to rebell against Fredericke ; but Blondus hath returned him a Writ of Non est inuentus in baliu● meo , there is no such thing to be found in my booke . The tenth vntruth is , that the Pope dealt with the Sarac●●ns to make no tru●● with the Emperour , nor deliuer him the Crowne , though he should win it by Conquest : both partes are false , and for such may be crowned . The eleauenth is , in making Vrspergensi● resolutely to affirme , that the Pope caused to be giuen out in Apulia , that the Emperour was dead , wheras he doth report it only by heare-say . And to make vp a full Iury of twelue , to cry guilty at the barre against M. Barlow , a most notorious vntruth it is , that these thinges were done by Innocentius , as M. Barlow auoucheth . And these being all the strong presumptions , and violent inducements , that are brought by him to proue the Popes poysoning of the Emperour , and proued by me to be all lyes , slaunders , and corruptions , I leaue it to the Readers iudgment to determine whether they be not strong presūptions , & violent inducements rather of M● Barlows per●idious dealing , & bad conscience , then any proof , or probability of the Popes poysoning of the Emperour at all . But besides these inductiue lies , there remaine yet certayne capitall or fundamentall , to wit ; the euident , and demonstratiue euictions ( as M. Barlow would haue them seeme ) of this counterfait poysoning , which wee now haue both euicted , and demonstrated to be nothing else , but open vntruthes : to wit , that Cuspinian should say , that Mansredus poysoned the Emperour : that the Emperour died of the poyson , which lye we haue shewed to be ioyned with a grosse contradiction of M. Barlow himself : that Matthew Paris should say , that the ●mperour found his poysoning to be the Popes doing : that Petrus de Vineis testifieth , that the Emperour was poysoned by the Pope : to which if wee add the lie which he maketh of Inn●ientius 4. which I shall now set downe , I see not what can be more required to make M. Barlow free of this trade , that in defending his Maiestie , eyther by violent inducements , or euident demonstrations , hath brought no other arguments for the one , or the other , but meere cogging , lying , and forgery . And that you may know , that he will end , as well as he began , thus he knitteth vp all his discourse of this ●mperour Frederick . Pope Innocentius ( the 4. ) did see , that his actes could be no longer hid : descried they were : and is was time for him to speak● : and then if he would not make the best for himself , with his owne pe● , he might haue bene begged for an Innocent . This is the finall vpshot of his defence . And it is maruel , that he did not adioyne Iohn Fox his dreame of the same Pope , how before his death at Naples , he heard a voyce saying , veni miser ad iudicium Dei , come thou wretch to the iudgment of God : and the next day he was ( sayth this fabling Goose ) found in his bed all black and blew , as though he had bene beaten with batts . If you aske what Author affirmeth it , Iohn Fox only telleth you , that the writers of Annales record it : but who these writers are , and what their names be , you may seeke if you list , and find if you can , for he giues you no further direction . Perchance he had it by reuelation , as he had the explication of the Apocalyps for counting the moneths by Sabboths , whē the Spirit that speake with a maiestie within him , called him , THOV FOOLE . Pope Innocentius actes , saith M. Barlow , could be no longer hid : descried they were &c. what were these acts I pray you ? Were they these which you huddle togeather for strong presumptions , and vehementinducements , to proue that he would haue poisoned the Emperour ? But all these we haue shewed , in case they had bene true , as they haue proued false , to touch Gregory 9 , and no way to concerne Innocentius . And if you meane the other part of your charge , concerning the same subiect , of his hyring one to poyson him , that also we haue sh●wed to be as false , as the former . What then are th●se great matters with which Innocentius is to be charged ? Forsooth those things which are imposed vpon him by Pe●●us de Vin●is . But what reason is there that I should belieue more this Author against the Pope , then the Pope against him ? To this M. Barlow so answereth , as if there were no other proof , it alone may suffice , to shew his folly and vnsincerity . I shall verie briefly let you see what he saith hereunto , and if you knew not his wit before , now may you take the iust valuation and measure therof by this example . It was obiected by me , that Petrus de Vineis was a seruant of Frederick , and sworne enemy to the Pope . To this M. Barlow giueth three answeres : first that so were S●●iu● & Baronius to the Popes Sea , and profest enemies of their Religion . But this reacheth not home , for these collect their histories out of other Records , and write nothing of themselues , but only relate what they find in others , and therfore are credited according to the waight of proo●e , or reason , which they bring to confirme that which they write . Secōdly ( saith M. Barlow ) Seruants do not alwaies speake the best of their Maisters &c. And he , as appeareth by Cuspinian , dissembles not , euen the foule vices o● the Emperour his Maister . This loe , is farre more silly then the former : for although that seruants do not alwaies speake the best of their Maisters , yet for the most part they do , especially if they by Princes , and that to the vttemost , with most palpable flattery , & most of all if they speake or write , that which their Maisters may heare or read , as Petrus de Vineis did , whilest he was in Frederickes speciall fauour & grace , and as we see M. Bar● . to do throughout all this loose idle worke of his , when he hath occasion to speake of his Maiesty , which also he oftē of purpose taketh , where none is giuē . And not to seeke further for an exāple in this kind of Sycophancy , besides many others which before haue bene alleadged , the very next ensuing words after those of his charge against Pope Innocentius , most euidently confirme the same , wherin all his poore wit and skill , is bent to flatter his Maiesty to the vttermost . And wheras M. Barlow saith , that Pe●r●● de Vineis ( as it appeares by Cuspinian ) doth not dissemble his Maisters foule vices , it is a cleare signe , that they were so foule , as that they could not be dissembled : although I rather thinke these things in Cuspinian concerning the Emperours vices , to be spoken by Cuspinian himselfe out of other Authors , for that Petrus de Vineis should so write of the Emperour , and that in the sayd Emperours time , whilest he was in grace with him , seemes a meere fiction . Neither doth Cuspinian infinuate any such thing out of Petrus de Vineis , as M. Barlow here would make vs belieue , and therfore this may passe for another vntruth . And to this we may adioyne a very solemne foolery , which followeth in the very next page , where forsooth he reiecteth Blondus , by the same reason , by which he here iustifies Petrus de Vineis , to wit , because he was secretary and seruant to a Pope , nick-naming him glozing Recorder Blondus , & painfull Pseudolus , and yet he con●es●eth , that he liued two hudreth yeares after Innocentius , in which respect there is lesse cause of any suspition in writing partially of Innocentius , as hauing no dependance of him , then there is of Petrus de Vineis , Seruant and Secretary to the Emperour , and writing whiles the Emperour was aliue , and himselfe in his seruice . The third answer then , which of all the rest is most silly , and simple , M. Barlow fetreth downe thus : Thirdly saith he , neither did Vineis write this as a seruant , but as an Historian , who in all his tract must haue m●●e to the ●●th , without w●●ch as Polybius wel resēbles , it is like a liuing body with al the bones taken out . Thus he . And doth not this reason cleare as well Blondus as Petrus de Vineis ? For did not Bloudu● write as an historiā , & not as a seruant ? Or did Petrus de Vineis write any history ? I would gladly know what proof he hath for the same , for I find no such history of his , nor any record therof , only I find recorded his Epistles , as well in his owne name , as the Emperors , & therfore as may be presumed , written by him more like a Seruant , then an Historian . And truly this reason of M. Barlows seemes to iustify all histories , that euer were written , seeing that as he saith , an Historian must alwaies haue an eye to the truth , and therfore Petrus de Vineis , when he wrot the history of the Emperour , did write the truth , & so did Philostratus , when he wrote of Apolonius Tranaeus , & Gessrey of Monmouth in setting downe the Ge●ts of Vther-Pendragon , & Prince Arthar . These are the reasons of M. Barlow , why Petrus de Vineis should be credited against Innocentius , but that Inuocentius should not be beleiued in his owne case , writing an Apology for himselfe against Petrus de Vineis . This he would seeme to proue , harken I pray thee good Reader , if thou canst without laughter , for M. Barlow will play the Vice in kind . But did the Pope ( saith he ) write these bookes in defence of himself , to consute Petrus de Vineis ? Surely that is an argument that he was guilty . And why , good M. Barlow ? Suspitionem ( saith he ) mihi facit nimia diligentia , saith S. Hierome : Pr●mptitude of excuse implieth a consciousnes of the fault . Yea what sayth the same Father of Iudas the Traytor , when our Sauiour told his disciples that one of them should betray him , and all the rest of the Apostles ( as stroken with griefe ) pluck their hands from the dish , forbidding meate to their mouths , & Iudas only thrust in his hand . This he did , vt audacia bonam conscientiam mentiretur , that therby he might dissemble , & thinke to perswad his INNOCENCY with meere bouldnes . So he . And is not this good stuffe ? Who euer heard wise man before draw an argument to proue one to be faulty for that he wrot in his owne defence ? For by this reason S. Athanasius , S. Basil , S. Gregory Nazianzen , who wrote Apologies for themselues against their calūniators , shal also be guilty of these crymes , wherewith they were charged by their aduersaries : neither shall the Emperour Fredericke himself be free , who wrote diuers Epistles in his owne defence , as euery where we find : yea your whole Church of Englād , M. Barlow , shal be condemned , who wrote a lying Apology for it selfe , refuted by D. Harding , and shamefully defended by your Brother , the Superintendent of Salisbury , M. Iohn I●ell . And truly the inference of M. Barlow in prouing Innocentius guilty , for that he defended himselfe , being before wrongfully charged , is not more childish , then the proose which he bringeth for the same is impertinent , suspitionem ( sayth he ) mihi facit nimia diligentia , and then interpreteth it thus : promptitude of excuse implies a consciousnes of the sault . This is his reason ( if so it may be tearmed ) out of which it followes , that the sooner a man offers to cleare himselfe , the more he is to be suspected as guilty therof : which who seeth not how ridiculous it is : and moreouer I would faine know how , or vpon what ground , M. Barlow doth gather , that Innocentius was so prompt , or forward in answering , that his very promptitude gaue so great occasion of suspitiō , as that it was to be compared with Iudas readines in putting his hand into the dish , to couer his malicious intention , for in this only standeth the force of his proofe : how ( I say ) doth he proue , that Innocentius was more prōp● , then slow in writing ? Or that he may not as well be condemned , for his too much slacknes , as for his ouer much ha●t ? What proofes are there for the one , more then for the other ? Are not these pretty fooleries M. Barlow ? May not any man proue Quidlibet ex Quolibet by this your manner of reasoning , in which you say what you li●t , and proue nothing at all ? And for the example of Iudas , who seeth not that it much better befits M. VVilliam Barlow , for betraying the Earle of Essex his Maister , then Innocentius the Pope , for defending himselfe . But to returne againe to your former charge of Pope Innocentius . If the Pope be not lyable to these former pretended Imputations , of which we haue now fully cleared him , I would , as before I haue said , faine know what these acts were , that are here sayd to be descried , any could no longer be hid : for in Cuspinian ( this Popes professed aduersary ) I find no such personall crime obiected against him , but only the contention betwene him and the Emperour , for which the whole Councell of Lyons , which represented the Church at that time , doth cleare him , in condemning Fredericke : and all Authors , excepting one or two set out by Heretickes , do not only cleare him , but also much commend him ; and out of Petrus de Vineis , M. Barlow citeth nothing , wheras , me thinks , in so odious a calumniation , some instance should haue bene produced , some Author alleadged , and things more specified , t●en in such generall termes . But that ( as the Philosopher saith ●dolosus versatur in generalibus , the guilfull man goes vpon generalities : by which no man is so free , but may be charged , none so INNOCENT that may not be condemned , especially if generall oc●asions , without particuler proofes may take place . But we against this general assertion , will produce the particuler praises , that Authors do giue of this Pope In which one thing the Reader may note by the way , that as these writers commend Innocentius for his prudence , learning , vertue , constancy , & other eminent talents : so in no particuler thing doe they condemne him ; of which we shall see the contrary in Fredericke to wit , that his disorders were so great , and so gros●e , that euen his chiefest flatterers , that vse to make ex musca montem , to prayse him farre beyond desert , did yet by force of truth confesse his foule vices , as Cuspinian , and the two Matthews , I meane Paris and VVestminster , as I shall anon shew , when I come to specify , what all Authors write of him . But first let vs examine , what they say of Innocentius , that so , contraria iuxta se posita , magis illucescant , two contraryes being confron●ed togeather , may both of them the better appeare . Innocentius then for his learning , is called of Volateranus , Vincentius , Philippus Bergomas , Tritemius , Ioannetus , and those who wrote his life , Doctissi●us , most learned : and by C●antzius , Summus Doctor , & Iuris peritissimus , the chiefest , and most skilfull Doctour of Law : and Durandus a famous L●wy●r of that tyme , calleth him the Father of the Law , as testifieth Alphonsus Ciaconius : and the same doth Genebrad ou● of Volateranus . And he was not only learned himself , but was also a great furtherer and fauourer of learning & learned men , as witnesseth the said Genebrard , and Tarcagnota . For his constancy and vpright dealing , he is called of Paulus Lauzius Luthers friend , Vir rigidus , & iustitiae tenacissimus executor , a seu●re man , and most constant executor of Iustice. For his inuincible courage , of Folieta , to be Impauidi ad terrores animi , one who apprehended no feare . For his wisdome and prudence , he is said of the same Author to haue bene , Insignipictare & pruden●ia , of excellent pietie and wisdome . And the like hath Ciaconius . For his prouidence , and circumspection , of the Monke of Padua , who then liued , Sagacissimus Papa , a most prouident , or circumspect Pope . For his sanctity of Nangis the French man , in the life of S. Lewis , Beatae & felicis vitae , and s●nctissimus Papa , of a blessed and holy life , and most holy Pope . And that this was the common opinion of him , through all France at that tyme , the testimony not only of this Frenchman , who liued soone a●ter ; but also of Blondus do make euident , who sayth , Suanis●●mus erat in Gallys famae odor grauitatis , sancti●atis , ac rerum ges●arum eius Pontificis : cha●is , there was a most sweet odour in France , of the grauity , sanctity , and actes of this Pope Innoc●n●ius . And this seemeth to be confirmed by the singular reuerence and dutiful respect , which S. Lewis of France did yield him at the Councell of Lions , as writeth Paulus A●milius , in his history . And Ioannetus in the li●e of this Pope sayth , that the Emperour was nothing glad for his election : Norat enim virtutem viri , atque animi magnitudinem ; for he knew well his vertue and great courage . The same also is auouched by Ciaconius , who with Onuphrius Panuinus a famous historiographer of our daies , giues him this ●●ncomium● Multis egregys factis clarissimus , & ob vendicatam assertamque libertatem Ecclesiasticam omnibus saculis laudatissimus ; most famous for his worthy deedes , and for recouering the Ecclesiasticall liberty of the Church , to all posterity most renowned . And therefore his life being so commendable , no meruaile though his death were be wailed of all good men , ●s testifieth Hicronymus Rubeus in his history of Rauenna , saying : Innocentius vitam cum morte commutauit , & quidem ingenti ●onorum omnium dolore . Vir enim suerat magnitudine animi & vir●tute praestātissimus . I●mocentius departed this life , and truly with the great griefe of all good men , for he was a man both for courage , and vertue most excellent . But this is more fully expressed by Vbertus Folieta in these words : Hic annus non modò Genuensibus , sed omni Christiano orbe atque omnibus bonis luctuosus suit morte Innocentij 4. in Vrbe Neapol● &c. This yeare was dolefull not only to the people of Genua , but also to all the Christian world , and all good men , by the death of Innocentius the 4. in the Citty of Naples ; who in the eleauenth yeare of his Popedome , ended the course of his most renowned gouerment , with this noble act of adding the Kingdome of Naples , to the State of the Church . This man was made memorable & famous to all posterity , as well for his exquisite learning , wherof he left notable monuments , as also for his excellent piety , his noble deserts towardes the Weale publicke of Christendome , and continuall , and infatigable labours , whose knowne vertue was so admired , and beleiued of all men , that bewayling his losse , they did commonly say , talem Virum aut numquam nasci , aut numquam mori