the right foundation of quietness, obedience, and concord discovered in two seasonable discourses ... / by clem. elis ... ellis, clement, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. 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[ ], , [ ] p. printed for john baker ..., london : . advertisements ([ ] p.) at end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christian life -- early works to . obedience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the right foundation of quietness , obedience , and concord discovered in two seasonable discourses , shewing , . the folly of man's devices . . the stability of god's counsel . . the mischief of strife and vain-glory . the practice of true humility . by clem. elis , a. m. rector of kirkby in nottinghamshire , author of the gentile sinner . london , printed for iohn baker , at the three pidgeons in st. paul's church-yard , mdclxxxiv . to his grace henry l d duke of newcastle , lord lieutenant of nottinghamshire , and privy-counsellor to his most sacred majesty . may it please your grace , without any apology , either for my weakness , too apparent in this performance , or for my boldness in the dedication ; i here in all humility beseech your grace to accept of this very slender present ; tho' it can signifie no more , but only this , that i acknowledge a duty incumbent upon me , and ( tho' i shall never be able to make full payment ) i am very desirous to do all that i can towards the discharging of it . in these little things which i have the confidence to call two seasonable discourses , i have endeavour'd to do some part of that great duty , which i owe both to god and the king , both to church and state , and particularly , to that congregation wherein , under your grace's noble patronage , i am set to exercise the ministry committed to me . it cannot therefore , i hope , look like a presumption , to give your grace this account , how your tenants are instructed by me in their great duties of religion and loyalty . and if in that which is here humbly offered to your grace's eye , any satisfaction be given in that particular , i must account it reason enough why i thus expose my infirmities to the view and censure of the world ; and also why i despair not of a pardon , if it make so bold with your grace , as to tell the world , wherever it comes , that it is but the smallest part of that great debt and duty which is owing by my lord , your grace's most humble and obedient servant . cl. elis. the folly of man's devices , and stability of god's counsel . a seasonable discourse on prov. xix , . there are many devices in a man's heart ; nevertheless the counsel of the lord , that shall stand . much of the wisdom of the ancient heathens hath been conveyed to after ages in proverbs . and these were in so high esteem with the learned'st of them , that even their gravest philosophers thought them some strength to their arguments , and their most eloquent orators no little ornament to their popular harangues : yea , in so great veneration were they had with the generality of mankind , that they thought fit to father them on their gods themselves , and to signifie this , caused them to be written over the doors of their idol-temples , to the end that they might be the more universally learnt , and religiously reguarded by men . what a price then may we justly set on these proverbs of solomon , whose rare wisdom for its singular eminency is its self become proverbial ? if their antiquity may serve to enhance their value , they are above four hundred years older than those which derive from the so much famed wise men of greece . if their form be regardable , they are short , close and pithy sentences , comprizing a great deal of most sacred truth and necessary instruction in the fewest words , apt by the acuteness and smartness of the expression to imprint the sense more deeply in the mind , and both by that and also their conciseness and brevity , mightily befriending the memory . like the most precious iewel 's , they are neither great nor burdensome , easily portable and of inestimable worth . or like chymical spirits , the least drop whereof is of a very diffusive vertue and strong operation , such is their universal use , that we cannot miss amongst them the most excellent rules of duty both to god and man , suited to all relations in family or kingdom , to all conditions of high and low , rich and poor , to both sexes and all ages . lastly , they are truely such , as deserve , not only to be written in golden letters on the walls of our churches , but to be indelibly ingraved on the tables of our hearts , as the sacred oracles of the living god , teaching us that only true wisdom that is from above , which as st. iames telleth us , is first pure , then peaceable , jam. , . even that wisdom whereby we are taught ( as here in the text ) to attend to god's counsel and to lay aside our own devices ; the best way of honouring our father which is in heaven , and maintaining peace among our selves who are brethren upon earth . this proverb is made up of two propositions , joyned ( or severed rather ) with this adversative particle , nevertheless , signifying unto us thus much , that tho the former of these two propositions contain a certain truth which well deserveth our serious consideration , yet the consideration hereof will do us no good , but only increase our trouble , by discovering unto us our weakness and folly , if we do not firmly believe , and finally acquiesce in that much more weighty truth which is taught us in the latter . this we shall the better understand by observing , first , the two subjects of these two propositions ; and , secondly , what things are affirmed of these two subjects . . the two subjects are , in the former proposition man , in the latter , the lord. . the subject of the former is man , a poor , weak , mortal creature , groaning out a few troublesome dayes on earth , under the afflicting sense of infirmities and wants ; hastening every moment towards death and corruption . who cannot well tell himself what he is , or whence he came , or whither he must go : and who knows himself by nothing so well , as by a feeling of his own manifold imperfections . he is the work of another , in the hands and at the sole disposal of another , on whom he totally depends for his life , motion and being . the history of his life and death iob hath left us in a few words , iob. . , . man that is born of a woman is of few dayes , and full of trouble . he cometh up like a flower , and is cut down ; he fleeth also as a shadow and continueth not . would we know the very best of him that is to be known ? this is it , verily , every man at his best state is altogether vanity . psal. . . how vain must be the devices of his heart , who is himself at best but vanity ? . the subject of the second proposition is the lord ; the most great and incomprehensible glorious god , the eternal and inexhaustible spring of being and blessedness ; the independent , self-sufficient , infinitely great , wise , and good creator , preserver , and governor of us and all the world : without whom nothing ever was , is or can be ; in whom we live and move and have our being , act. , . who giveth to all , life and breath and all things , v. . the unexpressible , unconceiveable , i am that i am , exod. , . the alpha and omega , the beginning and the end , rev. , . all in all , cor. . . above all , through all , and in all , eph. . . of whom , and through whom , and to whom are all things : to whom be glory for ever . amen . rom. . . . seeing now these two are of such widely distant natures , we must needs expect that very different things should be affirmed of them , as here indeed we find . . of man it is said , that there are devices in his heart . he is always full of thoughts and imaginations , considerations and consultations , projects , plottings , and contrivances ; thinking what may be , designing what he would have to be , studying how to effect it : as one that is yet at a loss and unresolved , and knows not well what to do with himself , or for himself . he is not what he would be , nor where he would be , nor as he would be ; and thinks much with himself , how to mend himself ; but knows not which way is best to go about it . his thoughts are very often nothing else but the wild and extravagant roavings of a rambling phantasie , and at best but the uncertain and unsatisfactory reasonings of a very dim-sighted and fallible iudgment . but on the other hand , vastly opposite to these devices , here is attributed to the lords counsel , the certain result and determination of an infinite and infallible wisdom . . of man is again said , that the devices of his heart are many , signifying not only their number or multitude , but also their great variety and confusion . they are numerous and multiform , and disorderly ; seldom the same an hour together , rarely well digested or methodized , hardly ever unblended , but a very miscellany of he knows not what . many things a man thinks upon , many thoughts he hath of every one of those many things , and all these often very tumultuously clashing against and justling out one another . he thinks , and is vexed at his own thoughts and with them ; he deviseth , and unravelleth presently his own devices ; he deliberates and disputes , as he now thinks very wisely with himself ; and in a moment is grown too wise for himself , calls himself fool , answereth and confuteth all his own arguments , yet can draw to no conclusion . he concludes , resolves , chooses , and applauds his own choice ; saith to himself , well and wisely done ; yet immediately undoeth all again , and he counteth it his wisdom to break his resolution . but in opposition to all this in man , of the lord it is here implyed , that his will and counsel is but one and certain , like himself , the same yesterday , and to day , and for ever , stable , fixed and immutable . . of man ( tho it be not expresly said in words ) it is to make good the antithesis , necessarily implyed , that all his devices are ineffectual , or very rarely effect and bring to pass the thing that he would have ; at least of themselves they cannot do it , but are vain . in this sense it will be truely said , man walketh in a vain shew , surely they are disquieted in vain , psal. , . after much and busie contriving , after great , solicitous and tedious studying , nothing is got , the mountain is delivered of a mouse , disappointment and vexation is the issue of his travels . as his playsom phantasy in a dream is always wantonly frisking and skipping from one thing to another , and in imagination hath every thing to the full that it would have , feasts it self with its own sportings , and is pleased : yet anon the man awakes and is empty , finds that all was nothing but a foolish dream , and either he is vexed at his imaginary loss , or laughs at his own folly : so the devices of mans heart , seem they never so wise and sure , are usually all frustrated in a moment ; and it is well , if they leave so much good behind to pay for all , as a true and humbling sense of the devisers folly . but now of the lord , it is expresly said that his counsel shall stand , it is always to the purpose , and never misseth of effecting what was design'd , but shall be fully accomplished . the remnant of judah shall know whose word shall stand ( or be fulfilled ) mine or theirs . jer. , . . my word shall surely stand against you for evil , v. . . the evil that i have determined and foretold you of , shall surely come upon you . this is it , for god's counsel to stand . be the devices of mans heart never so many , and ordered with all the wisdom , policy and strength , that humane nature is capable of , whatsoever confidence the authors of such devices may have in their own wit and prudence , nevertheless the counsel of the lord shall still take place of all , and shall stand in spite of all , when they have done both their best and worst . and though what men design may come to pass ; even then , when they are become masters of their wishes , and are apt on that account to glory in their wisdom , yet doth it not alwayes follow their devices , as the effect doth the proper cause of it , but by the disposal of the divine counsel , for that , and that alone standeth and shall stand , and can never be defeated . the plain sense and meaning of this proverb being thus laid open before us , we may very easily discern the scope and drift of it to be this , viz. to make us sensible of the folly and vanity of mens arrogance , in setting up for themselves in the world , without a due regard to the all-disposing providence of the almighty god ; in going about to make their own fortunes by their own skill and industry , without a due respect to the will and directions of the universal governor of the world. that being convinced hereof , we may not trust to , or depend upon the wisdom of men , whether of our selves or other men , how much soever they pretend , or are thought to be the great masters of state-policy ; but submitting our selves intirely to the will and counsel of the lord , we may be solely directed by it , totally relye upon it , and heartily acquiesce in it : verily believing and confessing , that all the world is governed by it ; and that therefore all the affairs thereof are by it most wisely ordered , so as shall in the end appear to have been most for his own honour , and the eternal good of those that faithfully serve him . this is a lesson which nature it self teacheth us , and all men are forced to acknowledg the truth of it , when they are at leisure to attend to reason . man purposeth , but god disposeth , hath been long a common proverb in the world . the lot , ( saith solomon ) is cast into the lap , but the whole disposing thereof is of the lord. prov. , . he doth not only foresee , but wisely order the things and events which to us seem most casual . yea , so effectually doth he order them , that it would be labour lost , for all the men in the world , to undertake the ordering of them otherwise . there is no wisdom , nor understanding , nor counsel against the lord. the horse is prepared against the day of battle , but safety is of the lord , prov. . , . this is a very seasonable lesson for all men to learn in this projecting , plotting , and designing age , and part of the world wherein we live . now that men seem grown up to that prodigious insolence and pride , as to quarrel with even god himself about his government , to find faults in his works ; every one would fain seem wise enough to be the modeller of a better form of government both in church and state , then the wisdom of former ages hath been acquainted with ; and nothing will satisfie men but a world of their own making , and the reputation of some new invention , tho it be a babel of confusion . indeed men that would seem wise above their neighbours , go alwayes big with some new nothing , and are very ambitiously bent upon undoing what hath been done ; their chief faculty lyeth in destroying and demolishing all the monuments of ancient wisdom , that nothing may remain in the eye of posterity , but mere rubbish . and who then will not be proud of any thing , when they know of nothing better ? it hath been for many years too visible that our new devisers seem agreed in nothing more than in contriving mischief and ruine , and like samson's foxes , tho their faces look to contrary quarters of the world , yet they joyn together by the tails , and therein carry firebrands to burn down the standing corn and vineyard of god. and such will be the mischievous devices of mans heart , whilst it is not wholly subjected to the counsel of the lord. before we come to the particular doctrines of the text , we must inquire a little into the extent of this word man , as it is here used . and we need not restrain it to any particular sort , sect or party of men ; it may very well be allow'd to signifie the whole race of mankind : tho more especially , the wicked or unregenerate part , who are not yet either so throughly illuminated by the light of the gospel as to see , or so throughly sanctified by the grace of christ , as to choose the lord for their god : that is , who account him not the only good , which they ought to propound unto themselves in all their designs , and who make not his will the only rule of all their desires and practices , the only foundation of all their hope and comfort . it is too true indeed , that there is no man living , but hath too many devices of his own corrupt heart in this state of imperfection . for , tho god made man upright , eccl. , . and the very fabrick of his body so contrary to that of other animals , which either crawl upon the earth , or go always looking down towards it , should be his constant remembrancer , that he was made to contemplate something higher , than what they are concerned to know ; that his soul should be always aspiring towards heaven , and his eye should be ever fixed upon his god , and all his motions should be govern'd by his will and counsel , that sitteth in the heavens and shall laugh , ( psal. , . ) and have all the heathen in derision , psal. . . yet alas , sin hath strangely bowed man downward , and made him too like in many things to the beasts that perish . and although it be the work of grace to raise him up again , and restore his primitive posture of soul ; yet will not this great work be done completely , so long as he is but growing here on earth ; he will be always sucking into himself too much of what is earthy , and death must first transplant him into a better soil , before he can be altogether heavenly . but now the unregenerate man abiding in the same posture whereunto by his fall from god he was brought ; and in a state of separation from his maker ; not being yet born again of the holy spirit of life and the incorruptible seed , nor ingrassed into the true vine , the second man from heaven heavenly , and thereby reunited unto god the true principle of unity , is evermore at variance with himself , divided in his thoughts within him , distracted into a confused multitude of designs , by the great variety of contrary objects pulling and hailing him contrary wayes unto themselves ; so that he can never stand fixed in one point , or any long time together go the same way . his heart and mind within him is become the very seat of tumult and confusion ; there is nothing but mere ataxy and anarchy ; right reason being dethroned , and spoiled of all authority , and his thoughts within him , like a seditious rabble without any head or commander to order and overaw them , in a continual noise and hurry ; and , as was said of that riotous multitude , ( act. . . ) the more part know not wherefore they are come together . something they would have of those many things whereof they find a want ; but what it is , they cannot tell ; and yet by any means they must and will have it , or else they will not be quieted ; but they know neither where , nor how , nor of whom to seek it . now how is it possible for peace and due subjection to government to be preserved in kingdoms and states , so long as men are not able to make peace at home in their own hearts , nor know how to command or quiet their own thoughts and disorderly affections , but are continually by their own devices raising and fomenting an endless civil war in their own breasts ; downright rebels to themselves , and enemies to the monarchy that god himself hath founded in man ? having thus seen what we are to understand by man , these four things we may now learn from the text. . the heart of man , till it be rightly fixed on god , is a very unconstant thing , unsettled in its thoughts , full of various devices and counsels . . the devices and counsels of mans heart , till they concentre in the will and counsel of god , are very vain , and cannot stand . . the will and counsel of god is alwayes one and the same , and never changeth . . whatever the devices and projects of man may be , they can never alter or frustrate the will and counsel of the lord. let us but have our faith well confirmed in these four things , and we shall soon see and feel the excellent usefulness of them , not only for the quieting of our souls in a contented and joyful acquiescence in god's wise government of the world ; but also for the establishing of a blessed and lasting peace in church and state , in a due subjection unto , and well pleasedness with the present government , under which by the good providence of god it is our lot to live . i. the heart of man , unfixed on god the only complete and satisfactory good , is a very unconstant thing , altogether unsettled in its own thoughts , full of various devices and changeable counsels . man is a thinking creature , and his thoughts are alwayes busie within him , whether he will or no. and till he can come to the knowledge , and be taken with the beauty of that one most perfect and delightsome object , the innumerable excellencies whereof , may wholly engage all his more noble faculties , and find them sufficient imployment , is thoughts will ever be ranging about the world , and wildly wander up and down from one thing to another , hoping to meet in every thing with something that he wants ; but finding it in nothing , they cannot rest on any thing . hence they are as vain and various , as unconstant and changeable , as the things about which they busie themselves are empty and transient . whether we consider the end men aim at , or the way they chuse to bring them to it , this is very evident . . consider we first the end that all men aim at , the thing which they ultimately desire , in the common name and general notion whereof they are all agreed . this is happiness , and it is no less than the full and final satisfaction of mans soul , the enjoyment of his hearts desire . this is certainly the thing that all would have , and that without which man can never rest , and which all men , until they have the lord for their god , do feel the want of in themselves ; and therefore concerning this the thoughts and devices of their hearts are many and various , and wonderfully confounded . for lack of heavenly light they cannot discover where it lyeth ; missing it in what they already have , they flatter themselves with foolish hopes , that it may be found in any thing , which they have not yet tried . the poor man finds it not in poverty , and is apt to think it may be found in wealth ; and therefore are his thoughts always busie at work in devising how he may be rich . the rich man cannot meet with it amidst all his abundance , and sadly finds that no treasure can be enough to purchase it ; his thoughts are therefore hard at work to contrive some other way to get it ; and perhaps is made to hope , it may be found in honour and greatness . another that is mounted up to honour , begins to find his very height uneasie , and his greatness heavy , his station very slippery , and a fall both very possible and often mortal ; and his thoughts are set on work to devise a way to retirement , ease , and pleasure . the voluptuous epicure , finds some sowr sawce with all his sweet morsels , something there alwayes is to imbitter his delights , and he cannot swill and glut himself so long and so undisturbedly as he would , but either he must be sick , or his fullness is uneasie . thus the restless roving heart of man wanders in the dark , and loseth it self in its own wandrings , and is made most unhappy by its own devices how to be happy . whilst it is uncertainly led by blind affection , and wants the sure conduct of a divinely inlightened understanding , not able to discern that infinite good , which offereth its self to its choice in every thing , the very thing it seeketh for becomes its stumbling block in the way : the man falls and hurts himself against the very thing that he would have ; he turns away in a chafe to something else , and still to as little purpose , and with as bad success . o the strange uneasiness of every condition to an heart that is void of god! whatever it be that such a man hath , be sure it is not that very thing which he would have . that which is present is alwayes naught ; and that which is not yet , is always better , till it be here ; and when it is come , it is the worst of all . the ignorance of what is the only good keeps us alwayes miserable under all our long wish'd for and much endeavoured changes . man is alwayes crying out , who will shew us any good . psal. . . whilst the infinite good is before him every moment . he is ever complaining he cannot see it , but the fault is in his own eyes . the sun shines , but he is blind . god , who is only good . matt. . . is in all conditions present , but man will not be convinced that 't is the light of his countenance alone that can make him happy . . but suppose we now , that men have already fixed their thoughts not only upon happiness , but upon the only chief good that can make them happy , the blessed god : yet will their thoughts continue manifold and various , and inconsistent with themselves , so long as they have not hit upon that only sure way of enjoying him , which himself hath taught us . how do they clash and combat within him , like the thoughts of a man lost in a wilderness ? who , tho he know , and long to be at the place whither he aim'd to go , yet is utterly at a loss which way to take of the many that lie before him : he stands musing and thinking with himself , which is the most likely way to bring him home ; now 't is this , and anon 't is that , and presently again 't is neither ; thus he stands disputing till the night overtake him , and even then his thoughts travel , and suffer not sleep to give him rest . o the vain projects of foolish man , so long as he maketh not with the psalmist , psal. . . the laws of god his delight and his counsellors . the ground of all this variety and confusion in the thoughts and devices of mans heart is very obvious . it is impossible it should be otherwise , so long as that , which he aimeth at , is certainly such as will deceive him ; or whilest he walketh in doubtful paths without a sure guide . man was not made to be his own god , nor was any creature made to be a god unto him , so that he should possibly find that in himself alone , or in any other created being , which may give him real satisfaction . if man be not god , it is as certain he cannot make his own happiness . nay , man is made such a creature , as can know and feel his own wants and weaknesses , and this is his makers mercy to him , that he may not be always miserable by resting in himself ; but being moved by the sence and feeling of his own emptiness and infirmity , may seek that out of himself in god , which he finds he cannot be well without . till then a mans heart can fix upon that one thing which hath enough in it to satisfie all its desires , and get into that one way which will bring him to his desired happiness ; his thoughts can have no rest , nothing wherein they may unite ; but he is , as that double minded man st. iames speaketh of ( iam. . . ) unstable in all his ways . this is a thing too obvious to every understanding , to be any longer insisted on . we go on therefore to the next thing . ii. the devices and counsels of a mans heart , till they concentre in the will and counsel of the lord , are vain and cannot stand . this is a truth which being duely considered , as it well deserveth , would certainly be enough to bring men out of love with their own devices , and make them weary and ashamed of their own plots and projects . who is there so foolish as to be willing to disquiet his own soul , and cast away his peace for nothing ? and this truth , that all such devices and counsels as concentre not in the will of god are vain , and tend to no good issue , but shall end in disappointment and vexation , is so clear , that though men are very hardly brought to make the right use of it ; yet is it impossible for them so long as they have any degree of reason above mere fools and children , to deny it . we shall at present consider but a few things to put this past all dispute . . what we are , and how little grounds of hope we can find in our selves . . what other men are , and what slender probability there is ; that either by their help , or against their will we should effect our designs . . what god is , and how impossible it is to prevail against his providence . . let us remember what we are . consider but in our selves the greatness of our ignorance , and the weakness of our power , and we shall easily be convinced of the vanity of our own devices . . our ignorance is such , how great soever is the opinion we have of our own wit and policy , that indeed we do not know our selves perfectly , and much less our neighbours . and yet we must know both , before we can certainly say , that this or that will fit either us or them . our hearts are very labyrinths , full of intricacies and windings , and he is a wise man indeed that understands all the little secret corners of his own heart so well , as to know exactly what will fit and fill them . again the nature of things is too much in the dark as to us , we know but very little of it , and what we seek being yet untryed by us , we are very unfit to judge how suitable it will be unto us ; or whether any of those things which we think we now most need , will fit us any better then what we have already ; yea , suppose the best , that the things which we so earnestly desire have something in them suitable to our wants and wishes , yet may they also have much more against us , and hurtful to us , which we cannot yet discern at a distance ; but may feel afterwards to our sorrow . yet more , so very changeable are both persons and things , that what seemeth to us the best to day , may seem as bad to morrow ; and what now , if we had it , would really be some ease to us , to morrow may prove as great a grievance : what might be now either food or physick , may to morrow by some corruption in it , or change of constitution in us , be very little better than poyson , yea bodies politick change tempers as well as bodies natural ; and those very laws , which were with great wisdom at first enacted , as the properest medicines for curing the present diseases , have in a very few years after , upon this account , been found a worse disease then the other . men are too short sighted to see what will be most suitable to another age , or perhaps to any considerable part of the present . this our ignorance is therefore enough to teach us not to build any confident hopes on our own devices . . but suppose our knowledge and skill were really as great , as usually is the politicians self-conceit ; yet must we needs confess , that our strength is very little , and how wisely soever we can devise and contrive , we are too weak to bring about our own devices . this will appear more fully anon , tho indeed it is clear enough of it self . who can be so mad as to think he can do what he lists , that he can over-rule providence , controll the world , and bring to pass all that he would have to be ? all which he must suppose himself able to do , that can find cause in himself to hope he may accomplish the devices of his own heart . considering then our selves only , all we can say is this , vain man would be wise . job . . . but he is not so ; mans goings are of the lord , how can a man then understand his own way ? prov. . . our eyes are too bad to see , our arms are too weak to work what is best for our selves or the world ; no hope can we have in our selves alone . . and therefore next , let us think what other men are . this consideration will make it appear a very improbable thing , for any one single man , or indeed , for any one party or faction of men , to be able to bring about their own devices . do we suppose these men to be our friends ? are they at present our complices or partners ? or suppose we them our enemies , and such as appear adversaries to our designs ? or lastly , are they likly to sit neuters ? which of these soever they be , they give us little encouragement . this only we are sure of , they are men , and but men ; they are therefore subject to the same infirmities as we our selves are ; they are unknown , they are mutable , they have peculiar interests of their own , they are all subject to the same overruling power : are they in appearance our friends ? who can know whether they be so indeed ? who knows whether they will prove firm and faithful to our counsels ? are we sure that their hearts are as our hearts , that we may safely give them our hands and take them up into the secrets of our bosomes ? whatever they be now , can we tell whether they will be the same to morrow ? can we tell what the temptations of one day , what the very fears and jealousies , covetous , or ambitious desires of their own hearts , yea what the terrors of a nights dream may bring forth ? he that dares too confidently trust his own heart is but a fool , how much more is he so , that dares trust anothers ? if they joyn really with us now in our murmurings , discontents , and dislikes of that which is , are we sure that they joyn also as cordially in our desires and wishes , and that the future variance and disagreement of minds about that which we would have shall not breed more confusion , and far greater inconveniences unto us all , then the very worst of those things we now concur to oppose and remove ? are these men our enemies and such as are like to oppose our designs ? and are we then sure that we are equal or superiour to them in strength ? or if we be ▪ are we also as sure , that they are not our overmatch in policy or interest ? have not they devices of their own as well as we ? and are they not as much in love with their own devices as we can be with ours ? and will they not venture as far to accomplish their designs ? have they not interests of their own ? and shall they not be as zealous to promote them ? as impatient of all opposition to or attempts against them ? is the party we oppose but small and inconsiderable ? and can we know how soon it will encrease either by the accession of others who will not shew themselves till necessity call them forth , or by the revolt of some other of our own ? or know we how many distinct parties there may be , whose designs are as inconsistent with ours as theirs are , and therefore rather then suffer either to prevail to the ruine of their own , are concerned to assist the weaker ? lastly , are these men neuters ? can we have any assurance that they will continue so when they are in a strait betwixt two , and are like to be devoured by both or either ? are they not lovers of peace , upon what principles it matters not ? and shall they not be inclined even by that love , when they see they must side with one , to oppose the first disturbers of their peace ? can we from mens faces or looks have any probable guess , with whom they will joyn when it comes to tryal ? is is not most likely , it will be with their lawful governors , under whom they have so long enjoyed their beloved peace and quietness ? may not egypt ( if we have such a thing to trust to ) prove a bruised reed , and run into the hand of him that leans upon it ? if we be but so wary as to look about us , we shall find too many of our own spirit ; and because such , the less our friends . they are for themselves as well as we , are as ready to sacrifice the publick good to their own ambition . their peculiar interests engage them as stronglyto oppose unto ours their own devices ; and with as much fury and craft , from the same selfish principles , to endeavour our disappointment and defeat to prevent their own ; and to hasten our ruine , as the first step to their own advancement . if again we look behind us , and observe the histories of former ages , we cannot miss of abundance of sad examples of rash and giddy enterprisers miserably shipwrack'd by their own devices , caught deservedly in their own nets , and fallen into the pits they digged for others . if we providently look before us , we shall see but little likelihood that the succeeding generation will applaud or approve of our doings ; but rather fall upon new devices of their own to undo all that we have done , or rather to build what we have destroy'd . in a word , if we know not what 's in man , god knows , that all his thoughts are vanity , psal. . . so little probability have men of bringing to effect their own devices , when they consider what other men are . . if mens devices have so little encouragement either from themselves or other men , how much less can they have from god when they consider , what he is . viz. the just iudge of all the earth that will do right , gen. . . tho hand joyn in hand , the wicked shall not go unpunished , prov. . . let them use all arts to strengthen themselves in their conspiracies , he that is higher then the highest regardeth , and will be higher than they , eccl. . . well said one who was no saint , if this counsel be of men , it will come to nought ; but if it be of god , take heed how ye oppose it , lest ye be found to fight against god , act. . . what hopes can men have that their devices shall prosper without gods blessing , seeing not a sparrow falls to the ground without him ? and what confidence can men have that god will bless their devices , whilst they make not ●im of their counsel ? if they advise not first with him to know his will , before they begin to device for themselves , they take a preposterous course to engage him on their side ; and be sure where ever he takes part , there goes the victory . but if men will be so wicked , as to advance their own devices against the ordinance of god , they must needs make him their enemy , whosoever being so makes it in vain for all the world to assist them ; there is no fighting against omnipotence . a blasting instead of a blessing must those men expect from our heavenly father , who , neglecting his commands , will presume of their own head to regulate his family , and govern his kingdom by their own devices . as impossible it is that such devices should stand , as it is to dethrone the almighty , and devest him of all authority and dominion , who hath established his throne in the heavens , and whose kingdom ruleth over all , psal. . . let men therefore consult , contrive , and act what they can ▪ let them associate themselves together , they shall be broken in pieces : let them gird themselves , they shall be yet broken in pieces ; let them take counsel together , and it shall come to nought , speak the word , and it shall not stand , isai. . . &c. let them either now consider it to move them to repentance , or they shall at last find it to their utter confusion , that notwithstanding all the wisdom of their own devices , the lord shall have them in derision , psal. . . they shall be before him but like the chaff which the wind driveth away , psal. . . so impossible is it for the devices of mans heart to stand , when they are not united in the will of that god who ruleth heaven and earth . iii. the third thing we are now to observe is this . the will and counsel of the lord is always one and the same and never changeth . with god ( saith st. iames ) there is no shadow of turning , jam. . . whatever changes there be in the world amongst the creatures , it is impossible for the great creator of all things to be any other then what he was from all eternity . he will not lie , nor repent , for he is not a man that he should repent , sam. . . this is a piece of humane weakness , to change purposes . if therefore at any time we read of gods repenting or changing his purpose , as indeed sometimes we do in his own word , we must be sure so to understand it , as it may agree to the perfections of god , and not fasten upon him any of the imperfections of his creatures . it is said indeed of god , gen. . . it repented the lord that he had made man on the earth , and it grieved him at his heart . and sam. . . the lord repented that he had made saul king over israel . and concerning nineveh it is said , jonah . . god repented of that the evil he had said that he would do unto them , and he did it not . sometimes god is said to repent of what he had already done , as if he could wish it undone again ; and sometimes of that which he had declared that he would do , as if , upon after thoughts , he had changed his mind . now should we understand such sayings as these , as the words sound at first hearing , not considering the immutable nature of him , of whom they are spoken , we should thereby run our selves into one of the grossest and most wicked errors in the world , being tempted by such expressions , to fasten upon god an imputation of such levity and inconstancy to himself , as a wise man would account one of the greatest affronts we could offer him . but all this is indeed spoken of god , after the manner of men . the change that is , is not in god but in us . what god hath once done , he ever approves of ; and whatever he purposeth to do , that he certainly will do . tho when we look only upon what is spoken and done , there is some appearance to us , as if there were some change of mind in the speaker or doer ; yet is there no such thing . we hear what is said , and we see what is done : god hath threatned to destroy , yet he spareth : he hath done something , which afterwards he undoeth in some measure again . and hence he seemeth to us to repent of his sayings and doings , because he doth herein as men are wont to do , who repent and change their minds , and for this cause , by reason of this similitude of the doings of god & men , are these expressions applyed to god. we are ignorant of the will and counsel of god , and can know no more of it , then he himself is pleased to discover unto us ; he hath not discovered the whole of his will unto us , but only so much as himself thinks fit for us to understand . hence we know but in part , and are very subject to mistake . to clear this , know we must that gods will being but one , is partly revealed to us in his word and works , and partly concealed from us , reserved only to himself . . the secret will of god is not another from that which is revealed , as if there were two wills in god ; but both are one will , whereof part is revealed , part is not ; and both together are his one , eternal and immutable purpose and counsel . as god needed not , could not have any counsellers to advise withal , about what he was to do . with whom took he counsel ? isai. . . so shall his counsel alway stand , and without any alteration , be completely fulfilled . my counsel ( saith god ) shall stand , and i will do all my pleasure , isai. . . this part of gods will and counsel being never imparted unto us , we cannot know it but only by the event ; which when we see , whatever it is , we must conclude , that it was gods unalterable will , either to effect it himself , or to permit it to be so effected by others , infallibly fore-knowing it , and resolved not to prevent it . . gods revealed will is so much of his counsel , as he hath thought fit to communicate , and by what means he pleaseth , make known unto us . whereby he either acquainteth us with his own doings and purposes , or directeth us in our duty , and how we are to demean our selves in the world . that will of his , which maketh our duty , shall stand as the law and rule of our duty : and that will of his which declareth his purpose shall stand , as the firm foundation of our hope and expectation ; both in that manner , as he from all eternity had determined , whatever appearances of change and variation there may be to inconsidering men . god is the sole and absolute governor and king of all the world : and the law whereby he governeth all things can be no other , but his own will and wise counsel . every thing he ordereth and ruleth agreeably to the nature which himself hath given it , in order to the end for which he made it . why he made the world just so , and no otherwise then it is made , we are not worthy to inquire ; nor can we know any further then he hath taught us ; it was his will so to do , and that ought to satisfie us . how he will order every thing in the world from first to last , he cannot be obliged to tell us ; and it is too much for us to know : but that all shall tend to the demonstration of his own power , wisdom and goodness , and the happiness of those that love and serve him , we are sure ; and this again should fully satisfie us . man he hath made a reasonable and free agent , & as such he is resolved to govern him . his will , revealed is mans law to live by , and by what parts and parcels soever , in what variety soever of precepts according to the diversity of time and circumstances of persons , places , relations , &c. all perfectly foreseen by him ; still his will is one , and he executeth it according to his own eternal counsel , with that variety of dispensations , as he hath determined . his commands it is his will we should obey , and that according to our nature , freely ; it is not his will to necessitate us so to do , and to use us as stocks and stones which have neither understanding to consider , nor will to choose . and it is his will that the obedient shall be rewarded with blessedness , and he encourageth them to obedience by many promises , which he will fulfil and make good to the full , if the condition of obedience be performed , and thus are all his promises of this kind to be understood . and he threatneth severe punishments to the disobedient to deter them from their disobedience , and these shall certainly come upon them , if they repent not ; and thus are his menaces to be understood . in short , what changes there would at any time be in men , according to that freedom of choice which he hath given them , he knew eternally ; and what changes would thereupon follow in the world , or in any part of it , he not only fore-knew , but fore-appointed ; and what reasons there would be for the delaying either of his promises , or his threatnings , or for any other change or circumstance , all was perfectly fore-known ; and there can be nothing new to him ; and therefore no change at all of his eternal counsel , but all things are exactly as he once for all hath determined . when therefore god is said at any time to repent , it signifieth no more but this , that the thing is come to pass which god foresaw , and that ho now doth not that , which he had always resolved to do , when such things should come to pass ; here is a change indeed in his outward actings , but none in his will. when gods promises are not performed , there is a a non-performance of the condition , which he was never ignorant of , but foresaw , and now he acteth no otherwise , than upon the foresight thereof , he had resolved to do . but we , because these things foreseen by god are not revealed to us , are apt to think there is a change where there is none at all . the reason why gods will is always one and the same , is the infinite perfection of his nature , which can admit of no degree of mutability . what can move a man to change his mind or will , but his finding or at least suspecting he hath taken wrong measures in his former deliberations and resolutions ▪ it is the rough want of foresight in men , that their purposes are alterable ; and when things fall out , whereof they had no knowledge , they see cause to be of another mind then formerly they were . 't is always the discovery of something which they were ignorant of , or did not consider , that produceth this change in the minds of men . but there can be no such reason for god to change his purpose and counsel ; as he is almighty , and can do whatever it pleaseth him to do , so also is he omniscient , infinite in knowledge and wisdom , and nothing past , present or to come can be hid from him . all things lie naked and opened ( or unbowelled ) before him ; the whole world , and all the ages of the world , from its creation to the consummation of all things , are in his view at once , not the most secret thought of man , nor the minutest circumstance in things can escape his eye . knowing therefore eternally , as well all that shall be hereafter , as all that now is , or at any time hath been , nothing can happen contrary to his expectation , & therefore nothing can possibly move him to any the least change of counsels : but he must needs be , as in his nature and being , so in his purposes also immutable , the same yesterday and to day , and for ever . and this granted , we shall very easily see into the truth of our next proposition , as necessarily following from this immutability of god. iv. whatsoever the devices and projects of man may be , they can never be able to frustrate or alter the will and counsel of the lord , but it shall firmly stand , and most punctually be fulfilled . and it must needs be so , if but for this one reason , that there can be no device or project of man , but god did eternally foresee it and hath provided for it . yea , he is both wise enough and powerful enough , either to frustrate it and make it of no effect ; or to overrule it , and bring to effect his own will and counsel by it . men cannot surely be such fools as to think that the infinitely wise god can be outwitted or deceived by any humane policy ; or that the almighty god can be over-powered by humane strength or force ; or that the most vigilant governor of the world who never slumbereth nor sleepeth , psal. . . whose eyes are in every place beholding the evil and the good , prov. . . can be surprized by humane treachery . no conspiracy in what dark hell or vault soever it be laid and hatch'd , can be hid from him ; no confederacy or combination can be too hard for him , who is irresistible as well as immutable , and therefore can never be disappointed of his will. our god is in the heavens , he hath done whatsoever he pleased , psal. . . yea , the counsel of the lord standeth for ever , the thoughts of his heart to all generations , psal. . . and v. . the lord bringeth the counsel of the heathen to nought , he maketh the devices of the people of none effect . hence that bold challenge of the prophet to all the churches enemies , take counsel and it shall come to nought : speak the word and it shall not stand , for god is with us , isai. . . and again , the lord of hosts hath sworn , saying , surely as i have thought so shall it come to pass , and as i have purposed so shall it stand , isai. . . the lord of hosts hath purposed , and who shall disanul it , v. . the counsel of the lord lieth very deep , clouds and darkness are round about him . and whilest vain men would be so wise , as to design for themselves without him , and presume to teach or help him to govern the world , they unawares subserve his secret counsel , and by an unseen hand are carried contrary to their own intentions , to promote those very designs of his which they strive with all their might and policy to defeat . let them consult , god shall infatuate their counsels : let them attempt , god shall frustrate all their attempts . he must be wise indeed that can impose upon god. ioseph's brethren taking notice of his dream , and his fathers special affection to him , grow jealous of him , and to prevent his coming to have dominion over them , sell him for a slave unto strangers : and what do they in all this , but unwittingly help him up to that dignity and honour which god had design'd for him , that they may hereafter bow before him with the greater shame ? pharoab , lest the hebrews should encrease too fast , and grow too many for him and his people , decreeth the destruction of all their male children , but see how the providence of god turneth this about to his ruine , for hereby moses is exposed , and being found by pharaoh's daughter , is brought up in his court , receiving thereby an education suitable to his future dignity , who was to be the leader and deliverer of that people which was to spoyl the egyptians . saul will by all means suppress david , and exclude him from succeeding him in his throne , and what doth he herein , but by pursuing and exposing him to dangers , give him the fairest opportunities of shewing his fidelity to him , and his wisdom and valour to the people , so winning their affections over whom he was to reign ? the princes of mere envy bring daniel to the den of lions , but only to this end , that by a miracle of god's goodness to him he might be advanced above themselves and to their own ruine . haman prepareth the gallows for mordecai , and designs the honour for himself , but is herein an instrument of god , hereby to bring the honour unto mordecai and himself to the gallows of his own setting up . the iews would void the counsel of god by crucifying iesus , and in crucifying him they brought to pass what gods hand and his counsel had determined before to be done , act. . . they kill him lest the romans should come and take away their place and nation , joh. . . and for this both were afterwards destroy'd by the romans . they will seal up the sepulchre , and set a watch of souldiers to prevent his disciples never intended design of taking their dead master away by night ; and thereby they provide a strong evidence of his resurrection from the dead . let men do what they will or can , god will make men know themselves to be but men , and that it is not they but he that ruleth all things according to the pleasure of his will. his kingdom is an everlasting kingdom , and his dominion throughout all generations , psal. . . when devils and men have done their worst , it shall stand ; and therefore must his counsel stand too , whereby he ruleth and governeth all things without consulting men . he putteth down one , and setteth up another , psal. . . by him kings reign , and he giveth them sometimes for a blessing and sometimes for a scourge to the people . if we would have them a blessing , there is no way but obedience and an absolute submission to gods will to procure that , and if we have by our sins deserved the scourge , no devices or counsels of men can prevent that . god will be god , and we should be thankful that we are men , and shew it by giving him a reasonable service , and contenting our selves in keeping within our own compass . we may easily break our hearts with our own devices , but we can never frustrate gods counsel , that shall stand . having thus very briefly run over the doctrines of this text , for the confirmation of our faith , we now proceed to see of what excellent use all this may be unto us for the rectifying of our opinions , or the regulating of our life and conversation . and we shall be sure to find matter enough in these few things we have learned , for our instruction , correction , encouragement , and consolation in the ways both of religion and loyalty . . the instructions which we shall at this time take notice of from the doctrine delivered are two ; the one respecting the time past , the other the time to come ; both presently necessary to be diligently attended to , if we be desirous to understand our duty to god as good christians , or to the king as loyal subjects . . let us reflect a little in our thoughts upon the time past , and being instructed to whose goodness we are to ascribe all those good things we have hitherto injoyed , all those deliverances from evil , that have been hitherto given us : all these , how great , how many soever , are to be attributed only to the good will and counsel of the lord , that hath forborn to punish us for our own devices , that hath delivered us from the devices of men . have we hitherto of a long time enjoyed the blessings of peace and plenty in a good and fruitful land ? have we been blest with a good government , wholesome laws , the free exercise of our religion , and use of our estates ? let us thankfully acknowledge our selves indebted to gods goodness for all this . if the lord had not been on our side , may england truely say , if the lord had not been on our side , when men so often have risen up against us , they had swallowed us up quick , they were so wrathfully displeased at us . how many and various have been the devices of men against us ? of men of much different stamps , of contrary complexions , to subvert the government , to destroy and corrupt our religion , to undermine our peace , to make us a prey to our enemies , and to set us at variance among our selves ▪ to devour and cat up one another at home ? ever since it hath pleased god to own us for his people , to set any mark of his special favour upon us , to manifest a peculiar providence over us , in setting over us religious princes to be the defenders of the faith , amongst us , and our gracious protectors in the sound profession of the catholick faith , and pure worship of god ; how hath the prince of darkness bestirred himself , and set all his instruments on work to create us trouble ? what strange devices and devilish contrivances hath he put into mens hearts to obstruct the work of god amongst us and set forward his own ? one while he beginneth his work at home , in the very midst of us , tryeth what he can do by the powers which are by the providence of god set over us , puts fire and faggot into their hands to consume us ; and when he seeth that this will not do , but that there is one even in the fiery furnace with us , that is able to abate the fury of the fire , and bring forth the reformed religion , like gold out of the furnace , more refined and pure : not able to indure the lustre and brightness of it , he gets him away as far from it as he can , and beginneth the work anew , and layeth the plot at the greatest distance , that it may ripen out of sight , and come upon us at full strength : he fetcheth his race even from as far as rome , and is resolved to bear us down with forreign force ; he leads up armies marching under consecrated banners , manneth out navies christened by the name of invincible , and with these he will come upon us like a sudden deluge ; and who is the lord ( saith he ) that he should deliver them out of my hand ? will not this do against the lord of hosts ? then is he resolved to return back again in a disguise , and fall to work in secret holes , and cells , and vaults , he will lay his snares in the dark , and who ( saith he ) shall see ? close plots and private conspiracies of men sworn upon the sacrament to secresie who can be so quick-sighted as to discover ? and now let it be poyson , or dagger , or gunpowder , or what hell can invent , so the anointed of the lord may fall and perish , and the protestant religion be rooted out , all 's well enough , he hath served his own ends and the popes , and what devil can desire more ? but still there is no inchantment or divination against israel ; so long as god is with us , what can hell do against us ? he must now therefore contrive , if possible , how to drive out god from among us ; and no way so likely to do this , as to sow amongst us the seeds of division , god is love , and will not own those for his children who do not like brethren dwell together in unity . as long as we stand entirely one , united in one body , we have too much strength to give him hope of an easie victory ; but he knows well enough who hath said , that a house divided against it self cannot stand . to make a breach therefore , whereat he may enter , he fills mens heads with fears , jealousies , and scruples ; makes them look like monsters to one another . he works upon mens phantasies and imaginations , and presents before them as to men in a dream strange phantasms and apparitions . some conceive they see superstition and popery in those very persons and things which are under god , our best fence against them ; and so do these words always run in their minds , that they can call nothing which they are taught to dislike by any other name then those , and antichristian . some again imagine they see tyranny in the best formed monarchy that the world hath , ready to swallow up at once all liberty and property . others think they see christ coming to reign upon the earth , and commanding them to go before him , to prepare his way by levelling the mountains and raising the valleys , dashing in pieces the kingdoms of the earth like a potters vessel , binding their kings in chains , and their nobles with fetters of iron . thus by his subtle delusions were men , like such as are rouzed up in some frightful dream with a dismal cry of fire , fire , made to run about so long to quench an imaginary fire , no where visible but in their own hot heads , till they had kindled a real one , that had almost burnt down not only their own but all the houses of god in the land. but notwithstanding all this , it pleased god to awake us , and that by little less then a miracle , in the wonderful restitution of our present most gracious sovereign . and now , who would not think that our former miseries and our present peace , and the long missed blessings of a gracious government , should so strongly work upon us , as to perswade us to keep well when we may be so ? but the deceiver is still too cunning for us , and knows how to turn the very motives of union , into the occasions of division . he takes advantage of those very confusions yet fresh in our memories into which he had formerly brought us , to keep alive our jealousies on all hands of one another : so that at this day mutual suspicions and ill opinions keep us at as great a distance in the days of peace , as pikes and musquets did in the time of war. still we are in sides and parties , devising how to supplant and ruine each other . the remembrance of former days unhappily fomenting and hightening our suspicions and jealousies to that degree , that we seem rather the laughing-stock then the terrour of our enemies , and rome it self cannot chuse but laugh within it self to see us so industrious in doing her work for her , and by our contentions and separations making an open way for that very evil which men pretend above all others to be afraid of . and now seeing we have been at so much pains in assisting our professed enemies to destroy us , what can we imagine could have all this while preserved us against all those devilish devices that have been hatch'd both abroad and amongst our selves at home to undo us , but that great and good god alone who overruleth all the devices of men , who sitteth in the heavens above all powers , who saith to the sea , hitherto shall thou come but no further , and here shall thy proud waves be stayed , job . . . the lord reigneth , let the earth be glad thereof , let the multitude of the isles be glad thereof , psal. . . this isle may be glad thereof . he is great in zion , he is high above all people , psal. . . his right hand and his holy arm hath gotten him the victory , psal. . . it is his right hand , and not our sword , his wise counsel not our policy , his wonderful goodness , and least of any thing our righteousness that preserveth us in safety . except the lord build the house , all our builders shall labour but in vain , we shall quickly with our own hands pull it down upon our heads . except the lord keep the city , all our watchmen shall wake in vain , our own devices , our own sins will be sure to fire all , and we shall soon be like to sodom and gomorrha . therefore not unto us , not unto us but unto the lord alone let us ascribe the honour and the glory of our preservation , and all the wonderful deliverances which he and he alone hath given unto our gracious king and this whole kingdom in him . it is only because his counsel always stands unmoveable and cannot change , that our own devices have not long e're this utterly ruined us , or that the manifold devices of our enemies have not prevailed against us . . as we are instructed hence to attribute all our past mercies and deliverancies to the goodness of god , who alone could disappoint the devices of men against us ; so are we hence also taught , how both at present , and for the time to come , to behave our selves towards god , let the times prove never so troublesome to us by reason of the restless devices of men . we must always be sure to bear in mind , and fix immoveably upon this one point , that the counsel of the lord is altogether unchangeable , one and the same for ever , and shall undoubtedly stand for a law to us , and for a barr against every thing that can be devised by men against us not agreeable unto it . conclude we certainly that the lord he is god , and will be so , maugre all the devices of fools that say in their heart there is no god. that he will alway govern the world by his own will , and confound the wicked in their own devices . that all things being ordered by him must needs be wisely ordered , and therefore as no device of man is permitted by him , but in wisdom ; so of his goodness he will either confound these devices in his own time , or by them accomplish his own wise counsel , to the destruction of his enemies , and the good of his church and faithful servants . all things shall work together for good to them that love him , rom. . . let therefore our behaviour be alway such as becometh the faithful subjects of the great god and king of all the world : and our business , as we are such , is pure obedience to the laws of his kingdom , and not to help him to rule and order things by our wisdom , as tho he could stand in need of our devices , or had thought good to make us of his great counsel . let us mind our duty in attending to and executing cheerfully his commands , and not intermeddle with that which is properly his work , any otherwise then he himself shall give to any of us authority to act under him . unto some he hath given his commission to act and rule his people under him , and for him . by his wisdom kings reign , and princes decree iustice , prov. . . the powers that be are of god. he hath put a sword into their hand , and they bear not that sword in vain , rom. . and they that will not stand in awe of it , deserve to feel it . he hath also set some in the church , cor. . . and hath made them overseers over his flock to feed it , act. . . and we are commanded to obey them that have the rule over us and watch for our souls , heb. . . these are god's commission'd officers , put in authority under him , and over us ; and as they are to do their own duties in their several places towards god , whose servants they are , and to whom they must give an account as well as we ; so can they not do their duty unto him , but by governing us , and using all such means as he hath ordered , or allowed , to keep us in due subjection both unto god and them , and to see as much as is in them , that we do our duties too . let no devices therefore of other men out of whatsoever school they come , perswade or provoke us either to follow theirs , or set up new devices of our own against this certain will of god , or to cast off the yoke of christ by our restless endeavours to free our selves from the yoke of men. we cannot be christs subjects if we will be our own masters . it is just that he assign to each servant in his family his proper work , and call them to account as he shall please ; if we shall arrogate to our selves a right of judging them , whom he hath set to judge us , we place our selves in his throne and usurp his prerogative , which is the highest treason against the king of kings : and can we think that such shall go unpunished by him ? let our condition be never so uneasie , let our grievances be never so many , let our sufferings be never so great , let us be sure to keep in mind , what we are , and whose we are , and what is our business to do . we are not gods , nor lawgivers to our selves , but men under his command that made us and redeemed us . we are not our own , but his that bought us with a price , cor. . . what then can be our work , but that which becometh the subjects of so absolute a monarch ? thankfully to own the priviledges we have , of his grace and goodness , hitherto injoyed , acknowledging that the very least of them far exceedeth all our merits : contentedly to rest in his choice for us , and in the state and condition his providence hath assigned us , acknowledging always that to be very good , and best of all at present , which he hath appointed : wholly to resign our selves with all our concerns and interests into his hand , unto his sole disposal , saying heartily , it is the lord , let him do whatsoever seemeth good to him , not ours but his will be done . concluding that as his will must stand and cannot be disappointed , so it is fit we should own him in our hearts to be what really he is , our supreme lord and absolute governor , and shew our selves well pleased , that his will should stand ; and , be it what it will that he doth , agreeable to our wishes and hopes or not , we being his creatures as well as subjects , we that should be both willing to it , and delighted in it . we may be very sure of this , and that should be full enough for us , that god cannot act against himself , nor contrary to his own nature , and therefore he can never do otherwise then wisely and well , and that he will make it appear so in the end , whatever it seems now . if then god grant us a plentiful , peaceable and flourishing state , and give us kings and governours that are davids indeed , men after his own heart , and nursing fathers unto his church , encouragers of true piety , and protectors of their subjects in their just rights and liberties , he doth wisely and well ; and we are to be thankful to him as for an undeserved blessing ; and if , on the other hand , god for the punishment of our sins of pride and rebellion , profaneness and formality , &c. shall give us sauls or ieroboams , oppressors of their subjects , or persecutors of religion , still we must confess that god doth wisely and well , and like himself as a most just governor ; it is less then we have deserved , and it is no more then we need . he is both just and good , as well in punishing as rewarding , and we ought to bear with patience , yea and thankfulness the chastisement of our sins . let it be our business then to persecute and mortifie our corruptions and lusts , and god will provide that we want not sit governors , when he seeth us desirous to live in obedience unto him . the instruments in gods hand may be changed , as he seeth his work requireth , but still the same god reigneth , and his counsel must stand . thus much for our instruction . ii. in the next place , the doctrine of this text is an excellent corrective for the malignant humors wherewith the body of this kingdom hath for some time too much abounded . it may serve to restrain the heady and furious attempts and practices of some , and to abate the discontents and silence the murmurings of others among us . and these two sorts of people are very easily met with in most places . . there are too many in the world , who will needs be thought as wise , not only as their humane governors , but as god himself . and indeed , it were less to be wondered at , if such men were only to be found in that church , which hath so long pretended to an infallibity of judgment : tho , blessed be god , whatever it be in its doctrines , it hath not yet proved so in its treasonable and bloody attempts and practices . but that any men of such a mischievous self-conceit should be found among them that call themselves protestants ▪ and reformed christians , is a thing wonderful indeed , and ought to be as much lamented by us , as our adversaries will be sure to rejoyce in it , and make a bad use of it . and surely such poysonous weeds could never have sprung up among us , had it not been from that evil seed which those seminaries imployed by the evil one , have cunningly sowed in our good field whilst the keepers of it slept . there is a viperous brood of men , tho they are not willing to own their own original , or it may be have been ingendred so much in the dark , that they do not know their own parents , which cannot live but by eating out the bowels of that government under the warm wings whereof they shelter themselves . these things are always big with new devices , not how to serve , ( as hath been much pretended ) but rather to direct or correct providence . and by their practices , they might persuade men to believe , that in all their prayers they do not desire of god so much to guide them , as to follow them whithersoever their own wild devices shall lead him . if religion have not yet discovered unto such men their folly and wickedness , yet , a man would think , that unto men that talk so much of providence as they have been wont to do , their own so often frustrated devices should be sufficient to convince them of their vanity , and make them feel how hard it is to kick against the pricks ; and that very confusion of languages that is amongst them , so that they have not been ever able well to understand one another , should discourage them from all designs of building another babel , or advancing their own devices in spite of heaven . will men that are so high pretenders to a divine spirit and a new light , be always like those silly ones , of whom 't was said , they are ever learning and never come to the knowledge of the truth , this easie truth , that the powers that be , are ordained of god , and that whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation ? rom. . , . what but the want of that self-denial , wherein they are wont so much to glory , can make men so dull , as not to be able in so many years , no not with the incouragement of indulgencies , or the rod of discipline , to learn so plain a lesson ? will men be always so much children , as to think they can do more or better for themselves by their own devices , then their heavenly father will do for them by his wise counsel , if they will approve themselves his dutiful children , and shew their intire submission to him their supreme lord , by obeying those whom he hath placed over them , and submitting themselves ( as he commands them , pet. . . ) to every ordinance of man for the lord's sake ; whether it be to the king as supreme , or unto governors , as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evil-doers , and for the praise of them that do well ? will men always be so absurd , as to think they best secure the liberty of their consciences , by rebelling against those whom they must needs be subject to , not only for wrath , but conscience sake ? rom. . . if it be so hard a task to yield obedience to the standing will of god , written so legibly in his word , and so often proclaimed unto us by his ministers , as the rule of duty ; how much harder will it be found to submit with alacrity to his secret will when it shall be declared in the course of his providence by the event , in a patient suffering even for well doing ? how shall men have the face to call themselves christians by the name of christ ( except it be by the same figure as the iesuites are by the name of iesus ) who so wholly neglect the commands of christ , and lean more to their own devices then to his promises ? do they think to make themselves more happy , and to prosper better by their own consultations and conspiracies ; by plotting of insurrections and murders , and by such devices as these to secure their religion and their liberties , ( tho , blessed be god , such danger ( if there be any ) is yet at a distance ) then by preparing themselves , as we are all commanded on pain of sorfeiting our christianity , to bear the cross and suffer for righteousness sake ? if when ye do well and suffer for it ye take it patiently , this is acceptable with god. for even hereunto were ye called , because christ also suffered for us , leaving us an example that ye should follow his steps , pet. . , . yet truely , were there nothing of religion in the case , there be two things nevertheless , which well considered would go near to check all such devices , tho to the devisers they may seem to aim at what is best . first , which of us is so wise , as to know certainly that his own projects shall either succeed according to his mind , or be approved of by others , or produce the publick good , or indeed his own ? i think there is no man that can in reason pretend to such a certainty , and , considering the various and contrary tempers of men , it is hard to come up to a probability . if so , then the certain , or but likely troubles and commotions , war and blood-shed , that the whole nation may suffer in order to the accomplishment of these uncertain devices in such great changes as are usually designed , should make him that loves his country , ( which love is the fair colour such men commonly paint over their foulest designs withal ) very shy in setting abroach his own devices . it is a very easie matter to set discontented men together by the ears , but not so easie to make them friends again , or perswade him , that thinks he hath the advantage , to sheath his sword ; nor yet can he that raised the fray , be sure that himself shall not be wounded in the scuffle . men are much easilier agreed to pull down one government , then to set up another : because it is much easier to find one , which hath something in it contrary to all the several private interests of the conspirators , then one that will promote them all ; which it may be are too various , ever to meet in one point , or indeed within the compass of any one model , that which the common cry of liberty doth sufficiently declare . love thy countrey , that 's god's will : and for the love of it , lay aside thine own devices . my son fear thou the lord , and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change , prov. . . secondly , do these men indeed love themselves , and their own safety ? let them then for their own sakes , take the safe way . keep the many devices of the heart within the heart , for if they once be suffered to pass the tongue , there is no longer any safety . he must have a faculty more then humane , who can be sure , that that man , unto whom he first reveals his secret , ( and revealed it must be or it can do nothing of what he would have it to do ) hath not another device ready to defeat his , and make him pay the charges of both . if men therefore would in all their consults advise with god's will , the publick good , or their own private peace and safety , those many devices which quicken in their hearts would die there too , and have the same womb and tomb. . a second sort of people , which this text should correct is , that very numerous part of mankind , the querulous , murmuring and discontented , whom nothing that is present will either please or silence . if these be not all so daring as to devise , they are so ill natur'd as to be angry , that all their desires , how unreasonable soever , are not fully satisfied ; and to satisfie them will be found no easie matter , especially till themselves seem better to understand them . they would have the world to be governed according to their mind , but how that should be , their thoughts are not to this day well agreed . they think too well of themselves , not to think too ill of their present condition , as too much below their merits : and therefore cannot be reconciled to the publick management of affairs , whilest it giveth them not the opportunity of bettering themselves every day according as the every days new devices of their hearts shall prompt them . the great complaint among such is , that the wicked are exalted , and good men discouraged , and the course of iustice is perverted ; and the common discourse is of the wickedness of the times , and the loosness of government and discipline . it is true , that if at any time such things as these are visible , and whilest men are men , they will be at all times too visible , good men cannot chuse but be very sensible of it , very sadly bewail it , and mourn before god for the sins of their brethren , rivers of waters will run down davids eyes because men keep not gods law , psal. . . yea , and what becometh every one of them in their respective stations and callings with all humble submission and modesty , yet with all godly zeal and courage , they will be ever ready to do towards the amendment of mens lives , the rectifying of errors , correcting abuses , and redressing all grievances . but they begin at home , as is fit , and proceed regularly , and keep to their proper provinces , and are more ready to do their own duty , then to complain that others do not theirs . to make the failings of princes and faults in government , and the grievances of the nation a common table-talk and to be always signifying to the world their discontents and uneasiness , is too great an argument of a proud and factious spirit , and savoureth too rankly of a mind corrupted with seditious and rebellious principles , and too much estranged from the god of peace . in thus doing men shew they regard themselves and their own wills more then the will of god. what evils hath the government at any time brought upon us that we have not by our manifold sins too much deserved , at least at the hand of god the universal governor , if not at the hands of those who rule under him ? and how many blessings may we enjoy under the worst of governments which we have never in the least deserved ? dare we undertake presumptuously to prescribe to god , and proudly say , that either we are such , as he ought not to punish at all , or at least , such as he ought not to punish after this manner ? if god send a plague , or a famine , or any kind of mortal sickness on a people for their sins , is it reasonable for them to murmur against the air and unseasonableness of the weather ? and if god chastise us with evils of any other kind , by what or whomsoever , shall it be more reasonable to quarrel with and complain of the instrument or the messenger for executing upon us the will of god , then to seek out where the fault lieth whereby we have provoked him to anger , and to amend it ? iehu received the promise of a kingdom to the fourth generation for executing punishment on those whom god had determined to punish , kings . . yet did not iehu depart from the sins of ieroboam which made israel to sin . god sometimes giveth a king in his wrath , and taketh him away again in his displeasure , hos. . . if he deliver men into the hands of their oppressor , tho he be the king of babylon , they must serve him and be quiet , because they see it is the will of god so to deal with them , ier. . patience under our sufferings , and repentance of our sins , and reformation of our lives , and obedience to our superiours in all lawful things even to the utmost , to shew we own their authority , and decline not the hardest of their just commands , are the best ways of reconciling our selves to god , and turning his judgments away from us , and not to stand murmuring and complaining of that which in justice he is pleased to inflict upon us by what hand soever . why should a living man complain ? a man for the punishment of his sins ? lam. . . thus much for correction . iii. in the next place , let us be exhorted , first , ingeneral , to attend god's will in all things , and let that take place of all the devices of our hearts . alas , what would become of the world , if god should disregard it , slacken the reins of his government , and permit all to the hands of men ? phaethon's guiding the chariot of the sun , and firing the world , would look no longer like a fable . hot spirits and giddy heads with their bold devices and rash enterprizes would soon turn all things upside down , and put more then one nation into a combustion . men are of too different complexions and divided interests ever to unite in peace and order : contrary humors and principles would always produce contrary laws and rules , and every party would be concerned to maintain that which would best uphold it , not only to the ruine of the opposite party , but to the rending of the publick peace and welfare . then , and no sooner , let men talk of carrying on their own devices and designs when they either know themselves to be too strong for all men , or can assure themselves that all men will be of their mind . if any shall now ask whether we would have them sit still and unconcern'd how matters go right or wrong , and whether it be not every mans duty to endeavour with all his might the rectifying of what he seeth amiss in kingdom or church ? to this some answer hath been given already , to which may be added thus much more . . be very sure that what you think to be amiss , be so indeed , before you go about to mend it . men are too apt to make their own irregular desires and wishes , yea , and not seldom an irrational conceit and phant'sie , or even such a thing as this in some other men or party for whom they have a kindness , the rule of right and wrong , and so judge every thing to be amiss , which they , or such as they count their friends dislike . measure things by their proper rule , not that of self-interest or affection , but god's word ; view and examine them by a true light , be not misled by mens reports , or vain surmises , but try all things and then hold fast that which is good . if you take not this course , instead of mending what is amiss , you will only marr that which his good . be sure that what you would amend be against god's will , or else it needs no mending , and none will owe you thanks for your vain devices . . be as sure in the next place that you are every way rightly fitted and duly qualified for the work you take in hand . see that you have both skill and strength and good authority for what you undertake . it is not every bold bungler that hath face enough to praise himself and laugh at others , who is fit for such a work as is the reformation of kingdoms and churches . it is not all a thing to hold a plow-staff and a scepter . be content to employ your talents accordingly as you are fitted with them , and think it is gods will you should busie your selves in those employments for which he hath best furnished you , and in those stations wherein he hath thought fit to place you . if he had designed you for higher callings he would probably have given you a more suitable education , and furnished you with better tools . and if other men , who pretend to higher things , shall tell you that they are wise enough both for themselves and you , and thereby would tempt you to second them in their devices : be sure first that they have indeed all that which you find wanting in your selves to fit them for being your leaders in such bold attempts , and that 's not only wisdom and strength , but good authority and a just call unto the work from god. let them produce their commission , and shew you , thus it is written , and that must be the will of god declared in his word , not whispered into the ear by a pidgeon , not dictated from an infallible chair , not sent in some flash of new light , or suggested by something blasphemously called the spirit within them , for the truth of all which you must at last be content with their own bare word , which is sure to deceive you . if you have not authority from god for what you do , he will say , who hath required these things at your hand ? isai. . . to support the tottering ark of god must needs appear a thing well pleasing unto god , but let uzzah do it , and he dies for it , sam. . . be his zeal what it will , he must have patience and expect his call. men must know , that tho it must needs be good to be zealous always in a good matter , gal. . . yet should they take time to consider and pains to satisfie themselves , that the matter be indeed as good as now it seems to them ; and that their zeal for it be good too , for all zeal even for good is not so , and that the good zeal carry them not beyond the bounds of their authority . zeal for god must have the will of god for its rule , it is otherwise a blind zeal , a blemished offering which god will not accept . 't is a very absurdity and contradiction to act in zeal for god against gods will. it is not a mans own conscience that is his law-giver , or that can authorize him of its self to any action ; it is a part of its office to direct us , but it must be by the law of god to do his will , and must produce his commission to prove its own authority to command . gods counsel only can be our authority in such cases , and that must be revealed to us , before it can warrant us in our work . . where the command of god is express , there is no disputing about convenient or inconvenient , the thing is by command made necessary , and must be done whatever follow . but where there is no command from god , and you would do a thing because you think it expedient and needful to be done ; be sure you do it not till you have authority from those whom god hath placed to govern you , neither go about to move them for such authority till you have good reason to believe that what you go about will bring good , and not more hurt then good . many little inconveniencies are rather to be born then one great mischief so much as hazarded . i had rather indure some little fits of sickness , then purge , when i cannot do it without destroying my body . labour to see through to the end of your work before you set upon it in earnest . they repented of their folly too late , that by removing one tyrant brought in a multitude , much more shall they who not content to bear some small inconveniencies under a lawful prince , shall by rebellion make way through anarchy for tyranny . what government in the world was ever yet without some inconveniencies , 't is the condition of all things under heaven to be imperfect and to admit a mixture of evil. if a beam or post in my house stand so as either somewhat to deform it , or to be otherwise inconvenient , yet before i remove it , i would consider whether i can do it with safety , and not bring down the building to my greater trouble and cost . god never intended every kingdom to be an heaven , no more then that all men should be angels . let him therefore that would correct what is amiss in his own judgment , be sure he shall not turn all into an hell of confusion , and by a vain endeavour to make all men saints or angels , let in a devil which he knows not how to drive out again . having premised these needful cautions it is easie now to see what we are to do , under what government soever we live . our first business is , to find out that which we are sure will stand , and can never deceive us , the revealed will of god , and let all our devices be , how we may most effectually obey it . let us never be so rash or conceited , as to hope any device of our own can prosper that is not governed by this . let god therefore preside in all our consults , let his book lie open before our eyes , and advise with him before we attempt any thing , and then i am sure we shall never be a rebellious people , and unless our former sins have taken too fast hold upon us , it may well be hoped , no miserable people neither . and certainly god hath not been sparing in revealing unto us his own mind , so far as we should be concerned to know it , especially as it is to be the rule of our behaviour towards our governors . let every soul be subject to the higher powers , rom. . is a standing rule which god will never cancel : and submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , pet. . . is as sure and plain . put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good work , tit. . . give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods , mar. . . render to every man his due , tribute to whom tribute , custom to whom custom is due , rom. . let supplications , prayers , intercessions and giving of thanks be made for all men , for kings and for all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty , tim. . , . all this , and much more to the same purpose is plain enough without either rhemish or geneva notes to explain it to us . nothing of all this is apocrypha , nor the tradition of men . and he that can devise how with a safe conscience to resist the power and not violate therein the will of god , must have an art to make gods word say what he will. you see your duty as clear as the light can make it , be subject , submit , obey , pay tribute , pray heartily , suffer patiently , resist not at all ; if you will be happy , do it ; if you have any love for god , for your country or your selves , do it . think not that god can ever bless any rebellious or treasonable designs . his will of duty is , obey or suffer : his will of government is , he that resisteth shall receive damnation . let all your devices be , how by doing the one to escape the other . for the counsel of the lord that shall stand . next , observe the will of gods providence in the event , and rest your selves fully satisfied in it . having made your prayers unto god to direct all things to his own glory and the good of his church , continue in well doing , persevere in the faith , and say , o lord , thy will be done . think with your selves , that this is the due homage you owe unto god , this is the true love you owe unto your selves , this is a just debt you are to pay unto the world. pay therefore your debts , and give every one his due . . be just to god , and let him be your god indeed , and you do not take him for your god , if you do not cheerfully rest in his government , if you do not heartily rejoyce in all his doings , and give him thanks in all things always . why should you not do thus , but that you think he doth not well , or that he hath not an over-ruling hand in all that is done ? and either way , you cast him off from being your god , seeing you disown either his goodness or his providence . . be just to your selves , grudg not your souls that peace and comfortable rest in god which they might enjoy . if you expose your selves to the devices of men , whether of your selves or of any others , you bring your selves into a restless state of trouble and vexation . say therefore unto your own hearts , stand still and see the salvation of the lord. . be just to the world of mankind , and wish it not so ill as to change one infinitely wise and good and powerful governor for a multitude of foolish , weak and wicked tyrants , the lusts and humors of carnal men. what a bedlam would the whole world soon be●ome , if all men were left to be ruled by the devices of their own hearts ? iv. in the last place , let all such amongst us as fear the lord , and rejoyce to do his will , draw much comfort to their souls from this spring of consolation . what is there in the world that such men can reasonably be afraid of ? the counsel of the lord that shall stand , when all the world hath done its worst ; and this is his will and counsel , that nothing shall harm us if we be followers of that which is good , pet. . . against all the devices of men or devils , this is our armour of proof , gods will shall stand . we know not indeed what sharp chastisements our manifold sins may require , but we know this , that it is his will thus to purge away our dross , and resine us for himself , that we may be bound up among his iewels . we know not what strong physick our diseased souls may stand in need of , but this we know , we have both a wise and good physician , that knows our temper and what will fit it , and whose end is his own honour in our life and health , and who hath no delight in our torment , nor design to destroy us . if god permit the devices of wicked men , of what sect or party soever they be , to create us some disturbance , it is but either by the smart we feel to confirm us more in our just dislike of such religions as are to be upheld by blood and cruelty , or if he bring us thus to the fiery tryal , to carry us the sooner into heaven , that we may be safe out of the reach of all infection or vexation . a mans heart deviseth his way , but the lord directeth his steps , prov. . . the pilot steareth , but god gives the wind , and directs the ship whither he pleaseth . and this is the never failing comfort of all good men , that god is always at the helm . the clouds are turned round by his counsels ; that they may do whatsoever he commandeth them upon the face of the world or the earth . he causeth it to come , whether for correction , or for his land , or for mercy , job . . , . blessed be god , we have often tasted of his consolation , and by our former manifold experiences of his goodness , should learn yet more to comfort our selves with hopes of future blessings ; and that he who hath so often delivered us already will deliver us unto the end . there are but these three things can give us cause to doubt of it . our great unthankfulness for past mercies , our present uneasiness under and disobedience to his government , and our distrustfulness of his providence . therefore that we may be able to comfort our selves in him and the stability of his counsels , let us make sure of these things . . that we heartily praise his holy name for all the rich mercies we injoy , and the great deliverances he hath wrought for us at all times , and more particularly for those singular tokens of his mercy in the many deliverances and continued preservation of the person of our dread sovereign lord the king : a mercy , which many years confusion and misery should in all reason have taught us before this time how to value , and which god himself may seem to commend to our special notice by those truely wonderful methods he hath used to confer it upon us ; so wonderful , that hardly any thing can seem more so , then that there should be yet any among us , whom the observation thereof hath not convinced of the vanity of all rebellious and treacherous devices . many devices and much talk there hath been of late about the succession , but had our gracious king and his royal highness been taken in the nets of their enemies , an unhappy end had been put to that dispute , and who should have succeeded in the throne , any or none , one or many , it is happy for us we are not driven to consider . a long succession in all likelyhood we should have had of intolerable calamities , and might have despaired of seeing peace in our days . it is an easie thing to lop off more boughs in an hour then will grow again in many years . governments are like glasses , the easiest things to break in pieces , but the hardest to cement again . . let us continue in an absolute obedience and resignation to god in all the branches of his divine will , and particularly in a subordinate obedience unto his anointed . let the fear of god overaw us in all our undertakings , and let the same fear move us to honour the king , and restrain us from all disloyal attempts and thoughts . there is no comfort for rebels but what they must fetch from their own devices , and before they can find any solid comfort in those , they must cease to be rebellious either against god or the king , by submitting all their devices to the counsel of the lord. . let us place our whole trust in god alone , for vain is the help of man. his breath goeth forth and all his thoughts perish . then we best honour god , when in doing his will sincerely , we trust in him only , and doubt not of his protection , who is both our king and our father , and our merciful god. he is of one mind , and who can turn him ? and what his soul desireth , even that he doth ; for he performeth the thing that is appointed for us , job . . , . to conclude , let all our devices be only such as may concentre in the counsel of god , and gods counsel shall be the strength and accomplishment of all our devices . now to the blessed and only potentate , the king of kings , and lord of lords , the king eternal , immortal , invisible , the only wise god , who giveth salvation unto kings , and delivereth his servant our gracious sovereign from the hurtful sword , be honour and glory , for ever and ever . amen . the certain rule of peace and love in the church . phil. ii. . let nothing be done through strife or vain-glory , but in lowliness of mind let each esteem other better then themselves . that sacred truth , which our blessed iesus hath revealed unto us in his gospel , is the doctrinal foundation whereupon the christian church doth stand ; if this were lost , there could be no such thing as that which we call a christian church upon earth . the joynt consent of christians in this sacred truth is the erecting of this spiritual building upon that firm foundation ; and where this consent is not , in the fundamental doctrines of christianity , the church cannot be one . the love and charity of christians , which they have in the first place unto christ their head , as members of one body , united under him , and living by him ; and in the next place , unto each other mutually and suitably to their proper stations and offices in the body , is the cement wherewith these living stones in this spiritual building are held together ; and where this decayeth , the walls chap , and the house goes to ruine . all this we may read in those words of st. paul , ephes. . , . where the apostle telling us what care christ took after his ascension into heaven for the planting and governing of his church upon earth , the edifying of the body of christ , as he expresseth himself , v. . saith , all was to this end , that speaking the truth in love , we may grow up into him in all things [ increase in or unto him ] which is the head , even christ. from whom the whole body fitly joyned together and compacted by that which every joynt supplieth , according to the effectual working in the measure of every part , maketh increase of the body , unto the edifying of it self in love . now if this be the great end , for which christ furnished men with gifts for the preaching of his gospel to all nations ; that by imbracing that one truth preached , they might become one body of christ , and continue united in love , as the members of the same body , governed and directed , as well as enlivened by christ the head of the body , and mutually caring for , and assisting one another , according to the measure or proportion , faculty or office of every several part , for the benefit of the whole , its health and growth and preservation ; it can be no wonder here to find the apostle so earnest in his exhortation to peace and unity . if ( saith he ) there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels of mercies . it must needs be a matter of exceeding great weight and concernment , we must needs conclude it is something whereby god is highly glorified , and the salvation of christians greatly promoted , which st. paul would obtain at their hands by all these affectionate obtestations ; yea , 't is such a thing , as he saith , would complete and perfect his joy , fullfil ye my joy , saith he . he was now for the sake of that gospel of peace and joy to them , which he had preached unto them , a prisoner in bonds ; and he seemeth to desire no more to make his bonds easie to him , and his imprisonment a delight , but only this , that they be like minded , or mind the same thing ; having the same love , of one accord , of one mind . that they would live in unity , loving one another mutually , as one body with but one soul ; having the same affections , carrying on the same designs , all joyning heads , and hearts , and hands in a vigorous pursuit of the same end by the same methods . this is a request so very reasonable , that a man would wonder what need there could be of ushering it in with so much earnestness : the thing he desireth is so evidently good in it self , so apparently conducive to the happiness both of church and state wherever it is practiced , so much the interest of every single member of the body , that it is almost unimaginable , how any man should be so absurd , as not to gratifie with all readiness , i say not the apostle , but himself , in a matter wherein it is so visible , that every mans private welfare is so deeply concerned . what man is there among us that doth not profess himself ( of what party or faction soever he be ) most ready to joyn with the church in singing , behold how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity ? psal. . . it is so , without all doubt , and all of us willingly grant it to be so ; yea , and all of us would be glad to see it ; but then , it must be upon those terms only as it can never be hoped for . like two armies in the field ready to joyn battel , both are very willing to hear of peace , and would be content not to hazard their lives in the fight ; but each will have peace on its own terms only , and neither will abate an ace of its own demands ; and so still they are agreed in nothing , but in being unreasonable , and desiring that which cannot be . all the difficulty therefore is , to find out an expedient , whereby all parties may agree , not only in a general desire of unity ; but also in the likeliest means or effecting it . and truely this would be no very hard matter to bring about , were we all really as good christians , as we would be thought to be . we should not need to run as far as rome to seek for an infallible judge to put an end to our divisions : which why any man should see cause to do , i know not , except he be perswaded that no hand can heal them but that which made them . would we but only have that real veneration for the holy scriptures , which all protestants pretend to have , and submit our wills and humours , which some men have been apt to mis-call the spirit , to the directions of that holy spirit which we all acknowledge to be infallible ; and follow his advice concerning the means , whose exhortation to the thing we all acknowledge to be very reasonable , much of the difficulty would soon disappear . in order to the establishment of so excellent and desirable a blessing of love , and peace , and unanimity among christians ; something there is , which must be laid aside , as that which certainly obstructs and frustrates all peaceable attempts ; and something there is , which must be learn'd and practised , which will mainly promote this glorious design . but men are not so ready to do , either the one or the other , as the principles of christianity oblige them to be . what these things are we read in the text. let nothing be done through strife or vain-glory , but in lowliness of mind , let each esteem other better then themselves . here we have the best expedient in the world for the maintaining both of unity in faith and doctrine , and of unanimity in love and affection , and of uniformity of practice and behaviour , and consequently of the peace and tranquility of both kingdom and church . o that all they who profess themselves to be desirous of the happiness and prosperity of both ( as certainly all good christians are ) would begin to account it their greatest wisdome to learn with christian politicks of such as st. paul , men indued with the spirit of divine wisdom , which hath this double commend●tion , that it is first pure and then peaceable , jam. . . and would lay aside that other kind of wisdom , which they have too long admired , and been in love with , which is earthly , sensual and devilish , where by envying and strife fill the world with confusion and every evil work , v. , . how soon would the world look with another face ? how soon should we see that happily effected to the unspeakable joy and glory of christendom , which hath so long miserably baffled all the great wits of the world ? the rules here given us to this end by the apostle are two , . the former shews us , what we must remove out of the way , that peace and love may enter and take possession , in these words , let nothing be done through strife and vain-glory . . the other teacheth us , what is that right truely christian temper of spirit , whereby peace and love may be cherished and maintained , in these words , but in lowliness of mind let each esteem other better then themselves . let us now suppose , not only that all who read this are in profession christians , but also sufficiently convinced that it is every mans both duty and interest , strenuously to endeavour all he can in his proper place and calling , that the unity of the spirit may be kept in the bond of peace , as the apostle exhorteth , ephes. . . that our ierusalem may be as a city that is compact together , psal. . . that we may yet see those happy days , wherein we may take sweet counsel together , and walk unto the house of god in company , psal. . . and this supposed , the business of this discourse is not to perswade such men to do , what they can need no perswasion to do , to desire the return of peace and unity in the church ; but to take the right way to endeavour it , and to put every man his hand to the work in good earnest ; acting by those never-deceiving rules which st. paul hath here given us . and this that we may all do , our present business is to learn , . to understand . . to use them . and that in the same order as here they lie before us . i. the first rule here given us is this , let nothing be done through strife and vain-glory . or thus . these two things , strife and vain-glory must very carefully be avoided by us in all our actings , if we would contribute any thing to the peace and unity of the church . and god knows , they are every where too visible , as the two doors at which all our disputes and divisions , and whatsoever is destructive to true concord and unity , then which nothing is a greater stranger among us at this day , are wont to enter but never can find their way out again . to learn , first , what these things are , and secondly , how we are to remove them out of the way , will be enough for the understanding of the first rule and its use . . let nothing be done through strife or contention . this strife is a quarrelsom humour , a spirit of opposition and contradiction , a strange crossness of temper wherewith very many men are exceedingly troubled themselves , and are as troublesome to others : who are never well as long as they are quiet , or suffer others to be quiet ; their very life seems to consist in being sick of every thing almost that they see or hear , and they feed upon the faults and infirmities of mankind . the chief exercise of their souls is to be always gainsaying and contending right or wrong . they study not for the truth , but for the maistery and pester the world with disputes and invectives ; not to confute errors , and shame vice ; but to vent the boyling humor , and to vex those by whom they are vexed , tho not by any thing done to offend them ; 't is enough that they are not of their opinion , and that they are such as they are pleased to choose out for their adversaries , and to shoot their poysoned arrows at , even bitter words . men of this currish snarling temper must be snapping at every thing that comes in their way , and barking at all that comes not from themselves ; and usually the best things are with them the greatest faults , if they be not the authors of them , as rarely they are of any good , excent what by following their own litigious humour , they may sometimes chance to stumble upon . something they must ever have , whatever it cost them , to oppose to every thing that another either affirms or denies . this is certainly as wicked and devilish a temper , as it must needs be very uneasie ; and that which hath served satan to as many evil purposes , as any evil himself was ever father of . a pious and ingenious writer calls it very fitly , the devil's goliah-stratagem , which hath served him not only to desie , but even to defeat the armies of the living god. to these men may well be applied what the apostle saith , thes. . . they please not god , and are contrary to all men . in a word therefore , by strife , i suppose we are here to understand , that froward and selfish humour , whereby a man is so wedded to his own will and conceit , that he is always in a posture of defyance to every thing that opposeth either ; and prizeth his own opinions , only because they are his own , above the best reasons of other men ; is discontented with every thing that suiteth not exactly with his own sentiments or desires , and so idolizeth his own imaginations and inventions , that he thinks the publick welfare , the tranquility of the world , and whatever else will not fall down and worship them , but a cheap sacrifice unto them . this or something of it , is the thing which we are in the first place to remove out of the way . now how great reason every man hath to correct this peccant humour in himself , when ever he finds it stirring , and wholly to disburden his soul of it , will be very easily discerned by him that shall consider but these three things . . the evil root from which it grows . . the utter inconsistency of it with the truth of christianity . and , . the pernicious influence which it hath upon the church . . the root of it is not always one , but whatever it be , it is never good . in some men , it seems to be nothing else , but a certain kind of childishness , or a pettishness and peevishness of nature , as children are crying earnestly for every new thing they hear of , and will by no fair means nor foul be quieted , till they have it ; and when they have got it , are as soon weary of it again , and as apt to cry for something else , though they cannot tell you what it is ; and it may be for that same thing again , whereof but now they were so weary ; and those children above all others that are the greatest fantlings , and most indulged by fond mothers , are commonly noted to be of this pettish humour : such a giddy inconstancy there seems to be in many men . some little things there be for or against which they are wont to be very eager ; and yet can they give no considerable reason either for their like , or dislike of them ; but they are dissatisfied with what is present , and ( tho they cannot well tell what to call it ) they are very angry with those in whose power they think it is to give them what they want , and give it not . their phant'sies are keenly set upon it , and quiet they will not , nor cannot be without it , nor will they suffer those that are near them to be at quiet for them . surely this is not the temper of a sober serious christian , who like a good natured child , is content , so he have his wholesome food , which his father alloweth him ; tho he cannot have it dressed according to his own phant'sie : and is as unwilling , as afraid to make any disturbance in his fathers family about things that are not of very great concernment . in others , this looks like a contracted disease , brought upon themselves , by some disorderly usage of themselves . it seems to be a sickness and squeamishness of soul , much like unto that of the stomach , which ariseth from a disorderly diet ; whereby it is come to pass , that it na●seateth every thing , but only that which is most hurtful , and serveth only to feed the distemper . or , as men in some diseases long for many things , but relish nothing that 's offer'd them ; taste greedily , but spit it out again with a loathing . some men having disordered their heads by poring into some of the profoundest doctrines , which are too deep for them ; and having confounded their brains with ( at least to them ) unintelligible notions , are come at last , to think every plainest thing mysterious , and dispute like skepticks about it . some have so baffled themselves with wandring through a wood of opinions , that they can find no way out again , but presently flie out of every path that they enter into , tho for no other reason , but a phant'sie only , that it may not be the right . some have been so nicely educated , and taught to be so curious , that they dare hardly taste of any thing that another hath made ready for them , for fear of poyson , or at least fluttishness ; every ceremony is to some antichristian , and idolatry ; and to others a very idol , and christ himself shall rather want his worship , then it shall be indured by some , or not be worshipped too by others . all this is far from the healthful temper of the sound and serious christian ; who whilst he can have the daily bread of his soul which may feed him to eternal life , sits down contentedly with the rest of the family , feeds heartily , and gives god thanks , asking no question for conscience sake , either who first invented the fashion of the dishes , or to what uses they have been sometimes put ; all his care is to see it be the food his father hath provided for him ; and that all things are observed about it , that he hath commanded ; and for other things , he leaves them to their ordering , to whose care the government of the family is intrusted . in others again , this seems to come from an angry and waspish nature . some mens souls seem to be all fire , or else as tinder , the least spark presently sets them all on fire . they cannot hear so much as a word with any patience , or calmness , that sounds not just as they would have it ; and it is all one to anger them , and not in every little thing to humour them . and be sure of this , that an angry man stirreth up strife , prov. . . a wrathful man stirreth up strife , but he that is slow to anger appeaseth strife , prov. . . and as coals are to burning coals , so is a contentions man to kindle strife , prov. . . how far this is from the meek and lamblike temper of a good christian , i need not now stay to shew . in another sort of men , this may spring from a preconceived prejudice against the persons of men ; and then , as he that hath been taught before hand to have an ill opinion of his physician , is apt to disgust every thing that he prescribeth , without so much as once examining , what it is or how likely to conduce unto his health ; and by this means often deprives himself of the readiest means of cure , by a most unreasonable jealousie of being poysoned : so , when men are once possessed with a prejudice against the persons of others , especially of their teachers and governors , they grow jealous of their instructions , and commands ; and dispute where they should learn , or obey ; and quarrel with their duty , not because they think it is not so , but because they know by whom it is injoyn'd ; and imagine they can never enough oppose what comes from those , whom they have learn'd to suspect or hate . others are , it may be , not well pleased with their lot and station in the church , and cannot be pleased with any thing whilst they are displeased with that , but will think themselves concern'd to dispute against every thing that comes from such as are advanced above them . envy is a very restless and quarrelsome thing , and in whatever breast it once gets entertainment , that man shall never want an evil tongue ; if he have not wit enough to dispute , he shall never want malice enough to rail or slander . strife can never be a stranger to the envious , they are often companions , and go hand in hand in scripture , as rom. . , &c. we must not here pass by , without any notice , that which is called the root of all evil , the love of money . where the love of this world is , there is not the love of the father ; and then be sure , there will be too little love among the brethren . what a multitude of strifes and contentions hence daily grow up in the world ( every one seeking , who shall get most of it ) no man can be ignorant . and as little can it be doubted , that this is the cause too of some disturbance in the church . where shall a man hope to find a church that is sanctuary enough against covetousness ? and where covetousness finds room , it will be no news to see altar set up against altar . if every party in religion have a craft of its own to get wealth by , every party will cry up its own diana , and no diana shall want an army to fight for her . it hath sometimes been accounted a piece of good policy , to reconcile the factions to the government of the church , by giving them a share in it . and where this is practiced , the covetous will sure have so much policy too , as rather to be factious , then to be poor . there is no danger of disturbance from the moderate and peaceable ; let him therefore dwell poor in a corner , feasting by himself on a good conscience ; 't is pity to prejudice his expectation of a greater reward in heaven by giving him preferment here on earth . but the importunate man is troublesome , and must be preferred lest he weary us ; and the turbulent and seditious man is dangerous , and must be bribed to be quiet . and shall we now think the worldling a fool , to be either modest or peaceable when he fears to be poor by being so ? again , contention keeps up a party , and a party keeps and maintains us : if we stir it not , the fire will go out ; the zeal and charity of the faction will cool together : we have over-heated our opposites , and made the church too hot for us ; and if we keep not our friends warm , they will not keep us from starving . thus 't is well , if whilst god and religion is the word , and fairly writ in the banner , mammon be not set up in the heart , and the battels that are fought be not all his . lastly , i shall name but one thing more , and that is pride . and perhaps it might have been enough to have named this one for all : seeing we are told , prov. . . that , only by pride cometh contention . whilst one will brook no superiour , and another no equal , what 's become of peace ? one is angry because he thinks his merit above his fortune ; and another as angry because he thinks anothers fortune above his merits . one is vexed to think his own glory eclipsed by anothers shining too bright , and another is in a fume , that any man should dare to take notice of his spots . one strives to keep himself up at the hight , and thinks he grows lower , as he sees any other grow higher ; and they must all either be kept so much below him , as to look like almost nothing , or he can hardly think himself any thing . another thinks himself hot advanced at all , so long as he sees but one step more , by which he may ascend ; and will never leave justling , 'till he get up to the highest . it is a fine thing , to march in the head of a party ; and if this honour may not be bad , yet is it something to follow such a leader , especially in braving authority to its face ; and it is no little glory to be thought wiser then the most , and especially then our teachers and governors , or to be thought sufficient to set up for our selves . and it is an odious thing to be told of our errors and faults , and more odious yet to tell our selves and our followers of them , to call our selves fools , and confess we have befooled others . and if we contend not to uphold what we have done , we shall seem to destroy what we have built ; or to suffer tamely that to be built , which we have destroy'd ; and how intolerable a thing is this to a proud spirit ? he that is of a proud heart stirreth up strife , prov. . . but cast out the scorner , and contention shall go out , yea strife and reproach shall cease , prov. . . from whichsoever of these roots strife ariseth , or whatever else it may be that gives being to it , be sure we may , it is very evil . . in the next place , to shew how altogether inconsistent this contentious humour is with the right gospel temper , a very few words may suffice . the peaceable state of the gospel was in the prophets foretold in such expressions as these . they shall beat their swords into plough-shares , and their spears into pruning hooks , isai. . . the woolf also shall dwell with the lamb , and the leopard shall lie down with the kid , and the calf and the young lyon , and the fatling together , and a little child shall lead them . they shall not hurt nor destroy in my holy mountain , isai. . . & . accordingly , we meet with nothing in the gospel of christ , but the sweet breathings of love and peace . at the first revealing of our blessed saviours nativity , those heralds of heaven , the holy angels are sent down into the world , to proclaim glory to god in the highest , on earth peace , good will towards men , luk. . . he that then was born into the world was the prince of peace , the work he had to do was to make peace and reconciliation , his commands were peace and love , his blessing was to the peace-maker , and his legacy at his death was peace . he came to reconcile us unto god , and he came also to reconcile us one unto another , and to make of twain one new man , eph. . . he himself was the great exemplar of love and mercy , of condescention and meekness , of whom it was said by the prophet isaiah , he shall not strive , nor cry , neither shall any man hear his voice in the streets . a bruised reed shall he not break , and smoaking flax shall he not quench , mat. . . he lived in all due obedience to the powers , and in conformity to the customs that then were ; and commanded all to render unto caesar the things that were caesars , as well as unto god the things that are gods , mar. . . he smartly rebuked the two sons of thunder , iames and iohn , when they would in imitation of elias , have called down fire from heaven on the samaritan village , that had affronted him ; telling them , they understood not the true gospel spirit , luk. . . when he was led like a lamb before the shearers , as one that is dumb so opened he not his mouth , act. . . when he was reviled , he reviled not again ; when he suffered , he threatned not ; but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously , pet. . . so little of contention was there to be seen in him . and he hath given in charge to all that follow him , that is , to all christians , to deny themselves , and take up his cross , and to learn of him to be meek and lowly of heart ; who disdained not to stoop so low , as to wash the feet of his disciples , and lower yet , to converse with publicans and sinners . now , most certain it is , that if any man have not the spirit of christ , he is none of his , rom. . . and his spirit is the spirit of love , and meekness , and patience , and peace , and unity ; and teacheth all that have it , not to hate , but to love their enemies , not to curse but