oportuisse , that so worthy a man either should neuer haue bene borne , or neuer haue died . So he . And that this their mourning was not for the present only at his descease , Ciaconius testifieth saying : Clerus , & populus eum dudum luxerunt &c. The Cleargie and the people mourned for him a long tyme , as appeareth in the History of Genua , written by Augustinus Iustinianus Bishop of Nebia , as also in Ricardonus a Florentine writer . So he . VVho also yealdeth the cause herof in th●se words : Relicta apud omnes fama non modò excellen●is scientiae , & exquisitae virtutis , sed ettam integritatis vitae , admirabilisque prudentiae . For that he left behind him the fame , not only of excellent learning , and exquisite vertue , but also of integrity of life , and admirable wisdome . Which rare encomium of good life , & long lamentation after his death , may be much doubted , whether it wil euer be left registred by any Historiographer of M. Barlow , vnles he make some great chang of himself from that which at the present he is sayd to be . And this may suffice for Innocentius , wherby , good Reader , thou maiest see and iudge with what truth & spirit M. Barlow wrote of this Pope , that he was forced to defend himselfe , for that his actes were discried , and could be no longer ●id . Now then let vs see what opinion writers haue of Fredericke , whom M. Barlow so much cōmendeth , & defendeth against all Popes and writers . Although it be an odious and loath some thing to rake vp the ashes of dead men , and to rip vp their vices , which shouldly buried with them in silence ( for which cause I shal be the shorter in their rehearsal : ) yet inforced hereūto , euen against my inclination , by M. Barlows importunity , or rather impudency , who to commend this Emperour , blusheth not to condemne so worthy a man , as you haue now heard Innocentius to haue bene . But I shall deale more vprightly therin , then he hath done with the Pope , for that I will charge the Emperour no further then with that , which I find him in all Historiographers , or publicke recordes to be charged withall , one only schismaticall Vrspergensis being excepted , who in this , as I haue shewed , de●erueth no credit . And to beginne with them , who seeme to fauour and defend him most , I meene Matthew Paris and Cuspinian , the former hauing set downe an Epistle of Fredericks to King Henry the third of England , written after his excommunication , and deposition in the generall Councell of Lions , giueth his censure therof in these wordes : Haec cùm ad Christianissimos Francorum & Anglorum Reges nuntiata peruenissent &c. When these things came to the knowledge of the most Christian Kings of France and England , it appeared more cleare then the sunne to them , and their Nobility , that Frederi●ke with all his endeauours went about to anihilate the liberty and dignity of the Church , which he himselfe neuer aduanced , but was established without his liking , by his noble predecessors : and therfore making himselfe suspected of heresy , did impudently and imprudently extinguish , & worthily blot out that little sparke of good name , which hitherto he had amongst the people , for wisdome and prudence &c. And with Matthew Paris agreeth Matthew of VVestminster , saying , that by this letter , Se volens excusare , impudenter accusauit , going ● out to excuse the matter , he did impudently accuse himselfe . And as for Cuspinian● although by all meanes he seeketh to excuse and iusti●y this Emperour ; yet were his vices so notorious , as he could not conceale them altogeather , but hauing set downe those things , which he thought commendable in him ( as there are none so bad commonly , but that some good thing or other may be noted in them ) he concludeth his prayses thus : Has praeclaras virtutes contamina●unt , & obscurarunt etiam quadam vitia , sae●itia scilicet hominis , & libido immensa , qui praeter gentis morem concubinas multas & scorta aluit . These noble vertues certaine vices did staine and obscure ● to wit , the cruelty of the man , and his vnsatiable lust , who against the custome of his Countrey did maintaine many Concubines and queanes . And this , as already hath beene noted , he speaketh of himsese without any reference to Petrus de Vineis ( as M. Barlow would haue vs belieue : ) neither want there store of Authors who tax him for the same . And for the first , Palmerius saith , he was non essrenis modo ira , sed rabie , & crudelitate immanis , not only impotent in anger , but fierce with rage and cruelty : which Folieta tearmeth , barbaram crudelitatem , barbarous cruelty : VVernerus , in fasciculo temporum , calleth it Tyrannidem , Tyranny . And he that shall but read what he did at his siege in Rome , related as well by German Authors , to wit Crantzius , Nauclerus , Huldericus Mutius &c. as by Blondus , Sabellicus , M●ssia , Iacobus Philippus , and others , shall well see that he was not only cruell , but barbarous and Tyrannicall indeed : for thus doth Crantzius relate the matter , and with him do the rest agree : but I haue chosen him out of the rest , as being a German ; for the Germanes , as M. Barlow out of Cuspinian noteth , doe write more faithfullie of their owne affaires , then other strangers , who cannot so well conceaue them : and this Author is more graue , learned & ancient then the other two . Fredericus Pontificem & Ecclesiam satigabat &c. Fredericke did afflict both the Pope and Church : those who were signed with the Crosse , once resisted his comming , for hastening to breake downe the gates , and wales of the Citty of Rome , those of the Crosse stood in combate with the mighty army of the Emperor : at which he being afrighted was so moued with fury , and rage , as fighting in the Van-guard , he cryed out that all such as wore the Crosse , and could be taken , should be brought vnto him aliue : & the Romans that were brought vnto him , he caused partly to be thrust through with foure woundes , after the fashion of a Crosse ; and partly he cut their heades into ●oure partes , and caused their forheades to be cut with Crosses : but Clergy m●n that did weare their Crownes shauen , he commaunded to haue their Crownes ado●ned ( as he tearmed it ) with a cro●●e , cut into the same with a knife , of whome one for that he seemed to beare the wound too patiently , they tyed him with a rope , and drew him through a heape of straw , or chaffe , and when as he still preseuered to prayse & glorify God , they burned him . So he . Againe in the end of the same Chapter : Mirae sunt , & raro aliâs auditae crudelitates &c. Wonder●ull are the crueltyes & seldome heard of before , which at this tyme Fredericke shewed against the Legates of the Church , throughout the Kingdome of Sicily , who partly killed many Archbishops and Byshops , partly kept them in prison , partly banished them : amongst these was the Bishop of Catana , by whom Frederick from his infancy had bene brought vp . So Crantzius . And more also in the ensuing Chapters , especially the 24. which for breuity ● omit . Only I will add vnto Crantzius two other Germanes , Nauclerus and Mutius , who speaking of his siege of Parma , say , that he caused as many of his enemies , as were taken to be shot out of great Crosbowes into the towne : and vsing great cruelty as well to women , as men , caused many to be torne in peeces before the gates of the Cytty &c. And could there be any more barbarous Cruelty or Tyranny then this ? Besides these two examples of his outragious cruelty , one more , omitting the rest , we will adioyne in another kind , out of a Germā History , called Compilatio Chronologica , wherin is recorded , that this Frederick maintained certaine Man-quellers , and desperate Cut-throats which were sent from a Pagan Prince in Syria , King of the Assassines , from whome the name of Assasinates seemes to be deriued , whose proper profession was to hazard there liues to murther any man , when they were set on worke : and they were the more resolute and desperate in this behalfe , for that they held their obedience herein , to be a special act of Religion , yea to be rewarded , and crowned with immortality in the next life , as may be seene in Nubrigensis . The King or Prince of those people , is alwaies called Vetus de Monte , or Vetustus de Montanis , that is , The old Man of the Mountaine , rather in respect of his wisdome , and grauity then for his age , sayth Nubrigensis , being held for a Prophet , by those bloudy murtherers . Then Fredericke had diuers at his commād , by whose help he killed the Duke of Bauaria , and also ( as Monachus Paduanus addeth , who liued at that very tyme ) the Duke of Hungary . Which examples fully expresse the horrible cruelty of his nature , & how much he thirsted after bloud . And so much of this . Let vs now come to the second . For the other vice of licentious life , & that in so high a degree as little beseemed his Imperiall Maiesty , there are many proofes ; for with Cuspinian agreeth Messia , in the life of Fredericke , Ciaconius in the life of Innocentius , Blondus out of the relation of one who then liued , and wrote what he saw and knew , Nauclerus , Crantzius , Huldericus Mutius , Crusius , Colenutius , and out of him Iohn Fox , who setteth downe the matter somwhat nicely , with a Ministeriall diminitiue phrase , or ( to vse M. Barlows words ) with an hypocoristi●all alleuiation , as being loath to touch him too neere , who was so eager an enemy to the Pope , saying : He was not without his fault and human fragility , for the VVriters impute vnto him some fault of concupiscence , wherwith he was stained and blotted , and it appeareth that he was not all cleare therof . So he . And truly I smyled when I read this clause , some fault of concupiscence , in Fox . For seeing that euen in the regenerate in the Protestants opinion , concupiscence is a sinne , and so still remaineth after Baptisme , why is it here imputed as a speciall fault in this Emperor more then in other men , seeing that all men are as guilty therof as he , as hauing it al alike engendred within thē ? But he meaneth his wāton life , which he would closely couer with the generall and gentle title of Concupiscence . For he addeth that he had by sundry Concubines three base Children , Entius King of Sardinia , Man●redus Prince of Tarentum , and Fredericke King of Antioch , which is somwhat more as you see , then bare Concupi●cence : and yet much lesse then others do write of him in this kind . For who so will read his siege of Parma , when he lay at his new towne of Victoria , shall find almost in euery Author , the great multitudes of women , which he there kept , who a●ter the Turkish guise ( for to that Sect as all testify he was singularly deuoted ) were attended vpon by Eunuches , or , as Bonauentura Angelus in his history of Parma sayth , by droues of Eunuches , for which he is specially taxed , as I sayd , by all Authors : to which their generall and vniforme consent , I see not what for proofe can be added , or answered for reply . And to shew further the base mind of this lasciuious Emperour , besides his owne personall misbehauiour in this filthines , Crantzius relateth one example of his beastlines , as may alone shew how far this his faulty Concupiscence did extend it self . For to gratifie the Turkes ( saith Crantzius ) as well those who followed him in his warres , as those that liued in Africk , he not only suffered , but procured throughout all Sicily and his kingdome of Italy , the fairest women , and maidens which the Turkes lusted after , to be taken from their parents bosome , and married wiues euen out of their husbands armes to be giuen vnto them . So he . And was not this a vertuous man trow you ; who to pleasure the Turkes , sworn enemies of Christ , would thus deale with Christians ? And doth not this man deserue to be credited , speaking in his owne behalfe before Pope , all writers , and whatsoeuer other testimony ? But indeed this dealing was conforme to his deuotion , for he who so vilely esteemed of our Sauiour himself , no meruaile if in his other behauiour he were so irreligious , base and wicked : for , as we haue before out of Fazelius shewed , he held our Sauiour and Moyses to be no better thē Mahomet , calling them all three Seducers , as with Fazelius the Chronicles of Augusta , and Compilatio Chronologica , both German histories do auouch ; and moreouer affirme , that he speake the same in the hearing of Henry the Lantgraue , saying withal ; If the Princes of the Empire would but follow me , I would ordaine a b●tter maner of beliefe , and li●e for all Nations . And verily it seemeth , that he aymed at this , when as you haue seene before , out of his owne epistle , set downe and censured by both the Matthews , he went about to abase all the Clergie , by taking all liuings from them , and to depriue them of all their dignity : ●or that being once effected , he might with more ease afterwardes haue made a new Clergy , a new faith , a new Christ : but he forgot in this his foolish feruor , what the Kingly Prophet Dauid said , and praied against such attēptes , Omnes Principes qui dixerunt hereditate possideamus Sanctuarium Dei &c. All tho●e Princes , who haue sayed , let vs possesse , as our inheritance , the Sanctuary of God , let them be , O my God , as a wheele , and as straw before the face of the wind : as a fier that burnes the wood , and as a flame that consumes the mountaines . So shalt thou persecute them &c. Which seemes in some sort to be verified litte●ally in this man , who after his excommunication , being in extreme calamitie , as well by the election of another Emperour , & defection of a great part of the Empire from him , as also for that one of his sonnes , to wit , Entius King of Sardinia was taken prisoner by the people of Bolognia , and another was dead in Apulia . Likewise himself percussus est ( saith Matthew Paris ) morbo qui dicitur lupus , vel sacer ignis , was stroken with the disease which is called the wol●e , or holy fier ; whereby he was so humbled ( as the same Author witnesseth ) that he offered vnto the Pope good conditions of peace , according , saith Matthew , to that saying of the Psalmist , which followeth immediatly in the same Psalme by me now alleadged , Imple facies eorum ignominia , & quaerent nomen tuum Domine : fill their face with confusion , and they will seeke thy name , O lord . And this chastismēt of almighty God , as it began in his owne person , so it continued in his issue , partly whiles he liued , & partly after his death , vntill they were all extirpated . In his life tyme , his Sonne Henry was made away by his owne procurement , being cast into pryson where he was eyther poysoned , by his command ( as some thinke ) or else died naturally , as others report . Entius , was taken by the Bolognians , and there after twenty yeares restrainst and more , being kept in an iron cage , he pined away , and died miserablie . Bononiam ductus ( saith Muti●● ) mittitur in ferream● caueam , in qua sordidissimo victu nutritus , miserimam vitam post aliquot annos finiuit . Entiu● being brought to Bolognia is cast into an iron cage , in which being intertained with most filthy diet , after some yeares imprisonmēt ended a most miserable life . So he . His other bastard-sonne Fredericke died in Apulia . And after the said Emperour his death , his sonne Conrade King of Sicily was poysoned by Manfred his bastard-brother , and Manfred was slaine in battaile , by Charles of Ang●ow : and Conradinus Sonne or Nephew to Conradus ( for in this Authors differ ) was beheaded at Naples , and so ended the race of this wicked and vnfortunate Emperour , of whome that may iustly be said , which Iob speaketh of the like men . Haec est pars impij apud Deum &c. This is the portion of the wicked man with God , a●d the inheritance of the violent ( oppressors ) which they shall receaue from the omnipotent . If his sonnes shal be multiplied , they shall die by the sworde , and his nephews shall not be filled with bread . All whome he shall leaue behind him , shal be buried in destruction . Which if all Princes could remēber amidst their greatnes , no doubt , but they would be more moderate in their power and actions , and also feare him more , qui au●ert spiritum Principum terribilis apud omnes Reges terr● : who taketh away the life of Princes , and is dreadfull to all the Kinges of the earth . Before we haue set downe out of the Councell it self , then which there can be no more graue , or greater authority , all the causes of his condemnation , as his sacriledges ; his periuries vpon periuries ; his perfidiousnes to the Christians ; his treacherous treaty with the Soldan ; his spoiling of Churches and monasteries ; his expelling of the Christians out of Nuceria , and giuing it to the Turkes ; his reuiuing the foule faction of the Guelphes and Gibbelines ; all which and many more , as they may be seene in the sentence of Innocentius , and Seuerinus Binnius : so also many other Authors might be alleadged for the same . And he who listeth to read more herof , may peruse VVilliam of Nangis the Frenchman , in the life of S. Lewis : and with him all the Authors whom before we haue cited , where some of these things haue bene more particulerly touched : which no doubt was the cause why VViceli●● a German in his Epitome of the Popes liues , in this Innocenti●● the 4. spake so contemptibly of the Emperours death , as he said , sub hoc perijt bestia Fredericus : In the time of this Pope died that beast Fredericke . And the Monke of Padua , registring the same death , saith ; Vitam amisit in Apulia &c. On S. Lucies day Fredericke died in Apulia , and descended into hell , carrying nothing with him but a sack of sinnes . So he : far different from that which before we haue heard others to write of the death of Innocentiu● . And this may suffice to shew what smal reason M. Barl. had , so much to iustify this Emperor : & for his sake to cōdemne the Popes who then liued , forgetting in bo●h that seuere cōmination of the Holy Ghost . Qui iustificat impiū , & qui condemnat iustum abominabilis est vterque apud Deum : He that iustifies the wicked , and he that condemnes the iust , both are abominable before God. Which makes M. Barlowes case the more pittifull , for that he alone hath done both the one and other in this example . God send him grace to see , repent , & amend his errour . And so much for Fredericke the second . I will now end this matter , with this aduertisement to the Reader , that whereas M. Barlow & others of his profession , vse to serue themselues much out of the writinges of Matthew Paris , Cuspinian , & Peter de Vinei● , the truth is , that no one of them deserueth so much credit , as our Aduersaries would faine force vpon them . For the first hath many fables , contradictions , railinges , and dogmaticall assertions , which little beseeme a religious spirit , or true Catholike , which at least he was knowen to be : and therfore as well this Matthew , as the other , being set out by Heretikes , and printed at London , by order , as I haue bene informed , from the Superintendēt of Canterbury that then was , and no other ancient copie being extant that I can heare of , that might be conferred with this in print , it is very likely , that many thinges which are now vrged against vs , are not the wordes of Matthew Paris the Monke , but of Matthew Parker of Canterbury : and he who shal but reade Harpsfields History , & examine the places which he bringeth , or things which on their authority he auoucheth , shall soone see , that his Matthewes spake otherwayes then these , who in many thinges are made to write like good Protestants , although hitherto nothing hath bene alleadged out of them by M. Barlow in this matter , which I haue not fully answered . Iohn Cuspinian as he is a late writer , so is he of little credit , especially for his bookes of History of the Emperours which himselfe neuer set forth , but as Gerbelius writeth , morte praeuentus inemendatos , & ob scriptoris inscitiam soedissimis er●oribus deprauatos reliquit , being preuented by death , he left his bookes of history vncorrected , and through ignorance of the writer , corrupted with most filthy errors . So he . By profession Cuspinian was a Phisitian , & knew perhaps how to frame his potions , according to the complexion of the receauers , and therfore this Frederick being descēded as some thinke , or at least by marirage neerly allied to the House of Austria , he thought by making the most of him , to gratify both Maximilian his maister , and yong Charles the fifth of the same family , yet seeing he neuer set forth this booke , but left it imperfect , vncorrected , full of errors &c. & that afterwards it was first published by Nicolas Gerbelius , a Protestāt-brother of Strasburge , as may be presumed , who printed it in the yeare 1540. we may well thinke , that it was sauced by the setter forth , according to the new Ghospell , and good appetite of them of his owne profession . And as for Petrus de Vineis , besides the iust exception of partialitie , which I tooke against him in my Letter , and that which I haue already answered vnto M. Barlowes Reply therunto ; I shall not need to adioyne any more . Wherfore I will only content my self with two censures which I find in two Authors of him , to wit , in S. Antoninus an Italian , and Tritemius a German . The first noteth him in these words : Iusto Dei iudicio factum videtur &c. The death of Petrus de Vineis seemeth to haue byn procured by the iust iudgment of God , that because he had done many things to please the Emperour , against the Church , in fauour and excuse of him , by him he was condemned , for whome he had offended both God and the Church . So he . And Tritemius thus writeth of him , Petrus de Vineis &c. Peter de Vineis by nation a German , Secretary & Counsellour of the Emperour Fredericke the second , was a learned and eloquent man , but in this very faulty , that adhering to Frederick , he did in fauour of him , barke like a foole ( stolidus latrauit ) against the Roman Church , by whome he was worthily rewarded : for hauing in some things offended him , he had his eyes pulled out &c. So he . And in his Catalogue of Worthy men , to the like c●nsure , he addeth this clause , Hoc praemium eorum &c. This is the reward of thē , who do serue the humors of Princes , against the obedience of the Roman Sea , and Vicar of Christ , and like wretches fall headlong into hell , except they repent &c. Which aduertisment being giuen by so graue an Author , before these controuersies were raised by Luther , I wish M. Barlow , and all other in authority and credit with Princes , as Petrus de Vineis was , seriously to ponder . OF THE EMPEROVR Fredericke the first , whose picture was said to haue bene sent to the Soldan by Pope Alexander the third . And of the charge of Alexander the sixt , touching the death of Zizimus or Gemen , M. Barlows innocent Turke . §. III. METHOD and rules of learning require , that euery thing be put downe in his due place and order , and therfore me thinks that Fredericke the first should by all reason , haue bene mentioned before the second Fredericke his successour , especially seeing that there is another obiection made a litle before out of this very Emperour and Pope , wherunto this might well haue bene annexed , had it not bene that the margent of the Apology was to be filled with citations , and the text with variety of examples , to make Popes more odious . But the transposition we●e pardonable , if the thing auouched were true , and the Reader not abused by these forged calumniations , who through the heat and heape of many words , is made to conceaue , that M. Barlow sayth much to the purpose , and with great sincerity : wheras all he hath , is nothing else but vaine Thrasonicall ostentation , impudent lying , & that which alwaies accōpanieth the loose liberty of a licentious tongue , exorbitant rayling against all sorts , and degrees of men whatsoeuer . And this , as it hath bene euery where already shewed : so shall it be more in this , and the other ensuing Chapters , though with much more breuity then the former , least both this Chapter and the whole booke , be drawne forth to greater prolixity and length , then I haue purposed with myselfe that it should be : which only reason hath made me in other places , to leaue more aduantages , then I might haue taken against M. Barlow ; albeit I haue taken more then I thinke will stand with his credit , or honesty , if yet he haue any part or parcell of the one or the other left him . But let vs heare him speake , if he can without lying , which here I assure you he will not , but begin with a round one , at the very first entrance . For thus he sayth : Another instance ( saith he ) obiected ●y his Maiesty ( which pincheth their holy Father to the quicke ) is of that Pope , who when Emperour Fredericke was in the Holy-Land , ●ighting in Christs quarrell ( ●earing that his returne would be some annoyance to the Romish Sea ) betraied him to the Soldan , to whome he directs his priuate letters , and with them also sent the Emperours picture , in case the Soldan should mistake his Person . So M. Barlow . And least any man should misdoubt of the certainty of this thing , he saith , that I made no answere therunto , because in likelihood I saw it vncontrollable . But I hope so now to check and controle the same , as all indifferent Readers shall cry shame on M. Barlows ignorance and impudency , who in so false and forged a matter , reposeth so great confidence , as to affirme , that it pinchet● the Pope to the quicke , and is incontrollable . And to answere first in general to this brutish charge ; I say , that it is full of malice , deuoid of truth , and wholy founded vpon lyes , which I shall by such euident demonstration euince , as better proofe in such a matter cannot be required , or had . But first I must aduertise thee , gentle Reader , that reason and modesty required on M. Barlows behalfe in so odious and iniurious an accusation , that some Author , record , or proofe should haue bene produced , for confirmation of the same , especially seeing Iouius who was first cited in the Latin and English Apology , was by me denyed to haue any one word therof . But insteed of prouing this , M. Barlow telleth vs , how Saul sought for his fathers Asses , and found thē not in Salila , nor Salim . But howsoeuer he sought and found them not there , here I am sure we haue found one at least , if to play the formall foole , as M. Barlow doth often , may deserue that title . But let vs examine the thing it selfe . The Pope , who is charged in the Apology of the first and second edition , as well in the English as Latin copies , is Alexander the third , much by all Authors , as well of that time , as of the ensuing ages praised both for a worthy Pastour , and excellent man , as Baronius in his last Tome , through the whole course of his Popedome doth shew , and S. Bernard giueth an honourable testimony of his demeanour before he was eyther Pope or Cardinall , as also the French Author Robertus de Monte doth after his death . And did this man I pray you send these letters and Frederickes picture to the Soldan ? It is incredible ; and no otherwise is it here verified , then by a bare assertion of M. Barlow , by which kind of proof , I may as well proue him to be a Souldan , or Turke , as he doth , that there was euer any such letter or picture sent . And truly , there is as much ground for the one , as for the other : and as well shall I be able to shew , that this matter betweene Frederick and Alexander is a meere counterfait fiction , as euer he shal be able to shew , that he is not a Souldan ( for of his being a Turke I will not so much contend , seeing him so earnest in defence of Gemin . ) And truly if in any thing , the vniforme consent of all historiographers be to be heard , it is not to be reiected in this , but it were to long and vnnecessary a labour to lay downe , what all of them haue written in this affaire . It shall suffice me to alleadge , that wherein they agree with thē who then liued , as Nubrigensis , Houeden , Robertus de Monte , & Nicetas the Grecian , or not long after , as the two Matthewes , to whome I will of Protestāt writers ad Huldericus Mutius a Zuinglian , & Martinus Crusius a Lutheran , that M. Barlow may the better perceaue how exorbitant his malice and folly is , that wil haue that passe for vncontrollable , which by all manner of writers is contradicted . First then , by both the Matthewes , and Houeden , it is euident that Frederick at the persuasion , and preaching of Henry Cardinal , and Bishop of Alban , sent by Cl●m●nt the third , as Legate vnto him , first resolued to weare the Crosse , and to vndertake the warre of the Holy-land , & that in the yeare 1188. as with them testifieth Nubrigensis : though the Lutheran in this differ from them in putting this resolution of the Emperour one yeare sooner , which maketh little or nothing at all to our purpose , although in the next yeare he say , that at the instance of Clement the third Pope , the Emperour prepared himself to the field . So that all agreeing herein , that Frederick went at the persua●ion of Clement ; and further it being cer●aine , that Clement was not made Pope vntill the yeare 1188. there can be no difficulty touching this controuersie of the time . And no lesse cleere and certayne it is by these writers , that Frederick set not forward towardes Syria , vntill the next yeare after , 1189. for so say both the Matthews , Nubrigensis , Robertus de Monte , and Cr●sius , who al●o agree , that he was drowned the yeare after , to wit 1190. And in this I see no difference or variety of opinions , amongst these writers . And albeit there should be any about the tyme , when he resolued to wag● this warre , or when he was drowned ; yet in this all ioyntly , without any contradiction , agree that he went this voiage , and died diuers yeares after Pope Alexander the third his death . But this computation of time which I haue declared as it is most common amongst Authors , so is it conforme vnto truth , which none could better know then those who liued in that age : amongst whome in this point as I said there is no disagreement , for they all say , that he se● forward for Syria in the yeare 1189. and that in Aprill , as both Matthews auouch , on S. Georges day from Reinsburg , or Ratisbon , & going all the way with his whole army by land through Hungary , Bulgaria , Thracia , and other Countries as Houeden writeth ; finding also such vnexpected hind●rances in Greece , at Isaacius his hands , who was then Emperour of the East ; it must needes follow , that it was very late in that yeare before euer he could ariue into the holy Land. In so much , as Nicetas a Greeke Historiographer then liuing , saith that he came not thither vntill the beginning of the next yeare , which as it was the first of his arriuall there ; so was it the last of his life , to wit , the yeare 1190. as we haue said , and all the Authors here cited doe testifie . All which if we suppose ( and who , against the authority of such manner of witnesses , can make any doubt or exception ? ) and withall consider what , not only all these English writers , with the Protestantes , but all other Authors besides extant before these later controuersies in religion were raysed , do write of the time of the death of Pope Alexander the third , which by the vniforme testimony of them all ( two only ●xcepted , who put it a yeare later ) fell out in the yeare 1181. he I say who shall consider all this , will blush for very shame , if he be M. Barlows friend , to heare him thus resolutly to affirme , That when Frederick was in the Holy-land fighting in Christes quarrell , fearing that his returne would be some annoyance to the Romish Sea , the Pope betraied him to the Soldan &c. For how I pray you could he betray Fredericke , being in the Holy-Land , who was dead eight yeares and more , before euer he came thither ? For now we haue shewed that Pope Alexander the third died in the yeare 1181. which was s●auē yeares before Fredericke resolued to weare the Crosse , and wage that ba●taile , and more then 8. before his arriuall into Armenia where he was drowned . And here to vrge M. Barlow with a Dilemma : Eyther he knew this diuersity of time , I meanne of the Popes death , and Frederickes expedition for the holy-land , when he wrot his booke , or he knew it not . If the first ; then is he very shameles , and malicious , who contrary to his owne knowledge and conscience would deceaue his Reader in a printed booke , and that in so triumphant manner , as you haue heard . If he knew it not ; then truly he is very ignorant , and vnworthy to write in defence of so great a Monarch as his Maiestie is ; and withall very negligent , that would not so much as see , & search his Authors ; or els very foolish and simple , if he would haue vs belieue him without any other authority , or proofe then his bare word , which I thinke of his next neighbours will not be taken for much . And by this example the Reader may know how hereafter to trust him in other places , when he vaunteth and braggeth of aduantages , for these are but suddaine pangs , wherunto the desperatenes of his cause doth driue him , when no other answere can be made . For what is true , or vntrue , ●e seemeth to care little , or not to seeke much , but only indeauoreth to intertaine talke , and get his fee ; and yet this is the man , who in his Epistle to his Maiestie thinketh me too weak to dispute with him ; and so braggeth of himselfe , as that , he hath neither dallied , nor deluded his Reader : yea so farre is he confident in this his answere , that he sayth , he assureth himself security ●rom any sound Reply thereto f●ō me . But what eyther of vs haue done in this kind , he for Answere , or I for Reply , not he , nor I , but the Reader must iudge . And yet heere I dare bouldly interpose thus far also mine owne Iudgement , that if M. Barlow be no more exact in other thinges then he hath bene in this , let him brag as much as he list , & flatter himselfe , with the conquest before euer he see his Aduersaries weapons ; let him ●ound out his owne triumphes in euery page of his booke , and make himselfe as glorious as he can : yet it wil be more eas●e , then prayse worthy for any aduersary to refute him , seeing his pro●es are euery where so weake , his lies so frequent , his citations so corrupt , and the whole order & method of his discourse so patched , harsh , and disioynted , to speake nothing of his rayling , flattery , and slanderous detractions , as ( like the apples of Gomorrha ) with a light touch all wil resolue to smoke and dust , as any one , who with indifferent attention shall reade ouer the same , will soone confesse . For what now I pray you is become of all this sharpe charge , and virulent accu●ation of Pope Alexander ? Is it not euidently demonstrated , vpon the diuersity of the time of Fredericks being in Asia , and death of the said Pope , to be counterfait , to be false , to be impossible ? I thinke M. Barlow will not affi●me that Pope Alexander by speciall priuiledge before the generall resurrection did rise againe from death to life , to dispatch this busines of betraying the Emperour : and yet I call back my word againe , for I see by this charge , that he is resolutel● bent to affirme any thing . And this priuiledge the poore man must confesse , or else cry guilty against himselfe , of as many lyes , as there be lines in his accusation ( to speake the least ) for here is no pinching instance , but a forged fiction , no betraying of the Emperour , whiles he was in the Holy-Land , no letters , no pictures , no Pope Alexander then liuing , noe feare of annoyance to the Romish Sea , with which at that time Frederick was vnited in all loue and freindship , & at Pope Clements request vndertoke that enterprize , which M. Barlow truly calleth the fighting in Christes quarrell , though it were not for the Protestant Ghospell , but for the preseruation of the Catholicke faith in the Holy-Land , which this Minister and his Mates in their Bedlam bookes , and Sermons call Idolatry● the VVhore of Babylon , Antichrist , and the like . But it was sufficient with M. Barlow in this place , to make it Christes quarrell , because he meant to force it against the Pope : such is the wit , conscience , and sinceritie of the man. And truly in this place , seing the truth so cleere , and testimonies of Authors so consonāt , I was somwhat moued with curiosity to see , if eyther in the Apology of the last editiō with the Monitory Epistle , or the Torturers book , there were any thing more said for this fable , in supply of M. Barl. defect , & silence in the same . In