to bless them , not to render evil for evil , but to overcome evil with good , rom. . . and to pray for them that despitefully use and persecute us , matt. . . and. the servant of god ( saith st. paul ) must not strive , but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach , patient , in meekness instructing such as oppose themselves , tim. . . and if this be spoken more especially unto the governors and teachers of the church , yet is it not only , that they may know their own duties , but that they should teach others also to walk so as they had them for an example , phil. . . and as much as in them lieth , live peaceably with all men , rom. . . the apostle ranketh strifes among the works of the flesh , which they that do shall not inherit the kingdom of god , gal. . . they therefore that indulge this humour , must lay aside not only all pretence of being spiritual , but all claim to the kingdom of god. whereas there is among you envying , and strife , and divisions , are ye not carnal , and walk as men ? for while one saith , i am of paul ; and another , i am of apollos , are ye not carnal ? cor. . . where there is strife and envying , there is confusion and every evil work , jam. . . and who seeth not that this is utterly inconsistent with the gospel of purity and peace . . and therefore lastly , must it needs be destructive to the happiness of the church ; unless any man can be so unreasonable as to think , that confusions , and heresies and schismes can consist with its happiness , which evils the apostle joyns with strife , as the effects with their cause , or at least , as those close companions which are very rarely separated , gal. . . &c. sure it is , that an house divided again●t it self cannot stand , matt. . . the strength of the church which is the house of god , lieth in the unity of faith and love. strife is the very cutting asunder of that bond of peace wherein the unity of spirit is to be held . it is the violent forcing asunder the stones of the spiritual building , and dashing them in pieces one against another . unity of affections there can be none where strife comes , but a biting and devouring one another , and being devoured one of another , gal. . . and indeed an opening of a broad way to some common enemy to enter in and make havock of all . and the unity of faith is in no little danger . men of a contentious spirit are always brim full of objections against every thing , and must swell till they burst , if they have not leave to give vent to their uneasie souls ( always in travel to bring forth something new ) in troublesome disputations , which are soon begun , but not so soon ended . when the humour is once set abroach , it runs everlastingly . it would be labour to no purpose to say more of this , the mischiefs of strife have been a long time too visible not to be seen of all , tho they seem to be too little considered by the most , even so visible as to render the visible church of christ on earth almost invisible too . let us only here add the wise kings observation , and , if it come not too late , as i hope it may not to some of us , let us take his advice too . the beginning of strife , is as when one letteth out water ; therefore leave off contention before it be medled with , prov. . . how this malignant , and ( god knows ) at this day too predominant humour , which so destroyeth the healthful state of the church , may be purged out , the second rule will teach us . in the mean time , a question is , i suppose , ready to be here asked by some , which seemeth not impertinent , and therefore deserveth some answer . it is this . qu. are we christians bound , without any dispute at all , to swallow down every doctrine which our teachers shall commend unto our faith ? and must we without any examination of the lawfulness or unlawfulness of the things injoyned , rest in the will of our superiors , applying our selves , without any more ado , to the executing of their commands ? may we not oppose falshood , and contend for the truth , and refuse to do wickedly when we are bid by men in authority ? an. to this question , which hath been often ask'd , and as often answered , we shall here answer only so far , as it seems to reflect upon the rule here given , or what hath been said of it . we say therefore , let it be far from any christian to plead for or countenance an implicit faith , and a blind obedience ; or to disswade any man from making use of his eyes or reason in a sober inquiry into the truth of falshood of any doctrine that is preached ; or into the lawfulness or unlawfulness of any command which is given by men . all that we are to be disswaded from in this place is , that we do not any thing of this out of strife , or with a quarrelsome and contentious mind . do it in meekness and humility , and with a peaceable frame of spirit , as men truely zealous for the truth , and desirous to do your duty to god and man , and you shall neither hurt your selves , nor be obnoxious to the woe which belongs to them by whom offences come . more particularly , . we are commanded to search the scriptures , joh. . . for tho those words were spoken to the unbelieving iews , and not to christians ; yet , by a parity of reason , are we equally concern'd in the duty there injoyned . if they , having received of god the books of moses and the prophets , as the rule of faith and life , were obliged to search those books for directions in both ; and particularly to convince them of their present duty , now to believe in iesus as the promised messiah to the saving of their souls : as much cause have we , who have received the writings of the evangelists and apostles , as our rule of faith and holyness , to search them diligently , and to try all things by them , that we may be sure we obey the gospel of christ , without which there is no salvation to us . that we may be alway in a readiness to give an answer to every man that asketh us a reason of the hope that is in us with meekness and fear , pet. . . and that we be no more children , tossed to and fro , and carried about with every wind of doctrine , by the sleight of men , and cunning craftiness , whereby they lie in wait to deceive , eph. . and may not believe every spirit , but try the spirits whether they be of god , joh. . . leave we therefore this implicit faith , and taking things on trust on the naked credit of our teachers without all search and tryal of their doctrine , to the disciples of rome , against whose new faith were there nothing more to object , even this alone were enough to render it suspicious , that it is afraid of the light , and of a fair tryal by the written word . god forbid that we should put out mens eyes , and bid them stalk after others towards heaven in the dark , so long as god himself hath both given them eyes to see withal , and hath left them a plain rule to walk by , and a strict command to observe it . a judgment of discretion to discern truth from falshood , and good from evil , by such light as god hath given them , must be allow'd to all , if we will allow them to be men and not brutes . only let not this universal priviledge be abused to strife . and that it may not be so , take these directions . . have not the faith of our lord iesus christ , the lord of glory with respect of persons , jam. . . these words of the apostle iames , whatever interpretation they admit of as there used , i may thus accommodate to the present matter . let not the enmity or prejudice you have taken up against any man or party , nor yet the good opinion you have conceived of , or great affection for any such , byass or over-rule your search after the truth ; let them not corrupt your judgment , nor be your motives to embrace some and reject other doctrines . but impartially weigh them all in the ballance of the sanctuary , and choose them by their own weight . use men you may and must , as far as you need them , as helps to your own weakness : but consider their reasons not their persons , and what help you have by them , not what opinion or affection you have had for them ; left you run into an error not unlike that you condemn in the romish church , of pinning your faith upon your friends sleeve . for tho you thus may chance to hit upon the truth , yet shall you be found herein to act through strife , and that infecteth even your believing of truth it self with sin . . take heed of doting about questions and strifes of words , whereof cometh envy , strife , railings , evil surmisings , perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds , tim. . . see that they be not things unprofitable and vain , tit. . . that you are so earnest about . were all word-bickerings , and impertinent disputes laid aside , we should soon see controversial divinity reduced into a much narrower compass . weigh well the matters in debate , and be sure there is something in them that will quit cost , and pay you well for your pains . take heed , if the contention be but about a little straw , and things of very little or no concernment to mens souls , or the good of the church , that your zeal grow not too hot ; lest you set all on fire , and burn down the house over your heads . especially beware of that most unreasonable but very common disease of most wranglers , fighting about words , whilest you are agreed in the things themselves , and see it not for the much dust that slies in your eyes by your bustling about nothing . . search for the truth always , and that purely for the truths sake , and the usefulness of it . to find out gods will , and not something that may suit with your own wishes , should be your design . that whereby god may be glorified , the world benefitted , your souls saved , not your humours pleased . some men seem to take great pains to search for the truth , as before-hand resolved to hold it no longer , or at least , not much to regard it , when they have found it upon any other account , then that they see some others hold an error , whom they may be able to oppose with it : they value the truth for nothing so much , as for this , that it is a warrant for the exercise of their faculty of wrangling and contradiction . . search the scriptures sincerely and reverently as the sacred oracles of life , not being partial to any opinion which you have already taken up by chance , and are faln in love with . take heed of wresting and forcing the words of scripture to comply with your present sentiments ; or of picking out hete and there a broken piece of a sentence to patch up your own thoughts withal ; or how you judge of the sound of the words you hear , by the sound that already rings in your ears . go to the scriptures , as to the fountain of saving truth , resolving to fetch both your opinions and your practice thence , and to correct whatsoever is at present amiss in your self by them . this is to give god his due honour , and to let him be the sole lord of your faith. . content your selves with the most plain , easie , and obvious truths ; for those are also the most necessary and least subject to disputes ; and meet with least opposition on any hand , except it be from mens lusts , and against those you have liberty to contend with all your might , so it be in your own place and station , and with christian charity . remember always that in the scriptures there be some things hard to be understood which the unlearned are apt to wrest to their own and others destruction , pet. . . and in the interpreting whereof the most learned think it both their wisdom and duty to be very modest . how hard would it be for christians to disagree , would they rest in plainly revealed truths , which all good protestants are agreed to be all things necessary to the salvation of sinners . and how unreasonable a thing is it , when we are are all agreed in these , to strive even to the justling of one another or our selves out of the church , about those things whereof men may be safely ignorant , and it may be ten to one , whether one of ten ever understood . . have you found something , which seemeth to you to be a truth , whilest yet the greatest and most learned part of the christian world , and particularly of the church wherein you live , thinketh it an error ? set not your selves presently , as some novices use to do , in the pope's chair . remember you are at best , but fallible men , and should learn to be wise unto sobriety . love not to be troublesome to the world with your pretended knowledge , neither be angry that all mens judgments will not bow to yours . hast thou faith ? have it to thy self before god , rom. . . think it not a duty in you , to make all the world know what you think you only know , or the duty of all men to learn of you . a good and humble christian will satisfie himself in approving himself faithful to god and his own conscience , and will always have the modesty to think , that many men in the world are wiser then he : and for this reason he cannot think it fit for him , either to pride himself in his singular opinions , or to vent them every where to draw disciples after him , to the breach of the churches peace . we have a command indeed that our light so shine before men that they may see our good works , and glorifie our father which is in heaven ; but where is the command , to vent our opinions , that they may see our wisdom and glorifie us upon earth ? thus much concerning opinions . . now to that part of the question relating to the commands of superiours , we may say again more generally , that it is a most certain truth , that we must obey god rather than men , act. . . and that we are bound to use all the means that god hath put within our reach to be fully perswaded in our minds , touching the lawfulness of every action we go about , be it commanded or uncommanded by our superiours , rom. . . and we are well assured by the apostle , that whatsoever is not of faith is sin , rom. . . and therefore no man ought to be debarred the liberty of securing his own soul as well as he can , by examining the lawfulness of the things commanded . only let this again be done without strife . that is to say , . make it manifest by your ready and unforced obedience in all things , of the lawfulness whereof you are already satisfied , that your disobedience in other things , wherein you are not yet satisfied , is purely for conscience sake , and not through strife ; but that as you obey cheerfully for the lords sake , so if in any thing you disobey , 't is purely for the lords sake too . if this course had been taken in time by some men , they might , it is probable , at this day have seen the wisdom as well as iustice of so doing . he that with-holdeth obedience upon pretence of unlawfulness only , must needs obey in all things which he granteth to be lawful , or else he utterly voids his own pretence , and declares himself more a lover of strife than conscience . whereunto then we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule , let us mind the same thing , phil. . . . in examining the commands of superiours , make it not your business to seek out something which you may with some colour for your disobedience oppose against them , when you see before-hand no apparent reason , why you should not obey them . he that seeing no cause why he should not obey , goes to seek for one , sheweth plainly his affection to strife , and that the reason of his disobedience is not unlawfulness but wilfulness . take heed therefore how your enmity to the government send you a hunting for something to make the commands of your governors seem disputable . . be well contented to be satisfied in your own consciences , concerning the unlawfulness of what is injoyned by publick authority , and being so satisfied , take heed of two things : . that you be not too forward to iudge or condemn those that are otherwise perswaded , and think it to be their duty to do , in obedience to their governors , what you dare not do . it is an uncharitable censure to say , that others act against their own consciences as often as they will not be over-ruled by your iudgments , or cannot be convinced by your arguments . too much of this spirit of strife and rash censuring seemeth to shew it self in some late writings , wherein the authors forgetting what they promised , a bare vindication of , or rather apology for themselves , fall into a down-right accusation of others , even to that degree , as to deny them all possibility of satisfying their own consciences in what they do . i do not see whither such things as these can tend , whatever was the intention of the writers , but to the gendering of strifes , which i would fain hope them to be better christians then to make their design . however let us study that healing rule the apostle giveth , rom. . . let not him that eateth , despise him that eateth not ; and let not him that eateth not , judge him that eateth . who art thou that judgest another mans servant ? to his own master he standeth or falleth . . do not make it your business to put doubts and scruples into the consciences of others , to the disturbance of both their own and the churches peace . the itch of making proselytes to every mans private opinion hath ever been as pernicious an evil to the church of god , as that which is commonly said of men in the plague , were it true , would be to the neighbourhood , that a part of their disease is a desire to infect the sound . think well how you have enough to do , in a doubtful case , to answer god for your own disobedience to the powers , unto which he hath commanded to be subject for conscience sake , and therefore can have no need to engage your selves in that hard task of answering for the disobedience of many , which they would never have been guilty of but through your perswasion . i shall now only add a few things to conclude this first point . seeing man is so very restless a thing in this world , and it is so hard a matter quite to root out of him this humour of striving , let us endeavour to cut a way for it into its proper chanel , where it may run freely , and men may strive to good purpose . yet by the way we must be warned to put away all rancor , and malice , and envy , and wrath , and evil speaking , and all must be a strife of love. a man is not crowned , except he strive lawfully , tim. . . . strive we may then , and even for the mastery to obtain the incorruptible crown , cor. . . and shew us any thing else , that 's truely worth the striving for . for this , let us all be perswaded to fight with all our might and courage , yet not with such enemies as are the creatures of our own imaginations or opinions ; we have enemies enow to hold us doing , and put us to all our shifts , besides those ; even the same , which we have ingaged our selves in our baptism to wage a continual war against , sin , the world , and the devil . he that knoweth what these are , knoweth he hath enough to strive against . if we will have the crown we must strive to overcome all these ; this is to strive like a christian indeed , and this is our encouragement , the victory is sure , and it is a noble victory . foolishly therefore do we wast our time , and our strength in contending with one another about ceremonies and formalities , where he that conquereth shall but like the proud emperor triumph in cockle-shells . surely we think but little whither we are going , or from what we flee , and what enemies watch for our ruine , if we can be at leisure to stand bogling at straws . certainly we shall all have enough to do , without casting such rubs as these strifes are in our own way , to come to heaven . . strive together for the faith of the gospel , phil. . . but if we will do this indeed , we must as the apostle there also faith , stand fast in the spirit , with one mind . a scattered and divided army is easily vanquished by piece-meal , which in a full body might have daunted the enemy with the very sight of its number , order and unity . we cannot choose but be sensible that our faith hath very considerable enemies at this day , and how can we invent a way to do them better , or our selves worse service , then by keeping open our divisions , which hath cost them so much pains to make amongst us ? o how do they hug themselves to see us so industrious to save them a labour , and ruine our selves ? let us but be united amongst our selves , and strive together for the faith of the gospel , and we may confidently promise our selves what the apostle there addeth , v. . we need be nothing terrified by our adversaries . . let the ministers strive to preach christ , warning every man and teaching every man in all wisdom , that they may present them perfect in christ iesus . unto this let them labour , striving according to his working , which worketh in them mightily , col. . , . how much livelier a work would this be , how much more beseeming the ministers of christ set over the flock , thus to feed and watch daily over the sheep and lambs , and combining together to keep them from the ravenous wolves and wily foxes , then to stand pelting one another with ill words only to make sport for the adversary ? . let the people strive together with their ministers in their prayers to god for them , rom. . . to this end , as it there follows , that they may be delivered from them that do not believe , and that their service may be accepted of the saints . this would be a much more christian and profitable work , then theirs of whom we read , hos. . . the people are as they which strive with the priest : whether it were , who should outdo other in wickedness , or to oppose his doctrine , obstruct him in discipline , or revile his person and function in all companies . . let us all strive to enter in at the strait gate , luk. . . and who should go on fastest in that narrow way that leadeth unto life eternal . exhorting one another , and provoking one another to love and good works , heb. , . and not strive to anger and vex and revenge our selves on one another by unchristian and even inhumane affronts and injuries . . strive against sin , heb. . . let our earnestness against this common enemy of mankind be as great as can be . here exercise all our wrath and revenge . let us be very bitter against it , have no pity on it , resolve never on any terms to be reconciled unto it , or be satisfied with any thing less then its death . let us strive to subdue it and mortifie it in our selves , and to correct it as we have opportunity in others . it is a much better work this , than making sins of those things which are none , of indifferent things , or casting aspersions of sin upon others for those very things whereby they labour all they can to shun all appearance of it in obeying their superiors . . lastly , let us strive who shall outgo others in love and meekness , and tenderness of affection , long-suffering , and forbearing one another in love , eph. . . putting always the best and most favourable construction upon all one anothers words and actions , and exercising all our severity upon our selves , our sinful flesh and lusts . seeking how we may become all things to all men , that we may by all means gain some , cor. . . not to a party or faction of our own , but to christ. let this suffice to have been said of the former of these two things , which we are to remove out of the way , in order to the introducing of peace and unity . . the second thing which we are to remove and put far from us is vain-glory. and till this be put away , strife will abide , the vain-glorious man will ever be contending , thinking it the likeliest way to be taken notice of for somebody . this indeed is more usually the vice of teachers , then of learners . yet is there no rank of men which is not troubled with some spice of it : in speaking whereof we must shew , . what it is , . why to be avoided , . how to be cast out . . this vain-glory is a disease of mind , whereby a man swells himself up to what bigness he can in the sight of the world. either he hath a very high conceit of his own excellencies , and perfections , and is concerned that they are not as much taken notice of by others , as they are admired by himself ; and that all the world should not be as proud and fond of him , as he is of himself : or else , it may be , he is conscious enough of his own emptiness , and would make up what he wants of real worth at home , by the estimation of others . praise is the thing he thirsts for , and so he can get it , he cares not much what there is in him to deserve it . so he may but have a name and reputation of wife , and learned and pious , and other ways gifted , and qualified above others , and as few are , and be pointed at by the vulgar as he goeth for a few-such , he is well enough pleased with himself , whatever he be in truth ; he can fall out with himself for nothing but his obscurity , and too little care to make himself known abroad , or rather to deceive all men into a good opinion of him by seeming something that he is not . and therefore all his studies and endeavours are bent upon this one thing , how to be known , and yet unknown ; to have his person had in esteem and admiration ; and his real worth unknown , lest the knowledge thereof should abate any thing of that reputation and fame , which he so insatiably thirsteth after . so he may be had in honour , and advanced to some hight , he is well enough content ; what tho the statue be but of common wood or stone , and have nothing in it of the life of vertue , or any thing else that 's good , yet it stands in a publick place , and is finely painted , and guilt , and all that pass by look upon it and call it a fine thing , and fools admire it , and that 's enough . this is the thing in short . . now why we must avoid this vice of vain-glory , we shall see cause enough , if we may but be brought to see , . how odious it is to men . . how dishonourable to god. . how contrary to the gospel-spirit . . how destructive to our endeavours and hopes , and , . what a plague it is to the church and the peace thereof . . it is certainly odious to men of what sort or complexion soever they be . it is a thing which no man can indure in any man but himself , and for which , more then for any one thing beside , good men are apt to fall out with themselves . the proud man , tho he can freely indulge himself in it , yet can least of any man see it with any patience in another , nor can he look upon him as any better then as a covetous man doth upon a thief or robber , because all praise and honour he accounts his own due , and thinks whoever gets it robbeth him of what is his . he therefore is sure to condemn it in all men , if for no other reason , yet for this , that it stands , as alexander did betwixt the sun and the proud cynick , too much in his light , and will not let him look so shiningly as he would do . and the humble hates it because he is humble , and hates every thing that is sinful . so that all the vain-glorious man can get by his foolish ambition , is only that , which above all things he abhorreth and most studiously endeavoureth to prevent , that is , when ever he is discovered , to be despised of all . but this is little . . vain-glory is a thing most odious to god. how should any man think otherwise , that knoweth what god is , and what is due to him from his creature ? all honour and glory and praise , because all goodness is so , are his , and only his : and hence the vain-glorious man is the most sacrilegious man in the world , and a greater robber of god , then they that rob him of tithes and offerings , taking to himself the honour and glory due unto god's name , whereof he hath declared himself to be very jealous . the vain-glorious man may be called an idolater without a figure , making an idol of himself , and desirous that all the world should worship him . this we are plainly told , and that 's enough , god resisteth the proud , but giveth grace to the humble , pet. . . . how contrary vain-glory is to the spirit of the gospel is so visible , as nothing can be more . our holy iesus hath more particularly commended his own example to our imitation herein , learn of me , saith he , for i am meek and lowly of heart , matt. . . he sought not his own glory , but the glory of him that sent him , joh. . . . . he took especial care to prick this bladder in his disciples as soon as he espied it beginning to rise in any of them , as in the sons of zebedee , matt. . , . self-denial was one of the principal lessons he taught them , and he hath left it upon record for our instruction , that one great reason why no more believed on him and became true christians was this , that they received honour one of another , and sought not that honour that cometh from god only , joh. . . and loved the praise of men more then the praise of god , joh. . . now saith st. paul at the th v. of this chapter , let this mind be in you , which was also in christ iesus . what that was he tells us , v. . he made himself of no reputation , but took upon him the form of a servant , and humbled himself . if we will then be the followers of christ , and walk worthy of his gospel , this is the mind we must be of . . it certainly blasteth all our very best performances , and destroyeth all the hopes we had of a blessing upon them . even all those otherwise pious and charitable acts , which done in love and humble obedience are most highly acceptable to god , and have his sure promise of an everlasting reward , such as are fasting , and prayer , and alms-giving , when thus pharisaically performed for ostentation and to be seen of men , must all be content to take up with that poor , airy , pittiful thing , the plaudite and praise of a few sinners , instead of the approbation and reward of god , that , well done good and faithful servant , enter thou into the joy of thy lord , matt. . . lastly , how this vain-glory pestereth the church of christ , and disturbeth daily the peace of it , is a thing needless to shew in many words . it hath reigned too long in the world to have the innumerable mischiefs it hath done in the church of christ in all ages , concealed from any observing man. when once any man is infected with this disease , he groweth restless in himself , he longeth to go abroad , and to become popular , to be called rabbi , and thought a wise man in his generation , a master in israel ; and then conscience must be laid aside of necessity , as a thing which would mightily disturb him in his way to glory , tho a pretence to it , and to a very great tenderness of it , must by no means be made away , for that 's the best staff he hath to lean upon . such men always think themselves too much hid in the crowd of ordinary christians ; alas , what reputation and honour can it bring them to do , or speak , or write as other good christians do ? or what glory can come of living by the same common rules , whereby the whole body of christians are to be governed , tho they be such as christ himself hath given ? they are not only papists that affect works of super-erogation . the man that will be famous , must resolve to step out boldly before the rest , and attempt something that others dare not do , venture to be singular in some new doctrine or practice , that men may take particular notice of him , and admire his wisdom or his courage , saying , shew us another man that could or durst do this . nor can such an one be long without company , he that cannot have the honour of the first invention , will strive for that of the first approbation , thinking it some praise to be first able to discern the wisdom of a wiser then himself . men will rather be content with a fame at second hand then want it . and if he cannot maintain the novelty by dispute ; yet is it possible , he may soon be taught a catalogue of bad names , and when he hath them once on his tongue , whether he understand them or not , he can bestow them as freely as another upon any thing he is bid to shew his dislike of ; especially on those dull souls that can so contentedly go on in those beaten roads wherein good christians have so long walked before them . should we take a view of all the heresies and schisms , which have troubled and rent the church from its first plantation to this day , it is very probable we might find most of them coming from this never-failing spring of vain-glory. i close this with those words of the apostle , gal. . . let us not be desirous of vain-glory , provoking one another , envying one another . qu. some may possibly here ask , whether we christians should be wholly regardless of our credit and reputation in the world , and unconcerned whether we have a good name amongst men or not . an. to such we say with solomon , eccl. . . a good name is better then precious oyntment . and rather to be chosen then great riches , prov. . . every man ought to be truely tender of his reputation , even with b●d men if possible , this affording him many special advantages of doing god better service among them . honour and praise are no despicable things , and they may be sought and upheld in due place as well as riches and other earthly blessings without offence to god or man. let us only take heed that we take the right course to do both , and secure to our selves the true honour of really being , and not seeming only wise and good , and all will be well . to this purpose take but a few directions . . see that god have his due honour intirely to himself , and let us be content with ours as it shall fall unto us . let our principal care be to seek the honour that cometh from god only , and to have his approbation and well done in every thing , and we shall hardly want so much as is due unto us , or at least is fit for us , from men . to honour god is our great duty , and our great incouragement is this , them that honour him , he will honour , sam. . . whether and how far we shall be honour'd of men , whilst we are doing our duty , the only thing to which it can belong , let us leave it to god , that ordereth all things . by humility and the fear of the lord are riches and honour , and life , prov. . . if he give them , praise him , and return all we receive unto him : if we want the honour men should give , let this suffice us , that we can approve our selves unto god , by honour and dishonour , by evil report and good report , cor. . . . having made sure that god have his honour from us , and from all men as far forth as it is in our power to promote it . let us use the proper means to gain and keep up a good reputation among men ; yet not so much for our own sakes , as for gods and theirs . let us conscienciously do our duties , every man in his respective place and calling , by this means we shall be sure either to get a good name , or not to deserve a bad one . a good name thus gotten is very valuable , because it may be very serviceable to us to many good purposes , both in relation to god whom we serve , and to other men with whom we have to do , and to our selves as an encouragement to greater alacrity in our duty . but let us beware of these things . . how we make our own reputation the principal motive or end of what we do , for this is to seek our own honour more than god , and to rob him of the honour due unto his name . . how we seek to raise up to our selves a rame by any sin or wickedness , or an hypocritical shew of piety , for this were to build our reputation upon god's dishonour . . how we endeavour to build our own reputation upon the ruine of another mans , for this is a sin against both the iustice and the charity which we owe unto all men . . how we abuse our reputation amongst men to the countenancing of faction and sedition , or any evil thing whatsoever . in short . let our own glory always stoop and veyl to the glory of god , the edification of the church , the peace and tranquility of state , the subjection which we owe to our superiors , and the good of our neighbours , and it shall be no vain-glory. how both these , strife and vain-glory , are to be cast out , we must learn by the second rule given us in the text , of which we are now to speak . ii. in lowliness of mind , let each esteem other better than themselves . such a measure of humility as will make men esteem others better than themselves , will by rooting out strife and vain-glory , settle the church in a blessed peace . how this doctrine will be entertain'd and practised in this proud age , god alone knows , and to him we must leave it , when we have done our endeayour . our task at this time is , . to lay down a brief description of the grace commended , lowliness of mind . . to shew its great efficacy for the rooting out of strife and vain-glory , the two grand enemies to love and peace . and , . to declare the practice of it in esteeming each other better than our selves . . the grace or vertue which is here commended to us is humility or lowliness of mind . a grace which abundantly commends it self , and engageth the affections of all that see it , wherever it is ; but as all things of greatest worth commonly are , almost as rare as it is excellent . one most illustrious example of it we have to imitate , which , were its worth unknown , is enough to commend it unto all christians , and if it do not so , they are not christians , whatever they are pleased to call themselves . look upon the whole life and death of him who came to be the saviour of the world , iesus christ ; and you see this divine vertue expressed to the life . how wonderful then must it be , that it should be so great a stranger in the christian world , and so few that bear the name of christ have any intimate acquaintance with it ? tho all commend it in others , yet few labour to find it in themselves . this is it . an holy frame and temper of spirit whereby a man doth most heartily give all honour possible to god , as much as is due to every man , and is content with a very little for himself . it wholly emptieth him of all self-conceit , checketh in him all aspiring thoughts , maketh him truely sensible what he is , and teacheth him not to think of himself above what he finds himself to be , and to be content although others shall think him to be much less than indeed he is . the humble man is very much in considering himself to be the creature of god , and to depend wholly upon him , and to have nothing at all but only what it had pleased god to bestow upon him . he considereth yet farther that he is a sinner , and that he offendeth god daily , and serveth him at best very imperfectly and weakly , that he hath often abused god's goodness , and is thereupon become less than the least of his mercies : he acknowledgeth that his wants and infirmities are much more than his abilities , and that there is hardly any creature of god , but doth now , as he is a sinner , excel him in something , at least , in innocence ; and that in one respect or other he stands in as much need of them , as any of them do of him . he remembreth how unable he is of himself to help himself to any thing that is good , either for his soul or body , without the assistance and blessing of another . and now considering all this , and much more to this purpose , his own glory vanisheth from his sight , he entertaineth low and just thoughts of himself , as a poor , weak , wicked , and for that , a very contemptible creature , that can deserve nothing at the hands of god , not do either god or his neighbours , or himself any considerable part of that service which he ought to do . he looketh upon all that he hath as anothers free gift and bounty . he looketh upon all that he doth or can do in relation to god , his neighbour , and himself , as imperfect at best , and , without god's blessing , vain if not hurtful . and hence , he looketh upon himself as a very unworthy and useless thing , but only as he may be an instrument in the hands of the great and good god , and may by the power and wisdom of his manager be directed to something good . from hence it also cometh , that whatsoever this humble man hath , he holds himself , as a debtor to god for it , so also most unworthy of it , and it , whatever it be , too good for him ; and cannot but admire gods goodness and bounty to such a thing as he is , in permitting him yet to live . if he suffer any evil , he accounts it a very light thing in comparison of what he hath deserved to suffer , and therefore repines not at the greatness of his sufferings , but admireth gods goodness still in dealing so gently with him , and blesseth him that they are no greater . whatsoever he doth , if it be sinful , he taketh it all to himself , he owns the shame of it , and thinks of himself as a sinner ought to do : and if it be good , he blesseth god that hath enabled him to do it , and calleth nothing of it his own besides the imperfections of it , nor can he think any part of the world beholden to him for doing but a very little part of his duty in it and very imperfectly . nothing that he either is , or hath , or doth , can swell him up with any proud thoughts of himself , but still he is less in his own eyes than he can be in any mans else , and accounts himself a very unworthy thing . this is a man of a lowly mind . and that this is a right christian temper sufficiently appeareth from two things which i need but only name . . because it hath so much of the image of iesus christ visible in it , who made himself of no reputation , as before we saw . . because it hath his special blessing resting upon it . blessed are the poor in spirit , for theirs is the kingdom of heaven , matt. . . which i shall now suppose enough to commend this lovely vertue to the practice of christians ; and proceed to the second thing , viz. . to shew in a few words the efficacy of this heavenly vertue , to drive out strife and vain-glory. and the thing is so obvious , that this and this only can do that work , that it seemeth even needless to say any thing of it . for if only or chiefly , as solomon tells us , by pride cometh contention , then by what else but humility can peace and concord come ? the proud man knows not how to be peaceable except it be by the help of some other vice , such as laziness , covetousness , or especially , cowardice . and the humble man knows not how to be contentious , because he is humble . alas , saith the humble hearted christian , what am i , that any the least disturbance either in the church or state should be made either by or for such a poor worm as i am , or for a thousand such as i ? he hath not such high thoughts of his own wisdom , as to turn proud fool , and think that he may not be deceived as well as other men , or ought to be humour'd in his mistakes more then they , therefore is it alway far from him to commend his own judgment or opinion unto others as the true standard whereby he would have them measure theirs . how great soever such a mans knowledge is , be sure his modesty is as great , and this will ever restrain him from making his knowledge a trouble to the world. he will heartily bless god for enabling him by it to do others any service in seasonable instructions and directions in their course to heaven ; but he hath no temptation at all by it , to obtrude himself upon all men as their only iudge of right or wrong . he is so far from an eager desire and hunting after the praise of men , and all affectation of popularity , that there is hardly any thing he more dreads , then the applause and admiration of the many ; and nothing is apt to humble him more , by making him grow jealous of himself , knowing well how hard it is for a multitude to agree in the approbation of what is good . he thinks every condition that the divine providence allots him in this world so good , and indeed so much too good for him , as far exceeding his deserts , that he concludes it very misbecoming him to make any bustle to get up higher : and he is so well satisfied with the honour of door-keeper in the house of god , or of sitting at iesus feet to hear his words ; that he hath no ambition at all to be called of men rabbi , or to be esteemed some great one , and admired by the gazing multitude . his mean and modest opinion of his own improvements makes him indeed very inquisitive and industrious to learn of any man that he thinks able to teach him those things whereof he supposeth himself ignorant : and he blesseth god for the opportunity , and both loves and honours his teachers , and acknowledgeth by whom he hath profited : and if he attain to that competent stock of knowledge as may fit him to teach others , he doth it freely as the payment of a due debt , and he doth it as humility commands him , not scornfully and disdainfully , not proudly and imperiously lording it over mens faith , but as an helper of their joy , cor. . . not preaching himself , but christ iesus the lord , and himself their servant for iesus sake , cor. . . serving them in love , as the servant of him that came not to be ministred unto , but to minister ; ministring not to his own fame , but to the needs of mens souls . his humble thoughts of his own merits , make him well content with the honour and respect that is bestow'd upon him be it never so little , and all his care is how to deserve that little better then he thinks he hath yet done ; and to pay all that respect , honour and obedience which he finds owing from himself to others , willing to condescend to any thing that is not sinful be it never so low , for the good and quiet of that part of the world wherein he liveth . what am i ( saith he alway ) that for my sake or satisfaction , or the gratifying my humour or opinion , the publick peace should suffer , or any the least bustle should be made in the world ? thus it is impossible for strife and vain-glory to live where humility reigneth , it will certainly pull down every high thing that exalteth it self against peace and unity . . let us now see how this lowliness of mind is to be put in practice , and set on work , that it may effect this blessed and most desireable reformation , which we have all the reason in the world most heartily to pray for , and most strenuously to endeavour . and this must be its work , to teach us to esteem each other better then our selves . this is the work of humility , but where shall we find humility enough to do this work ? humility not only maketh a man little in his own eyes , but others great ; teacheth him to depress himself , that other men may have the advantage of him . a work this , of which i fear i may say , as was said of that , act. . . it is a work which men will in no wise believe , tho a man declare it unto them . o that men would be perswaded to think that such a thing can be , as this esteeming others better then our selves . indeed it is such a work as necessarily requireth the help of the mighty spirit of god ; mans proud heart will not down so low by any less power . but if we see not this effect of humility in the practice of such as we take to be humble , let us not say that humility cannot do it , but that there is not humility enough to do it . let humility be humility indeed , and it will do it . for this being its proper work , to make a man very vile and bad in his own thoughts , a little thing will serve if they have any so much as shew of goodness at all , to make others seem better . it needs not much goodness , that is only to be thought better then what is thought stark naught . it is however a piece of self-denial which every disciple of christ is bound to learn. and tho every man be a great lover and admirer of himself upon any very slender account naturally , yet christianity will cast the soul into another mould , and make us new creatures , and then we shall be able to do greater matters . but , say some , how is it possible we should esteem men contrarily to what we see them to be ? and we cannot but be perswaded that we see many men much worse and wickeder than we our selves are , and to say that we think them otherwise would be to lie . well , suppose you think them , according to appearance , worse than your selves ; have you done enough to assure your selves that it is not the want of humility that maketh them appear worse ? are you sure that if you saw with the humble mans eyes , things would not appear to you much otherwise then now they do ? think not the apostle here gives a rule which no man can follow , but learn to be more humble , and perhaps the matter may prove very easie let us try therefore what humility will do . . consider we then otber men , that they are either really better then we , or really worse . the one of these two they must be , except we may suppose them really in all points exactly our equals , which if they should chance to be , it is impossible for us to discern it , and therefore humility will be sure to weigh down the scale on their side . . if others be really better then we , there needs not much humility to esteem them better ; it is no act of condescention in us to account them as good as they are . 't is a debt we owe to iustice and truth , to value them as much as they are worth , and in doing otherwise we should sin against god and them . against god , by not honouring him in his gifts and graces , and so much of his image as we discern in any one . and against them , in with-holding from them that which god hath made their due , the pre-eminence unto which he hath exalted them in any kind ; in not honouring them whom god hath pleased to honour . we ought both in obedience to god , and in justice to them , behave our selves towards them as our superiors , whom it hath pleased god to place above us . the reasonableness and equity of this i need not to spend time or words to demonstrate , seeing no man can be so void of reason , as not to think it just , that all real goodness or excellency should have a proportionable respect and honour , tho all men have not ( i may say , but a few men have ) that humility to acknowledge those excellencies which are in other men . nay such is the crossness and perverseness of mens spirits , that instead of honouring , too many have wickedness enough to envy , malign and calumniate all such as they see above themselves in any gift or vertue , place or office whatsoever . and whence is all this , but from the want of humility , ( shall i say , ) or rather humanity , and that confessed piece of iustice of doing to all others as they would have others do to them . . if others be not better , but really worse then we , yet if we could but once be brought to understand the work of true humility , we should soon see , that it would teach us to think much otherwise of them , then yet our pride will suffer us to do : and that without doing violence to truth , or undervaluing any gift which it hath pleased god to give us more then other men . let us consider but these few things . . humility will teach us to descend very low into our selves , and to discover very much evil in our selves which lieth hid from other men . it keeps the thoughts very much at home , and suffereth them not to ramble much abroad , to spie wonders in other mens houses to talk of , and busie themselves with , when they should be observing the slut-holes and dirty corners of their own . the humble mans eye is very much fixed upon his own sins , infirmities and failings . and when at any time he takes notice of his own good qualities , of what kind soever they be , as it is his duty to do , it is not his business to make comparisons with others , to see how much he excelleth them , but to compare himself with himself , and observe how much he is improved in grace and knowledge , and how much better these have made him then formerly he was ; and this carries his meditations up to god in the first place , in praise and admiration of his infinite goodness who hath done so great things for him ; and next , unto the use and end of these qualifications , how they fit him to serve god and the world. but nothing of this can he consider without exercising his humility in reflecting on his own unworthyness , the thoughts of his former unworthyness serve him to heighten his admiration of , and thankfulness for gods bounty to such a sinner , and the thoughts of gods goodness in thus inriching him lessen his esteem of himself , and bring him to a deeper degree of humility , whilst he thinks with himself , how little he answereth the end of so much goodness , and how little good in the world he doth in respect of what god hath fitted him with ability to do . thus he never wants work enough at home for his thoughts to busie themselves , so that they have but little leisure to search into the failings and weaknesses of his neighbours : and when he unwillingly sees them , they are apt to seem but motes to him , because of the beams in his eye , his own sins , which he is apt so much to magnify , that the sins of others seem small things to him in comparison of his own ; or he considers them only so , as to endeavour their correction not their aggravation . the humble man cannot be vile in any measure , but he will be more vile still in his own eyes . but this same grace , and that other , which is never absent from it , charity , directs a mans eye most unto the vertues and excellencies that are to be seen in others ; which shine so much to him that for them he cannot see their infirmities . their vertues and goodness of any kind he thinks it of some concernment to himself to see and learn and imitate , and to praise god for , admiring his goodness to others as well as to himself . but as for their infirmities and failings , they mostly concern god and their own consciences ; and his humility teacheth him to leave them to god , and to take no further notice of them , then charity and his place wherein god hath set him command : and these will never command us to think men worse then our selves , but to endeavour to make them better then they are . thus humility rendring our own faults , yea such as others would count none , very visible to us ; and those of other men , either not at all , or so far only as they are of publick cognizance , reasonably moveth us to esteem them better then our selves . charity covereth a multitude of faults . . suppose we next , that very many evils in other men do visibly appear to us , yet still many of our own will also appear , if we be humble ; and in all likelyhood many more in our selves then in them . and besides those many in our selves , which we daily observe , we know there be , and humility maketh us think there are very many secret sins lurking within our hearts , watching an opportunity to break forth , and many that have privately broken forth and escaped our notice in the passage , which do not yet appear to us . so that how many soever the visible sins of other men be , yet still the humble man fears he goes beyond them in number and weight too . however , when the humble man comes upon any occasion to compare himself with other men , his wont is , not to consider other mens failings but his own , neither his own vertues but the vertues of other men . and as pride teacheth a man to compare his own vertues with other mens vices , as the proud pharisee did , that he may find something in himself to boast of : so humility teacheth a man a quite contrary course , to compare his own vices with other mens vertues , that he may be yet more humble , and think himself with the apostle the chief of sinners . . we will yet go farther , and suppose that other mens vices and failings may be much more visible to us then our own , and their apparent vertues by much fewer then our own ; yet the humble man , when he comes to lay the one against the other , is always ready to cast in all the advantage , and make all the allowances to others that can be imagined . he can partly know , and as far as he can know them , he is sure to take into consideration all the numerous aggravations of his own sins , and is very apt sometimes to lay on too much weight , even till he press down his soul almost into despair . but as he knows he cannot see into all the aggravations of another mans sins , being unable to see into the heart ; so doth charity restrain him alway from making any narrow search into them . and hence it is , that though other mens sins may be as visible to him as his own , so far as they lie open and obvious to the view of all men , yet shall his own be made always to out-weigh theirs in the aggravating circumstances which others cannot see . and again , on the other hand , the humble man considereth all the opportunities , advantages and incouragements himself hath had to be vertuous , and then all the good he doth , how much soever others value it , and see great cause to bless god , and love him for it , shall yet seem little and even nothing to himself , compared with what he thinks both might and ought to have been done by him . and as much doth his charity prompt him to excuse the little he seeth done by others , by a supposition of the want in them of all those helps which he hath had . thus therefore is he always saying to himself , what tho my neighbours faults seem more than mine ? what tho the good that he hath done seem much below what i have done ? his knowledge , it may be is much less then mine ; his opportunities of learning much fewer then i have had ; his natural faculties , which is not his fault , may be much weaker ; he wanted , it may be , the wise instructors and faithful monitors which i have never lacked ; he met with many and strong temptations , and lay under many difficulties , which i have been in good measure free from : were i under such circumstances , i should , it may be , sin much more then he , and do less good then he : and were he in my circumstances , had he the same means and motives and opportunities of doing vertuously , and lay under the same restraints from sin , it is probable he would do and live much better than i have done . thus the humble man is very apt to blame himself , but any thing rather then his brother . yea rather then not esteem him better then himself , he will charge much of his evil upon himself , and say , if he be wicked , it is much my fault , who have not done what i ought to make him good . . if the humble man be put to compare his own vertues with other mens vertues , and his own vices with other mens vices , ( which it is hard to bring him to ) he will set vertue against vertue , and vice against vice so long , that if it be possible by any means to bring it to pass , the scales of vertues shall ascend , and that of vices descend on his own side . and thus will he argue for his brother against himself . i excel him it may be in one thing , but for ought i know he excelleth me in many . i may possibly be free from some sins whereof he is guilty , but it is not unlikely he is free from many more that i find my self guilty of . if i be more sober , yet may he be more charitable and liberal , and i by my sobriety do good to my self , but he by his liberality doth good to many . i may be less prodigal , but he is less covetous ; i may be less careful for the world , but he is more serviceable to the world. i may pray oftener and longer , but he prayeth more heartily . i may be more zealous , but he is less censorious . i may be more chaste , but he may be more peaceable ; i may be more active , but he may be more meek and humble ; i may be more wise , but still he is the better man. . if he can none of these ways give his neighbour the advantage of himself , yet hath he not done , nor can he have done , till if possible , he do it . what , saith he , tho i see little good in him , may there not be much that i cannot see ? he talketh not so much of religion as i do , it is his modesty , he is afraid of hypocrisy , he is afraid it may become too vile by being made a common talk his humility is too great to let him shew himself too openly ; he is afraid to deceive the world into too good an opinion of him , or give occasion to any man to over-value him , or lest by admiring his vertues they should be tempted to imitate his vices . i dare not judge him as bad as he seems , except i could see as far into his heart , as i can into his outward behaviour . tho this be bad enough , yet there may be some spark of grace within , that lying yet raked up in corruption , and by an easiness of nature to comply with the customs of men , and an immoderate bashfulness to resist the temptations of company , or a timorousness of nature to venture on the cross , and the like hinderances ; or for want of good means and helps , is kept from acting and warming the soul with true devotion and piety ; yet it may in due time get life and strength and shew it self . and as i see not what good there is within him , so neither do i see half that evil that is within my self , the heart is deceitful above all things , who can know it ? yea every man is apt to be too favourable to himself , and too severe a censurer of others , and it is safest for me to judge my self , and leave others to stand or fall to their own master . there is nothing i have more cause to fear then a spiritual pride , publicanes and sinners are justified sooner than a proud pharisee that despiseth and croweth over them . humility stands more in the way of the sinner then of the conceited iusticiary . it will be seen at the last day who is best , he or i. now 't is enough that god knows it , who will then judge righteously . be he better , be he worse , i am content he should take place of me in my own esteem . it is my duty to set strangers above me in mine own house . i may lose something on earth by my humility , but pride will certainly keep me out of heaven . i may safely esteem others better then my self , till i can know both them and my self better then yet i do . thus will humility teach us to strive who shall give place to the other , and if the humble man can really think others better then himself , he will ; and if he cannot , yet he will do all that he can towards it , and that will , i suppose , satisfie the apostles exhortation , and will effect what is desired . if we be impartial in judging our selves , and not forward to censure others ; if we be not more busie in casting out the mote that is in our brothers eye , than the beam that is in our own eye , but more forward every man to reform himself then to find faults in others ; we shall practise according to the rule here given . having thus far seen how the duty is practicable , we may easily perceive how happy the church would be were it duly practised . and indeed , although a truely humble christian will hardly satisfie himself in doing less then all that hath been said ; and tho it may be , nothing less then all this will serve to denominate a man truely humble ; yet were something less then this well practised among us , we should soon taste the blessed fruits of such a practice . suppose then that the apostle by these words , let each esteem other better then themselves , meant no more but thus . either . that we should esteem , honour and love them better , whom we really think to be better . that we should not envy them , nor endeavour any way to lessen them in the esteem of men , nor strive to get above them , but let them enjoy without disturbance the respect and honour they deserve . what a happy change in the face of the world would even this make ? preferment would follow merit and every thing would stand in its own place and order ; there would be no justling for pre-eminence , nor any thing else but strength and beauty in the building of god. or suppose . that we should every one esteem our superiors as our superiors , and think them better only for this , that they are our superiors . if this were all the apostle meant , it would certainly very much avail to the establishing of peace and unity . there would be no resisting , but an humble subjection for conscience sake . and humility would teach us either to rest in the wisdom , or submit at least to the authority of our governors . the same grace that teacheth us to obey god both actively and passively , must teach us also to obey them that have the rule over us for the lords sake , actively where we can , and passively only where we must needs : and tho we could not see in them the image of god's wisdom and goodness , we would at least see and reverence the image of his power . . or suppose the meaning were , that we should do all things with that quietness and humbleness , as if we had every one a better opinion of the other's wisdom and piety than his own , as a very learned and pious annotator paraphraseth the words , it is too obvious how this practice would conduce to peace , to need any farther explication . or suppose . that all were but this , that we should every one look upon others as our superiors , thus far at least that we owe them a duty of love , and this is a duty that every man oweth to every man. nor will this debt of love be paid by any less than humbly condescending to promote their good , especially the eternal good of their souls by any the lowest and humblest services we can do them . were this done indeed and were , your humble servant as much the language of the heart , as of the tongue and pen , we should soon all write our selves loving friends too . o that we could all be brought to be more in love with this most charming grace of humility , not as it is in others only , but chiefly in our selves ! how happy a thing would it be for the church of christ ? where humility reigns in mens hearts , ( and it reigns not where it commands not a chearful subjection to all our governors ) it is impossible there should be any strangers to love and peace , or that there should not be on all sides a mutual and delightful administring to one another's comfort and happiness . there could remain no strife about any thing , but who should be most humble , and most forward to serve his brethren in love. i shall now close this discourse with a short exhortation only , willing to leave a more particular application of the truths delivered to every man 's own conscience . men may possibly be content , or else compell'd , to hear those things from the monitor in their own breasts , which they are too proud to hear with patience from another . if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels of mercies : if we are but so far christians indeed , as to think any of these things worthy to be taken into serious consideration , let us fulfil the joy of all saints & holy angels , of the whole church militant and triumphant , by our being like-minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind . and that we may be so indeed , let us be perswaded by st. peter , to be subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility , pet. . . let us once again think it the best fashion to wear that long difused livery of a meek and lowly saviour : by this will god own us to be of his houshold , by this shall we be known to belong to the court of the great king of kings . nothing can render us so beautiful in his eyes as humility . he giveth grace to the humble , jam. . . with the lowly is wisdom , prov. . . it is better to be of an humble spirit with the lowly , than to divide the spoyl with the proud , prov. . . it is the readiest way to that , which the proud man most aimeth at , but in his too much hast to it over-runneth : before honour is humility , prov. . . thorns and snares are in the way of the froward , prov. . . but god shall save the humble person , job . . . he heareth his desire prov. . . a mans pride shall bring him low , but honour shall uphold the humble in spirit , prov. . . he that shall humble himself shall be exalted , matt. . . for though the lord be high yet hath he respect to the lowly , but the proud he knoweth a far off , psal. , . what would we now have more to encourage us to the practice of this vertue ? we have here the promises of safety and exaltation , of riches and honour and life , prov. . . of respect from god , his presence with us , and his grace to uphold us , and after all , the kingdom of heaven assured to the poor in spirit . how is it possible after all this , that a gra●e so lovely in the eyes of god and man , should yet find such cold entertainment amongst us ? o let us entertain it now at least ; now i say , when it comes as it were a begging to our doors and beseecheth us for christs sake to lodg it in our hearts : let us entertain it , if it be but on this account , that some by entertaining strangers have entertained angels unawares : if we be not afraid of gods company , let us now open the doors of our hearts to receive it . for god comes along with it : he will dwell with him that is of a contrite and humble spirit , isai. . . let us be no longer self-condemned by commending in all men what we will not practise our selves . think but seriously what a world of mischiefs we daily are haunted with , for want of this grace . heresies and errors in the faith , scnisms and contentions of all sorts , both in church and state. had we more humble publicans and fewer proud pharisees , our prayers and our persons would be more accepted of god. but whilest so many of us stand bragging and boasting of being godly or orthodox , instead of confessing and deprecating our sins and errors ; whilest there is so much pride , scorn and disdain every where , and so little humility , condescension , meekness and obedience any where ; whilest some cry out , we are the only true sons of the church , and others , we are the only dear children of god ; whilest some are too proud to teach , and others think themselves too good to be taught ; whilest some excommunicate themselves to gratifie their own proud humours , and some as ready to excommunicate others , tho they own their authority , for not also humouring their pride , or espousing their private opinions ; whilest men are calling out to one another , stand off , for we are holier than you ; and many to their governors , why stand you there ? you take too much upon you , seeing all the lord's people are holy . whilest men are continually calling for fire from heaven upon one anothers heads , it is too sadly visible , that we have too little of the gospel-spirit amongst us . and what is it we can hope to gain by this opposing and resisting one another , but that god should be provoked to resist● us all , for he resisteth the proud , iam. . . and it is more than our pride will leave us any incouragement to hope for , if we be not made a prey to those that will glory in our ruine . let us therefore all labour , instead of censuring and gain-saying one another , to close at least in this one grace of humility , in the commendation whereof we are all unanimous . this will help to cover other mens failings from our eyes , and not only discover our own failings to our selves , but lay them open in penitent confession before god to be covered by the righteousness of iesus christ. instead of all the numerous arguments and motives which might ( were it needful ) be here made use of to perswade us , let it suffice to attend to that earnest exhortation given us by the apostle . col. . . &c. put on therefore ( as the elect of god , holy and beloved ( bowels of mercies , kindness , humbleness of mind , meekness , long-suffering ; forbearing one another , and forgiving one another , if any man have a quarrel [ or , a complaint ] against any : even as christ forgave you , so also do ye . and above all things put on charity which is the bond of perfectness ; and let the peace of god rule in your hearts , to the which ye are also called in one body , and be ye thankful . would we now be the children of god , and beloved of him ? then instead of strife we must put on bowels of mercies , kindness , long-suffering , mutual forbearance and forgiveness . and instead of vain-glory , we must put on humbleness of mind and meekness . would we be perfect ? we must put on charity . would we answer our vocation or calling to christianity ? we must be careful to keep in one body , and let the peace of god rule in our hearts . would we assure our selves of gods blessing on us all as his children ? let us not always stand complaining of what 's wanting , or what it may be , our own peevishness only makes us think is wanting when it is not , but shew our selves heartily thankful for what by his blessing we have . and the god of peace , that brought again from the dead our lord iesus , that great shepherd of the sheep , through the blood of the everlasting covenant , make us perfect in every good work to do his will , working in us that which is well-pleasing in his sight , through iesus christ , to whom be glory for ever and ever . amen . books printed for , and sold by iohn baker at the three pidgeons in st. pauls church-yard . duport in psalmos to cant. gr. lat. idem in psalmos to gr. idem in homericum to gr. lat. beveridge gramatica syriaca o. gore nomenclator geogr. o. alisbury de decreto dei to . dionysius de situ orbis o gr. comenii ianua cum fig. aeneis . lat. confessio fidei o. doughtei analecta sacra o. pars secunda . ignoramus o latine . exaltation of ale o. comenii vestibulum o. lat. eng. pasoris lexicon o. gr. lat. elegantiae poeticae o. quintiliani orationes o. glanvil of the sacrament o. burroughs remedy against grief o. preces scholae pautinae o. glanvil's essay's on several important subjects in philosophy and religion to . woodfords paraphrase on the psalms o. idem paraphrase on the canticles o. a sermon before the artillery company by dr. hicks to . a sermon before the artillery company by dr. sprat to . a sermon before the artillery company by dr. scot to . a sermon before the artillery company by dr. pittis to . a sermon before the scholars of st. pauls school , by dr. meggot o. two speeches spoken by augustus to . a puneral sermon preached on the interment of the lady elizabeth langham , by simon ford o. a funeral sermon at the interment of the lady mary hastings , by sam. willis to . an account of church government for the first six hundred years , by sam. parker , d. d. arch-deacon of canterbury o. religion and loyalty , or a demonstration of the power of the christian church within it self , &c. by sam. parker , d. d. arch-deacon of canterbury o. the service book in folio , in welsh . pools critici sacri in new testament folio , vol. separatim . caesar's comentaries with edmonds notes folio , with cuts . godwins and bacons annals , folio . finis . a vindication of the letter out of the north concerning bishop lake's declaration of his dying in the belief of the doctrine of passive obedience, &c. : in answer to a late pamphlet, called, the defence of the profession, &c. of the said bishop : as far as it concerns the person of quality. eyre, william, or - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a vindication of the letter out of the north concerning bishop lake's declaration of his dying in the belief of the doctrine of passive obedience, &c. : in answer to a late pamphlet, called, the defence of the profession, &c. of the said bishop : as far as it concerns the person of quality. eyre, william, or - . p. printed for awnsham churchill ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to william eyre by wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng lake, arthur, - . -- defence of the profession. church of england -- clergy. obedience -- religious aspects -- christianity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the letter out of the north , concerning bishop lake's declaration of his dying in the belief of the doctrine of passive obedience , &c. in answer to a late pamphlet , called , the defence of the profession , &c. of the said bishop . as far as it concerns the person of quality . licens'd , jan. . / . london ; printed for awnsham churchill , at the sign of the black swan , near amen-corner . . a vindication of the letter out of the north , &c. dear sir , i deferred my thanks for your last , till i could tell you i had received the little pamphlet , wherein you thought i had some concern , therefore if this appear a slow return to yours , you are to blame the carrier's pace , which was not like to mend in so bad weather and ways . but this is to own that i yesterday received it ; and being at present from my own house , and wanting the convenience of my books and papers here , i thought it better to give you an account of those things which a first and second reading suggested , than to take a longer time to consider of it , and thereby raise your expectations beyond what i can come up to . but besides , the letter you sent me being both without date and licence , i know not how long i may have been in this worthy author's debt , and therefore make all the haste i can to get out of it . for altho i did not intend to have troubled either him or the world with any more of my pamphlets , yet the respect that he is pleased to shew to my quality , is so particular and obliging , that i was afraid i should have disperaged my breeding , if i had not made my acknowledgments for it . i might indeed have returned his complement , and begg'd your pardon for giving you a trouble for which there is so little occasion ; for i believe there are some that think his letter does as little need an answer as mine did . but i 'le assure you i am very sensible of his favour in taking notice of such a trifle , when so many learned and weighty treatises lie by him unanswered ; therefore shall not suppose he pick'd mine out because it was the weakest , but because there was something in it that deserved an answer . but yet i must not be so vain as to assume all the good language in the book to my self ; for , to speak the truth , he has pretty equally dispenced his favours between three of us ; but mine being the largest part , i shall leave the other two to answer for themselves , while i admire the author's dexterity in knocking down three at one blow ; i have indeed heard of killing two birds with one stone before , but three at a time , besides routing a whole party , is so extraordinary , that i begin to fear bombs will come in fashion in this kind of war also , for one single bullet could never have made such destruction : but if there be such execution by the by , alas , what will become of me , against whom the murderous engine was directly levelled ? but you will suppose that i have a little too much business on my hands to make a long preamble , therefore shall proceed to the letter , and take it as it rises . and in the first place , he presents us with a short , and so very short an account of the good bishop's life , from his cradle to his last sickness , that i have nothing to except against it , but that it is no longer ; and to beg leave to inform the author a little better in one passage of it , which i must confess i did a little wonder to see insisted on , because that of his exposing himself to the rabble was not by his friends look'd on as the most prudent act of his life . but the truth as well as the short of the story , is this : they have for a long time at york had a custom ( which now challenges the priviledg of a prescription ) that all the apprentices , journy-men , and other servants of the town , had the liberty to go into the cathedral , and ring the pancake-bell ( as we call it in the country ) on shrove-tuesday ; and that being a time that a great many came out of the country to see the city , ( if not their friends ) and church ; to oblige the ordinary people , the minster used to be left open that day , to let them go up to see the lanthorn and bells , which were sure to be pretty well exercised , and was thought a more innocent divertisement than being at the alehouse . but dr. lake , when he came first to reside there , was very much scandaliz'd at this custom , and was resolved he would break it at first dash , altho all his brethren of the clergy did disswade him from it . for altho they had as much zeal both for the honour of god and the church as he could have , yet being better acquainted with the temper of the people than he was , they knew it would be a vain , as well as hazardous thing to attempt it : but all their arguments could not prevail , for he was resolved to make the experiment , for which he had like to have paid very dear , for i 'le assure you 't was very near costing him his life , and others too , that in kindness came at first to disswade him , but had much ado to secure themselves . but however he did make such a combustion and mutiny , that i dare say york never remembred nor saw the like , as many yet living can testify . but how well soever the good man designed in the thing , ( as i verily believe he did ) yet his zeal was so indiscreetly managed , that it had like to have produced the worst of mischiefs ; and therefore in some peoples opinion , that were better judges of the fact than i was , he did not deserve any encomium for it . but however at this time it would not be very reasonable to follow such an example , which was all i took notice of it for . the other memorable thing he relates , of his entring into episcopal orders in the time of the late distractions , is truly praise-worthy , altho he is not the only man that did it ; for i know one that now fills as eminent a place in the church as bp lake ever did , that did the same thing , and that under more discouraging circumstances , for he had not only the danger of the times to contend with , but was to reject the importunity of his friends also , nay more than that , to overcome himself , and root out all those prejudices that a contrary education ( for he was brought up a strict presbyterian ) and prepossession had implanted in him , which were indeed such difficulties as might have discouraged any body but himself , but by god's grace he overcame them all , and is now as useful , as eminent in that church , to which he dedicated himself six years before k. charles the d's restoration . but i do not say this to derogate from bp lake , for the more instances the better , of such heroick vertue ; therefore could have wish'd that our author had given us a larger account of that excellent bishop , whose life i dare say might have furnished him with a great many more remarkable passages ; however i think there is nothing more that i need insist upon in the first part , for i do not know that i ever questioned either the bishop's making of the profession , or the solemnity of the circumstances with which it was done , therefore must crave leave to tell my author , that he has a little mistaken the point , for 't was not the making , but the publishing of it that i excepted against : for to another body it would be pretty evident that it was only the publishing of it that seemed so unaccountable to me , although indeed it 's a parenthesis , and only in that , is said , that there seemed no greater occasion for the making of it , than there was for my lord archbishop to put out manifesto's to tell the people he is suspended on the same account . ( for these are the very words of the letter : ) and where the great offence of them lies , or the angry objection against the making of the protestation , i must confess i do not yet see . for i hope the putting him in the same form with his grace of canterbury , could be no affront or disparagement ; however i dare say the good bishop would not have thought it so . but the person of quality is upon all occasions so extreamly obliged to this worthy author , that 't is all one what i say , for even my own encomiums meet with this return ; for these are his words , his civility and due respect for the memory of the late reverend bishop , i should with all thankfulness most readily acknowledg , if i could think it not designed , with the better grace and more ceremony , to cast a blemish upon one of the last and most solemn acts of his life . but i wonder how long he and the person of quality have been so intimately acquainted ; for although i am sure he does not know my face , yet he pretends to know my heart a great deal better than i do my self , ( if the inferences he is pleased to make in this and some other places are true ) for i can assure you he tells me of designs i never thought on . but since he makes such objections ▪ i hope he will take care to answer them , for i thank god i am not at all concerned to do it . but in the mean time he did very well to slip his own neck out of the collar ; and though he pretends to answer my letter , yet waves the main point , which was the design of publishing the protestation ; which he tells us does not at all concern his friends , who had no hand in it . but truly that would hardly be credible , if he did not affirm it ; for not many lines before , the person of quality is accused for designing to cast a blemish on the last and most solemn act of his life . upon which , if this be true , it seems his friends set no very great value ; for methinks 't is pretty odd that what was signed and asserted so solemnly , should be immediately so exposed , that the witnesses and friends , should neither know how , nor why it was made publick ; but that was a query that i believe it was not convenient to answer , and so did very well to start a new question ; and although he will not tell you why the profession was publish'd ( though he knows it as well as most men in england ) yet he will tell you as good a thing , and that is , the reason why the bishop made it . but before he can do that , he must have t'other fling at the person of quality , in whom he has made such discoveries , as i dare say , you in so many years acquaintance have never made . but quality indeed , were a very desirable thing , if it would make one more sagacious than other people ; but poor i , am like to lose my gentility , because i am not so quick-sighted , as to see what is so obvious to persons of less rank and quality , than i would be thought of ; for still he will be divining my thoughts , but has hitherto been so much out , that i would not advise him to set up for a fortune-teller , of all things , unless he can make better guesses at other peoples hands , than he has from my writing : for although i do extreamly value the esteem of good men , yet i never desired either to be , or to be thought a great man. so that without any offence , he may believe me a chimney-sweeper , or a cobler , if he pleases . but now he tells us , that all men of reason , knew that the reasons for the doctrine of passive obedience could not be contained in so small a compass , and are not well consistent with the design of a profession . but if the design of it was to give the world satisfaction , and that in a controverted point , which was no fundamental of the faith , nor any way essential either to the being or well-being of the church ; then i cannot think it would have been superfluous to have subjoined the reasons that made him of that opinion , rather than of the other . for there being as many great and good men too , of the other side , bishop lake's bare name and opinion is not of weight enough to turn the scales , and so we of the laity must still remain in suspence : for we must dissent from some of our reverend fathers in god , let us take which side we please ; and being willing to hear both , should have been very glad to have seen the bishop's reasons for his adhering so stifly to that doctrine . for , with submission to the reverend author , what satisfaction soever it might give the good bishop in the making , the publishing has not given the world very much , for it only tells us , that he lived and died in that opinion : for really , i cannot yet see any great weight in that argument of his having been bred and born in it ; nay , indeed , i think it is no argument at all ; for it being common to all religions , cannot be a proof of the truth of any . and those which do lay any great weight upon that , i should suspect had but very little to say for that religion , or opinion , that must be adhered to only on that account . but to prove the properness of the argument , the author is pleased to cite the saying of st. polycarp , who when , at his martyrdom , he was offered his life if he would revile our saviour , answered , that he had now served him years , and he never did me , says he , any injury , and how can i blaspheme my king and my saviour ? this was ( adds my author ) thought so considerable , as to be recorded in ecclesiastical history , and delivered down to posterity . though i suppose it can be no more imagined that christians only lived then to years of age , than that only men of the church of england now are bred and born in their religion . but what then ? for really he would have obliged such a dull creature as the person of quality is mightily , if he would have told him the inference that he is to make from this extraordinary comparison : for all that i can make of it is this , in polycarp's days , other people besides himself lived to be years old . ergo , bishop lake's being bred and born in the doctrine of passive obedience , is an undeniable proof of the truth of it . and in his next paragraph he brings another evidence for the antiquity of it , that i think is not much short of this , as to the end it was designed for ; for he tells us , the bishop had lived to hear it affirmed , that passive obedience was a doctrine of but or years standing . but his testimony alone being sufficient to confute that error , it was most proper and requisite for him to aver , that he was educated in that doctrine , and that it was not only as old as he could remember , who was now years of age , but that it was taught him as an ancient doctrine . and this , sir ( says he ) was the way of maintaining the truth of old , by pleading against hereticks . what ? by bringing a youth of years old ( for bishop lake was no more years ago ) to depose for the antiquity of a doctrine , and by the single instance of his being brought up in it , prove the universality of it . and if this be such convincing evidence of his side , and if he would please to give us leave to bring in our witnesses , 't is possible we might produce as ancient and authentick persons , who would tell us another story . although truly for my own part , i can easily believe the doctrine to be of a much ancienter date than fifty years , and 't is possible might be taught by some from the reformation . for there was some reason to cajole henry the eighth , and so to make him more favourable to them , they might tell him what good passive subjects they were like to make ; which was a thing he liked very well , and therefore it might be a prevalent argument with him to encourage them as much as he could ; but for all that , i am very far from believing it was the faith of the whole clergy , either then , or at any time since ; but yet believe it gained more ground since king charles's restauration , and was more generally received than ever it was before ; but yet for all that , sir , i am sure that both you and i know some of the eminent fathers of our church , who never owned it in that latitude that bishop lake and some others preach'd it up at . but after all , the truth is , no doctrine ought to be valued for the antiquity , but the truth of it . for at that rate heathenism might claim the preference to christianity , because 't is certain it had the precedence of it ; but truth is truth , though reveal'd but yesterday , and error not the less error ( but the more to be avoided ) for being of some hundred of years standing . but for all those weighty reasons for the bishop's making this profession , i cannot say that i yet see any reason to change my opinion . for i do still believe that his submitting to a suspension , was a more convincing proof of his opinion , than a thousand volumns ; nay , i will say , than a thousand such protestations : for i dare appeal to the author himself , whether if bishop lake had not submitted to suspension , he would have believed this or any other protestation of that nature that he could have made ; so that it still seems very evident to me , that though he made it to please himself , yet there was no necessity on the bishop's account to make it publick ; the world being as much satisfied of his opinion as they could be . but although the author does not think fit to tell us what were the designs of publishing it , yet he is pleased to quarrel with the inferences i make from it , but how justly , you shall see presently : for i thank him , instead of confuting , he has confirm'd my first inference , so that truly i have no reason to be offended , although he says he has now found out the cause why i am so . but at this time the person of quality is not a community , but speaks only for himself in his private capacity ; so that i dare not undertake for others , to whom perhaps he has given provocation enough : but they being to be judges in that matter , i have nothing more to say to that , only to observe , that instead of denying what i charged the profession with , the cutting off the clergy in queen elizabeth's days , he does now absolutely cut off the greatest part of our clergy now , that is , i am sure the major part of the bishops of this kingdom , from being true sons of the church of england ; for which , if you please , you may read his own words ; where repeating my first inference , which was to suppose that the protestation did insinuate that from the beginning of the reformation , ever since the church of england was restored to its purity , passive obedience was the corner-stone of it , for 't is call'd ( though he omits that clause , which perhaps is the reason he does not understand the epithite ) the distinguishing character of the church of england . to which he replies , that whatever my meaning may be in calling it the corner-stone , he must tell me plainly , that passive obedience has been ever the doctrine of the church of england . and when i say afterwards , so that it seems none were accounted her true sons , that did not hold it ; if he means , that none besides were accounted to hold her doctrines whole and entire , or to hold all the truth which she teaches , the design of the paper is to assert it too . but here i must admire the author's cunning extreamly , though i cannot much commend either his ingenuity or good nature ; for although he does very peremptorily in his own name tell the person of quality plainly , that passive obedience has been ever the doctrine of the church of england , yet he is so kind to bishop lake as to allow him the honour of condemning all that did not receive it : for he owns it was the design of the paper to assert they were not true sons that did not . but , first , i would know by what particular priviledg it is , that bishop does take upon him to censure so many of his brethren ; and in the next place i would be willing to be informed what authority the author had to pronounce such a sentence against so many of his superiours . but whether he will think fit to answer these two queries or no , we have got a good experiment by the by ; for although at first he pretended ignorance as to the design of publishing the paper , he now owns it with a witness , by which it seems the person of quality was not so very much out in his guess ; but however , he did very wisely to lay all the blame on the poor bishop . but by the treatment the living clergy receive from him , you may suppose the dead had not fared much better ; for they had all certainly been cut off at one slap , but that , by good fortune for them , he can bring them over to his party . but that is the thing now to be examined ; though having not at present the command of my books , ( as i told you at the beginning ) i shall take the gentleman's quotations , hoping he has dealt a little more faithfully with his authors , than he has with the person of quality in some places , as i shall shew hereafter . and since for expedition-sake i allow all his citations ; all that remains for me to consider , is , whether his inferences from them will hold or no. and in answer to what i urged of the clergies giving queen elizabeth three such considerable subsidies on the account of her assisting and protecting the scotish and french protestants , &c. he is pleased to undertake to prove two things : first , that queen elizabeth did not assist the scots or french in any rebellion , but always declared the contrary . but before he comes to that , he is to premise two things , which i shall very willingly yield him ; the first is , that for soveraign princes in war to serve themselves of the treachery and revolt of another prince's subjects , is no more than what is always done , and is by the law of nations held lawful , and the necessity of affairs seems to require it . secondly , that it is lawful for princes to make the best terms they can , for subjects that have been serviceable to their interest in a just war , tho by rebellion against their own prince . and now it may not be amiss to collect the observations these two positions will afford us : for the premisses being granted on both sides , i hope the conclusions will not be denied by either . and from the first we may infer that 't is not only lawful , but sometimes necessary , to encourage rebellion in a neighbouring prince's kingdom ; or else i cannot very easily imagine what he means by saying , the necessity of affairs seems to require it . for it seems the good and preservation of a nation is a thing of such vast concern , that princes are dispensed with , and not obliged by the rules of common justice ( as he himself tells us in the same page . ) and since he is pleased to grant this , i know not why he should stick at the further consequence , which he is sensible does naturally enough flow from the former , and therefore would prevent the objection : and says , 't is no good consequence that subjects may rebel , because foreign princes may take advantage by their rebellion to recover their own rights , or to secure their dominions . but if it be lawful for a king , for the security of his own people , to raise or foment a rebellion in his neighbour's country , i cannot see but it may be as lawful for subjects to assert their own rights against their own prince , as it is to secure themselves by setting others subjects against their king , unless he will please to say that subjects have no interest nor concern in the common safety , but are obliged to stand still to have their throats cut , which would be a pretty odd superstructure upon the foundation he just now laid . for surely the dispensation that he says is given to princes , by which they are exempt from following the rules of common justice , was not given on their own but the peoples account . and if a petty prince may lawfully engage all the great kingdoms of europe in war and confusion for the security of his own subjects , shall the rights of those subjects be so inconsiderable to them , that they must lose them tamely , if their prince should mistake his office , or misemploy his power , and subvert those rights he is obliged to maintain ? for although , by our author 's own position , kings may lawfully do unjust things for the preservation of the rights and liberties of their subjects ; yet neither this author , nor any i have yet met with , will say that it is lawful for a king to destroy his subjects , or subvert the government , although indeed some have said that we ought to submit and be passive if they will do it . but truly our author has given us too high a value of our priviledges ( which it seems are to be preferr'd before our king's virtue and justice ) to make us part with them so easily . but perhaps we may be a little mistaken in the nature of rebellion , and it may not be so great a sin in some countries as others ; and so we may lawfully excite them to that which we are not to commit our selves : but besides that , this is a little too much encroaching upon the devil's office , who was first known by the name of tempter among men , ( and truly much upon the same score that he allows princes to do it for the preservation and enlargement of their own dominions ) but besides this , i say , if it be but a small sin in comparison in other countries to what it would be here ; yet since our saviour hath told us , mat. . . that he that teacheth men to break one of the least commandments , shall be the least in the kingdom of heaven ; i thought this had been as standing a rule of the church of england as passive obedience it self . for to make another body sin , i always thought not a lesser , but a higher guilt , than to commit it my self , having his fact , as well as my own contrivance , to answer for . for i think i may as lawfully be drunk my self , as designedly make another so . and in another vice , the procurer is thought more inexcusable and odious too , than the party that employed them , who may perhaps be under a greater temptation . but however , this is evident , that 't is not the doing of the thing , but the taking pleasure in them that do it , that is by the apostle , rom. . . set down for the highest pitch of sin and wickedness . therefore if , as our auther has observed , the necessity of affairs should require us to become tempters , let us not assume the other part of the devil's title , and turn accusers of our brethren also , and condemn them for that to which we have betrayed them , but find some gentler name for that which our author grants may not be only useful , but sometimes necessary , for the preservation of a nation . but although i have been longer on this than i designed , yet i must not wholly balk the second position , for that will afford us some very useful observations , for he tells us , 't is lawful for princes to make the best terms they can for subjects that have been serviceable to their interests in a just war , though by rebellion against their own prince . from which we may gather , that our author thinks it possible for subjects to be engaged in a just war against their own prince : and if they may with justice fight against their king for another prince's right , i cannot at all understand why they may not for their own . for surely the safety of my own country ought to be dearer to me than all the world besides ; and i have more reason to defend the rights and priviledges of that , than all the princes titles in the world. but if our author should not allow all the inferences i have made from his concessions , yet i have a great deal of reason to thank him for them , because they will not only be of use to me hereafter , but do at present in great measure supercede what i should else have said to his history . for 't is perfectly indifferent to me , whether queen elizabeth did assist the french and scotish protestants or no , since by his first position he grants , she might have serv'd her self of the treachery and revolt of other princes subjects . for 't was the lawfulness of the action , and not the fact it self , that was the great point in question : and since he allows she might have assisted them , though they had been rebels , we will never quarrel about it , whether they were so or no. for truly , the person of quality is very well pleased that he has so learned an author of his side , that proves all he desires should be asserted in the point : for since he will allow the french protestants were not rebels , because they had the law of their side : nor were the netherlands guilty of rebellion against the king of spain , because he first acted contrary to the laetus introitus , and disengaged them from their obedience , when he had broke the condition of it . if he will but please to be as gracious to his own country-men , and allow them the benefit of their own laws , and suffer the oaths of princes to be as binding in england , as it seems they then were in spain , i know no body that will desire any more of him . nay , i will go farther than this ; for if he can name any one person that was a rebel to king james after the allowances above are granted him ; rather than he should go unpunish'd , i think i should be his executioner ; for i hate those that rebel against , and break the laws , as much as the author can do : and since rebellion is so horrid a sin , i would not have england to have the enclosure of it ; but only desire that we may be allowed to fight for our laws and liberties , as other nations do , without being thought rebels for so doing . but if our author will not allow us the same priviledges he gives to all the world beside , there would be some reason to suspect that he designs us the monopoly of that he so exclaims against ; and is so particularly kind to his own country , as sometimes to lay them under the unhappy necessity of being either rebels or slaves . and i have something the more reason to fear this , because i find he is not so sollicitous to clear the scots from the imputation of rebels , as he is the french and dutch. but let them be what they will , you see 't is evident queen elizabeth did not assist them ; she only furnish'd them with men , money , and ammunition . and when the queen of scots came and flung her self into her protection , and implored her aid for restoring her to her crown , she then asserted her cause with a witness . for had that unhappy princess trusted to the mercy of her subjects , as great rebels as they were , i am sure they could not have treated her worse than she was used by that queen , who our author tells us , always declared against any protection of subjects in their resistance , which she always called rebellion . but i suppose princes are no more obliged to speak truth , than they are tied to do justice ; for which our author gave them a dispensation before . but i think it now time to proceed to the d thing he undertook to prove , which is , that it was the doctrine of the church of england at that time , that it is unlawful for subjects to resist , and that therefore our divines justified the french and dutch no otherwise than upon principles which are consistent with this doctrine . and truly if our author hold in the same mind he was when he promised the two positions ( before enlarged on ) and acquitted the french from rebellion , because they had the law of their side ; and the dutch , because their king had forfeited his right to their obedience by breaking his part of the pact and stipulation between them ; i do not see but he and i shall agree in this , as well as the divines of this age do with those in queen elizabeth's days . for i suppose the convocation at that time did approve of bishop bilson his sentiments as to that matter ; for the author tells us the book was perused and allowed by publick authority , and also dedicated to the queen ; so that it seems to be that which they were all willing to stand by . and i heartily wish that all our bishops would do so too , and make that very passage he cites out of bishop bilson the judg of the controversy ; for then i think it would be pretty soon decided ; and therefore i shall transcribe the place in the very same words he has done , page . in france , the king of navar and the prince of conde might lawfully defend themselves from injustice and violence , and be aided by other princes their neighbours . if the king , as too mighty for them , sought to oppress them , to whom they owe not simple subjection , but respective homage , as scotland did to england , and normandy to france , when the kings notwithstanding had bitter wars each with other . the rest of the nobles that did assist them , if it were the king's act that did oppress them and not the guises , except the laws do permit them means to save the state from open tyranny , i will not excuse ; and yet the circumstances must be fully known before the fact can be rightly discerned , with which i confess i am not so exactly acquainted . now in this passage here are three several things observable . first , he absolutely acquits the king of navar and prince of conde , but their associates only upon supposition , that the law permitted them to oppose the king's tyranny ; but the guises oppression they might without law. but although the bishop says , he will not excuse those that resist the king without law , yet it is pretty remarkable that he seems to suppose that even in such a case , there may be circumstances which may render them excusable , and which ought to be fully known before the fact can be discerned , and therefore he does forbear passing his judgment on them , because he is not thorowly acquainted with the circumstances . and now were all our divines of this good bishop's faith in this point , or at least had they but his charity , and would not condemn their brethren before they understood the cause , they would certainly understand one another a little better than they do , or however there would be no divisions nor schismes about it , which god grant they do not now make in the church . but whatever others do , we are i hope sure of our reverend author , for he has proved that the clergy in q. elizabeth were of his faith as to this question , therefore should have thought it unnecessary to have said any thing more , but that for the authors information , i must answer an objection or two about david , whose example though so much recommended , might perhaps carry us farther , and give greater liberties than the person of quality ever desired ; for i 'le assure you , defensive arms will at any time content him . but our author is pleased to ask how it appears , david took up defensive arms , for the homily tells us of no such thing . but i can tell him of as authentick a book that does ; nay that tells us a little more of david : for if he will please to read sam. . . and . . he will find it was not david's fault that he did not use offensive weapons against saul , if fighting against him be to be called so ; for if we may believe his own words , he certainly intended that as you may see , sam. . and it came to pass in those days , that the philistines gathered their armies together for warfare , to fight with israel : and achish said anto david , know thou assuredly , that thou shalt go out with me to battel , thou and thy men. and david said to achish , surely thou shalt know what thy servant can do . and achish said to david , therefore will i make thee keeper of mine head for ever . and in pursuance of this we find david and his men attending achish ( the very day before the battel ) as his particular guard , which perhaps might be one thing that disgusted the lords of the philistins so , that they would not let him go to fight with them ; and achish against his will is forced to dismiss david , whose expostulation , chap. . . is very remarkable , for i think 't is one of the most passionate things of the kind i have met with ; and david said unto achish ; but what have i done ? and what hast thou found in thy servant so long as i have been with thee unto this day ? that i may not go fight against the enemies of my lord the king. and achish was forced to command him a second time , for you see he disputed the first ; which satisfies me that he was in earnest , and was unwilling to return . and now what can be said against so plain a text ? for my own part i can foresee but two things : the first , that david did dissemble with achish , and did not intend to fight : but that i think is a very unworthy thought , for david had been a very base and ungrateful man to have either deceived or betrayed achish , who had given him protection , and was so truly kind to him . the second thing is , that a subject may list himself under a forreign prince , and in his quarrel lawfully fight against their own king ; and if so , then all that listed themselves under the prince of orange , might still be as good subjects to king james as david at that time was to saul : and as to the proof of his taking up defensive arms , he may find that sam. . . and every one that was in distress , and every one that was in debt , and every one that was discontented , gathered themselves unto him , and he became captain over them . and here is as formal levying of war , as i think can be desired , and if it was not to defend himself , i know not to what purpose it was ; for if he desired only flight , he might have done that safer as well as privater by himself than with an army . nor was that army of any use as to the gaining of the crown after saul's death ; for god commanded him to go and live at hebron ; where the men of judah of their own accord went down and made him king , as he will find sam. . so that so many hundred men from the beginning to the ending were of no use unless it were to defend him against saul ; and that he did design to have garison'd keilah , but that god told him the men of the place would betray him : i think nothing can be more evident from any text , in spight of all the author's comments . but now he refers me to the last homily against rebellion , as i did him to the second ; and asks me , whether king john's subjects took up only defensive arms ? but by bishop bilson's excellent rule above cited , neither he nor i ought to judg them because we do not , nor cannot know all their circumstances : for historians are seldom so impartial as to give us all things in their true colours . but the design of that homily was only to shew the intolerableness of the romish yoke , and how impossible it was for them that depended on and obeyed the pope to be good subjects . but as for king john himself , he had been as great a traitor , and used him that should have been his soveraign , as ill as his subjects could do him ; for all the world knows that he first usurp'd the crown , and then killed prince arthur that was the true heir . and truly if their present majesties would have pursued king john's method , they might before this have had as indisputable a title , and had as much right to have been called natural soveraign lord , as king john had . but shall they have the less respect , and be the worse thought on , because they spared the life of our late unfortunate king , and suffered him to escape when he was in their power , nay would not abridg him of his liberty , although they knew he would use it against their interest ? if this be the quarrel that the clergy have against king william , i shall admire their politicks a great deal more than their divinity . but to return to king john : what cause our ancestors might have to repent them of their wars against him i know not , but i believe their posterity think they have not much , for it produced those great priviledges wherein the english subjects glory . the charter obtained from him being the first part , or first draught if you please , of the famous magna charta , confirmed afterwards by henry the d. whom the homily might have cited as well as king john , if it had been the subjects rebellion , and not the pope's usurpation that they designed to declaim against . but although i am very far from justifying all that was done in those two king's reigns , yet i think verily the author would have a harder task to perswade the people of england to give up the advantages they hold from it . and i think i may undertake to call back both king james and popery ( for they deceive themselves that think they are to be separated , for could they have been divided he need never to have forsaken his crown and kingdom ) when he shall prevail with the people of this nation to give up their magna charta : for if the former never return ( as i pray god they may not ) till we are willing to part with the latter ; both the author and i may have reason to say as hezekiah does , isaiah . good is the word of the lord , for peace and truth shall be in my days . but although 't is a very true rule that we must not do evil , that good may come of it , yet when evil is done ( especially if without our consent ) it is certainly very lawful both to enjoy and rejoice in that good which god almighty by his infinite wisdom shall bring out of it ; and if our author is so tender conscienced , that he is of another mind , and will not receive advantage from any thing which springs from other peoples sins , he must not only deny the priviledges of his birth-right as an english-man , but even his christianity also : for was there ever so horrid a sin as crucifying the son of god ? and yet what a lost undone world has this been , if that had not happened ? and although for ten thousand worlds i would not be the traytor judas , nor any of the impenitent jews , yet with what hallelujahs ought we to celebrate that divine goodness , that from man's greatest sin , and the devil 's highest malice could thus work out mans salvation . and indeed events of this nature seem to be the great abyss of god's wisdom , as well as goodness , which man 's shallow reason must never pretend to sound : but however we may adore what we cannot comprehend , and with the apostle cry out , o altitudo , rom. . . oh the height and the depth of the riches , both of the wisdom and knowledg of god! how unsearchable are his judgments , and his ways past finding out ! and perhaps this might be a better employment for all our thoughts than to censure and quarrel with our brethren , because they are not of our sentiments in all points , and if they think themselves so much in the right , yet pray let them remember the apostle's rules , that they which are strong ought to bear with the infirmities of the weak , and not to please themselves , rom. . . and he also commands the galatians , that they bear one anothers burdens , and so to fulfil the law of christ . but alas , instead of following this method , we rather chuse to imitate the scribes and pharisees , who by laying heavy burdens on other mens shoulders , thought to discharge their own duty . but for all they sat in moses's seat , yet all their comments on the law were not true , nor were all conjectures false that contradicted their received opinions and infallibility ; which being no more intailed on the chair now , than it was then , it would be very happy if all sides would remember and observe gamaliel's advice to the jews , who said very well when he told them , acts . . if this counsel and work be of men , it will come to nought ; but if it be of god , ye cannot overthrow it , lest happily ye be found to fight against god. therefore it would be piety as well as discretion for both sides to attend a little , and not divide from , much less fall foul upon one another , till they are sure that by so doing they shall not oppose god also . although i must confess i have some temptation to believe from what has already happened , that it is the lords doing ; and that upon this consideration , that all the ways of returning to king james , are guarded by the blackest and foulest sins that a nation can possibly be guilty of ; and you must break thorow , that is commit all of them before you can open any one door for his return . for st . there would be the greatest falseness , and highest ingratitude in the world , against a prince that put his life in his hand , and exposed his own person to the greatest hazard to rescue a perishing church and sinking nation . dly . no person can so much as treat of such a thing without incurring the guilt of treason , for by the ancient laws of the land 't is treason to conspire against the king de facto . then dly . there would be the same guilt of perjury in breaking an oath to him as to king james . thly . they must betray god's church , and the true religion , and give up their country to ruin and devastation ; and consequently have all the blood to answer for , that should be shed in such an unhappy revolution : so that were king james's return a good worth projecting for on other accounts , yet that standing rule of st. paul's , that you must not do evil that good may come of it , ought to deter any body from attempting it ; but when the thing it self , if compass'd , would be the greatest mischief , it would then be the greatest height of madness as well as sin to go about it . for can any body think that the destroying a church and nation , nay extirpating the true faith out of the world ( that is , as far as we can go towards it ) is so meritorious a thing , that it will legitimate the use of those means , which it was not lawful to use , no not for the planting of the gospel ; and if any man can think this but a jesuit ( for a good honest moral papist i believe will not ) i should indeed think it a great infatuation ; but however that would not alter the nature of things , but my rule would still remain unshaken ; for the way to duty always lies plain and open , so that he that runs may read . and although sometimes it may be attended with sufferings , yet i am confident never any person had the fatal necessity of sining laid on him , to enable him to discharge any part of his duty to god or man. but i beg pardon for this digression which proved longer than i at first designed it , but yet i shall not think it impertinent if it proves useful to the undeceiving of any that have been carried out of the way by the specious pretence of loyalty . but to return to my author . and the next thing we are to consider , is the epithet of the distinguishing character of the church of england ; and you may remember that i ask'd you whether you thought it necessary for particular churches to have particular distinguishing doctrines ; for that to me it appear'd so far from necessary , that i thought it very inconvenient . but he tells us as to that , whether distinguishing doctrines be convenient or inconvenient , it is according as the doctrines are good or bad . no doubt it is inconvenient to have bad distinguishing doctrines , but it is as certain that it is very convenient for a church to have distinguishing doctrines , provided they be good ones , unless a church can be obliged to err for company , and to avoid distinction . but i would be very glad to know upon what thesis it is he grounds this dogmatical conclusion , that a church must needs err that holds only the catholick faith , and has not some particular doctrine of its own to distinguish it from other churches by . this did not seem to be the rule of the apostles , who when they were to preach to all the world , were so afraid of distinction and divisions in their churches , that before they parted , it is generally supposed they agreed of a common form of words ; which they all delivered to their converts , and was not to be the distinguishing doctrine of any particular church , but the common badg of their christianity , and is i suppose that to which st. paul refers , when he charges his son timothy , to hold fast the form of sound words , which thou hast heard of me , tim. . . and he also tells us , that the design of his leaving him at ephesus was , that thou mightest charge some that they teach no other doctrine , tim. . . and the first request that st. paul makes to his corinthians , is , that you all speak the same things , and there be no divisions among you , but that you be perfectly joyn'd together in the same mind , and in the same judgment , cor. . . and this being a thing of such extraordinary concern , he does not only make use of his own authority , but as it was the custom of the jews to adjure by the name of god when they would oblige any person to answer truly , as the high priest did to our saviour , mat. . . so how the apostle ushers in his request with the same solemnity , now i beseech you , brethren , by the name of our lord jesus christ : thereby to oblige them the more carefully to observe what he says , from which you may guess how far he was from thinking distinguishing doctrines necessary , that he would not tolerate them . and if unity were so necessary among christians then , is it less so now ? or what necessity is there of being so uncharitable as to suppose all the churches erroneous in their creeds but our selves ? that 't is now convenient for particular churches to make new articles of faith , and have their distinguishing doctrines , unless they will be obliged to err for company . i thought it had been all along one of the great charges against the church of rome their making such large addenda's to our creed , and making the belief of some points necessary to salvation , which neither our saviour nor his apostles taught : and that churches abounding so with distinguishing doctrines , and imposing them upon others for catholick truths , has formerly been look'd upon as one of their great errors ; but i perceive , sir , that was a great mistake , for this learned author tells me , that although the avoiding distinction does not very well agree with the practice of the primitive christians ; yet it agrees admirably with the principles of popery thus to avoid distinction , which has its numbers to boast on , when nothing else can be said . but if their unity and number is the only thing that the author has to object against the papists , i could as soon be reconciled to their uncharitableness as his ; for heaven i perceive is to be the enclosure of his distinguishing doctrines , or at least no body is to be thought a member of the true church , unless they hold that , and this strange uncharitableness is that which does convince me of the great inconvenience of distinguishing doctrines ; for generally speaking all sides are so apt to value themselves upon them , that they are ready with the men in the prophet isaiah . . to cry , stand by thy self , come not near me , for i am holier than thou . and did we press our selves only for doing our duty , and adhering to our common creed , it might be the more pardonable : but alas , 't is not the faith that was once delivered to the saints , jude . that we thus earnestly contend for ; for a man may hold all that , and yet be pronounced a heretick , unless he chance to agree with them in all their opinions , which are now to be the standard of our faith. but whether the breach of charity and unity among our selves , is the readiest way to build us up in our most holy faith , our sad experience will i doubt too soon shew . but however , sure i am it does not agree very well with saint jude's method , ver . . who bids us keep our selves in the love of god , and then we may look for the mercy of christ unto eternal life . but because it is so