the former I only found mētioned the History of Fredericke , written in dutch , in the other , many names , as the dutch Historie , our English Bale , Scardius the German Caluinist , and besides thē , Barnus , Ioannes Marius , & Cremonensis : but all this noyse is but emptie wind , all these witnesses but one , and he scant worth the taking vp . For this dutch Historie , & Scardius is all one , and so is Scardius and Bale , the one taking it out of the other : the three Catholike names ( if they be Catholickes ) serue but for Cyphers , to fill vp paper , for no words of theirs are cited , no workes extant of this matter that we can heare of , vnles perhaps lately printed at Amaur●t in Vtopia , anno magno Platonis , and so conuayed into England amongst our Ministers . And as for the narration of Bale in his Centuries of this Fredericks death , it is so frought with lies , & those grosse , palpable , ill coherent , and incredible , as a learned writer of our age hauing refuted many of thē , addeth in the end his censure or iudgemēt of the Author , in these words . Piget taedetque plura vanissima Balai mēdacia percensere , quae adeo sunt enormia , vt posteros nostros vix putē credituros fieri potuisse , vt hoc saculum nostrū tam e●●rontes criminatores & calūniatores protulerit . That is to say : It doth loath and trouble me to recount more lyes of this most vaine Bale ( in this matter of Fredericke ) which are so grosse , or enormous , as I scarcely perswade my selfe , that those who shall liue after vs , wil euer be brought to think it credible , that this age of ours hath brought forth such shameles accusers , and slanderers . So he . And if any list to make tryall hereof , let him turne to the place here by me cyted , and he will desire no more satisfaction in this behalfe , but for euer after loath from his hart so lying a Mate . And here the Reader may with himselfe consider that if we against the knowne testimony & written histories of former tymes , should alleadge to the contrary our onely bare assertions , as M. Barlow doth in this without further authority , coniecture , or proofe , how would our clamorous English Clergy cry out against the same ? How would they exaggerate such an aduantage ? And yet here in a most heynous accusation against all writers , without all proof , we must stand to M. Barlows bare assertion , or else to two moderne writers , both heretikes , both enemies , to wit Iohn Bale , and Simon Scardius , who ( especially the former for his notorious lying , and lasciuious scurrilitie ) with vs , the Lutherans , & all learned Protestants are of as much credit , as Robin-Hood , and Little-Iohn . But let vs proceed with that which followeth in M. Barlow , who for that I sayd in my Letter , that Paulus Io●ius in his second booke , did not testifie this matter ( though he were ●yted for it , both in the English and latin bookes of the Apology ) replyeth against me thus . If Saul in seeking his fathers asses , had returned such an answer , or himself retyred , because he ●ound them not in Salila , and Salim , he had not proued Saul inter Prophetas . So contume●●ous still is M. Barlow in all his speaches ; but we haue now shewed where the Asse , without further seeking is to be found . Let vs likewise see how prudent his answer is , or rather euasion . The Printer , sayth he , displaced the quotation , giuing it a higher roome by fiue lines in the page then he should haue done , for that it concerned the next story imediatly following . But then I would aske M. Barlow , why the letter F. was placed in the text before Alexander , and the same correspondent in the margent in Paulus ●ouius ? Could the Printer also change the letter in the text ? And not only this , but the Latin translation also , that came after the English hath the same quotation of Paulus ●ouius , annexed with the letter A. both in the text and margent , vnto the same storie . Was this also the slip of the Printer ? Besides this , the sayd Latin translation leaueth out the word tertius , and nameth only Alexander : will you assigne this also to the Printer ? But if this quotation of Iouius did not se●ue to this allegation about the Popes writing to the Sol●an , what other Author is there , that doth testifie so odious an accusation ? For if that had bene omitted , then why had not M. Barlow now supplyed that defect , with aleadging or quoting some Author , that testifieth the same ? Lastly , for that we ha●e bene ouerlong in this matter we shall end with one only example more , which is , that wheras he alleadgeth out of Cuspinian , that Pope Alexander the sixth did take two hundreth thousand Crownes of Baiaze●es the Emperour of the Turkes , to cause his brother Gemin whom he held captiue in Rome to be put to death , which soone after ensued , he being in the French-mens hands that tooke him with them from Rome , when Charles the eight King of France passed that way with his army towards the Conquest of Naples : I answered , that concerning the story it self , true it is that Cuspini●n , that gladly seeketh occasion to speake ill of Popes , writeth that the sayd Gemin or Zizimus ( for by both n●mes he is called ) brother of the Turke , was put to death by poyson in the army of the French-men , haud ignorante Pontifice , Pope Alexander not being ignoran● thero● . But he sayth nothing that the Pope procured the same , as neyther that he receaued the sayd summe of two hundred thousand Crownes , as neyther doth Iouius , though he doth m●ntion that such a summe was offered by the ●urke , togeather with ●estis incons●tilis Christi , the garment of our Sauiour without seame . And that besids these Authors , others also writing therof do relate the matter doubtfully , as Onufrius Panuinus , saying , that he died at Capua of a bloudy flux , without mentioning poyson● and before him Sabelli●us relating the matter as doubtfully , saith : Fuerunt qui crederent veneno subla●● : there were some that belieued that he was made away by poyson , & that Pope Al●xander was not ignorant thereof . And albeyt M. Barlow about this poyn●●●riueth to vtter a gr●at company of wordes , partly to proue that which was not denyed , that diuers authours do make mention of this thing ( though with vncertayntie as you haue heard ) partly in amplifying the wickednes of the thing , to yield to the putting to death ( as he sayd ) of an innocent Turke ; partly by inueghing , and scoffing at the offer made by the Turkish Emperour of Vestis inconsutilis Christi , of Christs garment without seame , deriding much in his veine of Infidelity , that such a garment can be imagined to haue come downe from the Souldyers , that cast lotts ouer it , vnto the Turks hands ( and yet notwithstanding it is knowne , and confessed that he had taken Ierusalem , and thereby had the spoyle of all Christian monumentes of that place ) but much more scorning , that now such a Relique , forsooth , should be made the price of innocent Gemins bloud , without any iust cause giuen for the same ( and yet can it not be denyed , but that he had rebelled against his Lord and brother the Emperour and procured both against his person and state what mischife he could : ) All this , I say , notwithstanding , it is euident that these wordes of M. Barlow are but wind to intertayne tyme , and fill vp paper , as he hath bound himself by the enterprize , he hath takē in hand , & so you will see , partly by the stir he maketh about my very last wordes , and lines in this matter , which yet I assure m● , being equally considered by the indifferent Reader , will not seeme so reprehensible . For these they are . If a man would goe about ( sayd I ) to discredit Kingly authority , by all the misdeeds of particuler Kings , that haue bene registred by Historiographers , since the tyme that Popes began , he should find no doubt aboundant matter , and such as could not be defended by any probability : and yet doth this preiudicate nothing to Princely power or dignity &c. For this speach of myne , which M. Barlow termeth a yerking comparison of Kings with Popes ( though I know not why ) he inueigheth greatly against me , alleadging first out of Seneca , That art cannot long estrange nature , as though out of Nature belike , I were inclyned to make such comparisons , and then likening me to Venus her Cat , that was trickt vp ( as he sayth ) like a wayting-mayde , but yet she discouered her self when she saw a mouse : So the censurer ( quoth he ) who all this while , would make the Reader belieue , that he confuted only one T. M. the younger , who being exasperated with his round cāuasing of the Pope , he forgetteth his dissembled aduersarie , and retorts vpon Kings . So he . And do you see his vanytie ? Is the very naming of Kings , especially in so honourable a sense , as I doe , for mayntenance of their authority , sufficient to make retorting vpon Kings ? Or is the mentioning of Kings in generall a sufficient inference , that I meane of his Maiestie in particuler ? What speach can be free from calumination , when such Sicophancy is vsed ? Doth not euery man see the itching humour of adulation , discouered here vpon any least occasion ? But let vs heare some reason of his . VVhat insolency ( sayth he ) is this , to compare Popes with Kings , subiectes with superiours , for euen Preists as well as others are subiect to their soueraignes , by Chrysostoms rule . And so say we also Syr , in temporall affaires , belonging to the Comon wealth . But how doth this inference of yours hould ? Priests are subiect vnto temporall Princes , that are their Soueraignes : therefore also Popes . Is there no difference ? And for that you name S. Chrysostome in this matter , and call it an insolency , to compare Kings with Popes , I would demaund of you , whether you euer read S. Chrysostome de comparatione Regis & Monachi , of the comparyson of a King and a Monke : as also his other Books de Sacerdotio ? And if you haue , and vnderstood , what you read , then will you haue seene that S. Chrysostome preferred ●he dignity of both the one , and the other , Monke and Priest , before the dignity of a King. And Cardinall Bellarmin● last booke , and third Chapter doth alledge so much about this matter , as maketh it sufficiently cleere , without any derogation of Princely authority at all . AN EXAMINATION OF CERTA●NE ●ENTENCES , AND AVTHOR●TIES of ancient Fathers , alleadged by Cardinall Bellarmine in his Letter to M. Blackwell , and impugned by M. Barlow . CHAP. VI. AMONG other points that were impugned out of Cardinall Bellarmines Letter , were certaine sentences , examples , and authorities of ancient Fathers , about the Oath . And first of all was the comparison of the subtill art , and deceipt ( said I ) vsed by Iulian the Emperour , surnamed the Apostata , and recounted by S. Gregorie Nazianzen , in placing , and inserting the Images of his false Gods , into the pictures of the Emperour , in his Imperiall banner , so as no man could bow downe , and do reuerence to the Emperours picture ( as then was the custome ) but that he must adore also the Images of the false Gods ; which art of tem●erament the Cardinall doth compare vnto this mixture , and combination of clauses , lawfull and vnlawfull ; ciuill and ecclesiasticall , in the Oath proposed : so as , a man cannot sweare the one , but he must sweare also the other : for which cause , I said in my Letter , that the whole Oath with all the clauses , as it lyeth ( in which sense , it hath bin also forbidden by his Holynes ) cannot in any wise be taken , although touching some one only clause , not only cyuill , but also ecclesiasticall , as for example , of the Popes authority , of charity I might thinke ( as then I wrote ) that the Priests who tooke the Oath , tooke it in some such sense , as being explycated by them , and accepted of the Magistrate , might stand with the integrity of fayth . And that the sense of the sayd clause , might be agreed vpon , betwene his Maiesty and his subiects , in such sort as it should agree with the opinion , and practise of all other Catholicke Princes . But the whole Oath as it lyeth , is no other , then the picture of the Emperour , togeather with the Images of false Gods. Which similitude and comparison , though it expresse most fitly ( as it seemeth ) the matter in hand : yet was it impugned , by seeking out dissimilitudes , & disparities in other pointes , then wherein was made the sayd comparison . As for example , that first Iulian was an Apostata , but our Soueraigne is a Christian : Iulian changed the religion he once professed , but our King not : Iulian became an Ethnick , or Atheist , our King is not ashamed of his profession : Iulian dealt against Christians , his Maiesty dealeth only to make a distinction betweene true subiects , and false harted traytors &c. And so he goeth forward , alleadging many sundry diuersityes , betwene man and man , thing and things , state & states : which I said is nothing to our purpose . For a similitude requireth not likenes , or parity in all poyntes , for then it should be idem , and not simile , but liknes only in the point , wherin the comparison is made , as here in the compounding , and couching togeather of lawfull , and vnlawfull cl●uses in the oath , as the other did Images in his banner : for that other wise , if we will stand vpon seeking out differences between the things that are compared , & other things wherein the comparison is not made , and thereby condemne the similitude , we shall ouerthrow all similitudes whatsoeuer , and particulerly we shall eneruate , & make voide all the Parables cōmonly of our Sauiour , wherin if we go from the point it self that is compared , we may find ●or the most part more dissimilitudes , then sim●litudes . As for example ; Be yee ●ise as serpentes , and simple as doues ; what enemy of Christian religion might not cauill , and calumniate this similitude by seeking out diuersities betwene a serpent , and a man , and betwene the malicious craft of the serpent and the true wisdome , that ought to be in a prudent man : and the like in the nature , and simplicity of doues , many dissimilitudes may be sought , but it is sufficient that the similitude do hould in the poynt , wherein the comparison was made , which is that Christians sho●ld be both wise and simple , as are serpents , and doues , and imitate both the wisdome of the one , and simplicity of the other , so far forth as is conuenient for a Christian life , which S. Paul doth afterward expound , how far it must reach , when he sayth : Volo vos sapientes esse in bono , & simplices in malo , I would haue you to be wise in good , and simple in ●uill , This then being my declaration of that similitude , out commeth M. Barlow ( as it were ) with his dagger drawne in great heate , to incounter the same , casting vpon me , all kind of reproach , and by his ordinary scurrility , calling me Salomons loathsome creature , to wit , a spuing dog , resuming the eiection which he had once auoyded , such is the modestie , and ciuilytie of this new Prelate . But why , doth he shew himself so enraged ? You must imagine he is in some straits to answer the former discourse , but yet must needs set vpon it , well , or ill . Let vs se how he performeth it . All the Censurers speach ( sayth this Minister ) commeth to this profound conclusion , that a similitude must only hould in that poynt , wherein it is compared , because that if the comparison should hould in all , it were pentity , and not resemblance . Which doctrine of myne he seemeth to allow , and replieth not ; but yet to seeme to say somewhat , and not syt out , he passeth to another discourse , that in foure manners comparisons m●y be made , eyther in the nature of the thing , or in the disposition , when some affection is resembled , or when a passion or perturbation is assimilated , or when the action only is compared without circumstances ; which are obscure things without ground at all : and as well may foureteene poyntes of comparisons be found out as foure ; to wit , so many as there may be differences betwene things that be compared ; and therefore we recall M. Barlow from these idle euagations to the point it self . And for so much as he now graunteth , that things compared must not be like in all , but only in the point , wherein the comparison is made , how will he ouerturne Cardinall Bellarmines comparison , betwene the banner of Iulian , and the Oath of England . His point of comparison was this ; that as Iulian did set forth in his banner , and combine togeather the images , as well of the Emperour , as of the false Gods , seeking to temper and mollify the one by the other ; to wit , by bowing to , and honouring the Emperours image ( which then was held for lawfull ) to bow also , or seeme to bow at leastwise to the other , which was not lawfull : so in the Oath are combined togeather different clauses , some of temporall obedience , which are lawfull ; some oth●r detractory to the Popes authority , which are held by Catholicks for vnlawfull . Do you see M. Barlow , wherein the comparison is made ? Then stand to me closely ( I pray you ) and let vs examine this ma●ter without running from the purpose . What say you to the former answer made ; to wit , that Iuli●n was an Apostata , but our Soueraigne is a Christian ? Iulian changed his religion , but our King not ? he became an Ethnicke , but our King is not ashamed of his profession , and other such like differences ? Are these the poyntes wherein Cardinall Bellarmine made his comparison , or noe ? If not , then are you from the purpose . But what say you now in this your last Reply after mature deliberation ? You will not , I trust , fall to the same absurdity of seeking dissimilitudes , that are from the point of the comparison it self ? And yet you must needes do it , for so much as you will needs say somewhat , and haue nothing to say against the sayd poynt of comparison . First then , your reply is this ; that the resemblance betwene the banner , and the Oath , brought fort● by the Cardinall was produced by him for no other purpose , but for the mixture of diuersities , both in the one and the other , VVherin ( say you ) the Cardinall hath manifested more malice then iudgement . For euen in that very point , this similitude , as taken with the crampe , hal●s right downe , because in the Imperiall pictures , though there were different ●eatures , yet they all concurred to one end and for the same intent , that is for adoration , though to the one more openly , to the other more couertly &c. But in the Oath it is taken cleane contrary , which is so far from being a mixture of Allegiance , that it separates all acknowledgment o● any temporall right , or right of any temporall acknowledgment from Pope , or any other else , but to his Maiestie alone within his Realmes . Thus far are the words of M. Barlow , who being well , ( as you haue seene ) towards the end , intangleth himself , and runneth quite from the purpose . He acknowledgeth in the beginning , that the comparison of Card. Bellarmine is only to shew the mixtures , as of the Images in the banner , the one lawfull , the other vnlawfull , so of the clauses in the Oath , the one lawfull , the other vnlawfull : but presently he steppeth aside , to put a difference betwixt the mixt adoration of the one , and the mixture of Allegiance in the other ; wherin Card. Bellarmine made not his comparison , no more then betwene the banner it selfe , and the Oath ; or betweene the silke cloath wherein the pictures were painted , or the booke or paper wherin the Oath was written , or in any other such like differences , as might be pickt out , wherof this also is one , very impertinent to the matter , that the banner did tend to a mixt adoration , but not the Oath to a mixt allegiance , of which mixt allegiance Card. Bellarmine neuer spake word , but only , that as the mixture of these Images was deuised to deceaue the Christians at that tyme ; so the mixture of different clauses , some conteyning ciuill obedience , some ecclesiasticall disobedience , the one law●ull , the other vnlawfull , was deuised to intangle the consciences of the Catholikes . And so we see , that M. Barlow is forced to run to the same shift , that before he condēned , which is to seek out diuersities in points wherin no comparisō was made . The second example which is reprehended in Cardinall Bellarmines letter , is out of the second booke of Machabees , of old Eleazar that venerable man , who rather chose to die , then to do a thing vnlawfull , and against his owne conscience , or to seeme to doe it by dissimulation . Which example the Cardinall applieth ( said I ) to the taking of this vnlawful Oath by such as are Catholikes , but especially by the Arch priest , Head of the Clergy in England , whose case he presumed to be more like to that of Eleazar , for his age , estimation , and authority aboue the rest . To which example the Apologer answereth thus . That if the Archpriests ground of refusing this Oath , were as good as Eleazars was for refusing to eate of the swines-flesh , that was proposed & vrged vnto him , it might not vnfitly be applyed to his purpose : But the ground fayling ( sayth he ) the buylding cannot stand . But this is an escape much like the former , that runneth quite from the matter : for that the Cardinall supposeth a Catholike conscience in him to whom he writeth , to which conscience it is as repugnant to sweare any thing , sounding against any poynt of Catholike religion or doctrine , as it was to Eleazar to eate swines flesh● against the law of Moyses . Which supposition being made , and that in the Cardinals iudgment this Oath contayneth diuers clauses preiudiciall to some pointes of the said Catholike beliefe and doctrine , concerning the authority of the Sea Apostolicke , and that the taking therof would not only be hurtfull to the taker , but offensiue also and scandalous to many oth●r of that religion , both at home and abroad , the application of this example of Eleazar was most fit , & effectuall . This was answered at that tyme. Now M. Barlow commeth with new deuises . First he calleth this example aprochryphall , for that it is taken out of the second booke of Machabees : but Catholicks do hould it for Canonicall ; and so do the ancient Fathers : and so was it declared by a holy Councell , aboue 1200. yeares agoe , wherein S. Augustine himself sate as one of the Iudges . But whether it were or no ; that maketh nothing to our present purpose , but only whether the example be well applied or no. Secondly , that eating of swines-flesh refused by Eleazar was forbidden by the law of God , but this swearing ( saith he ) is warranted by Scripture . Wherto I answere , that swearing in it owne nature , and with due circumstances of truth , iudgment , and iustice is warranted , when true and iust things are sworne ; but euery Oath in particuler is not warranted by Scripture ; and namely if it containe any thing , that eyther in it self , or in the swearers iudgment , and conscience is not true , or lawfull . And such is this Oath to Catholiks in both respectes , and therefore not warranted , but condemned by Scripture . Thirdly he sayth , when I am at a stand , and can go no further , I do wind my self out , by rūning to the common place of conscience , and Catholike religion . But what sayth he , if there be a false assumption , and an vntrue applycation by the conscience , is it then erroneous , and not binding ? As put the case , the conscience assumeth that to be sound and Catholike , which is false and vnchristian doctrine . To this question I haue answered now sufficiently before , and haue largly proued , that an erroneous conscience also byndeth vntill it be reformed ; and that it is impiety , and ignorance to teach the contrary : nor shall it be needfull to repeat all the reasons and arguments here . This one may stand insteed of all the rest , which is the ground of all , That if a man may without sinne do against the dictamen or direction of his owne conscience , then may he do that which he thinketh to be naught , and consequently do naught , wittingly and willingly without sin , which is against the groundes both of Diuinity , Philosophy , and Nature it self . And yet M. Barlow is so wise , as to affirme here , that an erroneous conscience byndeth not . VVHEN the R. Fath●r , F. Robert Persons , the Author of this Treatise was come thus far in the examination of M. Barlowes Answere , it pleased God to take him out of this mortall life : which as he had imployed to the profit of many , and the edification of the whole Christian world ; so he ended with gr●at Religion and Pi●ty , and passed , as we hope , to et●rnall r●st . He commended on his death-b●d the finishing of this worke , to an especiall friend of his , who for his zeale in Gods cause , and his loue to the said Father , will , I doubt not , learnedly and exactly p●rforme his requ●st , and shortly cause it to be printed and published , t●ough in a s●parate volume , as for many respects is thought most conuenient . FINIS . Faultes escaped in the Printing . Page , line , fault , correction . 6. 19. reaceaued receaued 118. 6. sweares swearers 149. 35. soone sowen 161. 16. which with 172. 6. Prohet Prophet 188. 3. miseriamur misereamur 197. 8. Scotlnd Scotland . 203. 14. nothing noting 276. 17. an and 289. 4. prince price 321. 36. is it 325. 24. vnlwfulnes vnlawfulnes 333. 21. opinion Caietan opinion of Caietan . 343. 7. no to 395. 37. yet they yet that they 436. 12. truth or truth of 442. 32. is in 444. 14. abase abuse 460. 7. acquinted acquainted . 498. 32. Popos Popes . 502. 24. them then 516. 27. wales walles 520. 37. restrainst restraint 518. 3. Then Fredericke Of them Fredericke A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPALL MATTERS HANDLED IN THIS BOOKE . A ACHABS truely Mortification . pag. 170. Adoniah slayne by Salomon . pag. 105. Alexander the 3. Pope cleared of calumny . pag. 467. Aluarus Pelagius abused by M. Barlow . pag. 112. S. Ambrose abused by M. Barlow . pag. 85. His resistance of the Emperour Valentinian against the Arians . pag. 193. Anchor turned into a Milstone by M. Barlow . pag. 244. Antiquity a good Argument in case of Religion . pag. 150. Apparitions of Martyrs . pag. 409. Aristotle abused by M. Barlow . pag. 99. Assembly of ancient Fathers , reasoning with his Maiesty de regno Dei. pag. 237. S. Augustine , and other Fathers Discourses of temporall and spirituall felicity . pag. 184. 185. 186. Item about dying out of the Church . pag. 223. His discourse about Gods Prouidence . pag. 416. Author of the Apology for the Oath of Allegiance . part . 1. cap. 1. § . 1. B M. BARLOVV his sharp wit. pag. 7. His ignorance in Grammar , & Humanity . Prefac . n. 8. 9. In Logick & Philosophy . pag. 16. & 93. & 191. & Praef. n. 12. & n. 59. In Histories . ib. n. 15. In Scriptures . ib. n. 17. In Diuinity . 193. 419. 420. His ridiculous folly . pag. 17. His virulency against Iesuits . pag. 21. & 220. His abuse of F. Ga●net . p. 2● . of F. Persons . 24. & 31. & 402. & praefac . à num . 86. vsque ad 108. His boldnes with the Scriptures . p. 35. His friendship to Aduerbs . pag. 39. His misunderstanding of Medina . p. 43. His bad conscience and dealing , vbique per totum librum . His notorious vntruthes pag. 49. pag. 93. 97. 98. 116. 134. 403. 505. 506. Paulus 5. the Pope accused by him pag. 59. his mistaking and abusing of Gra●●hus & Pluta●ke . pag. 61. his scolding . pag. 63. & praefac . à nu . 90. vsque ad 107. his new Philosophy pag. 66. his abuse of Salmeron and Sanders● pag. 75. 77. and of others . pag. 99. 112. 136. 246. 263. 279. 328. 330 338. of S. Thomas , pag. 459. of Vrspergensis , pag. 486. of Nauclerus , pag. 490. of Blondus . pag. 491. 509. of Cuspiniā . pag. 496. of Matthew Paris . p. 498. of Pope Innocentius the 4. pag. 507. 510. 512. of Card. ●ellarmine Praef. n. 66. his horning in Scotland . pag. 95. his merriment of the Moone in the Asses belly . pag. 103. his flattery of Kings . pag. 104. his hate of ambition , and his Mortification● pag. 1●6 . 172. 173. his Digestion and Concoction● ib. his carnall Diuinity . pag. 133. his phrases of Indument and Stripping . pag 148. his Incōstancy . pag. 163. & 314. his Canonization of Q. Elizabeth . p. 164 his Courtly Deuinity . pag. 177. his Philtra & loue-drugs . pag. 201. his Parasiticall flattery of the King. pag. 231. 233. 343. 359. & praef n. ●18 . 119 . his prayers without hope . 334. his little Vniuersity . 238. his Proctership for Turkes and Infidels . pag. 24● . his strange notes of humility . pag. 258. his Impudency . pag. 264. 332. 333 338. 340. 341. 344. 441. 474. 477. 487. 492. 493. Praef. ● . 64. his absurdities and errors &c. part . 2. cap. 5. per totum . his Contradictions . pag. 314. 326. his fast and loose with the Kinges authority pag. 316. his radiant folly . pag. 321. his slaunders . pag. 335. his falsifying of Coūcells . p. 369. His clouted frauds . pag. 399. his mincing of Authors for his purpose . ibid. & 401. 444. his falsification in Capitall letters . pag. 400. 453. his ridiculous profundities . p. 414. his conscience need to be purged . pag. 452. his Prouerb omnia sub vnam Myconum misapplyed . 504. his scoffing at Reliques . 535. What manner of writer he is . pr●fac . n. 4. His Paradoxes pr●f . n. 24. his cōscience like a cheuerell point . ib. nu . 25. his strange construction of orbis terrae . ibid. n. 11. his extra spheram . praef . n. 52. VVHOLY mistaken . ib. n. 54. His potent word . ib. n. 55. his bad brewing . ib. n. 65. his Melancholy conceipt . ib. n. 67. his suddaine pange of deuotiō . ibid. nu . 68. his rayling against Saints , ib. n. 108. his obsessiō , circumsession , & possession of Diuells . ib. n. 111. a Bridewell-Doctour . ibid. his Sermon in S. Edwards Church in Lincolne , and abuse of Syr Io. Cutts . ib. n. 112. his cōdemning his Maiesties Mother . ib. n. 116. his leuity in writing . ib. ● . 121. his hypocoristicall alleuiation . ibid. n. 122. his new found phrases . ib. n. 123. his paring away . ib. n. 128. his Feminine sexe predominate . ib. n. 153. Bellarnine , see Cardinall . Binnius abused & misconstred by M. Barlow . pag. 405. Bishops how they are said to succeed Apostles . pag. 450. M. Blackwell the Archpriest . p. 536. C CARDINALL , what dignity & title it is . pag. 8. Cardinall Bellarmine abused by M. Barlow . pag. 80. his Letter to the Archpriest discussed . pag. 345. & deinc●ps . his opinion of the Oath of Allegiance p. 346. 347. & deinceps . cleered from false imputation , pag. 386. 387. defended from Contradictiōs . pag. 432. 442. 443. 448. 449. Charles the Great Emperour his zeale in reformation of manners in the Clergy . pag. 313. Ch●lsey erection for wryters . pag. 248. Clement 8. his Breues sent into England . pag. 342. Clergymen freed from secular burthēs whence it first proceeded . pag. 371. L. Cooke Chiefe Iustice of the Cōmon Pleas , his booke of Arraignments . pag. 188. his definition of Misery by Copia & ●nopia . ibid. his poore Deuinity . pag. 190. Conscience erroneous , how and when it bindeth . p. 33. & 277. Contentions betweene Popes and Emperours . pag. 480. & deinceps . Controuersie betweene S. Gregory and Mauritius the Emperour . pag. 304. Councell of A●les how it submitted it selfe to the Emperour . pag. 313. Councells Generall alwayes assembled by the B. of Rome . p. 320. Councell of Millaine corrupted by M. Barlow pag. 33● . Councell 4. of Toledo in Spaine , & of the Oath prescribed to Subiects therin . pag. 365. & d●inceps . Difference betweene that & the Oath of Allegiance . pag. 381. & 384. falsified by M. Barlow . pag. 369. Whether it agreed with the Protestant Church of England . 377. S. Cyprians iudgment of such as dy out of the Catholik Church . pag. 222. D DESCENDING of Christ into hell . pag. 377. Difference Essentiall betweene Protestants & Puritans . praef . n. 32. Differen●e between the writing of F. Persons , & M. Barlow . praef . n. 132. Diuells concurrence with M. Barlow . pag. 450. Diuinity of M. Barlow , carnall . p. 133. fit for the Court. pag. 177. Diuision of the worke . pag. 2. Doct●ine of the Church not preiudicated by euill life . p. 147. E EARLE of E●sex his Confession reuealed by M. Barlow . p. 22. Preached against by him . 212. Edward , vide Cooke . Eleazar his glorious death for not eating of swines flesh . pag. 541. Q. Elizabeth her life discussed . pa●t . 2. cap. 1. & 2. per totum . Her manes . pag. 161. & 166. Canonized for a Saint by M. Barlow . p●g . 164. & praef . n. 114. her Mortifications . pag. 168. § . 2. per totum . No cloistred Nunne . ● . 170. her Felicities , & Infelicities . part . 2. cap. 2. per totum . her birth . pag. 201. her sicknes and death . pag. 209. § . 3. her Purgation about the Q. of Scotlands death . pag. 215. her disastrous end . pag. 216. 217. held for an Heretike . pag. 226. How she was a ioy & Iewell to the Christian world . pag. 422. her Illegitimation . p. 424. declared by her owne Father in Parlament . pag. 426. nec Virgo , nec Martyr . praef . n. 115. Equiuocation not lawfull in matters of Religion . pag. 30. confounded with lying by M. Barlow . pag. 384. 385. Excommunication of Princes practised in the Primitiue Church . pag. 102. F FAITH diuine & humane distinguished . pag. 392. Feli●ities and Infelicites of Q. Elizabeth part . 2. c. 2. per totum . Felicity temporall , no argument of spirituall . p. 181. 182. 183. Anciēt Fathers discourses therupon . p. 184. 185. 186. Festiuities & Masses of Saints . p. 379. B. Fisher abused by M. Barlow . p. 328. Flattery of his Maiesty by Mininisters . part● 2. cap. 3. per totum . of the nature of flattery . p. 231. Fox his rabble of Martyrs . p. 233. F●edericke the first Emperour his submission to the Pope . p 466. Fredericke the second his contention with Popes , pag. 480. & deinceps . his voyage to the holy land , 481. & 48● . his counterfait sicknes , ibid. his vices and bad life . pag. 514. his barbarous cruelty . 517. his blasphemy . 519. Gods punishment laid vpō him 520. G F. Garnets face in the straw . p. 23. Gemen the Turke poysoned . pag. 533. Gracchus abused by M. Barlow . pag. 61. S. Gregory rayled at by M. Barlow . praef . n. 108. H HEAD of the Protestant Church monstrous . p. 200. Henry vide Wotton . Henry the 4. Emperour taken vp again out of his graue after buriall pag. 398. His deposition . 411. Henry the 5. Emperour his insurrection against his father . pag. 410. Henry the 3. of France his murder . pag. 414. Henry the 8. of England iniured by M. Barlow . pag. 428. Henry the 2. of England his absolution . pag. 463. Henry the 6. Emperour his coronation . pag. 466. S. Hieromes Discourse of felicity and infelicity . pag. 185. Hope cannot stand without certainty of faith . praef . n. 48. Huldericus Mutius a Lutheran . pag. 398. Hypocrisy what it is , and what is the marke of an hypocrit . p. 91. I IAMES vide King. Idolatry & suspition not cause of feare alwayes . pag. 118. M. Iewell contrary to himselfe . pr●f . n. 41. Immunity of the Clergy , whence it first proceeded . pag. 371. Inconstancy vide ●arlow . Infelicity vide Felicity . Infidels denyed Christian buriall . 408. also Heretikes , and excōmunicated persons . ibid. Innocentius the 4. Pope abused by M. Barlow . pag. 509. 510. 511. his death & lamentation therof . 513. 514. Io●n vide Fox . Syr Io●n Cu●● abused by M. Barlow in the pulpit . praf . n. 112. Ios●phs●●lling ●●lling into Egypt . p. 421 K KING Iames said to be the Author of the Apology for the Oath of Allegiance . part . 1. cap. 11 § . 1. Why his Maiesty was not named in the booke . pag. 5. that he neuer ●ead the booke ●ttenti●ely . ibid. Iniured by M. Barlow pag. 12. flattered by Ministers egregiously . part 2. cap. 3. per totum . His mild disposition diuerted . pag. 230. Kings their vices recounted in Scripture . pag. 199. King Henry the 2. of England his absolution . pag. 46● . King Henry the 4. of France his Embassador at Rome , and the Ceremony of publike absolution . pag. 465. L S. LEO rayled at by M. Barlow . ●raf . n. 108. 109. Liberty of Conscience demaunded by all forraine Protestants . p. 256● Liberty of Conscience , vide toleration . M MACHIAVELS principles agree with Protestāt doctrine . pag. 390. Maister , what it signifieth , & how it is a title of honour . pag. 9. Marriage of Priests , and M. Barlows forgery therabout . p. 373. Decree of the Councell of Toledo against the same . pag. 374. 375. 376. Martyrs in Q. Elizabeths dayes . pag. 206. Medina misunderstood by M. Barlow p. 43. explicated . 44. 45. M●ri● of workes . pag. 377. Misery defined by the L. Cooke . pag. 188. Moone in the Asses belly . p. 103. Monkes punished liuing disorderly . pag. 380. M. Morton canuased . pag 73. 74. his abuse of Salmeron . 75. Mortification of M. Barlow . pag. 126. of Q. Elizabeth . pag. 163. externall Mortification , and internall . pag. 169. 