possible to deceive our selves , saint john has given us an infallible criterion , whereby we may know whether we love god or no , for he tells us , epist . . . if a man say he loveth god , and hateth his brother , he is a liar : for he that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen , how can he love god whom he hath not seen ? therefore this commandment have we from him , that he that loveth god , loveth his brother also . therefore since god has made our brother , as it were , his proxy to receive the proofs of our love to him ; and our saviour has made it the badg of our discipleship , by this shall all men know that you are my disciples , if ye love one another : it is very unhappy that those that pretend to be so , should set up another touch-stone for the trial of their sincerity , and think to approve their love to god by their zeal against their brethren , if they chance to dissent from them in a bare opinion . although our saviour did not say , by their faith and distinguishing doctrines , but by their love to one another , men shall know whether you are my disciples or no. therefore i think it is not strange if no church be fond of those opinions that will engage them to deposit their charity ; and if they are , 't is certainly their failing , not their excellence . but now it seems i am to beg the author's pardon , for thinking that the distinguishing doctrine of such a church had been that which was peculiar to it ; for it seems a distinguishing doctrine is that which they held in common with other churches , which truly i did not understand before . and if this doctrine be so , yet the appropriating of it to one , looks as if they had a mind to have the enclosure of it . but i skipped one short paragraph , wherein our author , according to his fair way of treating the person of quality , has jumbled two texts together , which were cited on different accounts , as will be apparent to any body that consults the paper . for when from our having but one lord , one faith , one baptism , i was willing to infer the reasonableness of being ( or at least endeavouring to be ) all of one mind . i did not think that had been such an error as stood in need of a confutation . but now he asks , and must not then those , that held one lord , one faith , one baptism , necessarily distinguish themselves from all that held more than one ? but i think there is distinction enough made to our hands , for those hereticks that first set up those errors , and separated from the church on their account , i hope were distinguishable enough from the true church ; and if others hold two gods , or first principles , with the manichees , must i therefore have a particular doctrine to distinguish me from that church that holds but one ? and because some are to blame in making factions , and crying up apollos , or cephas , must i for fear of mixing with them , distinguish my self from those that are of christ ? for , god be thanked , there never yet was a time that truth was left so without witness , but that there was a true church , to which if we adhered , we need not set up distinguishing doctrines for our selves , the inconvenience of which i am now more than ever satisfied of . and now he should come to my second inference , but he passes it over very gently , only denies the consequence , for he saith , this doth not imply that all who have taken the oath , have thereby renounced the church of england . and in this i must own the author's candor , for i believe , sir , you know some that are of another mind , and that have urged this very profession of bishop lake's to prove it . although i never said it was bishop lake's opinion , as he very unjustly accuses me , and although the charge is some pages off , yet belonging to this point , i think i may under it , take the opportunity of clearing my self . his words are these , but when this gentleman must needs know that his lordship at the same time received the holy sacrament at the hand of a reverend divine who has taken the oath , to insinuate that he would hardly allow those who have taken the new oath , to be so much as out-liers of the church of england , is a thing i confess i can scarce reconcile to any degree of charity . but yet i do not question but that all i there said is full as consistent with the great doctrine of charity , as first the making a falsity , and then charging the malicious inferences of it on their brother . but i must confess this is a sort of dealing that i did not at all expect from so ingenious an adversary ; for i know there were weak places enow in my paper , that he needed not have been reduced to those pitiful shifts : but the confuting of the paper would not satisfy , unless he also laid an odium on the person , whom i am sure he does not know , but has the good fortune to have a beter character from them that do . but the passage to which he refers , and does so falsly render , is this : after the story of the dying papist , i say , that i am confident the bishop would not have approved of the argument , had i turned papist on that dying man's declaration . but it seems some think it no great matter what we turn now ; for i hear some are so exceeding fierce , that they will hardly allow those which have taken the new oaths , to be so much as out-liers of the church of england : and then i add immediately after , but although the indiscreet zeal of some have made them so uncharitable , i am far from supposing it the temper of all the worthy men of that party . now i 'le be judg'd by all the world , what there is in this clause that refers to bishop lake , or does so much as insinuate that he was one of those fierce ones : nay , any one may see that i take particular care to free the worthy men of it ; and if our author will take bishop lake out of that list , and number him with the indiscreetly zealous , ( who are the only people i charge ) i cannot help that ; but be it known to the world , that is his doing , and not mine . but although he accuses me for want of charity , i think i shall shew that i have a great deal , since i can forgive this . for as i thank god i am ( whatever my quality is ) above such mean tricks , so i am above revenging of them too , for such crimes are commonly their own lictors . for i am confident he will suffer more by it than i shall , therefore 't is generally my pity and not my anger that it excites on such occasions . but now to return , if this be a digression , i am glad to find our author think that there are so many accounts on which the oaths may lawfully be taken , but it is not my task to examine any man on which of those different hypotheses they took it ; for having satisfied the law , and i am so charitable as to believe their own consciences also , i have nothing to object against it . for i am so far from disapproving a tender conscience , that i would have all the liberty in the world allowed to those who are truly so ; so that his question was a little superfluous as to me , and must those of the church of england only not be allowed to have tender consciences ? but i am really sorry to find that any of the church of england should think they are abridged of the liberty of theirs , if they may not declaim against all those that dissent from them ; for as i think the author is very free , so i think 't is very fit every body should enjoy their own sentiments , and i hope i shall not be denied the liberty i grant , but that is only in private ; for i know no necessity of imposing them on others , nor condemning all that do not approve of them . and that is the main , and indeed the only exception i have to bishop lake's profession ; for i did suspect , and the author himself is so ingenuous as to own , that the design of the paper was to assert that none were true sons of the church of england , ( that is , as he himself explains it , did not hold her doctrine whole and entire ) that did not hold the doctrine of passive obedience in the same sense bishop lake did . and now i cannot but say this looks assuming enough , but however our author assures us , that the making this profession , was the most proper , and the most seasonable and charitable thing a dying bishop could do , to declare that nothing but conscience was the cause of his refusal . and although i do verily believe it might be so in the good man's intentions , yet i cannot not say it was so , or was likely to be so in the effects , although we are told it was an action that did naturally tend to our peace . for a surgeon may wish very well to his patient , and yet mistake in his applications ; for if he use corrosives , where oil and balsam were needful , he will be more like to fester than heal the sore . and truly i must needs say , that a dying man's entring a protestation against a whole party , looks as it were designed to perpetuate , not compose a dispute : however i am sure it is much properer for the former than the latter . for the shortning of this , ( which much exceeds the bulk i designed ) i have been forced to skip whole pages , to lay those things together that belonged to one head , but having all along cited the author 's own words , i hope i have done neither him nor the reader much injury . but now we will go a little back , and pick up what may be of use in the way . and in the first place , i am very well pleased to find him so much concerned for any thing that reflects on their present majesties , but i am half afraid lest some that should have more wit , teach us of the laity the ill-breeding he talks on ; for i could tell him of one , that in the convocation said , the king had sent them a bantring message , and they had sent him a bantring address : but i suppose the gentleman does not value himself so much on his jest , but that he is willing enough to have his name conceal'd . but however , it would be well if the clergy would set us better example , although i cannot justify any body for following their ill . i do not at all question what he says of the dissenting bishops , for did they but once own themselves to be their majesties subjects , i do verily believe they would be as good , if not better subjects than any they have ; and i am confident one might take their words in the point , and not exact an oath from them , if that be all they scruple at , with which they might long ago , i believe , have been dispensed , had they offered any other security . for i believe their majesties have as great respect and inclination too for the bishops , as the bishops can have for them , and particularly to him that he mentions , to whom the whole nation must ever own a great obligation , for his care and diligence in so well principling the two royal sisters ; and 't is a great deal of pity he should deny them the satisfaction they would take in repaying his great service . there now follow some pages , with which i think i have little to do , he that is concerned in them being so able to answer for himself ; but yet rather than have nothing to say to the person of quality , he will quarrel with him on his friend julian's account . but had the author observed the rule he imposes , and not made use of any arguments that had been urged before , i believe the person of quality's part would have been much shorter in his last pamphlet than it is . but however of all things i thought the laws and statutes of a nation had been in common , and not like a terra incognita , only to be appropriated to the use of the first discoverer , that is in this case the first citer . but that he may not fear that i should hereafter make any encroachments on the prerogatives of so good a friend , i shall ( and i am sure with truth ) declare that i am not only a stranger to his person , but also so much to his writings , that i never heard of the conceit of grinning honour before , but from sir john falstaff in the play ; but however i do believe 't is a very good jest , because so ingenuous an author repeats it so often . but for any thing more , i shall say as the parents of the blind man did , ask him , he is of age , let him speak for himself . but it is well if i can do so for my self , for my hardest task is yet to come , for alas , i am to answer for a whole community ; for at last our sagacious author has discovered that the person of quality is so : though to tell you truly , i never knew before that i had pigs in my belly , much less that i was with child of a whole corporation . but although 't is against the canon , i doubt i must answer for them all my self , for i fear the author will not be so kind as to be godfather to any of my productions , so i must provide for them as well as i can . but since charity begins at home , i must first consider my self in my private capacity , and in that am resolved ( as he sees ) to be as passive as he himself can desire : and altho 't is possible i may have more than one title to be distinguished by , yet truly i will not vie with the author in that point , to which purpose i will tell him a story : an unlucky fellow met with doctor harding on the road , and knowing that he had divers preferments , he rides before to the inn , and told the host there was a great deal of company to come to his house that night , and therefore bid him get all the good things he could provide for supper ; for , says he , there is the parson of st. martins , the dean of such a place , the prebendary of another , and so reckoned up all his places . and at this rate 't is possible the author may much better deserve to be thought a community than poor me ; but however i shall answer his jocund discourse a little more seriously . and i am sure i need not tell him that a new relation does also lay a new obligation and duty , and that sometimes so contrary to the former , that what was a vertue and commendable in one state , may be really a fault in another . as for instance , for a single man to give all his goods and possessions to charitable uses , is counted a great and heroick piece of charity ; but should the same person marry and have a great many children , should he by his charity disenable himself from providing for his family , if he will take st. paul's word , that man has denied the faith , and is worse than an infidel , for those are the words of the censure that he passes , tim. . . on him that provides not for his own , especially those of his own house . so that we may see what a vast difference an additional relation makes in the self-same action . and me-thinks i should not need to apply this to the point in hand ; but because he is so apt to mistake the person of quality's meaning , i shall tell him that when there is nothing but my own right in question , i will quietly sacrifice that to my king's pleasure , and for my countries peace . but if i am in a publick office , and made it were a trustee for my country , to look after and maintain its rights and priviledges , neither fear nor favour should ever prevail with me to part with one tittle of it . therefore i think the house of commons have proposed very well to lay a brand on them who did voluntarily deliver up their charters , and thereby betray those liberties they were sworn to maintain : for , for my part i cannot understand why i am not as much obliged by the oath that i take for the defence of my country , and the maintaining of the rights and franchises of such a town , as i am by the oaths of allegiance to the king ; for if the king break his oath , and infringe those liberties he has sworn to protect , yet i do not see how he can absolve or dispence with mine , unless we make him pope as well as king. but however , if that doctrine of passive , or if you please we will call it implicit obedience to the king is binding , i cannot see how 't is possible for the subjects to avoid perjury under such a reign as our late king james ; for was it not as downright perjury for a mayor of a town to deliver up the charter he was so solemnly sworn to maintain , as it would have been to have resisted the king in the defence of it ? but this of being perjured , take which side you will , is such an unhappy necessity , as i believe god never laid on any one ; therefore suppose that in such exigencies there is yet a way to extricate ones self without committing the sin. and truly to do the author right , i have not met with a better resolution of the law , than what he himself thinks fit to urge in the behalf of the netherlands , when they flung off their subjection to the king of spain ; and if he will please to apply that to his own scruples , i think he need not go any further for a solution , therefore suppose it superfluous for me to say any more on that point , for if he will not be his own convert , i cannot hope he should ever be mine . and now , at last , sir , we are come to the concluding , and , as he calls it , stabbing question of london-derry . but really , sir , the person of quality had no such murderous intention , but since the weapon was so in its own nature , it was very happy it fell into such unskilful hands , for else no body knows what execution it might have done . but how ill soever i managed my dagger , i perceive he is a little afraid of it , and will not come near the question ; but that he may be sure to be out of my reach , he is sending me as far as troy. but methinks i need not go so far for the answer of one poor question . but here our author is forced to his old shifts of shuffling and packing the cards ; for he has really the best faculty of singling out one line out of a sentence ; and lest it should not appear ridiculous enough by it self , joins it to another i know not how far off , to which it had no coherence , as he has done in several others as well as this place : for my query is in these very words ; whether they did not both wish and pray , that london-derry should be delivered out of the hands of those merciless butchers ? and this the excellency of their temper , as well as their christianity , obliging to , i cannot at all question but they did ; nay , i verily believe they would have gone farther , and assisted them with their purses , if they had known how to have conveyed them relief . and how faithfully he renders it , and how fully he answers it , you shall guess from his own words , which i 'le assure you are transcribed a little exacter than he does mine : it is , says he , the duty of christians to pray for righteousness , and truth , and peace to all mankind : how strange a question is it therefore to ask , whether the suspended clergy did no● both wish and pray that london-derry should be delivered out of the hands of merciless butchers ? ( for those is to be left out in that place for some reasons best known to himself . ) he believes they did , because there were many thousand innocent persons whom they never saw , and who never did them any wrong . and now i will appeal to my reader if here is not a passage as faithfully cited , and as well applied as ever he saw . for let the question be what it will , it would be pretty much if it be stranger than the answer : so that i think the suspended clergy are not much more obliged to him , for bringing them in so needlesly , and using such weighty arguments in their behalf , than the derry-men , as he says , are to me . there is only this difference , that by his own confession mine may be urged for any place , but truly i know not for what place or subject his was calculated . but if what i said of derry may be applied to any other city in their circumstances , i see not where the injury would be to them by it ; nor do i very well discern how the bigness or distance of the city should add weight to the argument , tho to tell him truly , i am very glad i had no occasion to instance nearer home , tho i care not how soon i may in all the cities in ireland , provided they conclude as happily . but now was it not very kindly done of our author , who had so little to say for his own tribe , to furnish the inhabitants of derry with an apology in law , when they did not know what to say for themselves ? for his instance in the netherlands is as pat to their purpose as if it had been made for them . altho i think their having so many thousand innocent persons among them that must certainly have perished , if they had not taken up arms for their preservation , was no ill argument , nor can i believe disapproved by the dissenting clergy , if they would be once so ingenuous and kind as to own their thoughts in the point : but i suppose they might be committed to the author under the seal of confession , and so are not to be made publick . for else methinks he should not so industriously have avoided the question , if he had had any thing to have said to it : for i know he has so great kindness for the person of quality that he would shew him all his errors and weak places ; therefore i look upon my two inferences as irrefragable , since he dare not undertake their confutation . for either they did pray for the deliverance of london-derry , and would have contributed to their relief ; or they would not : if they would , then they are in the same predicament with them , for 't is with rebellion as in murder , there are no accessaries , but all are principals : a maxim of our law , for which some poor people in the west paid pretty dear after monmouth's defeat , as i think the lady lisle's execution will sufficiently convince any body , who did no more than i believe all our dissenting bishops would have done for them in london-derry , that is , have kept them from starving if they could : but if they would not , ( i must then repeat what i said before ) it would give me a greater prejudice against the doctrine than ever yet i had , since it not only made them put off those bowels of mercies which christians ought to have for one another , but even divested them of common humanity . and whether it would not be a greater crime to sin against nature , than to break some nice bands of our own ( not the laws ) imposing in an oath of allegiance ? i should at another time trust our author to judg . and thus , sir , i have in haste run over that part of the pamphlet , wherein i thought i had any concern , for i do not pretend to answer for , or justify other people . but if i have not acquitted my self so well as you expected , yet considering my disadvantage of having nothing but my bible , and a very bad memory to consult , i hope you will wink at small faults . i shall not enlarge your trouble by a needless apology for the length of this , but conclude with the complement of the season , this , and many happy new years being heartily wish'd you , by january . . your most affectionate friend , and humble servant . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . page . obedience due to the present king, notwithstanding our oaths to the former written by a divine of the church of england. fullwood, francis, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing f estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) obedience due to the present king, notwithstanding our oaths to the former written by a divine of the church of england. fullwood, francis, d. . [ ], p. printed for awnsham churchill, london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng obedience -- early works to . great britain -- colonies -- administration -- pamphlets. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion obedience due to the present king , notwithstanding our oaths to the former . written by a divine of the church of england . london , printed for awnsham churchill , . obedience due to the present king , notwithstanding our oaths to the former . . the oath of allegiance is the expression of our natural duty to the king ( as the coronation-oath is of the regal ; which in nature is antecedent to it ) 't is especially signified in these words , i will bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty , his heirs and successors , and him and them will defend against all attempts , which shall be made against his or their persons , their crown and dignity . . if the king do manifestly separate his person from , and engage it against his crown and dignity ; so that we cannot defend them both : i mean , if his personal actions , contrary to law , do directly and openly tend to the prejudice and spoiling of his crown and dignity , by his voluntary subjecting them to a foreign power , contrary to the plain and primary intention and letter of the oath ; subverting the legal constitution , and enervating the very laws by which his crown is supported , his prerogative is measured , and the dignity of the king , as such , hath its very being , as well as the safety of his people is maintained ; certainly , in such a case , none can be bound by this , or any other oath , to defend the king's person , in attempts so contrary to the very reason and end of all government , with the neglect of the other part of our duty , which is to defend his crown and dignity . . the oath of supremacy seems to direct us more clearly in this difficulty ; the words are , i shall bear faith and true allegiance to the king's highness ; but how ? it follows , and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions , priviledges , preheminences and authorities , granted or belonging to the king , or annex'd and united to the imperial crown of this realm ; that is , thus we are to bear faith and allegiance to the king. . for if we should be bound to assist and defend his person , when it is , and as it is engaged against his crown and dignity , we seem bound , toto posse & totis viribus ( so far defence is expounded ) to assist and contribute to the ruine both of our king and country , and perhaps to the cutting of our own throats . . if any should imagine , that the oath will not suffer us to consider the person and crown of the king thus divided ; but that it binds us to assist and defend them together : 't is true , while they are kept together . but if the king himself divide them , and 't is become impossible for us to assist his person but we must betray his crown ; nor defend his crown without forbearing to assist his person ; to say , now we are bound to assist and defend both , makes a plain repugnancy in the oath , and in our duty ( to do and not to do the same thing ) and consequently the obligation ceaseth . . that we are bound by our allegiance to assist the person of the king , to the prejudice of his crown and people , seems not only to be against the light of nature , the primary end of it being the safety of his kingdom , and the safety of the king but the secondary end of it ; but most agreeable to the sense of our ancient and learned lawyers , and also , of the plain acknowledgment and profession of ancient kings and parliaments . king henry i. five hundred years agone , told the pope , whilst i live , the authorities and usages of the kingdom shall never be diminished : but if i would so debase my self ( which god forbid ) magnates mei & totus angliae populus nullo modo paterentur : the lords and people of england would by no means suffer it . and edward i. wrote himself to the same purpose . besides , with his consent , the lords and commons in parliament , in their letter to the pope , have these words , we do not permit , or in the least will permit ( sicut nec possumus nec debemus ) though our soveraign lord the king do , or in the least wise attempt to do any of the premises ( by owning the popes authority touching his right to scotland ) so strange a thing , so unlawful , prejudicial , and otherwise unheard of , though the king himself would . once more , on record in the fourth of henry iii. the commons declare , si dominus rex & regni majores hoc vellent ( adomer's revocation upon the popes order ) communitas tamen ipsius ingressum in angliam , nulla tenus sustineret . now what 's the meaning of all this ? but that the king 's personal will , contrary to law , however expsressed ( for it must be signified by his words or actions ) if the performance of it would prejudice his crown and dignity , may be resisted . much less are we bound by our allegiance to assist or defend him in so doing , in reason , law , or the sense of our ancient kings or parliaments . objection . but we swear to defend , not only the king , but his heirs and lawful successors . answer . true , but haeres non est viventis , and the successor , in law and common sense , is the person that doth actually succeed , or is in possession . now if the actual successor be the lawful successor , we are bound by our oaths to defend him ; but if he be not the lawful successor , none else is so , because none else is the successor , and consequently , so far the object and reason of our oaths ceasing , our obligation by them ceaseth , and we are bound to none besides the person in possession . . 't is farther remarkable , that though the word lawful be once in the oath of supremacy , 't is only there , where we swear faith and allegiance in general ; but , as if it were intended , that the subject should not trouble himself about the title of the king in being , where that allegiance is explain'd with respect to practice , the word lawful is left out in that oath . it follows there in these words , — shall assist and defend all jurisdictions , — granted or belonging to the kings highness , his heirs and successors , without the word lawful . and agreeable hereunto , we find the word wholly left out in the oath of allegiance , both in the same place , where we swear allegiance in general , as well as in the other place of our more particular duty ; and it looks as if this was done de industria , for the same reason , namely , that such as take the oaths might not think themselves bound thereby to be sollicitous about the title to the crown . . the holy scriptures seem not to involve the consciences of private christians about princes titles ; but expresly require their subjection to the powers that are , as a great and necessary instance of that humility and peaceable behaviour which their religion teacheth them . . in the same holy books , we are further most plainly admonish'd , that ( by what means soever obtained ) 't is god that putteth down one , and setteth up another ; and upon that ground too , we are strictly charg'd to submit to the powers that are , because they are ordain'd of god. and tho' the apostle use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i think , none can imagine he intended by it , to determine the lawfulness of augustus's title , who was admitted by the senate ; but rather , to inforce that obedience that he presseth the christians to yield , by this consideration , that all authority is from god ; and in its true nature and by god's ordinance , intended for our good. . the known statute of h. . . is of the same import , and grounded , we find , upon the like reason and h. scripture , it gives us way to this plain inference , that the same duty which we owe to a lawful king , is to be performed to the king in being ; that is , to the king in possession ; and that no other king or future parliament can in reason , law , or good conscience , upon any pretence of usurpation in the possessor of the crown , or any disloyalty in the subject , charge us with guilt , for serving or defending the king in possession . the subjects therefore , might lawfully fight for him , and consequently take the military oath ; in reason ( by the law of nature ) in law , by the law of the land ; in all good conscience , that is , by the law of god , in the h. scriptures . . hereupon , my lord coke's words are notable : this act , saith he ( meaning ed. . about treason ) is to be understood of a king in possession of the crown and kingdom : for if there be a king regnant in possession , altho' he be rex de facto and non de jure , yet is he seignior le roy , within the purview of this statute ; and the other , that hath right and is ▪ out of possession , is not within this act. nay , saith he , if treason be committed against a king de facto , and non de jure , and after the king de jure come to the crown , he shall punish the treason done to the king de facto ; and a pardon granted by a king de jure , that is not also de facto , is void , inst . . l. p. . now if by the law of the land , which i think is our only guide in such cases , treason may be committed against a king that is so only by possession , without right ; and cannot be committed against him that hath right , and not possession : seeing he is not within the purview of the statute , sure , we cannot reasonably be thought to be intangled in such a strait , as to be bound by our allegiance to commit treason , which we cannot presume the king in possession will pardon , and the law tells us , the king that hath right only , cannot . who therefore would question our liberty to be true and faithful to the king in possession , so far at least , as not to resist him , or to be traitors to him ? or to give him assurance thereof by our oath . the renown'd casuist bishop sanderson would not declare the very engagement to be unlawful , taken in that lower sense , to the pretended commonwealth without any king or house of lords . . since we have mention'd that excellent casuist , whose loyalty , judgment , fidelity , and authority , is unquestionable , 't is sit for us to observe what he hath frequently and without the least hesitancy delivered as his premeditated thoughts about the present case . having suppos'd a king in possession only , by power , if the query be what is to be done by the subject that hath sworn allegiance to the rightful king : he answers , 't is not only lawful to obey the king in such possession ; but it often happens that not doing so , [ defuisse officio ] we are wanting to our duty . yea ▪ that we owe subjection to a king in possession , upon the grounds of justice , equity , charity , and gratitude , while we enjoy our liberties and are protected by him . exigit hoc a nobis ( optima aequi boni lex ) vetus illa commutationum formula , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & profecto , perversissimae mentis , sub illius dominationis patrocinio , velle vivere cui parere nolis : & cujus protectione gaudeas , ejus imperium detractare . . his third argument for the necessity of obedience to the present power , however obtained , is taken from the charity we owe to the publick , whether church or state , or which we are members , and for the good of which we are born ; in quantum igitur illius societatis , cujus ipse membrum & pars est , salus & tranquillitas exigit , eatenus civis unusquisque imperiis ejus qui de facto — praeest , obtemperare tenetur . words worthy the most serious reflection of the present church of england . read at large his th praelect . but as to the argument from gratitude , when we seriously reflect upon our late forlorn and ruinous condition both in church and state ; when we call to mind that all our foundations were put out of course , and our pillars even broken by the late king 's own ill-guided hands ; and that the heroick prince hath been at so great expence , and exposed himself to so many hazards , in his own country , at sea , and here in england , in compassion both to our miseries and infirmities ; when our land was weak , and all the inhabitants thereof in an utter disability to rescue or save themselves ; and none under heaven , within the reach of humane apprehension , besides that one prince , could possibly effect it ; that glorious instrument under god , put his hand to support and strengthen , and bear up our pillars : to redeem and secure our religion , laws , and liberties ; and when our late king , either for fear of his person , or rather of the issue of affairs in our re-establishment , had deserted or abdicated his kingdom , and left us in confusion to shift for our selves ; whose return now cannot be thought of without horrour : and the present king and queen , being therefore first petitioned , to take the government , have graciously accepted it , upon terms answering all mens desires or interests . i say , when all this is well pondered , the ground and argument for our quiet and chearful submission , taken from gratitude , is indeed too big to be contained in a sheet or two of paper , or the mind of man : and prodigious , beyond the credit of posterity . lastly , one would think there was no place left for any further scruple . the late change was urged by extream necessity , and carried on with a wonderful providence , and perfected with universal consent ; it was eminently the lords doing , and our own too ; the government was unhing'd by the late king himself . the present king , &c. was put into possession by our selves in our representatives ; who were as freely chosen by us as ever any parliament was : the convention had nothing wanting but the previous formality of the royal writs , which could not be then had ; that punctilio of order , cannot reasonably be supposed to go into the being of the representative body ; the want of it , cannot well be thought to prejudice our election , or consent to what they have done , whom we chose and entrusted with our politick reason and interest , and in whose acts , we ought to acquiesce as our own doings , in every thing or matter of expediency for the publick good , not evidently contrary to our duty to god. in short , the possession of the throne , by the act of the people of england , is now unquestionable ; we have no liberty left us , either to dispute the king's title , or deny him our duty . give unto caesar the things that are caesars , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e he must be king before we can be bound to him as such . br●ct fleta . e 〈…〉 ponere . rom. . imperatores rom. fatendum est , non optimo jure imperium adeptos . sanderson . case of engag . p. . a true relation of a young man, about seventeen years of age, who was struck dumb for the space of twenty four hours because he would not believe what was said unto him by thomas astry. astry, thomas. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a true relation of a young man, about seventeen years of age, who was struck dumb for the space of twenty four hours because he would not believe what was said unto him by thomas astry. astry, thomas. p. printed for the author, london : . 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng experience (religion) obedience -- religious aspects. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true relation of a young man about seventeen years of age , who was struck dumb for the space of twenty four hours , because he would not believe what was said unto him . by thomas astry . with allowance . london , printed for the author , living near the great north door in s. pauls church-yard , . a true relation of a young man about seventeen years of age , who was struck dumb for the space of twenty four hours , because he would not believe what was said unto him . reader , i have a strange thing to acquaint thee withal , concerning my son ; which was made known to him the th day of september . and and it is as true as it is strange ; the lord hath been working so powerfully upon my heart , that i am constrained to give the world this true account , and it is likely to be handed out unto thee by an unworthy servant , and also by a very weak hand ; but it doth come from a very warm and enlarged heart ; for the lord hath said , that his strength is made perfect in weakness , and hath wrought my heart into such a frame , which doth encourage me that he will assist me to make known unto thee the truth , and nothing but the truth , so far a , the lord hath made it known unto me ; and whosoever thou art that read these lines , i earnestly begg it of the lord , that thou mayest believe these truths : and that thou mayest not be unbelieving ; for it was for vnbelief that my son was struck dumb , as i shall give thee an account at large hereafter , only , i shall desire in the first place to give thee an account what he wos , which may be answered in these words ; that he was a disobedient , stubborn , and undutiful child , for which my heart was much alienated from him : the following account will satisfie thee ; insomuch that i had given him over for lost , for ever having any hopes or comfort from him . if father and friends cannot prevail , we are apt to give such a child over for lost for ever ; but blessed be god , he did not give him over , but meets with him by a strong hand , and by an almighty power ; and if he shall work , none shall lett ; if he speak but the word , the most rebellious shall be made willing to come in , and close with the lord jesus upon his own tearms . for he saith , that he hath guifts laid up even for the most rebellious as in the . psalm . and the . ver . thou hast ascended on high , thou hast led captivity captive , thou hast received guifts for men ; yea , for the rebellious also that the lord god may dwell among them . let not truth be slighted , although they come to you in a very plain dress ; embrace them , and the lord work it powerfully upon thy heart , as it hath been upon mine ; and if thou shalt receive any good by it , give god the praise and glory of it , and i have my end and aim in it ; and i fearing that i shall neither have time nor strength to give every one a particular account by word of mouth , i have thoughts to have it printed , whereby i might give every one satisfaction ; that may come to make enquiry into the truth of it . my son going to school to christ's hospital , there were boyes sent to the east-india , ( as he told me ) and ever since he hath had a mind to go beyond-sea ; he hath asked when i would put him forth apprentice ? and i told as soon as i could provide my self with an apprentice , then you shall go as soon as i can provide a master for you ; i cannot tell how to spare you before i have an apprentice my self ; he also knew that i had no body to do the least kindness for me : he saw that i was sickly and weak , so that in my thoughts , and in the opinion of others , that i should not recover ; but the lord bringeth to the brink of the grave , and raiseth up again , blessed be name of the lord : but my condition was not at all considered or minded by him . there was a friend of mine that did give him good councel , as he had others that did the like office of love ; and saith , that he should be a dutiful child to me , and give me content ; he also telling him that i should be willing to do any thing that might be for his good ; and if he were more minded to go to sea , than for a trade here , i should be willing to it ; he replyed to my friend , i should be glad to hear my father say so ; i cast my eyes upon him , and saw tears run down his cheeks ; so i said unto him , be a good child , and as soon as i have an apprentice , i shall be willing to place you out , for your good , and that with speed . i being a little better in health now , than what i had formerly been ; so not long after he commits a fault , and i thought he did deserve to be corrected for it , and i did so ; and after i gave him the key of my lodging-chamber . i being then at my shop , they being distant from each other , but he did not go home , but went below the tower , and there be crost the water , and that night he went as far as the half-way-house towards graves-end by the thames side ; and going into the house , he called for a pint of beer or ale , and some bread , and while his stay there to refresh himself , he falls into discourse with two hoy-men as they proved after ; and in his discourse enquires what ships were going out ; they demanded what ships did he lack ? he told them any ships that were going to virginia , or jamaica , or any place to the western plantations , for he had a great mind to travail , and this was in septem . . so they seeing him in good apparel , and perceiving his design , they made a strict enquiry of him what he was , supposing him to be an apprentice ; and further , what friends he had , and where they lived ? he told them , his father was living , but his mother was latelie dead ; these two men being bound for feversham in kent , to fetch timber , they agreed to take him with them ; and at their return , to deliver him to his father , so he went aboard with them , their vessel lying by waiting for the tide ; but their voyage being longer that tune , than what was usual , it being above a month before their return ; in which space of time i laid wait all about the citie for the discoverie of him , and went twice to graves-end to search some ships that lay there , and beyond , and all other ships that were outward bound for virginia , jamaica , or any of the plantations that were in the river ; and i being both very wearie , and doubtful of hearing of him , i was resolved to desist from searching any more at present : so after this , the hoy returned , and the man sent his wife to me according to his first resolution ? who enquiring if i had not had a son gone from me ? i answered , i had ; she repli'd , if you will go with me as far as vvapping , you may see him ; which news was very welcom to me , for i had been at a great expence of monie , time , and trouble ; for by water , up , and down , in and about the citie , i believe miles at least ; and during his absence , i had no bodie but my self to do any thing in my trade ; so when i saw him , i chid him for his disobedience , yea my bowels earned to him ; he was amased to see me , for it was upon a sudden that i went down to vvapping , immediately after the hoy came to the wharf ; so i took him home with me . he staid with me all the next winter , and the spring ; and in the summer-time towards harvest-time , he takes his opportunity on a sabbath day ; i being hearing the word of god , and he went with me ; but he seeing me secure for a while , takes another journey , and that was about miles into vvarwickshire , by the way he went to an vnkle of his , my wifes brother , to whom he gives an account , that he had taken that journie in hand on purpose to him , that he would be pleased to be instrumental to his father on his behalf , that he might be placed out ; he writ to me concerning it ; i writ to him , it was my resolution as soon as i had an apprentice , to provide for him ; so after many letters had passed betwixt us , he was perswaded to return again to me ; and after some stay with me , he goeth away again on a sabbath day some mile off , but returned again of himself ; and indeed all this while i was unprovided of a boy , for i could not hear of one till this last summer but we not liking each other , we parted ; and i have another boy ; since his coming , i had a resolution to enquire out a master for his going to sea , as soon as the boy was bound . about bartholomew-tide last , he committed a fault , and i reproveing him for it he seemed somewhat stubborn , and withall gave some words that i did not approve of ; so i struck him , he resisted again and struck me , which did increase my passion , and caused me to correct him severely , so to be clear of me he crieth out murder , at which noise some neighbours came in , and when they understood that he had been so disobedient as to strike his father , they very much blamed him . so i held him fast till i saw that he was somewhat abated in his stubborness , and then let him loose , and did treat him with mild words . at last he became quieter , and in few dayes after asked me leave to go to the fair , i granted it : and when southwark fair came ; he desired me to give him leave to go thither also : at which desire of his , i was much troubled he should not be satisfied with the former liberty i had given him at bartholomew-tide . but he continuing his request still to me , at last i did grant he should go ; though not very willing . so on wednesday in the afternoon the . of september . he went into southwark fair , and found it to be a dirty place , did not like it , but goes in to see a play : and when he come forth of the place , he walked about in it a little , but took no delight in it , and was troubled that he should come to see it . he returns to came homewards , and upon london-bridge in the open place , he makes a stand , looking towards the tower , upon the boats and ships , and leaning upon the place , there were two boyes came and stood by him , one on his left hand , the lesser of them puts forth a riddle and saith tell me what is this , that flyes as swift as an arrow out of a bow , and carries his bridle under his tail , this was a ship under sail , there was a man that stood by him on his right hand and he turned himself toward the sun ; and said to my sonn before the sun be down , that shall be tyed that was never tyed before , and before the morrow sun be down , that shall be loose that was never tyed before . one of the boyes being very earnest with the man , saith , i pray you sir , tell me the meaning of this , but he would not . so the boyes went away towards southwark , the man and my sonn staid at the same place , the man saith to him , it was a fine thing to be a traveller , and my sonn saith to him , i hope i shall go very suddenly to sea , and he saith to him , have you your friends consent , yes saith he ? the man saith to him he would not have him go to sea , for if he did , he would have a great fit of sickness naming the flux , and that would cost him his life . saith he , why shall i be any more sick than any body else ? it would be so , how do you know it ? he said he knew it very well . if you do go , the ship and all the men , shall go safe to the place where it was to go , and should all come home safe again , only he was excepted , for it should cost him his life . he asked him whether he did believe him , he saith , no , he did not believe him , nor would not , but he would go to sea , he endeavoured to perswade him to live in london , and it should be well for him , and my sonn saith , hang london , i will go and travel . so when my sonn takes his leave of the man upon the bridg , he puts off his hat in a jearing and deriding way , and saith unto him , i thank you for your good councel , but in his heart at that time he did not intend to take his councel ; and so parts from him , and he thought the man had stayed there at the place where he parted from him . so my sonn coming homewards , and when he came just to the corner of thames-street the man overtook him , and saith , no further yet ? and he saith , no , so my sonne seeing of him and speaking to him of a sudden , was affraid , and he saith be not affraid , i will do you no harm . so the man turns with him at the corner , and after turns with him into st. michaels lane , that comes into crooked lane , and so into cannon street . the man was speaking what a fine place this city was , if it were all built and inhabited , and that the building in it was more stately than those of paris , and in other countries . when he drew near to queens-street corner , they had some discourse , but cannot remember what those words were at present ; but he told the man he was a lyer . the man was a little before him , and goes over the kennel , at the end of queens-street , as though he would have gone along watling-street . my sonne turns up at the corner of queens-street , and begins to run away from the man , and presently had a great pain took him in the calves of his leggs : so that it forced him to stand still : and stooping down to feel on his right legg that most pained him , he looks over his left shoulder , and seeing the man gone he was glad he had lost his company , and cast his eye on his right hand , there the man was come even with him , and seeing him , he was afraid . the man said , be not afraid so they come up that street , and crossed over to the other side of the way , but he kept as it were a loof off from the man. but when they drew near to come into cheapside , the man step before him , and takes him by the cloak , and saith unto him , be not afraid , do you believe what i have said unto you . my sonn answered , no , i do not believe you , nor i will not believe you what you say , do you not remember that zacharias wear struck dumb , naming that it was in the first chapter of luke , my son saith , i do remember there is such a place , but that was , because he did not believe the angel that told him what should come to pass , and he said , it may be so with you , and he said to the man , are you an angel , so the man gave him no answer , and broke off that discourse , and came towards cheap-side , and when my son parted from the man and began to come homewards , he heard the man say , it shall be so . so my son turned back to have called to him , but could not speak , and stood at the corner looking after the man , and saw him turn at the corner the same way as they came together . so the man being out of sight he turned now to come home towards his fathers house . i do verily believe my sons heart was full of sorrow , and how to declare it he could not then , still he was troubled that he should answer the man in such a scornful and deriding way , and that he should answer him so thwartingly . so he came home to me about five a clock , and i being buisy in the shop i said nothing to him , but i wondred he came home so soon , but he went directly up stairs into the kitchin , the maid being there he looks about him , as though it was some strange place unto him , saith the maid to him thomas , methinks you have made great hast home ; be sat down by the table and struck his hand twice upon it , she saith thomas , how do you do ? are you not well ? what makes you so heavy ? have you had an ill day to day ? you did use to speak to us when you came in ? what is the matter with you ? now his sister hearing the maid urging of him to speak , she said to him , brother , will you not speak to us ? i coming into the room seeing him lean on his elbow , bearing is head up with his hand , i thought he had been weary with his walk . i said unto him , can you find nothing to do ? must you sit still ? go down and help the boy to shut up the shop , and as i spoke he went down , knowing nothing of his being dumb : he helped the boy to shut up the shop , his sister being there , said to him , brother , hath any body met with you , and cut out your tongue ? he turning towards her , put forth his tongue , and made signs to the boy with his hand for a pen and ink . the boy comes up stairs to me , and saith , i think thomas hath lost his tongue , presently cometh up again , and saith , master , i think thomas hath lost his tongue : his sister cometh up also , father , i think my brother hath lost his tongue : i sat still by the fire , and none of these messengers did move me , i thought he was not minded to speak to them . but the maid going down of her own accord , saith to him , thomas , why will you not speak to us ? you will make your father angry , tell us , what is the matter with you ? he was then writing in a piece of paper , and turns that paper to her , wherein was writ these words ; i cannot speak , and shaked his head . whereat she was much troubled , and coming up saith to me , i fear all is not well with thomas : hearing of this it struck me to the heart , then i went down to him , and laid my hand upon his head , and said , child , how dost thou do ? he turnes a paper to me , wherein was writ , i cannot speak . i was greatly amazed , and affrighted : his hand moved towards his heart , he shoke his head , his countenance was exceeding sad , his tears ran down from his eyes : these all gave in their testimonies , that they were sorrowing for the sad condition that had befaln him . methinks , i have the sight thereof allwayes in my eyes , in my thoughts , and on my heart , hand , head , countenance and tears , these all have a loud and speaking voice : and often since he was dumb , it draweth tears from mine eyes . i casting my eyes upon his paper the second time , i saw he had writ underneath those former words , i cannot speak , speak you and i can understand . so when i saw them , i said unto him , child , give me an account , where you have been since you went out , and who you have been withal , and he ●hen did give me an account to this effect , but since , he hath given me a larger account , as the lord hath brought those things into his mind . the next day as i was reading by him in the afternoon , the window being open , he cast his eyes upon the sun , very earnestly for a time ; i thought he might have been affected with what i was reading off , but he was only viewing of the sun as he confest afterwards , he immediately pulleth out his ink-horne and began to write , but could not proceed for looking on the sun ; the maid observing , that his lipps did move much , and lifted up his hands , she beckoned to me to observe him , what he was a doing ; i rose up , to look in his face , his back being towards me , but turning about i saw tears running very fast from his eyes , i took him in my arms ; and said unto him , be not cast down , at what time thou art afraid , trust in god , as david saith , in the . psalm the third verse , i found much comfort in these words , who among you that feareth the lord and obeyeth the voice of his servant , that walketh in darkness and hath no light , let him trust in the name of the lord , and stay upon his god , in the ● . of isaiah . verse . while my sonn was still weeping he coughed three times , and at the last time something gave a jerk , as though it had been the breaking of a string , which hurt him a little . whereupon , his tongue was loosed , and he spake , and said , blessed be god , i can speak , and then he told to me what the man said to him on london-bridge , that before the sun be down , that shall be tyed that was never tyed before , and before the morrow sun be down that shall be loose that was never tyed before . this was remembred by him not above half an hour before he spake . my sonn faith , the man said he was a seaman , he was a man of a middle statute , his clothes under his coat was of a sad colourd silk watered , a sad colour cloath coat with gold buttons , with a crevait plain , twice about his neck , a cain in his hand with a silver head , and a sword by his side . thus reader , i have taken care to make good my promise to thee , that i would declare the truth and nothing but the truth , the lord give a blessing that it might find warm entertainment in thy heart , as it hath done in mine , the lord work it powerfully upon every soul in my family , for he only bringeth light out of darkness , and good out of evil , as i can experience it at this day , for thou art a wonder-working god. my sonn hath said unto me , if he had not been struck dum , he would never have told me any thing what this man had said unto him , but he would have gone to sea. but since the lord hath been pleased to give him his speech , he hath said , he will not now go to sea , for he hath seen the hand of the lord hath been against him in a wonderfull manner . finis . a letter from a person of quality in the north to a friend in london, concerning bishop lake's late declaration of his dying in the belief of the doctrine of passive obedience as the distinguishing character of the church of england eyre, elizabeth. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a letter from a person of quality in the north to a friend in london, concerning bishop lake's late declaration of his dying in the belief of the doctrine of passive obedience as the distinguishing character of the church of england eyre, elizabeth. [ ], p. printed for awnsham churchill ..., london : . attributed to elizabeth eyre. cf. halkett & laing ( nd ed.). "licens'd sept. th, . j.f." reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng lake, john, - . church of england -- doctrines. obedience -- religious aspects -- christianity -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - celeste ng sampled and proofread - celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from a person of quality in the north to a friend in london , concerning bishop lake's late declaration of his dying in the belief of the doctrine of passive obedience , as the distinguishing character of the church of england . licens'd sept. th . . j. f. london , printed for awnsham churchill at the black-swan near amen-corner . . a letter from a person of quality . dear sir , you may wonder , that at this time of day i should begin to talk to you of bishop lake's death , for which i dare say both of us have before this , paid our just tribute of sorrow , and for whose memory every true protestant must have a very particular respect , so long as the courage and constancy of the seven bishops remains upon record ; which i verily believe will be till time shall be no more : but some ( as if this glorious action had not been enough to have secured his fame to all eternity ) seem rather desirous to transmit him to posterity by another distinguishing character ; that of the great champion for passive obedience ; thinking that to be a greater honour than to be recorded for one of the great maintainers and assertors of the protestant religion , and the english liberties ; for there is a paper sent abroad about our country , attested not only by his own hand , but also by several unquestionable witnesses , wherein the good bishop on his death-bed declares , that he had been brought up in , and had also taught others that great doctrine of passive obedience , which he always look't upon as the distinguishing character of the church of england , and that he would not have taken the oath , though the penalty had been loss of life ; but found great satisfaction and consolation in his mind because he had not taken it ; and these he desired might be look'd upon as the words of a dying man , and so represented to his friends : but whether those friends had not done him as good service if they had kept it to themselves , and not represented it to the world , i think may be a question : for i must confess 't is a little unaccountable to me what designs they could have in publishing it : for 't is so far from being necessary on the bishop's account , that 't was really impertinent : for he that at that time was under , and had submitted to a suspension , meerly upon his refusal of the oaths , had certainly given the world as convincing a proof of his opinion , as if he had printed a thousand volumes about it : so that there was no more occasion ( i think of making , but i am sure ) of publishing such a declaration , than there is for my lord bishop of cant. to print manifestoes , to tell the people he is suspended on the same account . and since there was so very little reason to do it on the bishop's score , the motives and designs had need be very good that can justifie their doing it on their own . had either they or the bishop given us the reasons of his adhering to that opinion , besides that of his being bred and born in it , ( an argument that a turk or pagan may have for the truth of their religion ) , they might have obliged the world exceedingly ; but the only motives at least that are to me apparent , for telling us what we knew before , i think might as well have been spared : for there are two inferences which may very easily be made from the paper , and which i suspect was the chief aim in publishing : the first is to insinuate , that from the beginning of the reformation , ever since the church of england was restored to its purity , passive obedience was the corner-stone of it : for 't is call'd , the distinguishing character of the church of england : so that it seems none was accounted her true sons that did not hold it . now if this be true , here 's the whole body of the clergy in queen elizabeth's days cut off from the church of england at one blow ; for 't is not the opinion of one or two private prelates , but the whole convocation , who agree not only in giving the queen so very large subsidies , but also in declaring the accounts on which they did it ; and that was assisting and protecting the scotch and french protestants , and for abating all hostilities against the true professors of gods holy gospel , and for the advancing the free profession of the gospel within and without her majesties dominions ; and a great deal more to this purpose , as may be seen at large in the preambles to the three subsidy bills , given the th of eliz. l. . the th of eliz. c. . and the d of eliz. c. . so that 't is apparent it was their practice for forty years , and i hope their faith also : for i cannot be so uncharitable as to think they would sin against their conscience , and purchase damnation at so dear a rate , as those vast sums they gave for the assistance of those that i am sure did resist their kings , and who according to the doctrine of passive obedience , ought to have been look'd upon , and used as rebels . and truly , whatever is pretended , their doctrine was agreeable to their practice ; for altho the book of homilies hath been so often cited for the confirmation of this doctrine , yet the example of david , which is so much recommended to us in the d homily against rebellion , for his loyalty and our imitation , that is we desire to stand or fall by ; for if the subject may be allow'd to take up ( as we are sure david did against saul ) defensive arms , i think they would be very unreasonable to desire any more . but this having been enlarged on by better pens , i shall say no more of it ; but cannot pass by the epithet of the distinguishing character of the church of england , without some animadversions on it : and , first , i would ask you , sir , whether you think it necessary for particular churches to have particular distinguishing doctrines ? for i must confess , to me ( but if i am in an error i hope you will correct it ) it appears so far from necessary ; that i think 't is very inconvenient when particular churches have such distinguishing doctrines : for i believe it has been the occasion of all the schisms in the world. for since , as the apostle saith , eph. . . there is but one lord , one faith , one baptism ; and i may add , one church , and one truth . why should we not ( at least endeavour to ) be all of one mind , and not affect little distinctions , which oftentimes create great animosities ? of which our present age can give too many sad instances . but alas , the disease did not begin , neither will it , i fear , end with us ; for we find st. paul reproving it in his corinthians , as that which occasioned all their divisions ; while one cryed he was of paul , and another of apollo , and i of cephas , and i of christ : so that it seems they did not only give their patticular teachers the preference above others , but also set them in opposition to christ ; but to such i may ask the apostles question , who is paul , or who is apollos , but ministers by whom you have believed ? but if paul , or an angel preach any other gospel , let him be anathema ; and the same thing may , and i think ought to be said of churches , when they impose any thing but what is the true catholick faith. therefore to say such a doctrine is particular to such a church , and that which distinguisheth it from the catholick , is indeed to say the worst thing in the world of it ; and to own that is not any part of the catholick faith. and why bishop lake , or any body , should value a doctrine so much on that score , is that i cannot comprehend . and in my opinion , it would more have become his lordship , if as the office for the sick directs , he had made a confession of the christian faith contain'd in the apostles creed , which unquestionably he believ'd ; but it would satisfy us lay-people very much , if those gentlemen who have attested this recognition of his distinguishing faith , would print another paper , to assure us that he rehearsed the articles of our common creed ; that we may not be misled by the example of a bishop , to depart from the rules of the church when we come to die , and instead of the cristian faith , declare we believe just quite contrary to his distinguishing faith ; that in some cases resistance is lawful . but i fear i have already tired you by being so large on my first inference , therefore shall endeavour to be as short on the second as i can , and that i take to be this ; that from the bishops declaring he would not have taken the oath to have saved his life , and that his not taking it was the great consolation he had at that time , they would insinuate that the taking of the oath is a very wicked unlawful thing : for they being the words of a dying man just going to receive the sacrament , ought to be the more credited , and to make the deeper impression ; for so good a man as he could not be easily deceived himself , and at such time 't is certain did not design to deceive others . to which i shall crave leave to reply , first , that as to the main question of the lawfulness of the oath , it has been so fully and so satisfactorily discussed already , that i am very confident you and i know some that have taken it with as good a conscience as bishop lake or any body could refuse it with ; therefore it would be superfluous to say any thing on that point : but only wish that instead of urging any humane example , both sides would remember the divine rule of st. paul , rom. . . let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not ; and let not him that eateth not judge him that eateth . but then , secondly , as to the authority that bishop lake's dying words ought to have over mine or any mans judgment , i must declare , that till infallibility be , i will not say the distinguishing character , but the inseparable attendant of a good man , i cannot say that they ought to influence any body any farther than they appear true and reasonable . for if dying mens sentiments were to be the rule of our faith , we should have a very uncertain standard . for you must know that once i was acquainted with a papist , that i think , setting aside his opinion , was a very good man , for he led a good life ; and when this person came to die , he did it with as great confidence , and comfort too , as could be imagined ; and express'd as great satisfaction in his not being a protestant , as the bishop could in not taking the oaths . so that we may see 't is only the strong perswasion of the party , and not the truth of the tenets , that produces that sort of consolation . for i am confident the bishop himself would not have approved of the argument , had i turned papist on that dying mans declaration . but it seems some think it no great matter ▪ what we turn now ; for i hear some are so exceeding fierce , that they will hardly allow those which have taken the new oathes to be so much as out-lyers of the church of england ; but to be sure none must be within the pail that have not the distinguishing character ; and truly the number of the enclosed will be so small , that king james himself could hardly have hoped to have contracted the church of england in so small a compass ; and may in part be said to have got his ends of us , for i am sure he has done more mischief by the divisions he has occasioned among our selves , than he could have done by his persecutions . but although some persons indiscreet zeal have made them so uncharitable , i am as far from supposing it the temper of all the worthy men of that party , as i am from believing the doctrine of passive obedience in that unlimited sence it was preached up by some , was the universal opinion of the church of england in any age. for that it was not so for forty years of queen elizabeth's reign has been made pretty evident by matter of fact ; and that it is not so at this day , i think may be demonstrated by the same way of argumentation . for although i might have supposed it possible that a few particular private persons might for interest sake have disclaimed their former opinion , and comply'd with any thing ; yet truly i have so much respect for the clergy of the church of england , as not to believe that the whole body of them could be guilty of so mean a thing ; to say no worse of it . for really the dissenters , in comparison , are so few , that had there not been some names of note among them , they would hardly have been reckoned a number ; which gives me great hopes that those great and good men , whom we look'd upon as the pillars of our church , will not forsake the stations they so well became , for the sake of a particular private doctrine , which was no way essential either to the being , or well-being of the church ▪ but whose only use was to distinguish the church of england from all the churches in the world , and that is really from the catholick church . for this bishop lake seems to me to own , when he calls it the distinguishing character of the church of england ; and so truly it may still continue if they please , for i believe there is no other church so fond of it , as to rob us of it , if to be carried so high as some would have it . but if taken in its limited and true sence , passive obedience must be acknowledged so necessary a duty , that the world could not well subsist without it . and i am very confident , that all the difference about it has been occasioned by a little mistake , in applying those rules to communities , which were given to particular private persons , and only designed for such . for although in my single private capacity i ought to submit to , and suffer the greatest injustice , rather than disobey the lawful magistrate , and disturb the government : yet as i am an english man , i think i am as much obliged , by all tyes both civil and sacred , to defend and maintain that government and constitution of which i am a member , as i am to obey the king ; and that being the primary obligation , ought to be discharged in the first place ; but the safety of that being secured , subjects ought to obey without any other reserve . and this seems to me so evident , that i think it needs no further proof , though 't is capable of the clearest , if it were necessary , as i hope it is not ; for after all , i am very confident that the greatest and best of our dissenters are of my mind in this point , as might very easily be proved , if they would please but truly to resolve me one question ; and that is , whether they did not both wish and pray , that london-derry should be delivered out of the hands of those merciless butchers ? and this the excellency of their temper , as well as their christianity , obliging to , i cannot at all question but they did ; nay , i verily believe they would have gone further , and assisted them with their purses , if they had known how to have conveyed them relief . and now pray let us a little consider the consequences of this ; for if the doctrine is true , that 't is unlawful to take up arms for the defence of our lives and liberties , then all those great and gallant men were certainly great rebels , and whosoever did assist or abet them , incurr'd the same guilt : so that for any thing i see , we may all shake hands as to that matter . but in case i should be mistaken , and they were not so good natur'd ( as i do still believe they were ) , but did desire that so many thousand innocent persons might fall into the hands of their bloody implacable enemies : if , i say , they could wish this , it would give me a greater prejudice against the doctrine than ever yet i had . since it not only made them put off those bowels of mercies which christians out to have for one another , but even devested them of common humanity . for unless it be the papists , i know no other sect that is arrived to that height of barbarity , as to wish , that so many thousand persons ( who they never saw , nor never did them any wrong ) should perish , only because they were not of their opinion ; and if this could be their temper , i 'm sure i would never be their proselyte ; for i should dread it as much as popery it self ; and so truly i believe those good men do . but i forget my self , having already , i fear , exceeded the bounds of a letter , and trespass'd too much on your patience . but whatever the effect may be , i hope the cause is pardonable , because it proceeds from that intire confidence i have both in your judgment and friendship , that all my notions must be approved by you , before they can be so , by , dear sir , your most intirely affectionate friend and servant . finis . a sermon preached before the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled in the abbey-church at westminster, on the thirtieth of january, / / by the most reverend father in god, john, lord arch-bishop of york. sharp, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a sermon preached before the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled in the abbey-church at westminster, on the thirtieth of january, / / by the most reverend father in god, john, lord arch-bishop of york. sharp, john, - . [ ], p. printed by j. leake, for walter kettilby ..., london : . reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- sermons. bible. -- n.t. -- titus iii, -- sermons. government, resistance to -- great britain. obedience -- religious aspects. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached before the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled , in the abbey-church at westminster , on the thirtieth of ianuary , / . by the most reverend father in god , iohn lord arch-bishop of york . london , printed by i. leake , for walter kettilby , at the bishop's-head in st. paul's church-yard , . titus iii. i. put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates . you all know what kind of argument this day calls for . for by the design of keeping it , the business that the preacher hath to do , is to press obedience and subjection to the government we live under , and to preach against faction and rebellion . and accordingly it is prescribed in the rubrick of this day 's service , that if there be a sermon at all , and not a homily , it shall be upon this argument . it is very well that authority hath taken care , that at some solemn times we should preach upon this subject in a more solemn manner . because though it be as needful as any , yet there are some among us that think it a very improper theme for the pulpit . i must confess i had an eye to this suggestion , when i pitch'd upon these words which i have now read to you : because i think there is something to be observed in them which will effectually confute it . st. paul here lays his charge upon titus , that he should put the people that were under his care in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates . two things i would here consider . first , the person that is order'd thus to put the people in mind : and secondly , the thing that he is to put them in mind of , which is , subjection and obedience to principalities , and powers , and magistrates . i begin with the first thing , the person to whom st. paul writes this epistle , and to whom he gives it in charge that he should put the people in mind to be subject . who was this person ? why it was titus , an ecclesiastic , a bishop , a preacher of the gospel ; not a lay-man , not a magistrate , but a pure church-man . what can be more plainly gathered from hence than this ; that it is not foreign to a clergy-man's office to preach obedience and subjection to the government ; but , on the contrary , a part of his function , a necessary duty incumbent upon him to do it . if any man affirm otherwise , he must either say , that st. paul did not rightly instruct titus in his office , but enjoined him to do that which he had nothing to do with : or he must shew that the case of titus was different from that of the ministers of the gospel at this day . neither of which things can , i believe , be easily made out . and yet into such times are we fallen , that it is taken ill by many , that ministers should in their pulpit-discourses meddle with these matters . i must confess i think , that of all men it most concerns a minister of religion not to be a busie-body , or a medler in other mens matters . for in truth he hath work enough to do of his own ; and such kind of work too , as , let him behave himself as inoffensively as he can , will create him difficulties and enemies enow . and therefore it would be very imprudent in him to usurp other mens provinces , and to burn his fingers where he needs not . especially considering that the success of his labours and endeavours among the people doth in a great measure depend upon the good liking they have of him . but what is it that gives offence ? or what is it that renders this argument we are speaking of so improper a subject for a clergy-man to treat of ? why , several things are pretended , and i shall name some of them . first , it is said , that the work of a clergy-man is to instruct men in christ's religion , to preach against vice and sin , and to preach up holiness and good life , and mutual love and charity : but what has he to do with state-affairs , as matters of government are ? i answer , he hath nothing indeed to do with them : but his only work is to make men good christians , by endeavouring to possess them with a hearty belief of our saviour's doctrines and promises , and persuading them to a conformity in their lives to his precepts . this is our proper work , and this is that we ought to attend to all the days of our life ; and with government ▪ and state affairs we ought not to meddle , in our sermons especially . but then , after all this , it doth not follow , but that we are all bound , as we have occasion , to preach up loyalty and obedience to our governours . for this is no state affair , but an affair of the gospel . we cannot instruct men in christ's religion , without instructing them in this . if indeed it was an indifferent thing to a man's christianity , or to his salvation , whether he was a good or a bad subject ; then indeed it would be as indifferent to a preacher , whether he insisted on these things to the people : but it is not so . one great branch of christian holiness , as it is declared in the new testament , is , that every man demean himself quietly and peaceably and obediently to the government he lives under , and that not only for wrath , or fear of punishment , but also for conscience-sake . and this is made as necessary a condition of going to heaven , as any other particular vertue is . and therefore if we will instruct men in christ's religion , and in the indispensable points of holiness required thereby , we must instruct them in this also . one great vice and damnable sin , that the religion of our lord has caution'd against , is the sin of factiousness and rebellion . and therefore , if it be our duty to declare against the sins and vices that are contrary to christianity , it is our duty to declare and caution against this also . lastly , we do readily grant that a great part of our office consists in most affectionately recommending and pressing the necessity of mutual love and charity . but if this be necessary , is it not more so , to recommend and press obedience to authority , without which , mutual love and charity cannot possibly subsist ? that being the common ligament of them ; and take away that , we should be no better than bears and tygers one to another . but it is said , in the second place , that preachers ought not to meddle with these points , because they are not competent judges of them : they do not know the measures and limits of loyalty and disloyalty , of being a good , and a bad subject : these depending altogether upon the constitution of the government we live under ; and the determining of them belongs to the civil courts , and not to their profession . to this i answer , that in all those instances , wherein this argument falls under the cognizance and determination of parliaments , or iudges , or lawyers , we do not pretend to meddle with it . and if any man do , let him answer for himself . all that we pretend to , is to press the plain , general , indispensable duties of obedience to laws , and of peaceableness , and subjection to the higher powers , which christ and his apostles have every where taught in the bible . if indeed a preacher should in the pulpit presume to give his judgment about the management of publick affairs ; or to lay down doctrines as from christ , about the forms and models of kingdoms or commonwealths ; or to adjust the limits of the prerogative of the prince , or of the liberties of the subject in our present government : i say , if a divine should meddle with such matters as these in his sermons , i do not know how he can be excused from the just censure of meddling with things that nothing concern him . this is indeed a practising in state matters , and is usurping an office that belongs to another profession , and to men of another character . and i should account it every whit as undecent in a clergy-man to take upon him to deal in these points ; as it would be for him , to determine titles of land in the pulpit , which are in dispute in westminster-hall . but what is this to the preaching obedience and subjection to the establish'd government ? let meddling with the politicks be as odious as you please in a clergy-man ; yet sure it must not only be allow'd to him , but be thought his duty , to exhort all subjects to be faithful to their prince , to live peaceably under his government , and to obey all the laws that are made by just authority : and even where they cannot obey them , yet to submit , and to raise no disturbance to the publick upon that account . and this is the great thing which we say clergy-men have to do in this matter . we meddle not with the politicks ; we meddle not with prerogative or property ; we meddle not with the disputes and controversies of law that may arise about these matters : but we preach a company of plain lessons of peaceableness and fidelity , and submission to our rulers ; such as the law of nature teaches ; such as both christ and his apostles did preach in all places where-ever they came ; and such as will at this day hold in all the governments of the world , whether they be kingdoms or commonwealths . and if at any time we make a particular application of these general rules to our own established government , it is only in such instances as are plainly of the essence of our national constitution . in such instances as are plainly contain'd in the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , and those other tests , which , for the security of the government , the law hath taken care that subjects sh●ll swear to , and consequently must be thought obliged both to understand and practise them . and how can it be an invasion of another man's office , to preach and insist upon such things as these ? no , certainly ; what it is the duty of every subject both to understand and practise in order to his salvation , that , without doubt , it is the duty of their pastors to put them in mind of . but thirdly , it is said further , that preachers cannot engage in these arguments , but they will of necessity side with some party or faction among us : now they should have nothing to do with parties or factions . to this i answer , that to be on the side of the established government , and to endeavour to maintain that , is not to be a favourer of parties and factions . but they are the factions , they are the setters up , or abettors of parties , who endeavour to destroy , or unsettle , or disparage , or in the least to hurt and weaken the government and the laws as they are established ; let the principles upon which they go , or the pretences they make , be what they will. so that a minister , by preaching obedience and subjection , doth not in the least make himself of any party ; but , on the contrary , he sets himself against all parties : and so he ought to do . for his business is , to be on the side of the government as it is by law established ; and as vigorously as in him lies , in such ways as are proper for his function , to oppose all those that would either secretly undermine it , or openly assault it : in a word , all those that would make any change or innovation in it ( by whatever names they are discriminated ) by any other means or methods than what the law of the land , and the nature of the constitution doth allow . and thus much of the first thing i took notice of in the text , viz , the person to whom the charge is here given , that he should put the people in mind . i now come , in the second place , to the thing he was to put them in mind of , and that is , to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates . and here two things are to be enquired into ; first , who are those principalities and powers and magistrates to whom we are to be subject , and whom we are to obey . and , secondly , wherein consists that subjection and obedience that we are to give to them . as for the first of these , who are the principalities and powers and magistrates ? why , certainly by these words are meant the supreme civil governours of every nation , and under them their subordinate officers . let the form of government in any country be what it will ; in whomsoever the sovereign authority is lodged ( whether in one , or in many ) they are the principalities and powers to whom we are to be subject ; and those that are commission'd and deputed to exercise authority under them , are the magistrates whom we are to obey . st. peter , in the d . chapter of his st . epistle , doth thus express them , ( alluding , no doubt , to the government of the roman state under which he lived , which was then monarchical ) submit your selves , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to every humane constitution , for the lord's sake : whether it be to the king , as supreme ; or unto the governours , as unto them that are sent by him — for so is the will of god. upon which words of his , the homily of our church , appointed to be read on this day , doth thus gloss . st. peter doth not say , submit your selves unto me , as supreme head of the church . neither saith he , submit your selves , from time to time , to my successors in rome . but he saith , submit your selves unto your king , your supreme head , and to those that he appointeth in authority under him . this is god's ordinance , this is god's holy will , that the whole body in every realm , and all the members and parts of the same , shall be subject to their head , their king. as for the subjection and obedience that is to be paid to these principalities and powers , which is the other thing i am to enquire into , it consists of a great many particulars . it implies in it , for instance , that we should give all honour , respect and reverence to their persons , looking upon them ( which really they are ) as god's vicegerents upon earth . that we should not rashly censure their actions , or the administration of their government . that we should at no hand despise them , or speak evil of them , remembring the character that st. iude gives of those that despise dominions , and speak evil of dignities . that as we should make prayers , and supplications and intercessions , and giving of thanks for all men ; so more especially for them , and those that are put in authority under them , as st. paul teaches us . that we should pay them the tributes and customs that are due to them , as the same apostle expresses it ; that is , the expences we are legally taxed at , towards the support of their government . that we should , according to our power , maintain their iura majestatis , the rights and prerogatives , belonging by the constitution , to their office and dignity that we should assist and defend them against their enemies . that we should behave our selves peaceably and modestly in our particular vocations , endeavouring to make their government as easie and as happy as we can , but at no hand to invade any publick office that belongs not to us . in a word , that we should yield obedience to all their laws . and in case it ever happen that we cannot with a safe conscience obey , there we are patiently to suffer the penalties of our disobedience : but by no means either to affront their persons , or to disturb their government , by raising or partaking in any tumult , or insurrection , or rebellion . all this that i have now named , is contained in that duty of subjection and obedience which we are here bid to pay to principalities and powers , as might easily be shewn , as to every particular : but i will not tire you , by running through all these heads , and therefore shall only desire leave to speak a little to the two last things i have now mention'd ; both because they are the most general , and do in a manner comprehend the rest ; and because they seem principally intended in the text i am now discoursing of . put them in mind ( saith st. paul ) to be subject , and put them in mind to obey . in the one phrase seems to be intimated the duty of active obedience to the laws and orders of our governours : in the other phrase , our submission where we cannot obey . and first of all , as for the business of active obedience , ( for it is proper to begin with that first ) all that is needful to be said for the clearing of it , may be comprized in these four following propositions . st . that the standing laws of every country are the rule of the subjects obedience , and not merely the will of the prince . where indeed the legislative and the executive power are both in one hand , ( as it is in those we call absolute monarchies ) there the will of the prince stands for law. but where people are so happy as to live under a legal establishment , as ours is , there the publick laws must govern and steer their actions , and not the prince's private pleasure . so that tho' the king can do no wrong , ( as our maxim is ) yet the subject is answerable for every thing he doth against law , even when he doth it by the king's command . dly . whatever laws are made by just authority , whether in civil matters , or in matters relating to religion , if they be not contrary to god's laws , there the subject is bound in conscience to obey them , even tho' he apprehends they are inconvenient . i own indeed that the matter of some laws may be of so small importance , that a man shall not need much to charge his conscience with the observance of them : it being enough that he submit to the penalty , in case of transgression : and perhaps the government never meant to extend their obligation farther . but for all that , it is in the power of the legislative , when there is reason , to bind our consciences to obedience , as well as to award punishments to our disobedience . and the reason of this is evident , because we are bound by the laws of god , who hath the supreme dominion over our consciences , to obey our lawful governours in lawful things . nay , i say farther , ( which is my d. proposition , ) that even where we doubt of the lawfulness of their commands , we are bound to obey ; so long as we only doubt of their lawfulness , but are not persuaded that they are unlawful . for certainly the authority of our governours ought to over-rule any man's private doubts . there is all the reason in the world that it should do so : and there is no good reason to be urged to the contrary . pray , what is it we mean , when we say that a man doubts concerning a thing , whether it be lawful or no ? is it not this ? that his judgment is kept suspended between equal probabilities on both sides of a question . he is enclined by some reasons to believe that the thing is lawful , and he is enclined by other reasons to believe that the thing is unlawful . and these reasons do appear so equally probable to him on both sides , that he doth not know how to determine himself : he doth not know which way he should frame a judgment about the point in question . this is the notion of a doubt . now in such a case as this , when authority interposeth , and declareth it self on one side ; and pronounceth not only that the thing is lawful to be done , but also , that it will have it done ; and accordingly lays its commands upon the man to do it : i say , if there be not so much weight in authority as to turn the scale in such a case as this , and to oblige a man to act in obedience to it ; it is the lightest thing in the world , and signifies very little as to the influencing the affairs of mankind . but , thly and lastly ; if the matter be out of doubt : if a man be really convinced that the thing which authority commands him , is not lawful in it self , but is contradictory to the laws of god : in that case he must not do the thing commanded ; on the contrary , he is bound to forbear the practice of it . if any humane law , let it be made by the best authority upon earth , should command us to believe any point in matters of faith which we are persuaded to be contrary to the revelation of christ and his apostles ; or should command us to profess and declare our belief of any matter whatsoever , tho' never so indifferent , when yet we did not really believe it ; or , lastly , should oblige us to the doing of any action which we did in our own conscience judge to be a transgression of a divine command : i say , in none of these cases are we to yield obedience to the law , by what authority soever it was enacted . and the reason is plain : we must always chuse to obey god rather than men. where god's law hath commanded us , there no humane law can absolve us from the obligation . where god's law hath forbidden us , there no humane law can lay obligations upon us . and it is the same thing as to our practice , that we believe god's law hath ty'd us up , as if it had really done so . so that , whether we are really in the right , or in the wrong , as to our persuasions in these matters , we must not act against them ; because we must not act against our consciences . only this we are to remember , that it extremely concerns us rightly to inform our consciences in these matters where humane laws have interposed their authority . for if we make a wrong judgment of things , and upon that account deny our obedience to the laws , where we should have given it : though we ought not to act against our conscience , as i said , ( nay , it would be a great sin in us if we should , ) yet , on the other side , we are not to be excused for disobeying the commands of authority , where we might lawfully have obeyed them ; unless it should prove that it was through no fault of ours that our judgments were misinformed . and thus much concerning my first head , that of obedience to laws : i now come to the other , that of subjection ; as that word implies patient submission to our governours , where we cannot actively comply with what they require of us . and this is that doctrine of passive obedience which of late hath had so ill a sound among many of us : but i dare say , for no other reason but because it may have been by some misrepresented . for where-ever it is rightly understood , it can give offence to none but to such as are really disaffected to the government , and do desire alterations . that there is such a submission due from all subjects to the supreme authority of the place where they live , as shall tie up their hands from opposing or resisting it by force , is evident from the very nature and ends of political society . and i dare say , there is not that country upon earth , let the form of their government be what it will , ( absolute monarchy , legal monarchy , aristocracy , or commonwealth ) where this is not a part of the constitution . subjects must obey passively , where they cannot obey actively : otherwise the government would be precarious , and the publick peace at the mercy of every malecontent , and a door would be set open to all the insurrections , rebellions and treasons in the world. nor is this only a state doctrine , but the doctrine also of iesus christ , and that a necessary , indispensable one too ; as sufficiently appears from those famous words of st. paul , rom. xiii . , . which are so plain , that they need no comment : let every soul ( saith he ) be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god ; and the powers that be , are ordained of god. whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . so that so long as this text stands in our bibles , the doctrine of non-resistance or passive obedience must be of obligation to all christians . but then , after i have said this , care must be taken that this general doctrine be not misapplied in particular countries . though non-resistance or passive obedience be a duty to all subjects , and under all governments , yet it is not expressed the same way in all places ; but both the objects and the instances of it do vary in different nations , according to the different models of their government . to speak this as plainly as i can . as the laws of the land are the measures of our active obedience ; so are also the same laws the measures of our submission . and as we are not bound to obey but where the laws and constitution require our obedience ; so neither are we bound to submit but as the laws and constitution do require our submission . taking now this to be the true stating of the doctrine of passive obedience , as i verily believe it is , i do not see what colour of reason can be offered against it . sure i am , the common pretence , that it tends to introduce tyranny , and arbitrary government , and to make people slaves , is quite out of doors . for you see it makes no princes absolute , where , by the constitution , they were not so before . nor doth it destroy any liberty of the subjects that they were before in possession of . all that it doth , is to preserve and secure the national settlement in the same posture , and upon the same foot , in and upon which it is already established . and this is so true , that there is not a common-wealth in the world so free , but that these doctrines of non-resistance and passive obedience must for ever be taught there , as necessary even for the preservation of their liberties . as for what this doctrine imports among us , and in our constitution , or how far it is to be extended or limited , it belongs not to me to determine . but thus much the occasion of this day 's meeting will not only warrant me , but oblige me to say upon this head , and it is all the application i shall now make , namely , that by all the laws of this land , the person of the king is sacred and inviolable ; and that to attempt his life in any way , or upon any pretence , always was and is high treason . and if so , what are we to think of that fact which was on this day committed upon the person of our late sovereign , of blessed memory , king charles i. taking it with all its circumstances ? why certainly , how slight soever some people among us may make of it , it was a most barbarous murther ; a violation of the laws of god and man , a scandal to the protestant religion , and a reproach to the people of england ; whilst the impious rage of a few , stands imputed by our adversaries to the whole nation . all this i may say of this fact ; for it is no more than is said of it by the lords and commons of england , in that act of parliament which appoints the keeping of this day as a perpetual fast. i am sensible how uneasie some are at the mentioning of this ; and how gladly they would have both the thing , and the memorial of it , forgot among us . i must confess , i could wish so too , provided we were sure that god had forgot it ; so , i mean , forgot it , as that we were no longer obnoxious to his judgments , upon the account of that innocent blood : and provided likewise , in the second place , that those factious , republican principles which have once over-turn'd our government , and brought an excellent prince to an unhappy end , were so far forgot among us , as that there was no danger from them , of ever having this or the like tragedy acted again in our nation . but so long as we have apprehensions from either of these things , so long it will be fit for us to remember this fact , and this day ; and both to implore the mercy of god , that neither the guilt of that sacred and innocent blood , nor those other sins by which god was provoked to deliver up both us and our king into the hands of cruel and unreasonable men , may at any time hereafter be visited upon us , or our posterity : and likewise to suffer our selves to be put in mind of that duty , which , by st. paul's authority , i have been all this while insisting on , namely , to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates : or , if you will rather take it in the words of solomon , prov. xxiv . . to fear the lord and the king , and not to meddle with them that are given to change . finis . the true way to loyalty a sermon preached by john owen, chaplain to the right honourable henry, lord grey of ruthin. owen, john, chaplain to lord grey of ruthin. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the true way to loyalty a sermon preached by john owen, chaplain to the right honourable henry, lord grey of ruthin. owen, john, chaplain to lord grey of ruthin. [ ], p. printed for samuel eddowes, at the three chairs next door to the fleece tavern in cornhil, london : mdclxxxiv. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -- n.t. -- titus iii, -- sermons -- early works to . obedience -- religious aspects -- christianity -- early works to . sermons, english -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true way to loyalty a sermon preached by john owen , chaplain to the right honourable henry , lord grey of ruthin . london , printed for samuel eddowes , at the three chairs next door to the fleece tavern in cornhil . mdclxxxiv . to the right worshipful sir jonathan raymund , knight , and alderman of the city of london . sir , the great and many obligations , which i have received from your self and good lady , made it easie to determine to whom i ought in duty to direct this discourse , as a publick testimony of my gratitude and thankfulness . and truly , i have had a very great longing , for some time , to meet with an opportunity of paying my respects to you in some eminent , visible way , to the end the world might see and know , what a grateful sense i have of those favours which i am never able to requite . but there was another consideration which did mightily prevail with me to ascribe this sermon to your patronage ; and that is , the agreeableness of this subject of loyalty with your practice and inclinations , who gave sufficient and the most convincing proofs of it in a time of tryal , when loyalty was going down the wind , and when some people who had no just or material objection against sir jonathan raymund upon account of his fitness to serve the publick , yet reflected upon his loyalty , as his crime , and that which , in their opinion , did spoil all other qualifications . but sir , this has much redounded to your honour and reputation among all good men , that you did so slight the censures of some malevolent people , who had ill will against you , for no other reason , but because you had such good will to his majesty and his government , as to shew your self such a brave example of steddy and unshaken loyalty , in unstable times ; and one that out of pure choice would undertake to come in in the very heat of the day , and steer the affairs of a great city , when the government was in great distress , and pester'd with powerful and implacable enemies on all sides . nay , such is your love of majesty and zeal for loyalty , that you are promoting it in all companies wherever you come ; and , as i have particularly observed , you take singular care to train up your children the same way , and encourage nothing more , both in children and servants , than loyalty to the government . 〈…〉 such is your temper and humour , that you 〈…〉 not easily admit any as your friend or ser●●●● 〈◊〉 who is not a true and trusty subject . your house seems to me a kind of school and seminary of loyalty ; and you have so large a stock and treasure of it in your self and family , that you are able to plant and furnish a whole town . but i fear i may be thought a bold and conceited man , for venturing such a plain and easie discourse into the world , when there are numbers of excellent discourses upon this very subject , which are no less elegant than profitable . but as to this , i dare undertake to vindicate my self and sermon too , forasmuch as the subject i now treat on is so great and excellent in it self , that it needs no flourishes or advantages of oratory , to recommend and set it off : and i humbly conceive , that the plainer it is , the fitter it will be for the plainer sort of people , which are most numerous ; and if others shall blame me , for not whetting my style , and using that tartness of expression , which is now the modish way of treating all dissenters , and persons that appear disaffected to the government ; i answer , that severity , in any sort , is much against my nature , and that i have studiously declined all satyr and invectives , for this very reason , because i have known many hardned by that means , but never any converted . and now sir , not to detain you any longer , i here present you with a plain discourse of loyalty , and the true and only way to preserve all people in obedience to authority ; which as i am confident it will gain your favour and protection , for the sake of its subject , so i hope it may do some general good in the world in that way it is designed ; which is the earnest wish , and principal aim of , sir , your most humble servant , john owen . titus . vers . . put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good work. this text is in the nature of a standing monitor , and perpetual remembrancer to us of the subjection and obedience which we owe to our superiours : and i suppose , that the apostle takes occasion to preach up this doctrine of obedience the more , because it was commonly suggested , in the first days and rise of christianity , that it was a religion which brought perfect freedom and liberty along with it , and which tended to level all orders and distinctions of men , as , high and low , bond and free , master and servant , and so make every body alike gentlemen ; that is , it was taught , and maintain'd , by a vile sort of men , call'd gnosticks , that christianity was a brave , frank , and generous religion , whose main design was , to dissolve all ties and obligations of obedience , and set all people free from a state of subjection . and therefore , we may observe , how that the apostle , out of an extraordinary care to prevent this growing error and mistake , which people were so prone to fall into , by reason of a natural love and desire of liberty , takes the pains , in several of his epistles , to discourse this matter plainly and fully , and more especially in part of the fifth and sixth chapters of the ephesians . he there runs through all those bonds and relations wherein we stand ingaged to one another , either as husband and wife , master and servant , or father and children ; and shews , how that the gospel liberty , and priviledges , do not consist in bursting these bonds asunder , or in untying the knot of government and obedience , whereby we are knit together in mutual relations and dependencies . nor do the doctrines contain'd in the gospel teach any thing tending to such licentiousness and disorders , nor in the least prompt or encourage men to lessen or draw off their obedience to their superiours , of what quality or degree soever they be : but on the contrary , 't is manifest that there are no doctrines so auspicious and friendly to government , that do so much preserve the rule and order of it , or fasten the bonds and ligaments of humane societies in a due subordination of one part to another , as the doctrines of christianity , which would have a very happy influence upon government , and the peace and order of the world , in case they were as truly practised as they are plainly taught and delivered in the gospel . but though religion does so well provide for the safety , and peace , and security of the government : yet , of late years , loyalty and obedience have been things very much out of fashion and request , and doctrines which some could not hear , or bear with any patience . the truth is , we have had the unhappiness to live in an age , wherein loyalty has been persecuted and punish'd , as the worst of crimes , and even now it is a hard thing to perswade some , that it is either a virtue , or a duty ; so that it is little esteemed of by them , and less practised : and therefore the apostle , as if he did foresee how apt men would be to flag and faulter in this great point of loyalty and obedience , commands that the doctrine of obedience be preach'd up , and men often be reminded of their duty in this particular , saying , put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , &c. in discoursing of which words , i shall first set my self to prove , that loyalty , and obedience to authority , is a necessary and indispensable duty of religion . secondly , prescribe some rules and directions how to preserve and establish us in this loyalty and obedience . first then , i shall set my self to prove , that loyalty , and obedience to authority , is a necessary and indispensable duty of religion . there is no duty , in all the sacred volume , which is more plain and legible than this of loyalty and obedience to magistrates : and yet some of late years have been so stupid , or rather , willfully blind , as to over-look it ; and , which is very strange , have pretended power and skill to discover and spell out the doctrine of resistance from the thirteenth of the romans , which is a famous sermon and discourse of obedience ; which is a plain and evident proof how unconscionably some people will sophisticate and pervert the plainest scripture , when it is to serve a turn , and in order to carry on a desperate design . but however , men may industriously oppose the truth , and hoodwink their understandings when they desire to delude themselves and others , yet it is as true as gospel , that resistance of the higher powers is a damnable sin ; for , they that resist , says st. paul , shall receive to themselves damnation . but i defie the most four patrons , and stiff assertors of this evil doctrine of resistance , to produce one place or sentence of scripture , which sounds or looks that way ; whereas , i can confidently and truly affirm , that there are several great expressions concerning obedience to our superiours , and a huge vein of loyalty that runs all along throughout the holy scriptures ; some instances whereof are these , touch not mine anointed , nor do my prophets no harm . fear god , honour the king. let every soul be subject to the higher powers ; with many other phrases of the like importance . and 't is very observable , that there is no duty which is pressed with more vehemency , or the threatnings of a severer penalty , or more largely insisted on than this of obedience and subjection ; as if it were the unum necessarium of religion . and we may farther take notice , that our saviour himself gives us the greatest example of it , in paying tribute when he might have lawfully refused : and to remove and prevent all exceptions to this heavenly doctrine of obedience , acquaints the jews , that albeit they might look upon themselves as a free and peculiar people , and stand highly upon their singular grants and priviledges , so as to think scorn to truckle or bend in a way of subjection to any power on earth , yet seeing it was their fate to fall under the power and dominion of the romans , who were now uppermost , and become their masters by absolute conquest and victory , they were as things now stood with 'em to pay all dutiful homage and submission to 'em , as being the higher powers . and st. paul is very brisk and positive in this matter , and commands obedience , and to be subject for conscience sake , even in the reign of nero , who was a monster of wickedness and tyranny . so that i cannot see with what pretence of reason or conscience men can dispute obedience to authority , in all just and lawful commands . and i do much wonder how a whole generation of men can have the face to pretend to extraordinary religion and sanctity , and yet at the same time live in such a known sin and wickedness , as is that of disobedience to superiours ; and i much more wonder , how they can call upon kings and princes to rule altogether according to law , when they themselves are such lawless people , and live in such a manifest violation ; and defiance of all those laws of the land , which are made in favour and confirmation of obedience . but i would that all men would know , and consider , that a quiet and peaceable subjection to authority is one of the great capital laws of the christian religion : and therefore ; for men to make nothing to break such a plain fundamental law , and disregard such an essential duty of religion , is a great sign , that they make very little conscience of their ways , and a shrewd argument , that they have little or no religion . and this is the proposition which i promised in the first place to make out and maintain , viz. that loyalty , and obedience to authority , is a necessary and indispensable duty of religion . i shall now , in the second place , prescribe some rules and directions , how to preserve and establish us in loyalty and obedience . which was the thing i principally intended . as first , by renouncing ill principles and doctrines dangerous to government . secondly , by suppressing our passions and first inclinations to rebellion . thirdly , by entertaining good thoughts and opinions of our superiours . fourthly , by avoiding evil and factious company . fifthly , by ceasing to envy and mutter at our superiours . sixthly , by praying for those in authority , and the prosperity of the government . and lastly , endeavour to satisfie those scruples and jealousies which make some people so restless and unquiet under the present government . and all this , i promise to perform with that softness and candor , as to give no just provocation or offence to the most passionate dissenter , if any such should be here present . first then , one way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority , is , by renouncing ill principles and doctrines dangerous to government . 't is natural for men to act according to their principles , and follow the tendency of those doctrines which they have been taught , there being , in a manner , the same relation between mens principles and practices , as between the cause and effect . now , ill principles will , in time , turn into matter of conscience : but , when men are once strongly perswaded that they ought to do a thing , though it be never so unlawful in it self , yet they will act it with as much courage and resolution , as they would in the most righteous cause in the world ; for , one of an erroneous and misguided conscience , will be as fierce and active in his way as he that has the most tender and pure conscience . so that none are so mischievous and fatal enemies to the government as those that think themselves bound , in duty and conscience , to subvert and overthrow it . and for the truth and confirmation of this , i will appeal to our late experience , and the great bustles and stirs which some people make at present . 't is certain , that the government is always in danger from men of ill principles , because they lye under a perpetual temptation to rebell . now of those many principles and doctrines which have for some years so mightily prevail'd , and pester'd the world , i shall only recount two , which i think to be of as pernicious a consequence , and to have had as great an influence in disturbing the government , as any others that can be named . the principles and doctrines are these two ; that dominion is founded in grace ; and that it is lawful to fight for religion . the one takes away all consideration of right and justice , and the other authorises and sanctifies rebellion . and tho some among us take a peculiar pride , and would be thought the more religious for clamouring against the papists , as altogether unsufferable , upon account of their dangerous principles and practices ; yet i would fain know , what difference there is between these two opinions of the lawfulness of deposing kings for heresie , and fighting for religion : the one is a pure jesuitical principle , and the other a fanatick . and truly , both accord and jump together in the same sentiments and opinions in opposition to government , save only , that the latter has the cunningness to lick the jesuits principles into another form , and put them into a different dress . but this has been the trick of all those who have had any spleen or design against the government , to disguise their malice and wicked intentions with the plausible and specious titles and pretences of religion and reformation : and when they have had a mind to rebell , that they might put a good face and a fair gloss upon the matter , they begin to find fault with their prince for some personal failings or enormities of life , or not being so close a friend to religion , nor so godly , as they would have him to be , or else quarrel at the administration of publick affairs , as wanting conduct and policy , and not being agreeable to honour and justice . and this we have seen practis'd all along , by that party of men who are a continual plague and burthen to the government , how that they are always picking flaws in their prince's religion or government upon the account of some defects in his morals , or some error and miscarriage of state ; and so represent him as a person not fit , or religious enough , to govern : for this principle , that dominion is founded in grace , lies at the bottom , and is the foundation , of all our dissenters rage and implacable aversion to the king and his government . for , they looking upon themselves as the godly party , and that none love or practice religion like themselves , do thereupon think that none but the godly have a right to govern : and though a prince were as holy as an angel , yet , unless he be righteous in their eyes , and according to their standard of holiness , he would be rejected as unfit to rule over ' em . and hence it was , that in the late times of usurpation this sort of men made no scruple to plunder and spoil others of their estates , and seat themselves in their possessions , giving out to the world , that the wicked did forfeit all right to their estates , and that none could hold an estate by any tenure but that of holiness ; and so made a shift , under the pretences of a singular piety , and a confident engrossing holiness to themselves , to convert the sinners lands , as they called all rich and loyal persons , into the inheritance of the saints , as they call themselves . and the truth is , wherever this principle prevails it will mightily provoke and stir up people against their superiours , in case of the least failure in point of morality , or that which they account religion , and the only qualification for government . and who can ever be quiet or safe in their possessions when a company of enthusiastick and hot-headed people , as most of this perswasion are , shall take an occasion to quarrel with others for their impieties , and grow very angry with 'em for their sins , to the end they might have some colour and grounds to justifie their plunder and sequestration ? and it is certain , that those who are so mightily for putting the government altogether into the hands of the righteous , will be very apt to strike in for their own preferment ; for , generally such kind of people are mightily conceited of their own worth , and are always righteous in their own eyes . but , as this doctrine has done a world of mischief in causing people narrowly to inspect and animadvert upon all the failings and miscarriages of their superiours , ( so seeking occasions against 'em ) even to the despising them for some weaknesses and imperfections , which are , perhaps , unavoidable in their circumstances , and no more than some sad instances of humane frailty : so likewise that other doctrine of the lawfulness of fighting for religion , has equalled the former in its mischievous effects . and tho some who have dip'd their hands in royal and innocent blood , and have been exercis'd in the slaughter of the righteous , have called it fighting the lord's battels , and assumed to themselves the name of strict professors and reformers of religion ; yet 't is certain , that such as are so ready to fight for religion , and promote it by the sword , have no religion at all . for , religion is a peaceable , quiet thing , and fighting and quarrels are as contrary to it , as are the most dissonant things in nature ; as are the lamb and the wolf , the soft airs of musick , and that raging , merciless element the ocean . and i am verily perswaded , that these principles and doctrines which i have now mentioned , and the like to them , which i have no time to recite or display in their proper colours , have been the occasion of vast troubles and distractions in this kingdom . and doubtless , this very doctrine of resistance and opposing princes , in case we do not like their religion , which was so maliciously intended , and so boldly maintained by a late mercenary pen , in a book entituled , the life of julian the apostate , has tended very much to dissettle some in their loyalty , and confirmed others in their rebellious principles . and perhaps the arguments which were there used to confirm and propagate that wicked position , might very much heat and spur on that unhappy gentleman the late lord russel , to those consults and debates which cost him his precious life , and brought him to such an inglorious end . and besides all this , the great danger is , that these turbulent and ill principles , may , like errors , not dye with their authors , but convey themselves to posterity : and we have too plain a demonstration in this age , that rebellion , as well as some natural diseases , runs in a blood , and propagates it self from one generation to another . the way then to be rooted and grounded in loyalty , is , to have our minds seasoned with sound , wholesome , and loyal principles ; for , such as are our principles , such also will be our practices : and no man that has imbibed ill principles , or gives ear to treasonable doctrines , will ever make a good christian or a good subject . and this is one way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority ; viz. by renouncing ill principles and doctrines dangerous to government . secondly , another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty and obedience , is , by suppressing our passions and first inclinations to rebellion . when we once deliver up our selves to the sway and predominancy of our unruly passions and affections , there is no other likelyhood but that the government should suffer , and be molested by us : for , most certainly , the great blustrings and storms , both in church and state , arise from our swelling and unmortified passions of ambition , malice , revenge , and the like . 