171. 176. Mortification for Princes . pag. 177. Mortification in time of Lent. pa. g . 376. N NABVchodonosors punishment . pag. 195. more happy then Q. Elizabeth . ibid. Ne●o & Domiti●n Heades of the Church in M. Barlowes opinion . pag. 200. O OATH of Allegiance discussed . part● 1. cap. 1. & 2. per totum . whether the taking of it be a blessing from God. p. 37. & part . 1. c. 4. per totum . what freedome the taking thereof bringeth to Catholikes . p. 39. coufuted both at home and abroad . p. 50. more contayned therin then ciuill obedience . p. 70. 71. & 280. humble petition to his Maiesty for the expositiō therof . p. 89. Scandall in exhibiting therof . p. 126. 127. &c. No such Oath euer enacted before by former Princes . p. 156. Card. Bella●mins opinion therof . pag. 346. 347. &c. deuided into 14. parts p. 357. difference betweene the said Oath , and an Indenture . pag. 362. Oath of Supremacy . p. 353. defēded by M. Barlow . 354. & 355. Obedience against God & mans conscience none . pag. 282. Obedience of our temporall Prince how far & when it bindeth . p. 291. defined by S. Thomas . 339. Ordination of Protestant Bishops first vnder Q. Elizabeth . praf . n. 136. P PAVLVS Quintus Pope defēded . 54. 55. 56. 57. his Breues discussed . part . 2. per totū . whether he forbad temporall odedience to his Maiesty therin . p. 323. & deinceps , ● . Persons calumniated by M. Barlow . pag. 204. belyed . p. 263. Petrus de V●●●is extolled by M. Barlow . p. 499. iustified . pag. 509. censured 523● Philip the Emperour his murder . pag. 470. Plutarke abused by M. Barlow . pag. 61. Popes power ouer Infidel Princes , p. 76. how they are particuler Bishops of Rome , & Pastours of the whole Church . pag. 145. whether they can make new articles of faith or no ? pag. 324. 325. & deinceps . whether they command Princes to be murdered . pag. 394. 395. &c. Powder-treason . pag. 13. 14. 15. &c. F. Persons accused therwith by M. Barlow . p. 23. Powder-plot of Antwerp . pag. 18. of Hage . p. 19. of Edenborrow . ibid. Prescription of the Church of Rome . part . 1. cap. 5. per totum . good argument in case of Relion . pag. 150. & 152. vide Antiquity● the same vrged by the Fathers . ib. belyed shamefully . pag. 246. Protestants gone out of the Catholike Church . pag. 149. their Ecclesiasticall power ouer Puritans . pag. 259. their basenes & beggary . pag. 265. their conflicts with Puritans about matters of Religion . pag. 270. their Church basest of all others . praef . n. 36. Prouidence of God discoursed of by S. Augustine . pag. 416. Q QVEENE Mary of Scotlād put to de●th for Religion . pag. 51. preached against by M. Barlow . pag. 212. Queene vide Elizabeth . R RESOLVTION of Catholiks in maters of faith . p. 123. of Protestants none at all . ibid. & 124. what resolution is taken from the Pope . pag. 125. M. Reynolds writing against Whitaker , pag. 457. Rome , Recourse to Rome about the Oath of Allegiance . p. 50. 51. 52. &c. The same practised in all difficulties by our English Princes & people . pag. 53. & 377. Church of Rome impugned . p. 144. S SALMERON abused by M. Morton & M. Barlow . p. 75. Salomons fact of killing Adoniah condemned . pag. 105. D. Sanders abused by M. Barlow . pag. 77. Scandall in exhibiting the Oath of Allegiance . p. 128. 129 130. &c. of actiue and passiue scandall . pag. 132. 134. 135. scandall of Balaa● . pag. 139. Sigebert calumniated . pag. ●3 . K. Sis●nandus his submission to the Councell of Toledo . p. 36● . Statute of Association . pag. 429. S●●pition vide Idol●try . foure kinds of suspition . pag. 119. Supremacy mascu●●ne & feminine pag. 395. how it was giuen to K. Henry the 8. pag. 29● . to K. Edward , and Q. Elizabeth . ●bid . to K. Iames. pag. 29● . & M. Barlowes iudgment therupon . ibid. & pag. 300 Sycophancy vide Flattery , M. Barlowes diuision of Sycophancy . pag. 242. Sixtu● vide Pope . T S. THOMAS his opinion cōcerning obedience . pag. ●●● . about Totally . praef . n. 52. abused by M. Barlow . pag. ●36 . Threatnings of God vnto Kings . pag. 108. T●byes breach of the King of Niniue his coma●ndment about burying of the dead Iewes . p. 289. § . 2. the ancient Fathers iudgment therof . pag. 288. the credit of the History of Toby . pag. 287. Toleration of Religion humbly demanded of his Maiesty . part . 2. cap. 4. per totum . Thomas vide Morton . Treason vide Powder-treason . V VESSELS consecrated to Church vses anciēt . p. 237. Vi●es of wicked Kings recounted after their deaths in Scripture . pag. 199. Vniuersity of M. Barlow , little . p. 236. W M. VVHITAKER a terrour to Card. Bellarmine in M. Barlowes iudgment . pag. 455. his booke refuted by M. Reynolds pag. 457. his ignorance . ibid. VVilliam vide Barlow . VVorkes-Good works may giue cause of confidence in God. p. 440. Syr Henry VVotton a wodden Embassadour . praef . n. 70. his pranks at Ausburge & Venice . ibid. X XYSTVS 5. belyed about the murder of King Henry the 3. of France . pag. 115. Z ZISCA the blind Rebell of Bohemia . pag. 456. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09103-e2450 Three things declared in this preface for the Readers satisfaction . Why M. Barlowes book was answered by F. Persons . The cause of the stay of this edition . What manner of writer M. Ba●low is . Isa. 1● . Tertull. d● praes●rip . cap. 41. Aug. tract . 45. in Ioānem . Bernard . serm . 65. in Cantica . M. Barlow in his epistl● Dedicatory to his Mai●sty . M. Barlowes māner of writing . M. Barlowes ignorance in Grāme● & Humanity . Barlow . pag. 15● . pag. 295● Gregor . lib. 2. Ep. ep . 65. Barl. pag. 174. A very gros●e Grammaticall errour . Fragmentum histori●um in anno 1238. ●omo 1. hist. Germ. Casarum . Bellarm. l. 1. de Cler. cap. 28. Barlow pag. 342. A strange construction of Orbis terrae . Bellar. l●● citato . M. Barlowes ignorance in Philosophy . Leo ep . 89. D. Th● . lec . 12. in Periber . lit . F. M. Barlows ignorance in histories . Barlow pag. 298. Barlow pag. 292. & deinceps . Barlow pag. 245. pag. 288. pag. 295. M. Barlowes ignorance in interpreting the Scriptures . Barl. pag. 53. Cant. 3. Barlow pag. 43. Iosue 6. Pag. 201. Iosue . 6. Pag. 60. Gen. 3. Matth. 9. Barlow pag. 334. M. Barlowes ignorance in matters of Diuinity . Barlow pag. 188. D. Thom. 2.2 . q. 104. ar . 6. ad . 3. 〈◊〉 . pag. ●7 . pag. 57 〈◊〉 . pag. 114. D. Tho. 2.2 . q. 162 ●● . 4. in 〈◊〉 . pag. 246. M. Barlowes paradoxes . Barlow pag. 160. The Protestantes cōscience like a cheuerall point . A prophane and barbarous assertion of M. Barlow . Barlow pag 99. Athan. ep . ad solitar●ā vit●m agēt●s . Hilarius lib. 1. in Constāt . Augustū paulo post ●nitium . Barlow pag 2●2 . Barlow pa●● 142. see supra . pag. 120. D. Andr. Respons . ad Apol. cap. ●5 . pag. 343. §. Porr● negat . part . 2. cap. 4. Printed anno 160● . An. 1607. D. Couell in his iust and temperate defence ar . 11. pag. 67. li● . 8. in Iob. cap. 2. Puritans acknowledge an essentiall difference betweene them and the Protestants in matters of religion . An. 160● . arg . 10. circa medium . Si nons Vpo● the Ar●c . pag. 142. s●e Ba●on . tom . 12 in anno 1140. s●●●nnius tom . 4. pag. 1223. and S. Bern. ep . 187. 188. & dem ●ps . P●py●ius Ma●souius l 3. Annal. in Ph●●ppo August . pag. 268. Bern. ep . 240. ●●●nar . Lu●●en et 〈…〉 A●bizen es . 〈…〉 see Christianus Massaeus l. 17. Chron. ad an . 1206. Caesa●ius Heiesterb . l. 5. illust . mirac . cap. 21. see the Protestants Apology . pag. 343. Iewel defence pag. 48 M. Iewell contrary to himself . Guido Carmelita in sūma cap. 9. de VValdensium harefibus . Barlow pag. 257. M. Barlowes disputation about the first contradiction obiected to Card. Bellarm. discussed at large . pag. 266. The state of the con●trouersy with M. Barlow . Barl. 257. Bellar. l. 5. de Iustif. cap. 7. Barl. pag. 25. A f●●d diuision . Ibidem M. Barlow vnderstādeth not the distinction which he maketh . A strange inference . Ibid. Matth. 26. & 27. lib. 3. de Iustif . ap . 2. Three degrees of certaynty in Bellarmyne . Great mistaking . Ibidem . Hope cānot stand with the absolute certainty of faith . Bell. l. 3. de Iustif. cap. 11●● . Tertia sententia . 1. Cor. 9● Morall certainty sufficient to yield comfort . Ibid. M. Barlow altereth Bellarmines wordes the better to impugne them . Ba●low pag. 259. pag 260. M. Barlow extraspheram actiuitatis suae . Ibidem . M. Barlow vnderstādeth not the Authors he alleadgeth . D. Thom. 1. part . q. 76. artic . 8. in corpora articuli . Totality threefold in the opinion of S. Thomas . M. Barlow VVholy mistaken . pag. 2●1 . M. Barlowes potent word● M. Barlow makes onely in the word Only . Barl. pa. 261. Ps. 70. S. Augustine misunderstood . Aug. in prafat . ad Psal. 31. Bellarm. l. 6● de gratia & lib a●b . c●● 4. & 5. C●n 2 in psa● . 70. 〈◊〉 . Barlow pag. 262. M. Barlows embroilmēts in Logick . M. Barlow bringeth an example of a contradiction which in his owne opinion is no contradiction at all . Meer babling . M. Barlowes bad dealing . pag. 263. A cluster of M. Barlowes lies . Barlow pag. 264. 265. M. Barlo● a bad Brewer . pag. 265. How we● may be acertayned of M Barlowes● fidelity . Isa. 41. Bell. l. 3. d● Iustif. cap. 2. §. Status igitur & .10 . §. Respōdeo , haec omnia . M. ●arlow very gr●sly abuseth the Cardinall . De verb. Dei lib. 1. cap. 2. §. Quare cùm . M. Barlows melancholy conceipt . M. Barlows suddain pang of deuotion . ibid. Nazianzen carmine aduersus ●●●lieres ambitiosiùs se ornantes . Why after the proofes of M. Barlowes ignorance fo●low the examples of his lying . 1 T●n 1. Syr Henry Wotton . Vide Serarium in logis Apologet . par . 3. cap. 20. §. 16. in fine . Barlow pag. 20● . * in steed of essētiall & specificall . The definition of an English Bishop taken from the Idaea of M. Barlow . pag. 12. A malitious fictiō against F. Persons pag. 217. Barlow pag. 360. Aug. l. 2. Confess . cap. 9. pag. 98. An vntruth ioyned with forgery . See this ly refuted ●n the T●eatise of M●tigation l pag. 72. Quiet and sober Reckoning : pag 51. Barlow pag. 125. & 255. Dol. p. 1. pag. 21● & . p. 2 c● 5. pag. 117● Barlo● pag. 13● . L●●ter pag. 41. see before pag. 36. §. 17. A most fa●se and malicious collectiō . pag. 130. & 131. pag. 268. Ibidem . M. ●arlows glo● hath no coherence with th● text . A notorious ly ioyned wi●h grosse forgery . Barl. pag. 237. Le●t●r pag. 87. No groūd for this lying forgery of M. Barlow in F. Persōs booke . A heap of iniurious vntruthes against F. Persons . Barlow epistle to h●s Maies●y . M. Barlows couragious aduēture . loco citato . Amb. in psal . 118. pag. 13. M. Barlow very copious in charging his aduersary , but very barren in his proofes . M ●arlows impatience for the praises giuen his Maiesty by F Perso●s . Barl. pag. 1●3 . Matth. 7. M. Watson repented at his death that euer he had written against the Fathers of the Society . See the Copy of his arraignmēt at VVinchester , & protestation at his death . Quiet and sober Reckoning pag. 326. 327. Example of M Barlow sycophancy . Barlow● pag. 5. Letter pag. 75. Strange inferences Barlow pag. 212. Letter pag. 105. Barlow pag. 303. M. Barlowes graue proofe to shew that F. Persons scorned or reproued his Maiesty . pag. 304. M Barlows loyalty . M. Barlows rayling in his epistle dedicatory to his Maiesty . A Prouerb misapplied . Vetus Comoedia Barlow pag. 3. pag. 67.68 . The grace of M. Barlows spirit . F. Persōs● birth better proued to be free from all stayne of bastardy then M. Barlow can proue his . Barl. 89. Where M Barlow may find Actaeon . Iacob .3 . The disgraces done by hereticks to F. Persons were his great glory , and so likwise are M. Barlowes scoldings . Philip. 3. Hierom. pro●m . in Dialogos aduersus Felagianos . Ep. 48. Templum Deuotionis . pag. 72.73 . What feare of God or shame of the world is there here ? pag. 93 97. 157. 254. Rus●icus es Coridō . Barlow pag. 250. Barl. pag. 116. Epist. dedicat . initio . Railing against the Pope , and Cardinall Bellarmine . pag. 27. pag 31. 173. pag 199. pag. 155. Apoc. 12● Barl. pag. 35. pag. 231. 305. 236. 316. Railing against the whole society of Iesuits . Ba●l . pag. 1●0 . pag. 349. pag. 201. Iacob .3 . Apoc. 13. M. Barlow raileth against three Saints . S. Gregory , S Leo , and S. Martyn . Barl. pag. 175. pag. 328. M. Barlows scurrility against S. Leo the Great . Aelian l. ● . var hist. tit . 15. 1. Cor. 6. Cassiod . var. lib. 6. cap. 9. Matth 11. Apoc. 12. Apoc. 13. Barl. pag. 39. M. Barlow much troubled about the obsession , circumsession , and possession of Diuels . D. Tyndall● M. Barlow a Bedlam or Bridwell Doctor . M. Barlowes de●out sermō of the Circumcision in S. Edwards Church . Laert. in Diogen . Hieron . in Heluidiū Chrys. hō . 31. in Act. See Apolinaris Sidonius lib. 3. epist. ep . 13. in fine . Q. Elizabeth canonized for a Saint by M. Barlow . pa● . 66. 67. Flattering foolery . Two questiōs proposed to M. Barlow . Q. Elizabeth nec virgo nec martyr . Touching his Maiestyes Mother . Cicero pro D●●otaro . Baron . ap●end●●e a● 5. tom . in fin● . Elias Reusne●us part● 5. ope●is Genealogi●i in stirpe Scotica in fine . M. Barlows flattering of his Maiesty . Com●ort in tribulation lib 2. cap. 10. Bart. pag. 297. 298. Num. 11. M. Barlow buildeth the whole frame of his flattery vpon a false ground . M Barlows leuity in writing . Barl. pag. 310. M. Barlowes fine phrases taken from the Greek , Latin , and French , pag. 49. pag. 195. Very pretty . pag. 207. pag. 247. pag. 277. M. Barlows new foūd English phrases . M. Barlowes threefold forgery . In his epistle to his Mai●sty . M. Barlow amoūteth higher then he should doe , by forging a new text . Barl pag. 156. Malicious forgery . Admonion to the Reader . M. Barlows rage ouerrunneth his wit. Le●ter pag. 50 Barl. pag. 240. M. Barlows paring away . Barl. pag 190● pag. 331. Harding f●l . 174. Detection . &c. Intollerable impudency . 3. cont Iuli●n . cap. 13. 1. Cor. 5. A poore Clergy . August . contra Maximin . cap. 14. The different māner of writing betweene F. Persons and M. Barlow . Hieron . in Iouin lib. 1● initio . M. Barlowes impudency in his epistle to his Maiesty . What account is to be made of the Ce●sures whi●h Prote●t●̄ts make vpon the bookes of Catholick ●riters See M. VVilliam Re●nolds● pag. 460. of his Refutatiō of VVhitaker . M. Barlow will haue the feminine sex to be predominant . pag. 169. pag. 326. Bellarmin more a Cardinal then Iewell a Bishop . The first ordinatiō of Protestant Bishops vnder Q. Elizabeth . Christo●ho●us a sac●o B●sco lib. d● ini●sti ●āda Chri●ti . E●●●●sia cap. ● . Syr T●● . More . * The like also affirmeth Sacrobosco in the place cited . Scherer . pos●illa de ●āctis . conc . 1. de S. Stephano . A strange ordinatiō of a Preacher . Harding Confutatiō of the Apology fol. 57. & Detection fol. 230. & deinceps . Horace . Notes for div A09103-e23830 The diuision of the whole worke . Letter p. 1. About the Authour of the Apology . Thomas Morton . Thomas Montague See Letter pag. 3. What his M●●es●i●s gr●at iudg●ment w●●ld ha●e 〈…〉 . See Letter pag. 4. What his Maiesty in honour would haue misliked . Why the King was not ●amed in the booke Barlowe pag. 5. M. Barlowes sharp wit. About Cardinall Bellarmines tytle . Barlow p. 7. & 8. Iohn 7. & 20. The dignity ●f a Cardinall In what sense the word maister is a title of honour . Matt. 23. Isay 30. & 20. Iosue 24.1 . Ioan. 13. Barl. p. 8. M. Barl●w h●●dly pre●ed I●iury done 〈…〉 . About the powder-treason . Barlow● pag. 10. M. Barlow speaks like a foole . The odious & oft repetition of the Powder treason . The powder treasō not so much a cause as an effect of Catholiks tribulatiō . In the t●●at●●e of M●tigat●ō in the prefa●e . M. Barlow ignorant in Logicke & Philosophy . Arist. praedicam . c. 3. M. Barlow ridiculous . Another folly of M. Barlow . 〈◊〉 . p●● . ●1 . 〈◊〉 . 21. The powder plott of Hage . The powder-plott of Edenborough . M. Barlowes shift Barl. p. 1● . M. Barlowes virulency against Iesuits . Touching Father Garnet . Barl. p. 11. M. Barlow a b●d Cof●●●●ur to the ●a●le o● 〈◊〉 . Touching Father Garnet & his face in the straw . Psal. 78.2 . F. Persons falsely & maliciously accused by M. B●rlow to be priu● to the powder-plot . Barl. p. 12. Barl. p. 13. Of Catholicks ●a●tyr●d v●der Queene E●izabeth . Touching the Oath of Allegiance . Letter p. 8● Barlowe pag. 17. Genes . 26. Deut. 6. Pag. 18. Barl. p. 1● . Aristot. l. 2. priorum cap. 8. All controuersies are not to be ended by swearing . Heb. 6. Barlow p. 18. & 19. M. Barlow voyd of conscience and Logicke . About the Quodlibets . Barl. pag. ●9 . No Equiuocation in matt●rs of religiō . Barl. p. 1● . Barl. p. 19● Iniury offered by M. Barlow to the Author of the Epistle . Barl. p. 20. Matth. 8. 8. Barl. p. 21. How an erroneous cōscience bindeth , or no● bindeth vs to follow it . 〈…〉 Rom. cap. 14. 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Letter . pag. 8. Pag 22. 1. Pet. 2.13 . M. Barlow bold with the Scriptures Apol. p. 4. Page 23. What a good con 〈◊〉 M. Barlow h●th 〈◊〉 a Bishop . Whether the taking of this Oath by Catholicks , be a blessing frō God. 1. Statut. 3. Iacobi Reg. c. 4. 2. Ethic. c. 2 D. Tho. 1. 2. q. 6. art . 6. & Va●ētia vasquez &c. in eum locum . How freely the Oath is taken . Ba●l . p. 36. The Diuel in●ure● by M. Barlow . M. Barlow a great friend to Aduerbs . Barl● p. 36. About freedome in taking the Oath . The free acceptāce of penall lawes . 1. Tim. 1 . 9● Barlow pag. ●7 M. Barlo●s ●illy discourse Medina in p●●mam 2. quas● . 6. a●t . 2. M. Barlow hardly vrged . Medina misunderstood . The true meaning of Me●ina . Medina in 1. 2. q 6. a. 2. p. 72. M Barlows sheepish apprehension . M. Barlows bad inference . ●arl● p. 37. Ioa●●● . Bar● . p. 23. A notorious vntruth of M. Barlow Letter p. ● . The Oath consulted both at home , & abroad . See the Breue to . Kai . Octob. 1606. See Answer . c. 6. Recourse to Rome euer vsuall from our first Christianity . Q. Mary of Scotland . Catholicks doe ho●ld & practice what all their ancestours haue don . About re●ourse to Rome by our English Princes , and people . Idletrifling . Barl. p. 25. Touching the person of this present Pope Paulus Quintus . Barl. p. 26. See the answer to S. Edward Cooke , now chief● Iustice. Ibidem . The purity of life in Paulus Quintus . Ibidem . Childish babling of M. Barlow . Ioan. 7.4 . Barlow pag. 27. M. Blues &c. M. Barlowes wāt of wit in accusing the Pope . Anno Domini 1602. Plutar. in vit●s Tib. & Caij Graccherum . A shamefull mistaking in M. Barlow . Very wisely spoken . M. Barlowes scolding . Sober R●c . cap. 3. §. 