't is these which imbitter and fire our spirits against one another , and by continuance boil up into rage and fury , and so help to put the whole nation into a flame . 't is these which , like gun-powder , tear up the foundations of peace and government ; and if they be not timely check'd and curb'd some way or other , will hurl all into confusion , and unhinge the world. in a word , 't is these which first raise a tumult within our own breast , and then fly and break out into publick mischiefs and disorders ; and can there be any peace and quietness as long as these reign and domineer ? but then as to our bad inclinations , they must be check'd and over-ruled equally with our passions ; and we must be sure to crush both in their first risings and motions against the government : 't is true , that bad inclinations do not presently deprave the mind , but corrupt and taint it by degrees . they lye hovering over the soul , and play fast and loose about it , till by length of time they come to be fix'd and radicated , and grow into temper and constitution . rebellion , like all other wickedness , has it's rise and beginnings , its several steps and stages , and gradual progressions , to open violence and hostility : for , as nemo repente fit turpissimus , no man grows desperately wicked on the sudden , so no man turns a rebel without some pausing and consideration , without some previous discontents and disaffections to the government . the seeds of sedition must have some time to settle in before they will spring up into actual mischief and danger ; but , except they are nip'd in the very bud , they will insensibly vitiate the heart and affections , and breed in us a desperate and plaguy itch of rebellion . and i do really believe , that some persons who have appear'd in actual rebellion against their prince , did at first as little dream they should be guilty of any such thing , as hazael , when it was first suggested to him that he should make such havock and a bloody slaughter in israel ; saying , with great abhorrence and detestation , what , is thy servant a dog , that he should do this great thing ! but yet , by giving way to bad inclinations , and the evil instigation of others , have been toled on actually to engage in a most horrid and bloody rebellion . the truth is , men can scarce apprehend what will be the issue and final result of their passions and bad inclinations , when they first consent to 'em : they don't know whither they will lead 'em , or into what furious and unlawful actions they may hurry and transport 'em , or to what a sad and miserable end they may bring 'em in process of time ; for all passions and bad inclinations do improve and gather strength by indulgence ; if they continue for any while , they soak into mens natures , and strangely pervert the very temper and dispositions of their minds : so that by continual yielding and giving way to these boysterous passions of spite , malice , and revenge , men at length come to be fierce , turbulent , and unruly , that there is no keeping 'em within compass , or reducing them to a quiet , peaceable , and good behaviour . and therefore it is sound and wholsome advice to resist the beginnings of evil , whether of body or mind ; for just as an ill wound which may soon be cured by a timely care and application of proper and fitting remedies , but if long neglected will ranckle and fester into an incurable gangreen ; so our turbulent passions and evil inclinations may easily be supprest , by striving against 'em at first : but if they are let alone to go on and prosper , they will then prove fatal to government , and swell into the most outrageous treason and rebellion . and this is another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority ; viz. by suppressing our passions and first inclinations to rebellion . thirdly , another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority , is , by entertaining good thoughts and opinions of our superiours . and this is a very proper method and means to secure our obedience to government ; forasmuch as there can be no certainty or security of obedience unless mens hearts are right and sincere towards their governours . it is always seen , that where men have ill thoughts or opinions of any person , they can never heartily love or be truly reconciled to him , nor yet think well of any of his actions : they may indeed make a fair shew , and carry it smoothly to outward appearance , but there can never be any real or sincere friendship . and it is the very same in case of obedience to superiours ; for , where subjects have no honourable thoughts or venerable opinion of their prince , they can then never obey him out of any principle of love , but purely as slaves , out of constraint and fear of punishment . now where obedience is the result of such a slavish fear , it will never last longer than till men are afraid to rebell , and they will fear no longer when they once get an opportunity and power to rebell : so that that obedience which is altogether grounded and establish'd upon fear , is of a most uncertain date and tenure ; and the government which so depends can never be safe or happy for the prince . and therefore , if we desire to approve our selves good and obedient subjects , we must ground our obedience in hearty love and affections to our prince ; and this we can never do , unless we resolve to chide away and banish far from us all unkind and uncharitable thoughts and suspicions of our prince , either as touching his religion or his government : for if a prince be never so wise and religious , yet if we are resolved not to think him so , this ill nature and morose temper of ours will make us extreamly censorious , and to put an ill construction upon all his actions and proceedings . tho a prince should deserve never so well of his subjects by his prudent and kind government , as certainly our king is the most meritorious prince in the world in both respects ; who if he had no other divine qualities but his vast wisdom and clemency , is the fittest person on earth to be god's vicegerent . i say , should a prince be never so wise and gracious , yet if subjects will be peevish and cross-grain'd , and have an utter aversion and antipathy to his government , 't is impossible they should obey him from the heart , when let him do the best he can he shall never please ' em . and therefore solomon takes the best way to secure our love and obedience to our superiours , when he forbids us to curse the king even in our thoughts . he knew very well , that there is no preserving majesty from contempt unless we retain a secret reverence for him in our hearts ; for evil thoughts are next door to evil practices , and a fair introduction to rebellion . he was sensible , that nothing could so facilitate and secure obedience to governours , as a real love and liking to 'em , and an honouring 'em from the very bottom of our souls . we know that love always follows liking ; and where there is not a real liking there can never be a true and hearty love ; and it is impossible for a people to obey their prince as they ought to do when they have no good opinion or conceit of him : and therefore we should labour to possess our minds and hearts with good thoughts and candid opinions of our rulers and governours , which will dispose us to put the best and fairest construction upon all their actions : and then will our obedience come so freely and sweetly from us , that we shall find pleasure in obeying , as well as our king in governing . and this is another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority ; viz. by entertaining good thoughts and opinions of our superiours . fourthly , another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority , is , by avoiding evil and factious company . i need not tell you what prejudice or advantages we are capable of receiving from company , the good or evil conversation of others , what power or influence it has to improve men in virtue or vice : but generally , bad company alters men soonest , and most , and is most infectious , which may be ascribed to our stronger natural propensions to evil , and our greater susceptibleness of it , than what is really good and vertuous . but so it is ever known to be , that men , by keeping company , contract a likeness of temper and disposition with those with whom they usually and frequently converse , and make friendship ; with the froward men will grow froward , with the meek they will grow meek ; and therefore solomon advises , not to keep company with an angry man : which he might do upon a double account , either as that might prove fatal and dangerous to his person , or else infect his mind with the same passion . and i am apt to believe , that some honest and well-meaning men , who at first detested all practises against the government , have been corrupted , and drawn into plots and treasonable designs purely by keeping company with such as were factious , and disaffected to the government . 't is a hard matter for him that is a companion of base people , to preserve his integrity or escape defilement ; and one may shrewdly guess at the temper and principles of a man by the company he keeps . 't is certain , that whilst men indulge themselves the liberty of tatling about the government , and against it , in seditious clubs and conventicles , they will , by continual discourses of this nature , envenome their spirits , and come to steep their language in the gall of bitterness : for as it is observed , that the frequent talking of some vices infects the fancy and vitiates the mind , and so procreates a love and a longing to them ; so it is often seen , that by treasonable talk men slide and fall into actual rebellion ; for from evil discourses to evil actions , is a natural progression . and therefore solomon gives very proper advice for the preventing all treasonable practices , when he says , prov. . . my son , fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them which are given to change : that is , do not associate and hold correspondency with men of roving heads and unsettled minds , who are governed by no steddy good principle , but are restless and uneasie under all governments . no body knows , no not themselves , what will please 'em : they are dissatisfied with any government long , and affect novelty and change in government , as well as in other things : with such persons hold no commerce at all , have no dealings with 'em , nor interest your self in their designs and projects : when you chance to meet with persons so very whimsical , and of such fickle and unstable minds , be sure you contract no friendship with 'em , but decline their society , as what will prove dangerous to your self , as well as the government . see then that you carefully and studiously avoid the company of such people as are always contriving , and hankering after new forms and models of government , and meddle not with them which are given to change . and this is another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority ; viz. by avoiding factious and pestilent company . fifthly , another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority , is , by ceasing to envy and mutter at our superiours . could we who are placed in a remote and lower sphear , be sensible of the cares and incumbrances of a crown , we should , i perswade my self , be so far from envying the glory of princes , that we should heartily pitty and lament their condition . did we but consider their many thoughtful and busie hours , how watchful they are for our good , when perhaps we are sleeping and snoring in our beds ; how they are bandying of things and racking their brains in deep consults and debates for the publick welfare , at such times as our thoughts and minds are at perfect ease and rest ; how they have their hands and heads full too , when we have little or nothing at all to busie and disturb us , and how difficult and laborious a province it is to rule and govern . did we thus consider the great cares and difficulties of government , certainly it would mightily abate and take off our spleen and envy against our superiours ; it would make us more tender of adding any greater load of troubles to that mighty weight of business which they already sustain . kings and princes have cares enough ( god help 'em ) in the very best juncture of affairs , when their government is most easie and safe , when all things go on in a due and orderly course ; yet they find work enough to preserve peace and quietness in their kingdoms , and need not be put to the trouble of quelling riots , or appeasing the rage and fury of a factious multitude : they find enough to do to defend us from our enemies abroad , to watch their motions , and dive into their policies ; so that it is , in my mind , great cruelty and baseness to force them upon the same guard and watchfulness at home , by our intestine broils and dissentions , and making continual stirs and commotions in the state. in the name of god , what is it that we the people of this nation would have , or can reasonably expect or desire to enjoy , more than now we do ? what is it that we so much grumble and are discontented at ? are we troubled that our rulers are studying and projecting continually for our good and the safety of the publick ? are we troubled that we have such excellent laws to protect and defend us , and that justice is administred with so much temper and moderation ? are we troubled that our superiours will take upon 'em the pains and trouble to govern us who cannot govern our selves ? or , are we troubled that our religion prospers , and grows every day more and more victorious over those who have been given up to strong errors and delusions . do any of these things trouble us ? if they do not , then 't is plain that we are arrant knaves , and resolve to quarrel and find fault out of pure crossness , and design to vex the government . but if they do trouble us , then we deserve to be troubled another way for being such fools as not to understand our own interest and advantage ; then nothing can prevent our troubling our selves , or proving troublesome to authority , but only the whetting the sword of justice , and making us feel the power of the publick rods and axes : and then we shall have something to trouble us indeed . but if we can find no just matter or occasion of offence upon any of the former accounts , why then do we not humbly acquiesce in the determinations of our superiours , and yield up a ready and quiet obedience to all the lawful commands and injunctions of authority ? if some people , who live under other governments where the prince's will is an absolute law , and who many times requires obedience as well without reason as without law ; i say , if these people should understand the great liberty and immunities of the subjects of this realm , and how sweetly and bravely we live , even more like princes than subjects , and how that every one may live as he lists , and serve god as much as he pleases , if he do either as he ought and should , they would stand amazed at our happiness , and wonder what ails the people of england that they are no quieter , nor better satisfied , under such a gentle and fine tempered government . for my own part , i must needs say , that i am often , in my private musings and retirements from the world , lifting up my heart and hands to heaven , humbly adoring the great mercy and goodness of almighty god , in giving me my lot and station under such an equal and favourable government , where all people may be as happy as they can wish or desire , and are debarr'd the liberty of nothing but making themselves and others unhappy by their foolish divisions . and truly , if we grumble and mutter now , we grumble and mutter for we know not what : and i wish , with all my heart , that we live not to see those times wherein we may have reason to complain , and smart soundly for our present petulancy and wantonness . alas , poor foolish people that we are ! we do not , we will not , understand our own happiness ! and what an easie thing it is to obey , in comparison of what it is to govern : i see we are not to be perswaded or convinc'd of the great priviledges and comforts of a private life , and how that subjects enjoy more ease and quietness in one day , than perhaps their rulers and governours do all the days of their lives : but , as far as we can ghess by the troubles and cares belonging to the rule and government of a private family , 't is no such sweet and pleasant thing to govern , as some people may imagine . a crown , indeed , is a glorious thing to behold , and people do naturally stare and gaze upon its outward pomp and splendour ; but they have not the sagacity to discern with what cares and thorns this glittering thing is stuff'd and lined within . i know not what others may think , but it was ever my opinion , since i could make any true judgment of things , that we are infinitely beholding to our rulers for the pains and care they are pleased to undergo in managing the publick concerns of a whole nation , which redounds so much to every individual mans interest and advantage : and , i think we can never thoroughly recompence or pay a sufficient tribute of thankfulness and obedience to our governours for their accepting the charge and trouble of so vast a conduct . and therefore , is it not very ill done of some , and an unpardonable crime in those that make it their business out of the malignity of their spirits against the government , to sow the seeds of discord and faction , to cherish private animosities and discontents among people of different perswasions , to the end they might grieve majesty and make more work for their superiours ; and , which is more , have laboured , with all their might and main , to misrepresent and bespatter the king and his government by infamous libels , and false , scandalous stories , thinking , by this means , to make majesty more uneasie in his throne , and to render both him and his government universally odious ? whereas it is the duty , and will be the practice , of every good subject , to endeavour by a ready and quiet obedience , and a peaceable behaviour , to alleviate and sweeten those cares and troubles which are so essential to government . and this is another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority ; viz. by ceasing to envy and mutter at our superiours . sixthly , and lastly , another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority , is , by praying for those in authority , and the prosperity of the government . government is one of the greatest blessings that can be to the world ; a prime instrument of humane felicity , without which , men would live and act like salvages , and worry one another like so many beasts of prey : without government the world would be a miserable and a dangerous place to live in , and all things would run into the greatest disorder and confusion . 't is from the benefit and protection of the laws that all societies keep and maintain their rights and priviledges , that men have the liberty and freedom to get estates , and to enjoy 'em quietly and peaceably when they have done . 't is by the force and power of laws that we have our lives and liberties guarded from continual violence and invasion ; and lastly , 't is government that secures us in the exercise of our religion , and befriends us with so much time , and leisure , and opportunities for devotion : and therefore , considering all these happy effects of government , we ought to pray , in point of interest , for the prosperity of kings , and the good success of their government , that under them we may live peaceable and quiet lives , in all godliness and honesty . and though the primitive christians had the misfortune to be inform'd against , by some of their malicious and implacable adversaries , as persons dangerous to the government , and that their very religion and principles naturally led and prompted 'em to treason and rebellion against the state ; yet this is known to be a false and malicious lye , and that none were greater friends to the government than they , tho the government was an utter enemy to them : which is confirm'd by their quiet and peaceable behaviour under the government , and their assiduous and fervent prayers for the prosperity of the empire under which they lived . which stand upon record in the writings of several of the fathers , and have of late been transcribed and produc'd by several learned men , in testimony of their loyalty , and to shame and reproach the disloyalty of some christians in these days if they had any shame in ' em . we must all needs know and confess , that government was ordained and instituted for the good of the world ; and the better that succeeds and prospers , the better it will be for us . and if some cannot be brought to pray for its prosperity , 't is a sign , that they do not regard their own private interest and welfare which are involved in the publick , or else that they have no kindness for their superiours or their fellow-subjects , in wishing ill to the government , that so those that sit at the helm may appear odious to the people : or else , rather than not to be gratified in their private piques and animosities against the government , care not if the whole kingdom be ruined . but , if some men that are lovers of anarchy and confusion , will not be perswaded that government is useful and profitable , i could almost wish that such people ( if others that are wiser and better could be safe ) might for some while have their own choice , and try the experiment of such dissolution and disorders ; or others that declare for government , but are mightily set against that kind of government which is monarchical and which it is our happiness to enjoy , shall hereupon oppose it , or not pray for the prosperity and continuance of the present government , that they also might have their own wishes and hearts desire in suffering the tyranny and distraction of a commonwealth , if that were possible , without a real change of that happy and blessed government which we are now under . but it is a vain and fruitless attempt for a man of my small moment in the world , to dispute with such persons about the duty and obligation of praying for our governours and government , when 't is evident , that they despise an apostolical rule whereby we are commanded to pray for kings and all in authority over us . and truly , when it is so that people shall think much to pray for their rulers , they will as certainly think much to obey 'em ; or , where they shall only pray formally and to avoid the suspicion of disloyalty , they had even as good not pray at all , for god accepts not of the prayers of such insincere and hollow-hearted hypocrites , neither will the government thrive one jot the better for ' em . yet i doubt not but god has hitherto preserved our gracious sovereign and his government from the sundry attempts and nefarious designs of the sons of violence , as the fruit and blessing of the numerous fervent prayers of pious and good men , which have been incessantly offered up to heaven for the conservation of both . and this is another way to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority ; viz. by praying for those in authority , and the prosperity of the government . having now prescribed several rules and directions how to preserve and establish us in loyalty , and obedience to authority , i shall now , in the last place , proceed to satisfie those scruples and jealousies which make some people so restless and unquiet under the present government . now , these fears and jealousies must be grounded either upon a suspition of their prince's firmness and constancy to the protestant religion , or else upon a suspicion of a change of government ; upon both which accounts , i shall shew mens fears and jealousies to be altogether groundless and unreasonable . first , if these fears are grounded upon a suspicion of their prince's firmness and constancy to the protestant religion , ( i speak out what others by their whispers and muttrings have given us too much reason to believe they suspect and think ) they are then altogether groundless and unreasonable . for it is highly improbable that a prince should waver in his religion , or incline to part with it in his prosperity , when he could not be overcome to change it in the time of his adversity , and when some who went under the name of strict professors and protestants had done enough , by their cruel and unchristian practices towards him , to put him out of conceit with it . but 't is well known , that during the time of his majesty's exile and banishment , when he was under great temptations to change his principles , both from the spite and malice of his subjects at home , and the kindness and friendship which was proffer'd him abroad , that notwithstanding these great provocations on the one hand , and as great allurements on the other , still he had the courage and bravery to preserve his faith and conscience inviolable . and when his religion was brought to the test and tryal , 't is manifest , that the impressions of religion were so strong and well-grounded in him , that no power of art , or force of disputation , could alter or controul 'em , not the greatest subtilty and cunning sophistry of the jesuits , could win upon him , or so far insinuate any contrary perswasion into his mind , as in the least to stagger him in his faith : but he continued firm and stedfast to his first principles , and came off a brave , stout confessor , and defender of that faith and religion for which his father died a glorious martyr . so that mens fears of popery coming in , upon a suspicion of their prince's firmness and constancy to the protestant religion , is ( to say no worse ) very unkind and uncharitable , and a diminution to that glory he did himself and the protestant religion , when he stood out and maintained his ground under so great a tryal of afflictions and temptations too . secondly , mens fears of popery coming in , upon a suspicion of a change of government , are highly absurd and unreasonable . the protestant religion is now of long continuance among us , and is so united and incorporated into the government of the state , that church and state must live and fall together . and such was the care and policy of those who attempted the first reformation , that they so ordered the matter , as to make it mens temporal interest to preserve and stand up for the protestant religion , by alienating the church-lands and revenues into the hands of the laity ; so that now most of the best and greatest estates in england consist and lie chiefly in those lands which formerly belonged wholly and entirely to the church . so that it is against one of the most common and received maxims , which is , that men will be of that religion which is most for their present interest , to think that ever the people of this nation will desire or consent to a change of government , when by that means they will hazard their estates , and be in danger of losing all . if , indeed , the coming in of popery would be for mens advantage , and add to their revenues , for ought i know , vast numbers would be tempted to embrace it . but , when it will so indanger their fortunes , if not beggar 'em quite , i can never believe , or imagine , that the people of this nation , who have either lands or brains , will change or turn to popery , whatever they may turn to else . besides , the protestant religion , as i hinted before , is now of a considerable standing among us , and has had time to settle , which it had not when people flew off from it in queen mary's days . then the reformation was in a great measure imperfect , and but in its infancy , and it was impossible it should be confirm'd and ratified when people had only some small taste and relish of it , as now it is , by so many repeated laws in the successions of several princes ; and therefore it was no wonder that people were so soon perswaded to turn off a new religion , and revert to the old one , but now that we are grown better acquainted with the protestant religion , and are so well convinc'd of its great excellency and reasonableness , in comparison of the romish , it will be a hard thing to introduce popery at this time of day ; because , such is the genius of this nation , that when they take to a thing , especially to religion , they will not leave or part with it , if they can possibly help it . and so it is that the protestant religion has had the good fortune to be most agreeable to their minds and perswasions , of any religion in the world : and therefore , considering it is their great diana , none that knows the english zeal and resolution , in matters of religion , will be so hardy or foolish as to attempt to change or ravish it from ' em . and besides this , before there can be a change of government , which must be effected by a change of religion , there must be such a repealing of laws , and alteration of properties , and such vast changes , as are not to be expected in the revolutions of an age : so that although some men may fear the coming in of popery , yet if it be considered what a great and strange alteration there must be , both in the constitutions of the nation , and the very temper of the people , in all humane probability , it can never prevail in our days . and , tho some people are possess'd with such mighty fears of popery , and its prevailing among us , yet , if i may speak my mind freely , and without offence , i see more reason to fear , that , according to the atheism and wickedness of the times , we shall come shortly to be of no religion at all . fear is one of the most boundless and ranging passions belonging to humane nature , and which prevails more or less according to the variety and difference of mens tempers and constitutions ; but , where it meets with a person whose faculty of imagination is quicker and more operative than ordinary , there it swells and multiplies , even to the transforming every weak and idle fancy into a prodigious monster and bugbear . and therefore 't is observed , that those who appear so mightily afraid of the introduction of popery among us , are a sort of people that are naturally suspicious and jealous of every thing , in whom fear is the most prevailing and governing passion : and therefore , as to the business of popery , if people will indulge their fears and jealousies , 't is certain they may as much fear a thing that will never come as that which may come : so that there is no such way to cure some peoples desperate . fears of popery , as to advise them to consult their reason touching the probability of events , more than their passions , which are often very vain and extravagant . and now , though i am convinc'd i have done my duty both to god and man , in preaching upon this necessary and material subject of loyalty and obedience , yet i fancy that some people may object against this discourse , for no other reason , but because it is a sermon of that nature and strain ; and perhaps , judge it unreasonable and improper for such an auditory , where none but loyal and conformable persons are suppos'd to be . this , indeed , is such a trifling and silly cavil , that i could hardly believe any such thing , but that i know it to be true , for people to cry out , that a sermon is unseasonable and improper , only because they have no mind to hear of a duty which they have no mind to practise . and 't is certain , that those that so flounce and carp at a discourse of loyalty , and obedience to authority , must have a sore place somewhere , some little ailing and infirmity of mind and conscience , as to the point of loyalty , which they cannot endure should be touch'd or rubb'd up . but i am strongly of opinion , that no man will ever grumble to hear handsomly of a thing he loves : and therefore i conclude , that whoever is offended at a sermon of loyalty and obedience , can have no real love or liking to the thing it self . but in answer to this slight and poor cavil , i say this , that i think a sermon of loyalty to be always seasonable , and that ministers are as much bound to preach it up as any other necessary duty of religion , whether people will hear , or whether they will forbear . and the same objection lies against all sermons as well as this of loyalty : for if we preach nothing but what is new , and not tell people of their duty because they pretend to know it already , then all preaching will soon be at an end . but we think it , as the apostle did , meet and necessary , to put people in mind of loyalty and obedience , for the same reason that we put 'em in mind of all other duties ; viz. not because they don't know 'em , but because they will not practise what they know . and moreover , i think that a sermon of loyalty is more especially in season at this time , considering how the world now goes , and how much the government is threatned by a sort of factious and ungovernable men. and i think none of us can be too perfect in this lesson of obedience ; and perhaps some people may not be so perfect as they take themselves to be ; and 't is a sign that they need to be taught loyalty , when they cannot endure to hear of it , and appear so very uneasie and nettled at a discourse that tends that way . but let not such persons flatter themselves with an opinion of their great loyalty , when they resent it so very ill to be told of it ; for , this impatience and dislike must needs proceed from lukewarmness , and a very cold and imperfect love of obedience to authority . indeed , according to some mens bitter way of arguing , no subject can be very pleasing ; and perhaps it may occasion some people to fly quite off from their duty which they had but little mind to before . and therefore , i have all along been careful not to offend any through hot and fiery language , or provoke 'em by hard names and odious appellatives , which i think mighty unbecoming this sacred place , where a decency ought to be observed in our words as well as actions . herein , then , do i comfort my self , that i have handled this doctrine of obedience with those gentle , but solid arguments , that i presume the most violent fanatick cannot justly quarrel at 'em , and i defie the wisest and most conceited fanatick of 'em all , either to answer or confute ' em . finis . the great duty of resignation to the divine will in afflictions enforced from the example of our suffering saviour / by william bates ... bates, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the great duty of resignation to the divine will in afflictions enforced from the example of our suffering saviour / by william bates ... bates, william, - . [ ], p. : port. printed by j.d. for brabazon aylmer ..., london : . errata: p. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng resignation. obedience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the great duty of resignation to the divine will in afflictions , enforced from the example of our suffering saviour . by william bates , d. d. nihil fit visibiliter & sensibiliter , quod non de interiori , invisibili , & intelligibili aula summi imperatoris , aut jubeatur , aut permittatur in ista totius creaturae amplissima quadam immensaque republica . aug. lib. tert . de trin. london , printed by j. d. for brabazon aylmer , at the three pigeons over against the royal-exchange in cornhil , . gulielmus batesius , s. s. theol : prof : aetat : . nov : . the preface . the first man by rebellion against his maker , lost his innocence and felicity , and conveyed a sad inheritance of sin and misery to his universal progeny : ever since it has been esteemed a principal part of wisdom to prepare the minds of men to encounter with innumerable evils that surround them , and to preserve a well-order'd , contented state of soul , when actually under the greatest afflictions . all the famous sophy's of the world , the most celebrated professors of patience , could not attain to this skill . their consolatory discourses composed with wit and eloquence , are like artificial fruits of wax , that seem to surpass the productions of nature , but can only please the sight , and afford no real refreshment to the taste . or , like rings of steel that are joined by the attractive virtue of the load-stone , that make a chain fair to the eye , but of no strength and use . it was inexcusable ignorance , their not resolving temporal evils to their proper original , the righteous providence of god. they erected a blind & foolish power under the title of fortune , to preside in this sphere of mutability ; they always boast of their playing a prize with fortune , and triumph over a phantome of their own fiction . this conceit was both impious and uncomfortable ; impious , to take the scepter of government from god's hand , and attribute to that foolish pleasure of fortune , what is ordered by his providence : and uncomfortable , for they fancied their deity to be blind , without discerning between the worthy and unworthy , and inexorable to the complaints of the injured , and the prayers of the miserable . the common topicks from whence they hardned themselves are , that none are exempted in this open state from afflicting accidents , the common tribute of mankind ; that 't is in vain to struggle with what is irresistible , that death is the balm and close of all evils . and the best of their moral arguments for patience under sufferings , such as the dignity of the reasonable soul ; and that nothing inferior to it should have power , or is worthy to put it into confusion ; that vertue is the noblest perfection , and is encreas'd by the most difficult exercise ; that 't is best to yield up our selves to the divine disposal . these arguments are with infinite more advantage propounded in the sacred scriptures : and for christians to attend to the instructions of natural reason , and neglect the divine revelations of the gospel , is a folly like that of the silly indians of mexico , who having plenty of wax , the natural work of the bees ; yet 〈◊〉 made use of fire brands to light them in the night that afforded a little light mixt with a great deal of smoak . briefly , they had but wavering conjectures of the future state ; and the recompences thereof , from whence are derived the most powerful motives of active and passive obedience to the commanding and disposing will of god ; but in the scripture are laid down in the clearest manner , and with infallible assurance , such principles as are effectual to compose the mind to patient suffering , and to meet with valiant resolution all the terrible contrarieties in the way to heaven . it declares , that sin opened an entrance unto all the current adversities in the world , which are the evident signs of god's displeasure against it . in anguish we are apt to dispute with providence , and an imagination of innocence kindles discontent : of this impatience , some even of the best moral heathens were guilty ; titus and germanicus charged the gods with their untimely , and in their apprehension undeserved deaths ; but the due sence of sin will humble and quiet the mind under sufferings , it directs us to consecrate our sorrows , to turn the flowing stream into the channel of repentance . and thus the passion of grief , which , if terminated on external troubles , is barren and unprofitable , it can neither retrieve our lost comforts , nor remove any oppressing evil ; if it be imployed for our offences , prepares us for divine mercy , and is infinitely beneficial to us . and thus by curing the cause of afflictions , our guilt that deserves them , we take away the malignity and poison of them . the word of god assures us , that all the perturbations and discords in the passages of our lives are ordered by his wisdom and will , so that without extinguishing the two eyes of reason and faith , we must acknowledg his providence , and observe his design in all , which is either to excite us when guilty of a careless neglect , or remiss performance of our duty , or to reclaim us from our excursions and deviations from the narrow way that leads to life . indeed there is nothing more common nor more fatal , than for afflicted persons to seek by carnal diversions and contemptible comforts to overcome their melancholy , and the sense of divine judgments ; and hereby they add new guilt , and provoke new displeasures . this presages and accelerates final ruine ; for such whom afflictions do not reform , are left as incorrigible . but above all encouragements , the gospel sets before us the sufferings of our redeemer , and directs all his disciples in sincerity to accustom themselves to the contemplation and expectation of troubles on earth ; it tells them 't is a branch of their religion , to suffer with him that they may reign with him . and what is more reasonable , than if our saviour endured superlative sufferings to purchase eternal glory for us , that we should with the same mind bear lighter afflictions to prepare us for it ? if this principle be alive and active in our breasts , that our present afflictions shall determine in our future happiness , when time shall cease and eternity succeed ; this will encourage us to serve god with our best affections when our days are overcast with sorrow , as in a bright prosperity : this will secure our passage through a stormy , tempestuous world , as if it were a truly pacifick sea , knowing that divine providence always guides us to the port of eternal tranquility . this is the substance of what is amplified in the following treatise . and whilst there are miseries in the world , no discourses are more seasonable and useful than those that lighten our oppressing sorrows , and that enable us with uniformity and constancy in all the changes of this mortal life , to pursue our eminent end. the holy spirit , the great comforter apply these truths to the hearts of the afflicted . william bates . errata . page . l. . for as objects are greater , r. appear greater . page . l. . for their subtilty , r. stability . page . l. . for now joseph , r. now that joseph . the great duty of resignation : matth. . . and he went a little further , and fell on his face , and prayed , saying , o my father , if it be possible , let this cup pass from me ; nevertheless , not as i will , but as thou wilt . the words are our saviour's prayer at his private passion in the garden . in paradise was the first scene of man's sin , and in a garden the first scene of christ's sorrows . he was now in the near view of his extream sufferings ; the fatal hour approach'd when he was to die with all the concurrent circumstances of shame and cruelty . his nature was humane and holy , and therefore apprehensive of misery and the wrath of god. in this exigency he fell on his face , a posture of humble reverence , and with earnestness prayed , saying , o my father , an expression of his stedfast trust in the love of god : if it be possible , not with respect to his absolute power , for by that he could easily have preserved him ; but with respect to his sovereign pleasure , and eternal decree : let this cup pass from me , that implies a compleat deliverance from the rage of the powers of darkness , and of the perverted world in conjunction with them . he suffered innocent nature to act as nature , for he submitted to our infirmities , but without our imperfections . nevertheless not as i will , but as thou wilt : his petition was qualified with an act of submission ; the desire of his nature , that recoil'd from such sufferings , was over-ruled by the resignation of grace . there was no repugnancy , but a subordination between the sensitive will and the rational will , directed by his mind , that foresaw the blessed effects of his sufferings , the glory of god , with the salvation of lost mankind . and that just horror , with the strong aversion of his nature from such a terrible death , renders his willingness more conspicuous and meritorious . as man , the apprehension of it put him into an agony ; but as mediatour , by a firm resolution and clear choice he submitted to it . now , the example of our suffering saviour , lays an obligation on us to transcribe his copy ; his titles in scripture declare both his eminency and exemplariness . he is our head , and our leader , the captain of our salvation , whom we are bound to follow in taking up our cross : his sufferings were designed not only for our redemption , but for our instruction and imitation . what he commands as god , he perform'd as man , that we might voluntarily yield up our selves to the holiness and equity of his law. thus from the patern of our saviour's deportment , the point of doctrine is this : the entire resignation of our wills to the disposing will of god , is the indispensible duty of christians under the sharpest afflictions . in the explication and proof of this point , i shall i. consider what is consistent with this resignation . ii. what is implied in it . iii. the reasons to convince us of this duty of resigning of our selves , and all our interests to god ; and then apply it . i will , first , consider what is consistent with this voluntary resignation . that will appear in the following particulars . first ; an earnest deprecation of an impending judgment , is reconcilable with our submission to the pleasure of god , declared by the event . our saviour with humility and importunity desired the removing of the cup of bitterness . we must distinguish between god's law , and his decree and counsel ; the law is the rule of our duty , and requires an intire exact subjection in all our faculties , even in our internal desires , in the first motions of the will ; the least velleity , or rising of the heart against the divine command , is irregular and culpable ; for not only the acts of sin are forbidden in every command respectively , but all the incitations of concupiscence , before the deliberate judgment of the mind , or the actual consent of the will. but the decree of god is not the rule of our duty , and secret , till manifested by the event of things . this being premised , the reasons are evident why we may pray against an affliction that threatens us , without violating our duty . first ; because afflictions are evils which the will naturally declines , and are not desirable things in themselves . they are not beneficial and productive of our good by any proper efficacy and operation , but by the over-ruling providence of god , and the gracious assistance of his spirit . when aaron's rod was put into the sanctuary , and became green and flourishing with blossoms and almonds , 't was not from any inherent vertue of its own , but from the special influence of the divine power ; for the other rods remained dead and dry : thus the happy effects of the afflicting rod are from divine grace . secondly ; there are proper temptations that attend the afflicted state. many are encompass'd in a sad circle , their sins procure afflictions , and their afflictions occasion many sins . indeed , tribulation that is sanctified , by a happy gradation worketh patience ; and patience , experience of the divine mercy ; and experience , hope , and hope maketh not ashamed . but when it meets with a stubborn spirit , there are fearful descents of sin : tribulation excites impatience , and impatience causeth perplexity , and that despair , and despair confusion . the devil lays his trains in every condition , and sometimes by immoderate sorrow , sometimes by inordinate joy , doth mischief to the soul. and as more perish by surfeits than abstinence , yet the diseases that are caused by emptiness , are more dangerous and incurable than those that proceed from fulness : so more are ruined by prosperity than adversity : but the guilty passions that ferment and rage in adversity , are more pernicious , and more hardly temper'd and subdued , than the luxurious appetites that are fomented and drawn forth by prosperity . we are directed by our saviour to pray , that we may not be led into temptation , and to be delivered from all evil. secondly ; a mournful sense of afflictions sent from god is consistent with a dutiful resignation of our selves to his will. 't was the vain boast of the philosophers , that their instructions would fortify men with such magnanimous principles , and generous spirits , as with an equal calm tranquillity of mind to encounter all the fierce and sorrowful accidents to which they might be exposed here : they speak high against fortune and fate , and resolve stubbornly , that no misery , whether poverty or disgrace , torments or death , should extort from them a confession that it was misery . 't was one of their axioms , that a wise man is not subject to the vicissitudes and instability of things here below ; that he suffers no conflict of contrary passions in his breast ; that he is always above in the * serene , where no tempests can disturb , no eclipse can darken his mind : but these proud pretensions were empty of reality . indeed such a perfect exemption from all afflicting passions is neither possible nor regular in our present state : not possible , for the best men are not all spirit , but united to flesh ; and when the body is under strong pains , the soul suffers in its sufferings ; and while we are thus compounded , the loss of those comforts that support and sweeten the present life , must cause grief . 't is easy to utter brave expressions , and lay down severe precepts in contempt of evils * when they are at a distance , but hard to sustain the spirit under the actual feeling of them ; 't is one thing to discourse of a battel , and another to be engaged in the heat of it . but supposing by a philosophical charm the heart were so hardned as to be proof against the most piercing afflictions , such a forced insensibility is not regular , but proceeds from the extinction of humanity and piety , and that will appear by considering afflictions in a natural or moral respect . first , in a natural respect , for so they are destructive or oppressive evils , and a pensive feeling of them is suitable to the law of our creation : for the humane nature is framed with such senses and passions , as according to god's intention should be affected suitably to the quality of their objects ; and if the soul acts rationally , 't is moved accordingly . a saint on earth is not a saint in heaven , raised above all disasters and troubles , freed from all hurtful impressions from without , and sorrowful impressions within , but is liable to afflicting evils : and it is becoming his duty to have his passions pliable to his condition , but without excess ; the eyes must not be drown'd , nor dry , but tenderly affected . secondly ; considered in a moral respect , as they are sent from the high and just providence of god , it is absolutely necessary there should be an humble resentment of his displeasure . this is a consequent of the former ; for if our affections are seared up , that we do not feel the stroke , how shall we regard the hand that smites us ? if we are not sensible of affliction , we are secure in our sins . natural sorrow is introductive of godly sorrow . there are two extreams to be avoided by the afflicted , according to the direction of solomon in the person of wisdom , and repeated by the apostle : my son , despise not thou the chastening of the lord , nor faint when thou art rebuked of him . some are discouraged and over-born by afflictions as insupportable : others are stubborn and careless , and never lay them to heart : they never look upward to the original efficient cause , an offended god ; nor inward to the impulsive deserving cause , their sins ; but esteem them fortuitous events that happen in this mutable state , without a design to correct and reform sinners ; or to proceed from a blind necessity , things of course ; or meerly regard the second causes and instruments of their troubles : accordingly , when they meet with calamities , all their care is by a perverse shift to seek for relief onely in temporal comforts ; without serious applying themselves to god , whose end in sending troubles , is to reclaim us from sin to holiness , from earth to heavens , from the creatures to himself . this secret atheism , like a benumming opium , stupifies the conscience ; and the insensibility of god's hand inflicting evils , is as different from christian patience and constancy , as a mortal lethargy is from the quiet , soft sleep of health : nothing kindles his anger more than neglecting it ; 't is equally provoking with the despising of his love : it is a symptom of a wretched state of soul ; if there proceed no sighs and groans , no signs of grief from the sense of god's displeasure , it is a sad evidence there is no spiritual life . indolence under the effects of god's anger , is like the stilness of the dead sea , whose calm is a curse . the jews , tho intitled the people of god , are deeply charg'd for this prodigious madness ; o lord , thou hast struck them , but they have not grieved ; thou hast consumed them , but they refused to receive correction : they have made their faces harder than a rock , they have refused to return . jer. . . we have whole quarries of such obdurate wretches amongst us ; this impenitent disregard of god's hand is a dreadful presage of future and more heavy judgments . who ever hardned himself against the lord , and prospered ? do we provoke the lord to jealousy , are we stronger than he ? the most refractory sinner he can compel to acknowledg with bitter lamentations his wickedness , and weakness , how unable he is to contend with his judge . but supposing a respite from punishment here , there is an hell prepared for stubborn sinners , where is weeping and wailing for ever . whom the rods do not awaken , the scorpions shall . secondly ; i shall now proceed to explicate what is included in the resignment of our selves to god in times of affliction . this will be made evident by considering the leading powers and faculties which grace sanctifies and works in , according to their natural subordination . the understanding approves the severest dispensations of providence to be good , that is for reasons though sometimes unsearchable , yet always righteous , and for gracious ends to the saints . when hezekiah heard the heavy prophecy , that all his treasures should be carried to babylon , and his royal progeny should become slaves there , he said to isaiah , good is the word of the lord which thou hast spoken . his sanctified mind acknowledged it to be a just correction of his vain pride , and quietly submitted to it : and as there is a satisfaction of mind in the rectitude , so in the graciousness of his proceedings . the misapprehension and mis-belief of god's design in afflicting , causeth impatience and murmuring ; but when the mind is convinced , that he afflicts us for our benefit , that bodily diseases are medicinal advantages , the remedies of the soul ; that the losses of earthly comforts prepare us for divine enjoyments ; that the way which is sowed with thorns , and watered with tears , leads to heaven ; the heart is compliant with the sharpest methods of providence . but these things will be more fully opened under the several heads of arguments to enforce the duty . this resignment principally consists in the consent and subjection of the will to the orders of heaven . the will is an imperious faculty , naturally impatient of opposition to its desires , and we pay the highest honour to god in the lowest submission of our wills to his appointments . 't is true the will cannot make a direct choice of evil , nor love afflictions , but the holy spirit by a powerful operation so disposeth it , as to renounce its own inclinations when discordant with the will of god. and the more humble , ready and entire the submission is , the more difficult and harsh the denial of our natural desire is , the more supernatural grace shines and is acceptable . it is the perfection of holiness to do what god loves , and to love what god does . there is a rare example of this in david's carriage , when under his greatest affliction : 't was in his flight from his son absalom , who endeavoured to deprive him of his kingdom and life . and the king said unto zadock the priest , carry back the ark of god into the city : if i shall find favour in his eyes , he will bring me again , and shew me both it and his habitation ; but if he shall say , i have no delight in thee , behold , here i am , let him do to me as seems good unto him . o happy frame ! his spirit was so equally ballanced , that if god would suffer a rebel that violated the most tender and strict relations of a son and subject to a gracious father and sovereign , the murtherer of his brother , and a parricide in his desires , to usurp his throne , he humbly submitted to it . the duty of resignation consists in the composure of the affections to a just measure and temper , when under the sharpest discipline . of the passions , some are tender and melting , others are fierce and stormy , and if a ponderous oppressing evil happen , or the loss of that good that was very pleasing , they sometimes join together , as the clouds at the same time dissolve in showers , and break forth in thunder and lightning . now when sanctified reason hath a due empire over them , and the soul possesseth it self in patience , it is a happy effect of resignation to the divine disposal . of this we have an eminent instance in the afflicted saint forementioned . when david was so wickedly reproached by shimei , and abishai fired with indignation , would presently have taken exemplary revenge , by stopping his breath for ever : should this dead dog curse my lord the king ? let me go over , i pray thee , and take off his head. how cool and calm was david's spirit ? he felt no aestuations nor tumults within , exprest no outragious complaints , but said , let him curse , because the lord hath said to him , curse david . there is a twofold excess of the sorrowful affections in troubles : i. in the degrees of them . ii. in the continuance . first ; in the degrees of them , when they exceed their causes . afflictive things that deeply wound us , are usually represented by the reflection of sorrow , with all the heightning circumstances , the loss as unvaluable , the evil as intollerable . as objects are greater than their true proportion when seen through a mist ; so do evils , apprehended through grief : and after such a false judgment the passions take their violent course , and the spirit sinks under overwhelming heaviness . the soul is disabled from performing what belongs to it , with respect to the general and particular calling , and cannot with freedom wait upon god , but neglects its duty and felicity . 