2. Earl. pag. 29. & 30. English Catholiks not ●●ssis aliena to the Sea Apostolik M. Barlowes imbroylements . Barlow pag. 30. M. ●arlowes new Philosophy . Letter pag. 12. num . 20. M. Barlow a poore Philosopher and worse Deuine . Barlow pag. 30. Bellar. l. 1. de ●ont Rom. cap. 2● . Victor ●ele●t . 2. de potest . Eccl . conclu . 3. More cōteyn●● in the O●●h then ●●●●ll obediēce . Letter pag. 16. num . xxv● . A loyall offer of Ciuill obedience made by Catholiks to ●is Mai●sty . Barlow pag. 31. Impertinency . Barlow pag. 32. The reasō of the Popes power in tēporalibu●● Thoma● Morton canuased . Barl. p. 33. nū . 66. & 67. Bern. ad Eugen. Salmer . in Epist Pauli disp . ●2 . Bellar. l. 5. de Pontif. Rom. c. 4. & 6. De claue l. 2. cap. 13. ● . de Consider . longius ab in●●io . Salmeron abused by M. Mort. M. Barl. &c. Salm. in Epist . Paul. disp . 12. Malicious falshood in M. Barlow . Mitigatiō pag. 101. How the Pope may be sayd to haue power ouer Infidell Princes . D. Sanders abused by M. Barlow . De Clau● cap. 10. Contradictiō in M. Barlow . Victoria relect . 1. sect . 2. Barl. p. 35. Victor . ●●lect . 1. sect . 2. M. Barlow a Preacher , though not Ordinis Pr●dicatorum . M. Barlow vnderstandeth not his Authors . Barlow pag. 34. num . 6● . Cardinall Bellarmin abused . Bell. l. 5. de Rom. Pon. c. 6. 7. 8. Barl. pag. 34. nu . 69. De Concil . lib. 1. cap. 13 Bar●l . lib. 6. cap. ●6 . Sigebert in anno . 1089. Cl●●d . Espēcaus in Tim. digress . li● 2. cap. 6. Ambros. Apolog. Dauid . c. 4 & 10. M Barlowes impertinent falshood● Bellar. li. 2. cap. 19. & lib. 5. cap. 7. & 8. Sigebert calumniated . Sober rec●oning c. 1. num . 104. M. Barl. and M. Morton ●oth falsifiers . Ambros. in 1. Apolog . Dauid cap. 4. A place of S. Ambrose explicated . Ambros. in psalm . 50. statim ab initio . Of eight Authors seauē misalledged . Nu. 10. 3● . 32. The sense and meaning of Catholiks that took the Oath . An hūble petition to his Maiesty for expositiō of the Oath . M. ●arl●ws fond charge of h●poc●i●● in his aduersary . To iudge of other mens consciences no inseparable mark of an hypocrite . Isidor . l. 10. ● . humilis à medio Aug. l. 2. de s●rm . in mo●●e c. 3. ●i●ca prin●i●i●m . M. Barlow a very feeble Philosopher and weake Scholler . Letter pag. 18. Impudent dealing of M. Barlow . Barlow pag. 39. 3. Reg. 22 To distingui●h i● not prof●nda Sathanae , but to reiect distinctions is the profu●●ity of M. Barlows ignorance Matt. 7. M. Barlow for his two hornes deserueth to be horned in Scotland . Barl. p. 41. Notable falsity in M. Barl. M. Barlowes bad applicatiō . Aristot. ad Alex. cap. 17. M. Barlowes egr●gious folly and fal●●ood . Cap. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. Aristotle abused by M. Barl. Barl. p. 41. The learning and sincerity of School-men . Excōmunicatiō of Princes practised in the Primitiue Church . Pag. 42. M. Barlowes meriment of the moon in the Asse● belly . M. Barlows flattery of Kinges . Barl. p. 44 3. Reg. 2. Wisely Syr William . Salomons fact of killing Adoniah condemned . Lucae 2. Iob 36. Psal. 2. The secōd psalme ill chosen of M. Barlow for flattery of Princes . Examples of Gods terrible threats vnto Kings . Dani●l .4 . 3. R●g . 21. Iob 36. Gods prouidence in gouerning his Church perfect & no wayes defectuous . Alu. Pelag . lib. 1. De planctu Eccl. cap. 13. Aluarus Pelagius abused by M. Barl. Gratian Decret . part . 1. distinct . 5. Greg. c. 10. ad interrogata Augustini . Beda lib. 1. de hist. Angl. cap. 27. Bertrand . in additione ad glos . de maioritate & obedientia c. ● . Barl. p. 49. M. Barlows falfe dealing in alledging his aduersaries wordes . ●et . p. 20. Prou. ●4 . vers . 28. Vincen. aduers. hares . August . de vera rel . cap. 38. Idolatry and superstition not alwaies causes of f●ar . Foure kind●s of superstition . 1. Tim. 1. M. Barl. prouoked to stand to his own Authors . The Maior . The Mi●or . An important controuersy to be hādled . If M. Barlow list to accept this offer , al●beit the author be dead , he shall find those that will ioyne with him . Barl. p. 52. There is no vltima resolutio with the Protestāts in matters of faith . The Catholicks answere concerning his v●tima ●esolutio . No resolution amongst heret●cks . What resolution is taken frō the Pope . Pag. 53. M. Barlows hate of ambition , scilicet , and his mortification . M. Barlows stomake for digestion and concoction . Barl. p. 54. Letter pag. ●● . Bar. p. 55. M. Barlows idle discourse . 1. Pet. 2. 1. Cor. 8. Lett. p. 22. M. Barlowes ill fortune in dealing with Schol men . Barl. p. 57. Of ●ctiue & passiue sca●dall . ● . 2. q. 43. ar . 1. ad 4. Scandal actiue without passiue . Ibid. art . 2. in co●por● . Carnal Diuinity . Bad dealing in M. Barlow . The definition of scandal , & what is actiue and pa●siue scandall . Scādalum Pharisaeorum . Scādalum Pusillo●ū . S. Thomas expounded . S. Thom. abused . The errours of M. Barlow about the matter of scādall . M. Barlows want of patiēce . M. Barlow vnderstādeth not the tear●es o● schoole Diuinity . Epist. 50. Who lay the scandall of Balaam , Catholicks or Protestants ? Letter pag. 22. M. Barlow speaketh mor● then he can proue . The success●ō of the Church of Rome . Barl. pag. 59. & 60. M. Barlows arguments against the Church of Rome . The Pope both particuler Bishop of Rome , and yet chiefe Pastour of the whole Church . M. Barlowes bad argument which is false both in antecedent and consequent . Euill life doth not preiudice truth of doctrine . Barl. p. 60. M. Barlowes Ministeriall phrases of indument and stripping . By Baptisme we are made members of the Church . Protestāts gone out of the Catholike Church , not Catholikes out of thē . Barl. p. 62● Matt● . 13● Antiquity & prescriptiō good argumēts in case of Religion . Matth. 13. Tertul. aduers . Marc. lib. 4. The Fathers do vrge prescription . Hilar. lib. 6. De Trinitate , ante medium . Hier. Epis●● ad Pa●nachium . Pag. ●2 . Concil . Ca●thag . apu● Cyprianū . Bad dealing of M. Barlow . How posse●siō with prescriptiō are euincing arguments in m●tters of fayth . Sober Rec. cap. 3. §. 101. &c. M. Barlow hardly vrged . Matth. vlt. Matth. 16. No such Oath euer exa●ted by o●her Princes . Barl. pag. 62. Notes for div A09103-e50660 About Q. Elizabeths raigne , life , & death , Lett. p. 27. Queene Elizabeth her Manes M. Barlowes flattering loquence . Barl. 64. M. Barl. turnes with the wynd like a weather-cocke . Quene Elizabeth otherwise blazoned by forrain writers then M. Barlow reporteth . Barlow . p. 66. & 67. Q. Elizabeth Canonized for a Saint by M. Barlow . Q. Elizabeth in M. Barl. his iudgment neuer cōmitt●d an● mortal sinne . Q. Elizabeth would neuer haue chosen M. Barlow for her ghostly Father . About Q. Elizabeths Manes & sacrificing vnto thē . Barl. p. 74. Hierom. E●ist . ad Rom. Orat●●em . August . de D●●tr . Chris●ian . M. Barl. his trifling . Act. 28. v. 11. 2. Pet. 2. 4. Act. 17. 28. Rom. 14.4 . In what cases a mā may iudg of another 1. Tim. 5. 24. Barl. p. 75. Matth. 6. About externall mortifications . 3. Reg. 2● . 27. Achab truly mortified . Prophane impietie in M. Barlow . Q. Elizabeth no cloystered Nun●e . A place of S. Paul expounded cōcerning bodily exercise . Ch●ysost . in comment . ad c. 4. in 1. Tim. 3. Reg. 17. M. Barlow no friend to mortifications . A strange kind of mortifica●●on . Mortification . Rom. 8. 13● . Aug. l. 1. confe●s . c. 5. Bern serm . 52. in Cant. Ser. 13 de verb●● Apost . Strange kind of answering . Gregor . 5. moral . c. ● . Two parts of mortification , internall & externall . Externall mortification in Princes . M. Barlow a Deuine for the Court. Apol. pag. 16. M. Barl. foolish shift in answering his Aduersaries obiection about the Persecutiō vnder Q. Elizabeth . Lett. pa● . 18. Let. p. 29. L. Cooke in the book of the late arraignmēt f●l . 53. Psal. 143. Barl. p. 78. M. Barlow very forgetfull . Temporall felicity no argument of spirituall happines Psal. 72. Hier. 12. Abacu● 10. Psalm . 77. B●llarm . de notis Eccl. cap. 15. A place of B●llarm● answered concerning temporall felicity . S. August . discourse . S. Hierome . Arnobius . S. Basil. S. Chrysostome . Theodoret . Euthymius . Psal. 2. 4. Psa. ● 36.23 . Sapien. 4. Prouerb . 1. 26. M. Barl● moues habens . L. C●●●● in t●e last bo●ke ●f Arr●ignmēts pag. 64. A bad definition of Misery by co●●a & ino●ia . Psal. 68. 2. Cor. 1. Syr Edw. Cooke a poore Deuine . None soe bold as blind bayard . Lett. pag. 29. M. Barlowes weake Philosophy . Barlow p. 82. 1. ●eg . 31. Eccles. 4. & 5. M. Barlow hardly vrged . M. Barlowes wāt of Diuinity . Strange cases of conscience proposed by M. Barlow . Nabuchodonosor more happy then Q. Elizabet● Q. Elizabeth her infelicities . M. Barlow eue● by his owne censure and sentence contemptible . M. Barlow followeth not his owne rules ●arlow pag. 96. The vices of wicked Kings recounted after their death in Scripture . Letter pag. 35. A monstrous head of the English Protestant Church . Barlow pag. 99. Nero and Domitian heads of the Church in M. Barlowes opinion . Touching the birth of Queene Elizabeth . M. Barl. Babylon , Phil●ra , & loue-druggs . M. Barl. neuer like to be prisoner for religion . S. Augus●●●●●o Prot●stāt . Calumnious citations . For what cause a mā may be a Martyr . Matth. 5. The Prie●●s that d●e ●●n Q. 〈◊〉 time true Marty●s . M. Barlows two foolish cases . ●arl . p. 92. Quodlib . pag. 269. 277. M. Barlows trifling . M. Barl silence and the cause therof . A charitable Bishop . Barl. p. 94. Barl. Preface to his s●●mon the fi●st sonday in Lent , 16●0 . About the making a way his Maiesties Mother . Tacitus l● 1. Histor. M. Barlow turns his sailes with the wind & serues the tyme. Barl. p. 59. Q. Elizabeths purgation about the Q of Scotlands death . Hier. 2. 22. About the disastrous death of Q. Elizabeth . ●●5 ●5 . The narration of the manner of Q. Elizabeths death . In what case we may iudg of other mēs soules after their death . 1. Tim. 5. No sin to iudge of men deceased in her●sie . Cyprian l. 〈…〉 . S. C●priā● iudgment of su●h as dye out o● the Church . 〈◊〉 l 4 〈…〉 17. Au●ust . 〈◊〉 2● 4. ad Donat● A notable sentence of S. Augustine . A ●ard c●sure against all the ●abble of I●●n Fox his Martyrs . A co●uincing argument vpō th● Premi●●s . The hard ●ase of Q. ●lizabeth A remarkable cōparison . Q. Elizabeth held condemned heresies . Haeresi 53. Aug. l. 9. cōf●●● . c. 13. S. Monica desired to be prayed for at the altar after her death which Q. Elizabeth did not . Lett. p. 36. See Answere to Syr Edw. Cook c. 15. His Maiesties mild dispositiō diuerted . The exercise of the Minister T. Montague . Barl. pag. 102. Maliciou● contradiction . Barl. pag. 103. M. Barlow a true parasite . Barl. pag● 102. About the nature of flattery & how Sy● William demeaneth himselfe therin . Augu. in 〈◊〉 . 69. M. Barlow an egregious flatterer . M. Barlows praiers without hope . Luc. 10. 21. Flattering of his Maiesty . Barl p. 105. Syr VVilli●m deserues his fee. About the little Vniuersity . These were an other māner of Vniuersity . Act. ●● S. Athan●sius . Epist. ad solitari●m vitam agētes . S. Gregor . Nazian . S. Ambrose . Nazian . orat . ad ●iues timore perculsos . Ambros. epist. 33. ad sororem . S. Chrysostome . S. Hierome . S. Aug●stine . S. Gregory . M. Barlows diuision of Sycophācy . M●r●cles ●●●d●d and c●ntemned . M. Barl. a good proctor for the Turkes & Infidels . The myracles of S. Denys . The myracle of S. Clement . M Barl. turnes an anchor into a milstone . Of S. Gregory Thaumaturgus . M. Barlows fooleries . Sixtus Quartus b●lyed . Barl. pag. ●08● Base babling . Chelsey erection for writers . Bar● . pag. 112. M. Barlow addeth to the text . A most resonable and modest request of the Cath. Simple & impertinent reasoning of M. Barlow . Let. p. 38. In vita 〈◊〉 ●un●i . Anno 1●46 . Liberty of conscience demanded by al Protestants . ● Psal. 113. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Height of pride , and in whome it may be said to be . Barl. pag. 110. Strange notes of h●mility set downe b● M. Barl●w . M. Barlow betrayeth his owne cause . Barl. ibidē . The Protestant hath Ecclesiastical power ouer Puritans . 1. Ioan. 2. In what case Catholicks may yeld and grant toleration to Protestants . Matth. 13. M. Barlow at a Non-plus . Vnkind dealing indeed . Barl. pag. 124. M. Barlow● moderate & dir●ct Prot●●t●nt . M. Barlow belyeth F. Persons . Psal. 5● . Barl. pag. 142. Strāge impudency . Basenesse and beggery of Protestāts Theol. Tigurin . in prafat . Apol . prafix . orthodox . C●n. anno 1578. Lib. 2. de rat ineund● Concordiae p. 2. & 24. Protestāts and Puritans differ in substātial points of religiō . Rogers pr●f●●e pag. 9. Arrige aures Syr William . M. Barlow a bad Aduocate M. Barlow in the brakes . Amb. ep . 33. Ba●l . pag. ●69 . A hard argument for M. Barlow to solue . Silly stuffe M. Barlows li●le care of his Maiestie● eternall life . Good & euill Princes to be obeyed for consciēce , but not against coscience . Barlow pag. 160. M. Barlow hath the cōscience of an Asse & a Wolfe . A strange & wicked assertiō of M. Barlow . 1. 2. q. 19. art . 5. The goodnes of the act of our will doth depēd vpon our reason and iudgment . A sinne to doe cōtrary to an erroneous cōscience . What i● to be ●one of him who ha●h an erroneo●● cōscience . ● . Tim. 1. M. Barlowes mōstrous doctrines more fitting the Turkes Alcoran then the Ghospell of Iesus Christ. S. Paul abused . More cōte●ned in the Oath , then ciuill obediēce . Let. p. 51. Apol. pag. 22. Hi●r . 27. 12. Exod. 5.1 . Esdr. 1.3 . Dan. 3.12 . No obedience against God & a mans consciēce . Deu. 1. 〈◊〉 1. ● . Mach. 1. Barl. pag. 161. A strange assertion . Weake proofes . A simple Discourse Barl. pag. 168. The fact of Toby against the cōmandement of K. Senacherib . Tob. 2. v. 9. Tob. 12. M. Barlow a bad Angell . The credit of the history of Toby . C●c . Tri● , sess . 4. Carth. can . 47. Aug. 2. de doc . chrism . cap. 8. Amb. de Tob. 2. Cyp. de orat . Dominica & l. de mortali● . S. Augustines and other Fathers iudgments of the fact of Toby . Cap. 3. Cap. 13. S. Ambr. ●ib . de Tob. c. 1. Tob. 12. Cyp. lib. d● oratione Dom. This is no Protestāt doctrine . A great presumptiō of M. Barlowes piety . Letter pag. 52. Authorities of ancient Fathers . Apol. p. 23. ● Aug. in Psal. 124. How far we are bound to obey our temporall Prince . Apol. p. 23. Tertull. ad Scap. Iust. Apol. 2. ad Anton . Impera● . Optat. contra Parmē . lib. 3. Ambros . Orat. cōtra Auxent . de Basilicis nō trad . lib. 5. Epist. Three occasions in which S. Ambrose resisted the Emperour his temporall Soueraigne . Libellus . Ambros. epist. 32. Amb. l. ● . epist. 33. Amb. ibid. Ambros. Con● . de Basili●●s nō traden●●●s . M. Barlowes shifting answere to the three places of S. Ambrose . Feminine Supremacy more esteemed of M. Barlow then Masculine . Barlow pag. 171. Magdeb. cent . 4. c. 5. 6. & 7. The ancient vse of hallowing Church Vessels . Naz. orat . de s●ipso cōtra Arianos . M. Barlows declining in the point of Supremacy . Stat. H. 8. anno Domini 1535. The supremacy how it was giuen to K● Henry & in what high measure . K. Edwar● . An 1 E 6. cap. 2. Queene Elizabeth . M. Barlows iudgment about the Kings supreme Ecclesiastical authority . M. Barlows fumbling . M. Barlows absurde distinctions & diuisions . M. Barlows delusion . M. Barlow hath marred the market of the Kings supremacy . Lett. p. 56. Apolog. pag. 24. How S. Gregory agreed to the publishing of the law of the Emperour ●auritius . Greg. l. 2. Epist. 65. Indict . 11. Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1● . Indict . 1. Barl. pag. 173. Mauritius his law no● altogeather Ecclesiasticall . How the Emperors Law vvas Ecclesiasticall . A good consideration . A fond cauill . Pag. 174. Barl. pag. 174. A ridiculous error in Grāmar of M. Barlow . Letter pag. ●8 . Cōc . Arel . sub Carol. Can. 26. Vi●e in Capitularibus Franc. lib. 6. c. 285. de Concilio Worma● . Wherin the Coūcell or Arles did submit it selfe to the Emperour . a Can. 2. b Can. 3. c Can. 4. d Can. 7. & 8. e Can. 13● f Can. 15. & 16. g Can. 20. 22. 23. The zeale of Charl● the Great to haue manners reformed by the authority of Bishops . Barlow pag. 175. A grosse contradicti● in M. Barlow A very forcible argumēt . M. Barlows memory very short . M. Barlow plaieth fast & loose , about the Kings authority . A hard question for M. Barlow to answere . Barl. pag. 178. False dealing . Amb. tō . 5. edit . Vatican . epist. pr●fix . an●e Con●il . Aquile●ē . About the of Coūcel Wormes . ●●ō . ann . 77● . & 772. 〈◊〉 F●āc . ● 6. c. 28● . ●● l 7. c. 2●● . Better to be a fugitiue for the Catholick religion on abroad then to be a persecutour at home . Generall Councels ●lwaies called by the Bishop of Rome . Barl. pag. 178. The radiant folly of M. Barlow . M Bar●owes impudency . Ba●on . tom . 9. ann . 774. A●o● . p. 26. & ●7 . Lett. p. 61. Neither the Pope or Church can make new Articles of Faith. Barlow pag. 181. A foolish wrangling of M. Barlow . Barlow pag. 184. The silly shifting of M. Barlow . M. Barlowes acumen . M. Barlowes cōtradictiō . C●● . 47. ●ta●leton . lib 9. c●●tro● . 5. de C●● . 〈…〉 M. Barlowes fidelity . Art. 27. c●nt●a Luth●rum . B Fisher abused . Valētia in 2.2 . dis● . 1. pun●●o 6. D. Thom● 2. 2. q. 1. art . 10. Azor. In●stitut . par . 2 , l. 5. c. 12. Azor abused . Suarez abused . Suarez ●ō . ● . in 3. 〈◊〉 ● 27 3. a●t . sect . 6. ●a●l . pag. 18● . Tō . 5. Cōc . concil . 4. Mediolan . cap. 1. About the Professiō of faith in the fourth Counc●l of Mill●ne fraudul●̄tly all●adged by M. Barlow . Azor. par 1. l. 11. c. 4. §. 2. Quaeritur . Strange impudency of M. Barlow . Azor. par . 1. l. 1. c. 11. §. 1● . Quaeritur . M. Barlows transcendent impudency . Letter pag. 64. See S. Cypr. exhor . ad Martyres . See Euseb● l. 8. c. 4. & Aug. de Bapt. l. 7. c. 2. & l. 7. cōtra Crescon . c. 27. & A●nob . cōtra Gentes l. 4. in fine . M. Barlows slander without end . Barl. pag. 187. M Barlowes strange mystery . Socrat. lib. ● . hist. cap. 14. Socrates peruerted . D. Tho. 2. 2. q. 104. artic● 6. ad . 3. Lying & cogging is proper to M. Barlow . S. Thomas his opiniō cōcerning Obediēce due vnto Princes . Aug. 4. de Ciuit. c. 4. An obiection answered by S. Thom. M. Barlowes ignorance or malice more declared . Strange dealing of our Aduersaries . Letter pag. 65. About the Breues of Clemens Octauus . M. Barlowes mind impious . M. Barlows cobling and clowting on of his Maiesties prayses . M. Barlow more fit to be a Sexton then B. of Lincolne . Notes for div A09103-e84150 Lett. p. 69. Apologia 56.37 . The state of the cōtrouersy with Cardinal Bel●larmine . Card Bellarmins opinion of taking the Oath . Pag. 44. A cauil . Barl. p 201. Iosue 6. 15. Rammes horne . Barl. pag. 202. A great vntruth to begin wi●h all . A foolish fiction of M. Barlow without application . M. Barlows trifl●ng ignorance . Barl. pag. 203. M. Barlow answereth argumēts by telling of tales , & those little to the purpose . Card. Bellarmine wrongfully charged by M. Barlow for mistaking the question . Pag. 164. edit . Rom. Lett. p. 71. All is one with M. Barlow for a thing to be moderated or to be modified . Barl. pag. 205. Stat. 26. Henr. 8. cap. 1. The first Oath of Supremacy . Stat. 28. Henr. 8. cap. 10. Stat. 1. Edw. 6. cap. 2. Barl. pag. 205. M Barlow vexed in defēding the Supremacy . pag. 209. 1. Reg. 15. 1. Cor. 11. M Barlowes impertinent answeres . Reyn. Confer . cap. 1. disp . 2. p. 55. Q. Elizabeth in M. Barlowes opinion as absolute for Spiri●tu●ll authority as any Male-Monarch . Barl. pag. 207. Letter 74. The Oath deuided into 14. parts . Apol. p. 49. Bad kind of arguing . Barl. pag. 2●● . M. Barlow without all occasion plaieth the parasite . Barlow pag. 214. M. Barlowes senselesse demand . M. Barlow foysteth into his text the word whole , and therupon groūdeth al his idle dispute . Bellarm. pag. 22. edit . Rom. More required to a good action then to an euil . Barl. pag. ●15 . The difference betweene this Oath and an Indenture . Barl. pag. 215. Barl. p. 215. Strange & parasitical paradoxes . Lett. p. 76. Apologia 52. The Oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authority of Councels . The difference betwene the ancient Councels , and the Popes counsell●ng of the Catholiks . Con● . Tole . 4. can . 74. A lye in print . Barl. pag. 217. About the leauing out the word almost . K. ●●senādus his submissiue behauiour to the Bishops in the Councel of Toledo . The Catholick Faith confirmed by the Councell of Toledo . M. Barl●w when he cannot answere fil● to tell●●g of tales . M. Barlows falshood in relating the words of the Coūcell of Toledo . M. Barlowes shameles assertion . About ignorance & deuotion . M. Barlow very ignorant , but not very deuout . Immunit● of Clergy men from whence it first proceeded . Lib. de Cler. cap. 2● . & 29. Vid● in c●d●e Theod●s . lib. 16. ti● . 2 leg . 16 & 26. ●t in Cod. ●●stin● . l●ge ●an●imus de Sa●rosan . Eccl. M Barlow for a Canon leapeth out of the booke . Can. 75. Two notorious frauds of M. Bar●low . M. Barlowes forgery discouered about the Marriage of Priests . Con● . To. l●t . ● . tom . 2. Conc. an . Dom. 542. The Decree of the Coūcel of Tol●d● about the chastity of Subdeacons , Deacons & Priests . Let S●r VVilliam B. and his fellowes examine their consciences how they keep this Canon . Priests liuing with their wiues noted by the Councell to come from heretikes . Whether the 4 Coūcel of Toledo agree more with the Protestāt church of Englād or Catholik church of Rome . Christs des●ēding into hel to deliuer the Saints . Merits of workes . Recourse to Rome . Beda lib. 1. hist. c. 27. Wax tapers . All●l●ya . Mortification in the time of Lent● Masses & festiuities of Saints . Disorderly Monks punished . The difference betwene the Oath of the Councel of Toledo & the English oath of pretended Allegiāce . Barl. pag. 220. Very wisly spoken . Concil . ● . Tolet. A fond triumph of M. Barlow before the victory . The Coūcel of Toledo would neuer haue allowed of the new Oath . About Equiuocation very ignorantly by M. Barlow confounded with lying . * An immodest example vsed by M. Barlow . The difference be●weene Equiuocation & lying . A grosse lye of M. Barlow . Barl. pag. 226. M. Barlowes principall ignorāce . M. Barlowes childish imputations against Cardinall Bellarmine . Barl. pag. 230. Lett pag. 43 num . 24. Two questiōs proposed & solued . Clauses of beliefe or not belief in the Oath . Pag. 12. Barl. pag. ●33 . M. Barlowes caueling . Barl. pag. 234. Machiauels principles agree better to Protestāts doctrine thē to the Catholike . M. Barlow vnderstandeth not himselfe . Barl. pag. 234. M. Barlow his seely distinction . M. Barlowes grosse errour in Philosophy . Diuine & humane faith wherin they are distinguished . The Pop● neuer cōmanded any Prince to be murthered . Bar● . pag. 217. Barl. pag. 239. Bell. de Rō . Pont. l. 5. c. 6. §. ex quo M. Barlow falsifyeth Bellarmine . M. Barlows foolish consequence . Lett. p. 87. Na●e . part 2. gē . ●7 . in anno 11●6 . Crā●● . l. 5. histor . Saxon . c. 24. M. Barlow i● 〈◊〉 where he 〈◊〉 ●●●were . Henry the 4. not vnburied by Pope Pascalis . Naucl. l. 2. gen . 37. 〈◊〉 a Lutheran . M. Barlows clouted frauds in his black cloud of witn●sses . M. Barlow pareth and minceth Authors to his purpose . M. Barlow sheweth himselfe a falsificator in capitall Let●ers . M. Barlow trimmeth Authours to make thē against their wil 's & cōtrary to that they write to speake for him . Lett. p. 87. M. Barlowes perfidious dealing in alleaging F. Persons words . Crātz . l. 5. Hist. cap. 24. Barl. pag. 240. M Barlowes notorious lyes . M. Barlowes cloud of witn●sses 〈◊〉 . Helmod . 〈◊〉 . l. 1. c. 33. Binnius misconstrued . Binnius tom . 3. pag. 13 c 4. The ayre cleered of M. Barlowes cloud of witnesses . A commō false trick of M. Barlow to set down his owne words in a different letter as if they were the words of the Authour by him cited . Aug. de Ciuit. l. 1. cap. 13. & lib. de cura mort . agenda . Cypr. Ep. penultima & Pōtius in vita sua Optatus l. ● . contra Parmen . Cyp. ep . 6● . Infi●els , heret●kes , & excōmunicated persons , depriu●● of Christian buriall . Apparitions of Martyrs . S. Am. seri 5. de sac●is , & l. 7. Ep. ep . 53. & 54. Aug. Conf●ss . 1. 9. c 7. & ser. 39. & de Civit D●i l. 22. c. 8. Greg. l. 4. Dialog . c. 52. 53. & 54. M. Barlows licence of adding & subtracting at his pleasure . Strange liberty of the new Ghospellers . About the insurrection of Hē●y the 5. against his father . Lett. p. 87. Barl pag. 242. The deposition of Henry the fourth . Sig. de reg . Ital. lib. 9. ann . 1106. Col. 4. Instit . c. 11 §. 13. Sig. in ann . 1093. Genebrar . l. 4. anno mūdi 5206. in Paschal . Ann. 996. sub Papa Greg. quīto . Huld . Mutius l. 16. chron . Ger● fol. 127. Barl. pag. 244. Sixtus V. belied by M. Barlow . Barl. pag. 245. M. Barlows egregious folly . M. Barlows ridiculous profundityes discussed . An excellent discourse of S. Augustine concerning Gods prouidence . August . t●act . 24. s●p●r ●oā . An other strange prof●●ity of M. Barlow without all wit or sense . Mark this doctrine Syr William . D. Thom. 1 p●● 22. & q. 116. The difference betweene pro●●●ē●●a & fatum . D. Thom. cont . Gentes lib. 3. cap. 77. The profoundity of M Barlowes ignorance in School-Diuinity . Barl. pag. 264. An other profound ignorance of M. Barlow . D. Thom. 1. p. q. 22. a●● . ●3 . Act. 4. 1. Reg 2. 6. 2. Reg. 3. 27. Ioseph sold into Egvpt by God his prouidence . Gen. 45. v● 4. 5. 6. Lett. p. 89. Barl. pag. 250. M. Barlowes immodesty . Q. Elizab●th no Ioy nor Iew●●● of the Christian world . M. Barlowes constācy , Scili●et , Statut. an . 28. H. 8. c. 7. Q Elizab●th against consciēce held the Crowne from his Maiestyes Mother 44. years . About Q 〈◊〉 , legitimation . Barl. pag. 253. The Stat●te of 〈◊〉 He●●● for t●● 〈…〉 of Q Elizabeth . Whether Q. Elizabeths bastardy were in body . Ba●● . p●g . 253. M. Barlow●●pē iniury vnto ● . ●ē●● the ● . and the whole Court of Parla●ēt . M. Barlow● begg●●g o● the question . Dolem . cōf●●ē●e part . 1. c. 3. pag. 210. Rom. 14.1 . Cor. 8. & 10. About the Stat●te ●● Association . Doleman part . 2. p. 117. Lett. p. 93. The first su●●osed ●●●tradic●i●n . ●●llarm de I●●●i● . ab 5. cap. 7. Apol. 63. Tob. 4. Iob. 11. 1. Tim 3. 2. Tim. 4. Th● sū●●e o● Card. B●●●●r●in●s 〈…〉 and An●wea●e . Barlow 258. Ber ser. 9. in Psal. Qui habita● . M. Barlowes follyes . Much idle babling ●f M. Barlow to no other purpose then to s●●w his owne igno●ance . M. Barlows false charge vpon his aduersaty . Bellar. d● Iustificat . lib. 5. cap. 12. Good workes may giue cause of confidēce although a man put no confidence in them , but onely in Gods mercy . Bellar. lib. ● . de Iustif. cap. 7. A ●hildish 〈◊〉 of M. Bar●●● . B●●l . pag. 2●4 . A notable ●●gging of M. Barlow . 3 R●g . 17. 1. Cor. 7. An excellēt example out of S. Paul to con●ute M. Barl●w● contradiction obiected against the Cardinall . Ba●l . pag. 26● . B●●l . pag. 2●● . Euery beggars patcht cloake conuinceth M. Barlow of egr●gious folly . B●rl . p●g . 265. The secōd supposed contradiction . B●llarm . li● . 2. de Statu pe . cati , & amis● . gratiae ● . 13. Psal. 140. Bellarmin clea●●●●●ō contradiction . Bell l. 1. de Cl●●i●is ● . 14. & l. 4. de P●nt . cap. 25. D● C●●e . l. 1. cap. 13. 〈…〉 . ●●lla●m . c. 14. M. Barlow sett●th 〈◊〉 his own● fraud in mark a ●● great le●●ters . Lib. 4. de Pontif. c. 22.23.24 . 25. Barl. pag. 269. Shamles dealing o● M. Barlow . M. Barlow maketh ●ely Whitaker to be terrour vnto Bellarmine . spectatum admissi ●isum tene atis . Zisca the blind Bohemian rebell a fit Saint for Iohn Fox . M Reynolds refutatiō o D. Whi●taker . M. Whitakers ig●norance . M. Rey●nolds confutation ● 97. Whitakers boo● not wort the takin●● vp . Apolog. To●t . pag. 75. 〈◊〉 pag 27● . An egre●gi●us abusing Cardina Bellarm to fram● contrad●●ction Ba●l . pa● 273. S. Thomas e●r●g●ously 〈◊〉 by M. Barlow . D. Thom. 2● . q. 23. art 10. in corpore . & art . 11. & 12. per totum . Lib. 3. Institut . c. 2. Lib. de Ius●i●i●at . c. 24. Letter pag. 98. L●tt . p. 9● . Touchi K. Hen●● the secō●● Houed . 303. Ib. p. 30 See Bar●● in an 117 sub ●inen Barl. pag. 275. M. Ba●●low off●●●ded for that the King of France 〈◊〉 Embass●●dour 〈◊〉 not wh●●●ped . Matth. ● E●hes . ● . Matt. 16. Ephes. 5. 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 . 5.24 . M. Barlow litle a●●●a●nt●●●ith 〈…〉 body by di●●●pline . 1. 〈◊〉 . 2. 14. ●a●l●w pag. 2●7 . Frederick the first . About the coronatiō of Henry the sixt . a In ●ita C●l●stini . b P●rt . ● . g●● . 40. in 〈◊〉 . 11● . c 〈◊〉 ● . 〈…〉 ● . d ●n An. 119● . e 〈…〉 . f 〈…〉 . Baronius An. 1191. Alexander the 3. ●●eared 〈◊〉 a ●●lūny . Paron . in annal . an . 1177. ●arlow pag. 281. Ba●l . pag. 269. Walthramu● so often obiec●ed of no credit . ●●ron . Tom. 12. 〈◊〉 . R●● . pag. 7● . Lett. pag. 1●1 . Apolog. pag. 72. About Philip the Emper●r ●laine not by Otho the ●mp●ror , but by Otho the C●ūt . 〈…〉 . L●tt● pag. 1●1 . 1 In vita Inno●ē . 4. 2 Lib. 2. D●●ad l. 75 3 Tom. 2. Enne . 9. l. 6 non longè ante finem . 4 Part. 2. gen . 41. an● 1247. 5 Lib. 8. c. 18 su●● Saxoniae . 6 In fine l. 18. * ● lond . v●i supra . Petrus de Vi●eis lib. 2. ●p●st . 2. & 〈◊〉 vita 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . Inforcing of matters against the Pope . Aug. in ●sal . ●3 . Barl. pag. 2●4 . in ●in● & 295. Barl. pag. 291. B●rl . pag. 291. M. Barlows Iugling . ●●●dem . Barl. pag. 290. Barlow pag. 29● . M. Barlows lying discourse p. 292. 1. Sam. 26. 20. Plat. in Honor. 3. Vide ●ac omnia apud V●spergen . Nau●l . gē . 41. anno 1228. M. Barlow dissēbl●th the E●perors fa●lts ther by the better to charge the Pope of iniustice against him . ●●innius in Gr●g . 9. Tom. 3. pag. 147● . Thom. Fazel . Decad. 2. l. 8. c. 2. circa finē . Vide in 6. Decret . de s●nt●nt . & rei●dicata c. 2. Fazel . ibid. Iacob . Phil. Bergom . an . 1●24 . VVestmonast . anno 1225. Sab●ll . Enead . 9. l. 6. Paulus . AE●●l . in L●d●● . nono . Monacus P●du●nus in anno 1225. Antoninus tit . 1● . cap. 5. Platina in Inno●●ntio q●a to . Ioannet . & Al●h●●● . Ci●●●n . Vbert . ●●●●et . l. 4. hist. G●n●●●s . Paul. ●Enal in ●●dou . 9. M. Barlows vntruth about the cause of the Empe●rours going to the Holy-lād . The tr●e ca●●es why the E●perors Sta●● w●re inuad●d in hi● absen●e . Antonin , ti● . 1● . 4. §. 1. 〈◊〉 . l. ● ● . 1. 〈…〉 l. 6. c. 17. &c. S●gon . in a● 1228. H●l●●● . M●tius in an . 1227. ●rantz . 〈◊〉 . 8. c. 2. Fazelius D●cad . 2. lib. 8. c. 2. N●u l. 〈◊〉 . 41. 〈◊〉 1229. in ●in● . Why Fredericke wēt to the holy lād . The Emperours sicknes counter●ait . Lib. 8. c. 1. Na●●l . lo co c●●ato . a In● br●n . 〈◊〉 . ●n 1217. b 〈◊〉 il . e●●ē●n . c in Greg. n●no . d En●a . 9. l. ● in G●egor . e Decad. 2. l. 7. anno . 1226. f ● . ●art . hist. l 14. H●ld ●uti●●s ●nno 12●7 . 〈◊〉 . Fr●d●ri●k sp●●ial●y excō●uni●ated for his retu●ne frō sea . a G●n . 41. an . 1●27 . b ●●b . 8. cap. 2. c Decad. 2. l. 8. cap. ● . d Lib. 6. cap. 17. e Lo●o citato . f vbi supra . g vbi supra . h vbi supra . i Tit. 19. cap. 4. §. 1. k In anno 1227. Matth. Paris . a. 1●28 . pag. 4●5 . Ib. p 4●4 . Matthew Paris his cen●ure of the ●mperours returne . A shamfull lye of M. Barlow . V●spergēsi●●ade w●rse thē he is by M. Barlow . A heap of M. Ba●lows lye● . Crantz . l. 8. cap. 2. Faz●l . l●co ●●●ato . Huld . Mut vbi sup●a . 〈◊〉 . gē . 41. a●n● . 1247. Paris . an . 1228. Nauclerus abused by M. Barlow . Vbi supr● . Blondus nota●ly belye● by M Barlow . M. Barlows other lyes . Paris . an . 12,9 . Paris . i●id . M. Barlow like himselfe , that is , false in all things . M. Barlows false & ridiculous plea. Malicious cosenage in M. Barlow . Th● habit of l●ing hardly remoued from M. Barlow● Barlow pag. 291. A flat contradiction in M. Barlow . 4. R●g . 8. Cuspian ●● lyed by M. Barlow . M. Barlow and his Author Cuspinian taxed . Matthew Paris belied by M. Barlow . Matth. Paris in an . 1249. Petrus de Vineis magnified by M. Barlow . Villanus l. 6. cap. 23. Barlow pag. 291. a Tit. 19. c. 6. §. 1. in fine . b Lib. 6. cap. 23. c Lib. de Script . Eccles . & in Catal. Virorū Illustrium in Petro de Vineis . d In Anthropol . l. 23. a. 1212. e an . 1249. f Eodē an . g Decad. 2. l. ● . cap. 2. in fine . h Lib. 3. histor . de Prin●iribꝰ Estensious . i Lib. 4. hist di Napol . a. 1240. k Par. 2. l. 14. a 1247. l Cantiō . 13. 1. partis , & in eū locū . m Landinus , & n Velutell . o In vita Petri de Vineis ep . prae fixa . p Martin . Crus . part . 3. An. ●ue●●corū l. 2. an . 1249 Barl. pag. 299. Deuteron . 19. 15. M. Barlow by Gods rule condēned of forgery M. Barlows error cōcerning Vrspergē●is . Barl. pag. 2●9 . a In anno 1249. & in eodē Sigon . b Lib. 1 ● . an● 1244. c Lib. 4. Chron. an . 1245. d In Apparatu i●● Innocēt . 4. e Dec. 2. l. 7 f An. 1229. g Lib. 31. hist. c. ●05 . h In anno 1254. i In vita Frederici . k In vita Petri de Vineis . l In Chrō . an . 1●46 . & ali●● lo●● supracitatu . M. Barlows Prouerb misapplied . M. Barlows vntruthes heaped togeather M. Barlows fundamentall lyes . Pope Innocentius t●e 4. calumniated both by M. Barlow and Fox . See three Conuers . p●t . 2. ● . ● . Three of M. Barlows answeres examined . Another vntruth of M. Barlow . Blondus nicknamed by M. Barlo● A seely reason of M. Barl. to iustifie Petrus de Vineis . Barlow pag. 296. A ridiculous exception of M. Barlow against Innocētius . M. Barlows charge against Innocentius only in generalities . Arist. in problem . The pra●ses of Pope Innocentius the 4. by diuers Authors . Geneb . 4. C●ron . in an . 1245. L●ng . hist. Citiz. in an . 1242. Poliet . l. 4. hist. Genuensium . Ibi●●m . In vita Innocent . Mona●h . Pa●●uan in a● . 1245. blond . Decad . ● . l. 7. an 1148. in sine . In Innocent . 4. Touching the death of Innocentius & the general lamentation for the sa●e . R●be● s● l. 6. ●●●t . Rauen . immediat● ante an . 12●6 . Lib. 4. ●●st . Gen● . In Vita Innocent . 4. Innocentius death for a long tyme bewayled . Touching the life & vices of Frederick the secōd . Frederick the 2. conde●ned by Matthew Pari● and Matthew Westminster . Matth. Paris . in an . 1245. p. 922. See also the same Author anno 1239. p. 651. Matth. VVestm . an . 1245. pag. 20● . Cuspinians iudgment of Frederick Barl. pag. 296. in fine mon. 93. Pal●e● . in Chron. an . 1250. Foliet a hist. Genu . l. 4. VVerner in f●s●●●●●o an . 1224. Crantz . l. 8. c. 9. Saxoniae . Frederick his barbarous cruelty . N●●●l . 〈◊〉 41. anno 1247. Mutius anno . 1246. Compila● . C●●onol . an . 1245. Nubrig . ● . 4. ● . 22. & l. 5. ● . 24. Monach. Paduan . l. 2. an . 1246. The licētious life of Fredericke . Cu●pin . & Messia in vita Frederic . Ciac● in Innoc. 4. Blondus Dec. 2. l. 7. Naucl. gē . 41. anno 1247. C●ātz . l. 8. c. 14. Mut. an . 1246. Crus . part . 3. c. 1. Colenut . in vit . Fox Acts & Monumēts . pag. 286. A very base and barbarous example . Crantz . l. 8. Saxon. cap. 10. The blasphemou● speach of Frederick● . Psal. 82. The punishment of God vpon Fredericke & his issue . Huld . Mutins in Chron. an . 1249. in fine . Iob. 27. Psal. 75. Other enormities of Fredericke . Nang . in an . 1245. Prouerb . 17. Matthew Paris censured . Cuspinian censured . Nico. Gerbel . praefat . ad Carolū Quintum Petrus de Vineis cēsured . S. Anton. tit . 19. cap. 6. §. 2● Tritem . l. de Scriptorib . Eccles. in Petro de Vineis . In Catal. Virorum Illustriū in Petro de Vineis . M. Barlow pag. 298. numb . 96. A cluster of lies in M. Barlow . Alexāder the third calumniated . Baronius tom . 12. Bern. epist. ●34 . ad Rolandū ( for that was Alexāders name before he was Pope ) Cancellariū &c. Rob. de Monte in Chron. an . 1181. Vterque Matth. in an . 1188. Houed . eodem an . Nubrig . also for thetim agreeth , l. 3. cap. 23. Whē Fredericke wēt into the Holy-Land . Houed . loc . citat . Antonin . tit . 17. c. 9. §. 19. Nicet . Choniat● lib. 2. hist. in Isaacio Angelo . Compilat . Chronol . Suff●idus . Fragmēt . hist. Godef . Chron. Austral . Chrō . August . Mercator in an . 1190. Sigon . de regno Italiae l. 14. & 15. Messias & Cuspin . in vita Freder . Blond . dec . 2. l. 6. Sabe●l . En. 9. l. 5. Paulus AEmil . l. 6. Antonin . tit . 17. c. 9. §. 19. Crātz . l 7. Saxon. c. 1. Vinc. l. 29. c. 51. Huld . Mut. l. 19. in an . 1190. Crus . Annal . Su●ui . par . 2. l. 11. c. 11 & 18. &c. V to que Mat●h . in an . 1181. Nubrig l. 3. c. 5. Houed . part 2. in an . 1181. Robert. de Monte in anno 1181. G●neb . in chrō . Nau●ler . vol. 2. gen 40. Tritem . in chron . Monaster . Hir sa●gien . M. Barlow very great in his owne conceipt . Gretserus Apologia pro Cruciat . exped . cap. 8. Bales egregious lying cēsured . Barlow pag. 298. Touching Gemin the Turke . In vit . Alexād . 6. AEnnead . 10. lib. ● . M. Barlow scoffeth at reliques . Lett. pag. 105. Barlow pag. 303. M. Barlowes sicophancy Rom. 13. Monkes & Priests preferred before Kings by S. Chrysostome . Similituds h●ld not in all things but onely in that wherin the similitude is made . Mat●h . 10. Rom. 16. 19. Ba●l . 307. M. Bar●lowes immodesty . M. Barlow called from his idle vagaries . Barl. pag. 308. M. Barlowes shifting . Letter pag. 108. About the exāple of Eleazar . Apol. pag. 81. Hier. 4. An erroneous cōscience bindeth .