't was the complaint of the afflicted poet , hei mihi quod miseros prudentia prima relinquit . the first effect of misery is black confusion in the thoughts , that the mind doth not distinctly consider , and apply such things as would be effectual to mitigate , or remove it . besides , as when the stream overflows the channel , it runs foul and turbid : so immoderate sorrow often causeth secret discontent and anger at the almighty , disquieting and tormenting risings of heart against his providence . all things are disordered and turbulent in the little and marvelous monarchy of the soul. and such seeds of incitation are in our corrupt nature , that in the extremity of anguish , the furious passions swell into a storm , and break the restraints of reason and grace . job in a hot fit expostulates strangely with god , is it good unto thee that thou shouldest oppress ? he was a holy man , and a prophet , who in the paroxism of his passion curst the day of his birth . secondly ; there is an excess in the continuance . deep grief doth more arrest the thoughts upon its object , than the affection of joy doth . the mind is not so easily diverted from what afflicts , as from what delights . the main strain of the soul is towards the mournful object ; and in the midst of comforts to support the fainting spirts , there still remains a sad remembrance of that which torments : a swarm of stinging thoughts continually wound and inflame the breast : no counsels prevail , but the soul is resolved in its grief , and always restless with a bitter desire of what is irrecoverable . thus the prophet describes the misery of rachel , weeping for her children , and would not be comforted , because they were not . as some venomous creatures turn all that they eat into poison : so obstinate sorrow takes occasion from every thing to encrease it self . this consumes the strength , and the mourner lives only to feel his misery , and thinks death too slow for him , that was so precipitate for the person lamented . thus by the fixed contemplation of its trouble , the soul is distracted from its heavenly original , and from pursuing its blessed end , and indulgeth its sorrow , as if the loss of a temporal comfort were utterly undoing to it . this obstinate grief is inconsistent with a resigned frame of spirit . though in great afflictions , there will be a conflict of nature , and it is wisdom to let grief breath forth , and have a passage , yet grace will asswage the fury , and limit the time , by regarding the will of god , and by deriving from the springs of comfort above some inward refreshings , when the streams below totally fail . i shall now propound the arguments that will clearly convince us of this duty of resignation ; some of which are powerful to silence all rebellious arguings , and suppress all the transports of the passions ; others to raise the drooping spirits , and incline the heart to a calm yielding , and compleat subjection to the divine will. the first argument ariseth from god's original supream right in our persons , and all things we enjoy . he is the fountain of being , and produced us out the depth of our native nothing , and made us little lower than the angels . he is the author of all our good , the just and true proprietor of all his benefits . from hence results his sovereignty and dominion over us , which is declared in his law , and the dispensations of his providence . his law is the rule of our lives and actions , his governing providence the rule of our sufferings and passions . there is indispensibly due , a free and full obedience to his commands , and an intire universal resignation to the orders of his providence . the enjoyment of all our blessings is from his pure goodness , and rich bounty , which requires our humble and affectionate thankfulness ; and his resumption of them should be entertained with a holy and a patient submission . he gives them freely , and may recall them at his pleasure . in whatsoever instance his will is declared , we must with humility and meekness submit ; for he hath an equal empire in disposing all things that are equally his own , and we are bound by an equal obedience to acknowledg his dominion . when eli received the terrible message of the ruine of his family ; the final excision of it from the dignity of the priesthood , he patiently submits : it is the lord , let him do what seemeth him good . the meer desire of exemption from his over-ruling will , is a heinous sin , and a stubborn uncompliance with it in the issues of things , is direct rebellion , mixt with ingratitude , obstructive to our present peace , and future happiness . if the afflicted would for a while suspend their tears and sighs , and with free reason consider , that what relation soever they had in their dearest loss , whether of a father , a son , of a husband or wife , or any other amiable and passionate terms , yet god hath a nearer right and juster claim in those persons , being his by the best titles of creation and redemption , it would silence murmurings and impatience , and stop the scope of inordinate sorrow . our propriety in them was derived from his favour , and our possession was depending on his will , for his right in all his creatures is unalienable . this consideration was the foundation of job's patience ; when he was stript of all his outward comforts , how composed was he in his mind ! how considerate in his words ! he reflects upon his native poverty , naked came i into the world , and naked shall i return thither , and adores god's dominion : the lord hath given , and the lord hath taken , blessed be his name . add farther , that which by immediate connection follows , the consideration of the glorious majesty of god , and our natural meanness and unworthiness . the distance and disproportion is so vast between him and us , that we are not able to conceive the full and just idea of his excellent greatness : we are fain to assist our minds in the thoughts of god by sensible representations ; and to express our conceptions by borrowed terms ; his immensity by the ocean ; his eternity , by the returning of a circle into it self ; his power , by thunder ; his majesty by the sun in its meridian splendours . as the flying fishes , ( shoals of which are met in sailing to the indies , ) can fly no longer than their wings remain moist ; when those membranes are dry , they cannot move , and are forc'd to dip themselves again in the sea , that by softening them , they may renew their flight : thus when we ascend in our minds to god , we form no conceptions but what take their rise from sensible things , which infinitely fall short of his perfections . who can fully understand the transcendent excellencies of his nature ? who can describe what is ineffable , and most worthy to be ador'd with silent admiration and extasy of mind ? he dwells in that light which is inaccessible ; the angels , the most comprehensive spirits , vail their faces in the presence of his glory . he is his own original , but without beginning ; alone , but not solitary ; one ever blessed god , yet communicates his intire deity to the son and spirit ; he is not divided in number , nor confused in unity . he is not compell'd by necessity , nor chang'd by liberty , nor measur'd by time : if we ascend to the first fountains of all ages , then his infinite understanding comprehended in one clear view , the whole compass , extent and duration of all things . his powerful word made the visible and invisible world , and upholds them . that which was spoken with flattery , of a roman emperour , by seneca , ( who as much degenerated from the dignity of a stoical philosopher , in licking nero , as in biting alexander ) is absolutely true of the sovereign lord of the world : his providence is the band that unites the parts of the universal common-wealth , the vital spirit and vertue that sustains all : without his eye and hand , his dispositive wisdom and power , the whole frame would disband , and fall into confusion and ruine . he is seated upon the throne of the universe . thousand thousands of glorious spirits minister unto him , and ten thousand times ten thousand stand before him , in the quality and humility of his servants , ready to execute his commands . he is the judg of the living and the dead , that disposeth of heaven and hell for ever . and what is man ? a little breathing dust. he is infinitely above us , and so strangely condescends , in having a tender care of us , that the psalmist was swallowed up in extasy and amazement at the thoughts of it : lord , what is man that thou art mindful of him ? or the son of man that thou regardest him ? nay , we are beneath his anger , as a worm is not worthy of the indignation of an angel. now the more we magnify god , and exalt his authority in our judgments , the more our wills are prepared to yield to him : his excellency will make us afraid to oppose his providence . when the son of god appeared to saul , in his glory , and commanded in person , he presently lets fall his arms of defiance ; and says , lord , what wilt thou have me to do ? his resignation was absolute ; nothing was so hard to do , nothing so formidable to suffer , but he was ready to accomplish and endure in obedience to christ. the more we debase and vilify our selves , the more easy it will be to bear what god inflicts ; humility disposeth to submission . our passions are not excited at the breaking of an ordinary glass ; but if a vessel of christal be broken , it moves us : the lower esteem we have of our selves , the less we shall be transported for any breach that is made upon us . we read in the history of job , many heavy complaints uttered by him of his sufferings , all the sad figures of passionate eloquence made use of to represent them , and the fruitless essays of his friends , that did rather exasperate than appease his spirit : and it is very observable , that when the lord interposed himself to justify the ways of his providence , he did not charge upon him the guilt of his sins that deserved the severest judgments , but appears in his glory , and reminds himof his original nothing . where wast thou when i laid the foundations of the earth ? declare , if thou hast understanding . he opens to him some of the excellencies of the deity in the works of creation and providence , and the present effect was , job adored with humble reverence the divine majesty , and acknowledged his own unworthiness . behold , i am vile , what shall i answer thee ? i will lay my hand upon my mouth ; now mine eyes see thee , i abhor my self , and repent in dust and ashes . the thickest smoak by ascending dissipates and vanishes . if the troubled soul did ascend to heaven , and consider that even the worst evils are either from the operation or permission of the divine providence , the cloudy disturbing thoughts and passions would be presently scattered . david had a blessed experiment of this in his distress : i was dumb , and opened not my mouth , because thou didst it . such an awful apprehension he had of god , as transcendently superiour to him , and unaccountable for his proceedings . when any impatient thoughts arise , we should presently chain them up , for there is folly and fury in them ; what am i , that my sullen spirit should dispute against the orders of heaven ? that my passions should resist the will of of the highest lord ? that my desires should depose him from his throne ? for thus by implication and consequence they do , who are vex'd at his providence . a holy soul will tremble at the thoughts of it . methinks god speaks to the afflicted and disturbed soul , in the words of the psalm , be still , and know that i am god. the actual consideration of his supremacy will be powerful to lay the growing storm of passions . impatience ariseth from the ignorance of god and our selves . secondly ; the righteousness of god in all his ways , if duely considered , will compose the afflicted spirit to quiet and humble submission . he is never injurious to us when he deprives us of our sweetest and most precious comforts , because we have incurred the forfeiture of all . he is not cruel in laying the heaviest punishments upon us , for we deserve them . if we were free from actual sins , yet our depraved nature , so repugnant to the pure law of god , involves us under an obligation to punishment . if we had not been attained with the guilt of original sin , yet the sins committed in the course of our lives , make us deeply obnoxious to divine justice : how much more the concurrent guilt of original and actual sins ? the acts of sin are transient and pass away ; but the guilt and stain of sin , and the conscience of sin remain , and no less than eternal punishment is commensurate to the obliquity . from hence there is the clearest reason to justify god in all his proceedings . righteousness establishes his throne . the prophet saith , thy righteousness is like the great mountains , thy judgments are a great deep . the special ends of god in severe dispensations , are sometimes indiscernible , but never unjust ; his righteousness is obvious to every eye . the actual consideration of this is powerful to silence the uproar of the passions , and to make us lie humbly at his feet under the sorest chastisements . i will bear the indignation of the lord ( without murmuring , saith the afflicted church ) because i have sinned against him . as disobedience in our inclinations and actions , is a tacit reflection upon the equity of his law , as if the restraints of it were unreasonable ; so impatience and fretful discontent is upon the equity of his providence , as if the afflicting dispensations of it were not due to us : and the sense of our sinfulness , and god's righteousness , is an excellent preventive of it . if thou art in great afflictions , and feelest any tumultuous thoughts , any rebellious risings within thee , consider thou art a sinner , guilty of ten thousand provocations , and darest thou appear before his inlightned and terrible tribunal , and challenge him for any unrighteous proceedings ? wherefore doth a living man complain , a man for the punishment of his sins ? surely it is meet to be said unto god , i will not offend any more . that which i know not , teach thou me ; and if i have done iniquity , i will do no more . besides , all the punishments of men here , are with merciful allays , not in just proportion to their guilt . the church in its calamitous state , described in the most doleful lamentations of jeremiah , when the greatest number of the jews perished by the sword , or famine that attended the war , their city and temple were laid in ruines , and the unhappy people that escaped the fury of the chaldeans , were the captives and triumphs of their enemies ; yet in that unparallell'd affliction she acknowledges , it is the lord's mercies that we are not utterly and totally consumed , and lays her mouth in the dust , a posture of the lowest abasement . and holy ezra reflecting upon that dreadful calamity , acknowledgeth their punishment was beneath their desert , as their deliverance was above their expectation : and for all that is come upon us for our evil deeds and great trespasses , seeing thou hast punished us less than our iniquities deserve , and given us such a deliverance as this . our deserts are less than the least of god's mercies , and our offences greater than the greatest of his judgments . this should make us not onely patiently submit , but humbly accept the punishment of our iniquity , as far less than what is deserved . if the sentence of death against a malefactor be exchanged for banishment , or banishment be remitted for a short confinement , is there not incomparable more cause to be thankful for what is pardoned , than to complain for what is suffered ? what ingratitude is it to be impatient and murmuring for these light afflictions that are but for a moment , when we deserve an eternal and insupportable weight of misery in hell ? it is infinitely more becoming us and safe , to argue against our irregular passions , than to tax his righteous dispensations . thirdly ; his power is immense and uncontrollable , and it is a vain attempt to contend with him , as if the eternal order of his decrees could be altered or broken . the contest between god and the sinner , is whose will shall stand . it is his glorious work to depress the proud , and subdue the stubborn refractory spirits . the punishment of the first pride in the angels , is an eternal and terrible example of his powerful justice ; and how intolerable a crime it is , that heaven could not bear , but presently opened , and the guilty fell into the bottomless pit. now pride is a seminal evil , and lies at the root of stubborness , and impatience under judgments . proud dust is apt to fly in god's face upon every motion of the afflicting passions . and by the resistance of self-will he is provoked to more severity . wo be to him that strives with his maker . this is to be like a restive horse or mule , without understanding , that flings and foams when the burthen is laid upon him , but gets nothing but blows , without the removal of the burthen . it is our duty and interest to observe the blessed apostles direction : humble your selves under the mighty hand of god , and he shall exalt you . there is a passive humbling by his irresistible providence , and an active voluntary humbling , which implies a subjection to his law , and a submission to his providence : this is infinitely pleasing to him , 't is the right disposition that prepares us for mercy , and is the certain way of exaltation ; for then god obtains his end. the humble prostrating our selves at his feet to receive his correction , causes his bowels to relent , and stops his hand : the seeming humiliation of ahab procured a respite of those fearful judgments denounced against his house . it is said of the generosity of the lion , that he spares his prostrate adversary . in short , our salvation depends upon our humble demeanour under afflictive dispensations . we have had fathers of our flesh which corrected us , and we gave them reverence , shall we not much more be in subjection to the father of spirits , and live ? unsubmission induces a deadly guilt upon the rebellious . fourthly ; his paternal love in sending afflictions is a sufficient argument to win our compliance with his will. the blessed apostle applying lenitives to the afflicted , propounds two divine truths , that if seriously thought of , and stedfastly believed , are powerful to mitigate the acerbity of all sufferings , and support the spirit in the greatest agony . the first is , god scourgeth every son whom he receiveth : and the other that is joined with it is , whom the lord loves he chasteneth . the rule is general , first ; all his sons are under the discipline of the rod : and who would be so unhappy as to be exempted from that number for all the prosperity of the world ? afflictions sanctified , are the conspicuous seal of their adoption , and title to heaven . and who would forfeit the honour of that adoption , and lose the benefit annext to it , the eternal inheritance , rather than patiently bear his fatherly chastisements ? others that enjoy a perpetual spring of pleasure here , are declared bastards and not sons : they are indeed within the compass of his universal providence , but not of that peculiar care that belongs to his sacred and select progeny . his corrections are an argument of his authority as our father , and an assurance that we are his children : this should induce us not only with submiss temper of soul , but with thankfulness to receive the sharpest correction from the hands of our heavenly father . this was the reason of our saviour's meek yielding himself to the violence and cruelty of his enemies . the cup which my father hath given me , shall i not drink it ? secondly ; chastisement is the effect of his paternal love : he is the father of our spirits , and that divine relation carries with it a special love to the spirits of men , and in that degree of eminence , as to secure and advance their happiness , though to the destruction of the flesh. the soul is of incomparable more worth than the body , as the bright oriental pearl than the mean shell that contains it : this god most highly values , for this he gave so great a price , and on it draws his image . if temporal prosperity were for our best advantage , how willingly would god bestow it on us ? he that spared not his own son , but gave him up for us all , how shall he not with him also freely give us all things ? which words among all that the holy ghost hath dictated to the interpreters of god's heart to his people , are most expressive of his ●ove and bounty ▪ and most for their comfort . he that gives grace and 〈◊〉 ●●●ost real testimonies 〈…〉 certainly withholds no good thing from them . i shall produce one convincing instance of this . st. paul , who by an incomparable priviledg was rapt up to the coelestial paradise , and heard ineffable things , yet was tormented by the angel of satan , and his earnest repeated prayer for deliverance , not presently granted . did not god love that blessed apostle , whose internal love to christ almost equall'd the seraphims , those pure everlasting flames , and was expressed in the invariable tenour of his life , by such miraculous actions and sufferings for the propagating and defence of the faith of christ , and the glory of his name ? if we love him because he first loved us , as st. john testifies , certainly he that returned such a superlative affection to christ , received the greatest love from him . now , if christ did love paul , why did he not upon his earnest repeated prayer , deliver him from his wounding trouble , whatsoever it was ? that permission was a demonstration of the love of christ to him , as it is acknowledged by himself ; lest i should be exalted above measure through the abundance of revelation , there was given to me a thorn in the flesh , and the messenger of satan to buffet me . that the afflictions of the saints proceed from god's love , will be evident , by considering , i. his gracious design in sending them . ii. his compassionate providence over them , and his assisting power afforded to his people in their troubles . iii. the happy issue out of them . first ; his gracious design in sending them . god doth not afflict willingly , but if need be , not for his own pleasure , but for our profit , that we may be partakers of his holiness . the expression is high and emphatical , his holiness , the brightest glory of his nature , the divinest gift of his love. the two principal parts of holiness , are , ceasing from doing evil , and learning to do well . and afflictions are ordained and sent as profitable for both these effects . . for the prevention or cure of sin , which is an evil incomparably worse in its nature , and terrible consequents in this and the next world , than all meer afflicting temporal evils . sin defiles and debaseth the soul , which is the proper excellency of man , and separates from god our supream good. your sins have separated between you and your god , and have hid his face from you . all afflictions that can befall us here in our persons or concernments , the most disgraceful accidents , the most reproachful contumelious slanders , the most loathsom contagious diseases , that cause our dearest friends to withdraw from us , yet cannot deprive us of union with god by faith and love , nor of the fruition of his propitious presence . lazarus when covered with ulcers , was kissed with the kisses of his mouth : but sin hath this pernicious effect , it separates from his gracious presence here , and , if continued in without repentance , will exclude from his glorious presence for ever . now afflictions are medicinal applications for the cure of sin , the disease and death of the soul , and therefore infinitely worse than the sharpest remedies . the beginnings and progress of conversion to god , are usually by sanctified afflictions . indeed , considering our folly , and perverse abuse of his blessings , they are the most congruous means for our recovery . the light of god's law doth not so powerfully convince us of the evil of sin till felt in the effects of it . thy own wickedness shall correct thee , and thy backslidings shall reprove thee ; know therefore and see that it is an evil thing and a bitter , that thou hast forsaken the lord thy god , and that my fear is not in thee , saith the lord of hosts . the instructions of the rod , are more sensible than of the word ; as the feeling of a tormenting disease , produceth another kind of understanding of it than the reading of its nature in books of physick : and they make us more attentive to god's call , and leave a deeper impression upon us . it is elihu his observation , if sinners be bound in fetters , and held in cords , then he shews them their works , and their transgressions , that they have exceeded . affliction clarifies their sight , makes sin to be as heinous in the view of conscience , as in its own foul nature . it follows , he openeth also the ear to discipline , and commandeth that they return from their iniquity . gentle methods were lost upon them , but by judgments he effectually commands , they relent and return to their duty . and after conversion we need their discipline , to make us more circumspect and obedient . the psalmist declares , it is good for me that i have been afflicted . for before he was afflicted he went astray : he was reduced from the errour of his ways by his troubles : and 't was his experimental observation , i know in faithfulness ( from the constancy of love ) thou hast afflicted me . nothing so cools our zeal to eternal things , as the love of the world. vital heat declines and languishes , as the peaverish heat is inflamed ; and till we feel the vexations , we are allured by the vanities of the world : therefore god is pleased by such bitter means to make us more holy and heavenly . sometimes he removes with jealousy those objects to which our hearts are so intirely engaged , that the enjoyment of them intercepts the ascending of our affections to himself . besides , he will not suffer us to perish in prosperity . we are chastened of the lord for our amendment , that we may not be condemned with the unreformed world. and is not this an infallible testimony of his love ? david said , let the righteous smite me , and it shall be a kindness ; let him reprove me , and it shall be an excellent oil . if he valued the reprehensions that were not contumelious and injurious , not to upbraid but reform him , as a favour and dear obligation , how much more should we the corrections of our heavenly father ? and it will be a greater incitement to an humble and grateful acceptance of this discipline ; if we consider what a severe neglect it is , when god suffers the wicked to lead a voluptuous life without disturbance : they are encircled with riches and honours , softned with pleasures , charmed with inticing objects , and thus become hardned in sin : they are riotous and luxurious , and give the reins to their corrupt , unruly appetites without controll ; the slaves of sense , led onely by principles of pleasure , and hereby are inexcusable , and made ripe for perdition , and reserved for final vengeance . others , though not guilty of scandalous enormities , yet are by continual prosperity , setled upon their lees , careless and secure , neglect the great salvation , and say in their hearts , it is good to be here ; and their damnation is as certain , though not so visible , as of those who commit gross and open wickedness . sad preterition ! in the midst of pleasures they are truly miserable . they have just reason to be abandoned to sorrow , being forsaken of the love of god. the bramble is not cut , when the vine is pruned till it bleeds in order to its fruitfulness : this letting them alone to take their fill of pleasures , is a heavy presage of final ruine . when the patient is desperate , the physitian lays no restraint upon the diseased appetite , but permits him to take what he craves . besides , the intention of god is by affliction to exercise and illustrate their graces . the most excellent christian vertues would be comparatively of little use without hard trials . unfeigned faith in the truth and power of god to accomplish his promises , sincere love to him , humble self-denial , persevering patience then appear in their radiancy and vigour . what a blessed advantage is it , by the loss of temporal comforts to encrease in the graces of the spirit ? they are the truest riches , the fullest joy , and the highest honour of a christian. st. peter declares , the trial of our faith is much more precious than of gold that perisheth ; 't is refined and resplendent by the fire of affliction , and will be found unto praise , and honour , and glory , at the appearing of christ. it is the advice of st. james , count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations . knowing this , that the trial of your faith worketh patience : though afflictions simply considered , may be very grievous , yet if we advisedly weigh , and rightly compare things , even when our sorrowful passions are moved , our judgments will esteem them matter of joy , not onely in expectation of future happiness , but as divine grace is thereby drawn forth in the most noble operations . in short , the ultimate design of god in afflicting his people , is thereby to bring them to heaven . affliction mortifies the lusts of the flesh , purifies the spirit , and makes us fit for the inheritance of the saints in light. by persevering patience in sufferings , they are approved of god , and obtain a right and title to the kingdom of glory . for according to the tenor of the covenant of grace , heaven shall be conferred as a reward to those that overcome . if there be no enemy , there will be no fight ; and if no fight , no victory ; if no victory , no triumph ; only those who conquer are crowned . the beloved disciple , with his brother , though allied to our saviour by consanguinity , who expected by special favour to be glorified without a preparatory trial , yet he tells them , without drinking of his cup , they could not have a share in his kingdom , and this should reconcile our spirits to all our troubles : for the apostle declares , who was a competent judg , having been throughly acquainted with griefs , and had a prospect into the glorious kingdom , ireckon that the sufferings of this present life , are not worthy to be compared to the glory that shall be revealed in us . . god's love is discovered in his compassionate providence over them , and assisting power afforded to them in their afflictions : he speaks to the afflicted and disconsolate , my son , despise not thou the chastening of the lord , nor faint when thou art rebuked of him : to sweeten by that tender expression , the rigour of his discipline ; to signify his dear sympathy with their anguish and sufferings . heavenly consolation ! god himself bears a share in their sorrows , is afflicted in their afflictions : and the effect of this love is , that he always tempers and moderates their trials , to their strength ; or increases their strength in proportion to the trial . his corrections are deliberate dispensations , that proceed from judgment , not from fury , which the prophet earnestly deprecates . his rods are bound up with mercy , his faithfulness joins with his affection , in moderating their sufferings . it is one clause of the covenant of grace , made with christ , typified by david , if his children break my statutes , and keep not my commandments , then will i visit their transgression with a rod , to amend , not to destroy them ; but my loving kindness i will not take away from them , nor suffer my faithfulness to fail . the apostle assures believers , that god is faithful , who will not suffer them to be tempted above what they are able , but will with the temptation make a way to escape , that they may be able to bear it . our redeemer in his agony was relieved by heavenly succour , the presence of an angel with a message of comfort : st. paul found it verified by his own experience , that as the sufferings of christ abounded in him , so his consolations abounded by christ , and the divine power was accomplished , illustriously appeared in supporting his weakness . how many have enjoyed comforts of a more precious nature , and more abundant , in want of supplies from the world , than in the possession of them ? when there is a total eclipse below , the blessed comforter descends with light , and fills the soul with joy , in believing . the historian tells us of a * clear vein of water , that springs from mongibel , ( that great furnace , that always sends forth smoak or flames , ) yet is so cool , as if it distilled from a snowy mountain : thus the saints in the fiery trial , have been often refreshed with divine comforts , and such humble submissions , and gracious thanksgivings have proceeded from their lips , as have been very comfortable to those about them . thirdly ; the issue out of all is the most sensible declaration of god's love to them . the continuance is limited by his tender love , till they are prepared for mercy . the prosperity of the wicked is wine in the beginning , and lees at the bottom ; but the worst and afflicted state of the saints is first , and will at length certainly end in felicity . in the tragedy of job , the devil was the author , chaldeans and sabaeans were the actors , but the end was from the lord. we are instructed by the apostle , that although no chastisement for the present seems to be joyous , but grievous , nevertheless , afterward it yieldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness , unto them that are exercised thereby . it is an allusion to the rewards in the olympick games , when the persons that overcame in those exercises , were crowned with wreaths of olive leaves , the emblem of peace . thus christians who with unfainting perseverance in their duty , suffer affliction , shall be rewarded with holiness in conjunction with peace . this peaceable fruit of righteousness is not the natural product of affliction : grapes do not spring from thorns , nor figs from thistles ; neither can it be so properly ascribed to the afflicted person , as to the powerful vertue and special grace of the holy spirit , who sanctifies afflictions , and makes them profitable for effecting god's intention by them . and when the afflicted person becomes more humble , more holy , more weaned from the world , more resigned to the will of god , this fruit unto holiness will compensate all their pains and sorrows . and in conjunction with holiness , there is a divine peace , a joyful calm and quietness of conscience in the sense of god's favour ; his answers of peace are usually a reward according to the operations of grace ; his comforts are dispensed , as encouragements to obedience . besides , when the sinful corruptions are purged out , which caused perpetual disturbance , and our affections and actions are correspondent to the divine law , there is that clearness and serenity of mind , that rest and ease in the soul , arising from its just and due subordination unto god , which the disobedient , in all their seeming prosperity , never enjoy . there is no peace , saith my god , to the wicked . these beginnings of happiness are obtained here , but the perfection of it is in the next life . blessed is the man that endureth temptation , for when he is tryed he shall receive the crown of righteousness , which god hath promised to them that love him . the richness and value of the crown of life is so great , that god , the most wise and just esteemer of things , gave the precious blood of his son to purchase it for us . it is a felicity so transcendent in its quality , and stable in its duration , that the blessed god cannot give us a greater ; for what greater good is conceivable than himself ? and what more stable enjoyment of it than eternity ? the hope of this makes a christian blessed in the midst of the greatest miseries . our light afflictions that are but for a moment , work for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory . fifthly ; the infinite wisdom of god orders all things in the best manner for his own glory , and the final good of his people . if he governed by absolute empire , none in heaven or earth might say to him , what dost thou ? but there is an inseparable connection between his wisdom and his will ; he is the king eternal , and the only wise god , as the apostle joins those divine titles . in this the excellence of the divine liberty shines , that 't is always regulated by infinite wisdom : he works all things according to the counsel of his will : this is spoken according to humane conceptions , but must be understood in a sense becoming the perfections of god : for counsel cannot properly be attributed to god , whose understanding is infinite , and in one view comprehends all things ; but as those things are most compleat that are the product of our deliberate reasonings and deep contrivance ; so his work is perfect , for all his ways are judgment . when ever we are dissatisfied or displeased with his proceedings , it is from the error of our minds , and the viciousness of our affections . we presume to correct his providence , as if it were defective in regulating the affairs of this lower world ; but he is wonderful in counsel , and excellent in working . in the creation , this regular and beautiful world was formed out of darkness and confusion : and his providence , that is now misterious and vailed to us , will bring into glorious order and sweet agreement , those things in their final resolution , that now seem so perplext to our apprehensions . 't was a confounding reproach from god to job , who is this that darkens counsel by words without knowledg ? his passionate exclamations were such , as if the divine wisdom had not disposed all the afflicting circumstances in the series of his sufferings ; and that holy man being convinced of his presumptuous folly , repeats the charge against himself with tears of confusion : who is he that hideth counsel without knowledg ? therefore have i uttered that i understood not , things too wonderful for me , which i knew not ; wherefore i abhor my self , and repent in dust and ashes : more particularly , first ; all things are so wisely ordered , that god shall be glorified in the event ; and it is the noblest disposition of a christian , to prefer the advancement of his glory , before all the comforts of this life , and life it self . our blessed saviour in the fore-thoughts of his sufferings , was in distress and perturbation of mind , like the darkening of the sky before a great shower : now is my soul troubled , what shall i say ? father , save me from this hour . but the short conflict of nature was presently at an end , he willingly yielded up himself to be a sacrifice to the divine honour , and said , father , glorify thy name . moses and paul , whose admirable zeal , had only a parallel between themselves in the same degree of holy heat , desired the salvation of the jews before their own , if god might be more glorified by it . this is the first petition in order and dignity , in that compleat form of prayer composed by our saviour , as the rule of all our desires . thy name be hallowed and glorified in us , and by us . the admirable history of jephtha's only daughter , is applicable to this purpose ; she joifully came forth to meet her father , returning victorious and triumphant after his war with the ammonites . he had made a rash vow , to offer up in sacrifice to god , who ever should first meet him after his victory ; and upon the sight of his daughter , was so deeply wounded with sorrow , that his triumph was converted into lamentations : but the grief was only in the father ; for in that first surprise of such a terrible sentence to be executed upon her , she did not answer his tears with tears , nor lamentations with lamentations , but said unto him , my father , if thou hast opened thy mouth unto the lord , do to me , according to that which hath proceeded out of thy mouth , for as much as the lord hath taken vengeance for thee on thine enemies . methinks the admirable love and generosity in a young virgin , to whom her father's honour and exaltation was more dear than her life , upbraids us for our unwilling submission to those providential dispensations that are ungrateful to flesh and blood , wherein the glory of god is advanced . if we were called to martyrdom for his truth , and our lives should bleed forth , as sacrifices on the altar , or our bodies be consumed as incense on the censer ; it were an unjust and ungrateful complaint , to express passionate reluctancy against his providence . if there were other consequences of our present sufferings , but the glorifying god , we should be content . that is the worthiest end which he proposeth to himself , and will accomplish : his divine excellencies will be illústrated by the wickedness of men , that at present obscures the glory of his government ; his wisdom , power , holiness , mercy and justice will be acknowledged , admired , and magnified at last . . his wisdom will order all things , even the most afflicting and dolorous , for the good of his people . this is a fearful paradox to a carnal mind , that judgeth of good and evil , as present things are pleasant or unpleasant to sense , without regard to what is future . 't is like sampson's riddle to the philistims , out of the devourer came meat , and out of the strong came sweetness ; but to the mind that hath spiritual discerning , and judgeth of good and evil , as things are conducive or destructive to the happiness of the soul , it is a clear undoubted truth . we know , saith the apostle with the greatest assurance , that all things work together for good to them that love god. all things the most adverse to their present desires , are so disposed and over-ruled by his providence , as if there were a secret intelligence and concert between them , to promote the happiness of the saints : thus in mixt bodies the contrary qualities are reduced to such a just measure and temperament by the wisdom of the divine maker , that a sound and healthful constitution results from them . we have a rare instance of this in the history of joseph , his envious brethren were the instruments of his exaltation : they sold him for a slave into egypt to frustrate his prophetick dreams , and there , by many admirable turns of providence , he was advanced to the highest dignity ; and then was verified in him and his brethren , that his sheaf arose and stood upright , and their sheaves stood round , and did obeisance to his sheaf . god had reserved purposes of greater good for joseph , than if he had continued under his fathers tender eye and care ; therefore 't is said in his history , that they perfideously sold him but god sent him . he that attentively reads the journeys of the israelites through the wilderness to canaan , cannot but wonder at the circuits and indirect motions in their tedious travel for forty years ; and when near the borders of the place , so long and ardently desired , they were often commanded to retreat in the same line wherein they had advanced to it : had they chose the shortest way , and disobeyed the divine conducter , they had never entred into the land of promise : but following the pillar that directed their march , though they seem'd lost in their intricate wandrings , yet they obtained the joyful possession of it . this was a type of the saints passage through a troublesom world , to the true rest above , and that they are guided through many cross ways directly to the kingdom of heaven . who knows , saith solomon , what is good for a man in this life , all the days of his vain life , which he spendeth as a shadow ? that which is desir'd with importunity , as tending to his happiness , often proves his woe : some had not been so wicked , and consequently so miserable , if their lusts had not been excited by riches and power : others had not been secured from destructive temptations , but in a low and afflicted state . 't is therefore both our duty and interest not to pray absolutely for any temporal thing ; but when our desires are most passionate , to say with the humility and holiness , the reverence and obedience of our saviour , not my will , but thine be done . we shall find our selves more happy by the divine disposal of things , than if we had obtained our dearest wishes , and most ardent prayers . and when we shall come to the top of the holy hill , and look down on the various circuits of providence by which we ascended , we shall then understand that wisdom and love conducted us safely to felicity ; we shall approve and admire all the divine methods in order to our blessed end. now the belief of this should compose us to a patient and cheerful resignation of our selves to god's providence and pleasure . who would not accept of the counsel of a friend that proceeds from love , though his judgment were not so exact as to be relied on ? much more should we thankfully receive the appointments of god , whose knowledg and affection are equally superlative , in whom there is united the wisdom of a father's ( and the tenderness of a mother's ) love to his children . briefly , as jonathan by tasting the honey at the end of his rod , had his eyes enlightened , so the end of the severest chastisements will convince them , that the providence of god was more benign and propitious than they could imagine . his ways are as far above our ways , and his thoughts above our thoughts , as the heavens are above the earth . this point is applicable to us . first ; by way of reproof for our unsubmissive behaviour in afflictions , our uncompliance with the divine disposals . some are in a secret discontent at god's afflicting providence ; and this razeth the memory of former mercies , and takes away the relish of present mercies ; as the sweet showers of heaven that fall into the sea are turned into its brackish taste : such neither enjoy god nor themselves . what egregious folly and vile ingratitude is this ! all we have , is from his most free favour ; and shall we peevishly slight his benefits , because our desires are not gratified in every respect ? others are moved with anger and vexation for the evils that befal them : as the red-hot iron under the blows of the hammer casts abroad fiery sparks ; so their stubborn fierce spirits , when afflicted , break forth in expressions of impatience and displeasure . they count it a base abjectness of mind , a despicable pusillanimity to humble themselves under god's judgments , and with contrition for their sins to implore his clemency . the voice of the lord maketh the hinds to calve the timerous and weak creatures : but when the heavens roar , the lions thunder back again . thus strong and stubborn sinners , when they feel the effects of god's anger , are raging and furious in their passions and expressions . the foolish man perverteth his way , his most grievous sufferings are the fruits of his sins , and his heart fretteth against the lord as the inflicter of them . this is a high indignity to god , and an injury to themselves . for a vile creature , a base guilty wretch to murmur and storm against god's righteous judgments , argues a prodigious forgetfulness , both of its dependance and obnoxiousness to the divine tribunal . it is said of the adherents of antichrist , that they were scorched with great heat , and blasphemed the name of god , which hath power over the plagues , and they repented not to give him glory . infinite insolence ! such obstinate souls the prince of darkness possesses as his peculiar dominion ; they have more need of conversion than consolation . besides , by impatience and vexatious fretting , they exasperate their pains , turn the rod into a serpent , vipers into dragons ; and god's mighty hand is more heavy by their resistance . bold expostulations irritate his anger , rather than incline his mercy ; the wilful man never wants woe . with the froward , saith the psalmist , thou wilt shew thy self froward , or , as it is rendred in the margent , wrestle . the strongest sinner is not a match for the almighty ; if his anger excite his power , how easily , how suddenly are they destroyed without remedy ? stubborn impatience under the inflictions of god's righteous providence , is the nearest step to final ruine . others are so dejected and broken with afflictions , that their continuance in the world is but a living death : every thing entertains their grief , and the best means afforded for their reviving and comfort are ineffectual . sorrow flows into despair , they lament and languish as if their case were hopeless and remediless . the fountain of this black stream , is a superlative esteem and affection to inferiour things , and what is reserved for the blessed creator ? if a temporal loss be the most afflicting evil , 't is a sign that god was not valued and loved as the chiefest good. the difficulty of receiving consolation , shews the necessity of their being afflicted : the language of such resolved sorrow is , they have taken away my gods , and what have i more ? the sole objects of their felicity are removed , and they refuse to be comforted ; as if no less sacrifice were due to the remembrance of their loss , but life it self . what a disparagement is this of the divine excellencies ? are the consolations of god small to us ? is not his love able to compensate the loss of a frail , mutable , mortal creature ? cannot he please and satisfy us without the fruition of one earthly comfort ? this dejection of spirit is equally undutiful as uncomfortable ; our griefs are sometimes as vain and as guilty as our joys ; there is a tincture of disobedience in our tears : for we are commanded to mourn as if we mourned not , for the fashion of the world passeth away , and we at once break his law and our own peace . our disobedience in this is aggravated , as being contrary not only to the authority and sanctity of the law-giver , but to his loving-kindness and compassion . ah , the miserable blindness of humane minds ! and the more miserable , because voluntary . who is more deservedly unhappy than one that sits upon the bank of a river , and yet is tormented and dies with thirst ? the clear , fresh stream passeth before him , allures and invites him , but he will not stoop to drink ; this is the case of those who neglect and refuse the spiritual consolations in the gospel , that are compared to the flowing rivers of living water , for their cooling , refreshing quality . they meritoriously and actively bring trouble to their souls ; their passions are the instruments of their misery . he that is his own executioner , has no excuse of dying ; he is justly , because wilfully miserable . consider also what a reproach is cast upon christianity , that so many vertuous heathens in great afflictions , were in some measure supported by the precepts of humane wisdom ; and that christians , to whom there is revealed from heaven , that an eternal state of glory and joy shall be the reward of their patient sufferings , remain utterly disconsolate . i will single out one example . stilpon the philosopher , when his city was destroywith his wife and children , and he escap't alone from the fire , being asked whether he had lost any thing ? replied , all my treasures are with me , justice , vertue , temperance , prudence , and this inviolable principle , not to esteem any thing as my proper good , that can be ravish't from me : his mind was erect and stedfast under the ruins of his country . and others upon lower and less generous considerations , have born up in their sufferings . how do such examples upbraid us , that their twilight excells our noon-day brightness ? if common cordials raised such couragious spirits in them , shall not the waters of life , the divine strong comforts of the gospel , fortify us to bear all sufferings with a valiant resignation to the good will of god ? can the spirit of a man , by rational principles sustain his infirmities , and cannot the spirit of god , the great comforter , support us under all troubles ? what a blot is this to religion ? those who will not be comforted , will not be christians ; by the same holy spirit who is stiled the comforter , we are the one and the other . if the precious promises of the gospel do not alleviate our sorrows , 't is not from infirmity , but from infidelity . 't is an incredible miracle , that a person can be in reality a christian , and not capable of consolation ; as if eternal life were not purchased by christ for his people , or the present sufferings were comparable to the future glory ? or the possession of it were to be obtained after a years of hard trial : but if it were delayed so long , that sensible duration should not sink our spirits ; for the misery that passeth with time , is not of moment with respect to the blessedness that is establish'd for ever . secondly ; let us be excited to transcribe this divine lesson ( so full of excellency and difficulty ) in our hearts and lives . 't is easy in speculation to consent to the reasonableness of this duty , but how hard to practise it , and to bear not too sensibly such evils as are incurable here ? a deliberate , universal , constant subjection to god's will , though contrary to our carnal desires and interests , how rarely is it to be found among those who in title and profession are his servants ? in active obedience , some will readily perform some particular commands , but withdraw subjection from the rest ; they seem to make conscience of the duties of piety , but neglect righteousness ; or else are just in their dealings , and careless of devotion . some are liberal but irreconcilable ; they will give for their honour , but forgive no contempt or injury ; and as the dividing living twins destroys them , so the life and sincerity of obedience , that consists in the union and intireness of its parts , is destroyed by dividing our respects to some commands , neglecting the rest . and in passive obedience , many will submit to lighter and shorter afflictions , but if an evil comes that nearly touches the heart , or that remains long without redress , they become impatient , or so dejected as to neglect their duty . i shall therefore superadd to the former arguments , wherein the necessity , the equity , and the policy of our dutiful resignation to god's providence is clearly set forth , some other motives and directions , that may be useful and effectual for this end . first ; look frequently to jesus christ , the author and finisher of our faith : the divine wisdom , to reform the world , assumed the humane nature , and expressed in a holy conversation upon earth , a living copy of his precepts , to direct us in the various parts of our duty ; and because the exercise of humility , self denial , and the rest of the suffering graces , is so difficult to our frail and tender nature ; he ascended the cross , and instructs us by suffering to suffer with his affections , leaving us his example , as the best lecture of our duty ; his sufferings concern us not only in point of merit but conformity . we can never enjoy the benefit of his passion , without following his patern . his example is the rule of the highest perfection , and we are under the greatest obligation to imitate and honour him who is our sovereign and saviour , to whom we owe our redemption from everlasting misery , and the inheritance of glory . 't is the apostle's advice to the afflicted , to consider him that endured such contradiction of sinners against himself , that ye be not wearied , and faint in your minds . this deduction is with greater force to make us humble and patient ; if we consider , first ; the infinite dignity of his person . he was the eternal and onely son of god , and descended from the throne of his majesty , divested himself of his robes of insupportable light , that concealed and manifested his glory to the angels , and was obedient to the death of the cross : what are the highest and best of men to him ? were it not extreamly unbecoming and undutiful for a subject to refuse obedience to a just law , if the king that made the law should voluntarily observe it , and reserve no other advantage to himself , but the honour of enacting it ? our saviour did not stand upon the dignity and liberty of his person being equal with god , and our king , but intirely complied with the law , and shall we complain of its rigour ? secondly ; the greatness of his sufferings . they were incomparable as to their value , so in their degrees . he endured the equal extremities of infamy and torment , that are so contrary to the inclinations of mankind . he was crowned with a cruel diadem of thorns , scourged , spit upon , derided , crucified ; insensible nature , as if capable of understanding and affection , was disordered in its whole frame at his death . the heavens sympathized , in eclipses of the sun , in the darkness of the air at mid-day , as midnight ; the earth quak't with deep tremblings , and the rocks were rent a sunder . and the sufferings of his soul from the incensed justice of god were inconceivably great . what is the worst we suffer either immediately from god , or instrumentally from men , to his bitter passion ? our sufferings are but superficial shadows of misery , compared to his deep sorrows . thirdly ; his sufferings were most undeserved : for he was the holy one of god , his conception without the least taint of sin , his life of strictest purity , and compleat obedience to the divine law. we may read the process of our sins , and understand their guilt in his passion . he was made sin for us , ( a sacrifice to atone the divine displeasure ) who knew no sin : as david when guilty of adultery and murder , was fired with disdain at the relation of an incompassionate rich man , killing the single lamb of his poor neighbour , and sparing his own numerous flock ; and when the prophet unveiled the parable , and surprised him with that piercing reproach , thou art the man ! he presently by that fiction in another , was convinced of his own true guilt , and was extreamly afflicted in the sense of it : thus we are apt to conceive indignation against the murderers of our saviour , the apostate apostle , the malicious priest , the unrighteous judg , the bloody soldiers . but conscience ( as a true nathan ) may charge us to have been in that wicked conspiracy against the lord of glory , for our sins condemned and crucified him . and as our sins were the impulsive cause of his sufferings , so our good is the effect of them . he suffered the death of the cross , that his blood might be our ransom , his ignominy the purchase of our glory , his torments the merit of our blessedness , his death the seed of immortal life to us ; but we suffer the just punishment of our own sins . fourthly ; his willing obedience , divine patience , and invincible constancy in suffering for us . in his distress , the whole army of heaven were in readiness for his protection and rescue , upon the least signification of his will ; if i prayed to my father , he would send me twelve legions of angels . nay , he had the springs and keys of the divine power in his hands , and could by a word have destroyed his enemies ; but he freely gave himself for us , and without resistance , without complaint took up his cross. now our saviour , who had the fulness of the spirit , communicates to us the first fruits of it , faith and love , humility and patience , peace and joy to support us under affliction . fifthly ; consider the excellent reward of his sufferings . he was abased below men , and is advanced above all the angelical orders , and is the eternal argument of their praises ; never were sufferings so grievous , never was issue so glorious . for the joy that was set before him , he endured the cross , despised the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the majesty on high . now our blessed saviour hath promised , to him that overcomes , will i grant to sit with me in my throne , even as i also overcame , and am set down with my father in his throne . unfainting perseverance in our duty shall be rewarded with the glory of our redeemer . and is not the prospect and expectation of this sufficient to confirm our minds , and make us patiently bear the greatest afflictions ? secondly ; the consideration of the suffering saints in all ages , is a powerful perswasive to patience . thus the apostle james directs christians , take , my brethren the prophets , who have spoken in th● name of the lord , for an example of suffering affliction , and of patience . and we have great encouragement from hence , if we consider , . that those who are of most precious account with god , and highly favoured by him , are usually exercised with sharp afflictions . the singularity and greatness of a calamity exasperates the sorrow , when it is apprehended as a sign of extraordinary guilt in the afflicted , and of severe displeasure in god that sends it ; but to prevent trouble that ariseth from that apprehension , the scripture records the heavy afflictions that happened to god's chosen servants and favourites . moses , whom god honoured with the most condescending and familiar discoveries of himself , was tried by long afflictions . david , a man after god's own heart , was a long time hurled to and fro by tempestuous persecutions from his unjust and implacable enemies . isaiah , who was dignified with such heavenly revelations , that his describing the sufferings of christ seems rather the history of an evangelist , than the vision of a prophet , was sawn asunder . . their nature was as frail as ours , their afflictions as cutting and sensible , yet how patiently and couragiously did they endure the most cruel sufferings ? . we have the same blessed comforter to assist us , as they had , the holy spirit . he that is stiled the spirit of power , infuseth a holy magnanimity to bear the heaviest sufferings . now it is the apostles inference from the history of the saints under the old testament , some of whom died martyrs , and others lived martyrs , by their constant and generous suffering various evils for divine truth . wherefore seeing we are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses , let us lay aside every weight , and the sin that doth so easily beset us , and let us run with patience the race that is set before us . the metaphorical expression , a cloud of witnesses , imports a numerous company , and is by some of the ancients interpreted as an allusion to the benefit we receive from the natural clouds , that refresh the air , and skreen us from the scorching heat of the sun. the allusion is too subtile and strain'd , but the benefit is real ; for the admirable examples of their patience and courage are powerful to refresh sorrowful spirits ; we are encompassed with them as a theatre : there is no kind of affliction , and no part of our duty , whereof there is not presented to us some example for our encouragement and imitation . it is also worthy of observation , that christians have a special obligation , encouragement , and assistance to bear afflictions with chearful spirits , above the believers of the old testament . for under the mosaic dispensation , outward prosperity , riches , honour , victory , long life were the open expressions of god's favour , promised by the terms of that covenant , as rewards to obedience . yet even then , some of the most excellent saints were illustrious examples of patient suffering afflictions . but in the gospel god hath declared , that his design is to train up his children by sufferings for their future happiness , that through many tribulations they must enter into the kingdom of god. and we find the truth of this by manifold experience , from the first ages of the christian church . st. john by revelation , beheld a great multitude , which no man could number , of all nations , and kindreds , and people , and tongues , that stood before the throne , and before the lamb , cloathed with white robes , and palms in their hands : and they all came out of great tribulation , and had washed their robes , and made them white in the blood of the lamb. now since the cross is an appendix to the gospel , we should with more prepared minds submit to it . besides , if believers then , who enjoyed only star-light , less clear discoveries of the glorious world to come , were so patient and constant in suffering for the truth ; how much more should we be animated in our troubles , to whom the sun of righteousness appears , revealing life and immortality by the gospel ? if they who were partakers of the holy spirit in lesser degrees , were supported ; should not christians that receive the graces of the spirit in richer abundance , be more comforted ? thirdly ; all creatures obey the will of the creator : all the lower rank , fire and hail , snow and vapours , and stormy winds fulfil his word . the sun stood still till joshua had compleated his victory , it started back to confirm the faith of hezekiah . nay , sensible creatures will contradict their own natures at god's command . the ravens fed elias , and the lions spared daniel . and creatures of the superior order exactly fulfil his will. the angels that excel in strength , do his commandments : hearkning to the voice of his word . they do not usurp upon his royalty , nor make use of their power to deny subjection to his pleasure . now if the inferior creatures , who are under less obligations , and cannot understand their duty ; if superior creatures that excel us in nobility of nature , and dignity of state , perfectly obey god : should not their example strongly incite us to submit to his will ? fourthly ; it is our most glorious perfection to have our wills united to the divine will. in heaven grace is in its exaltation , the spirits of just men are made perfect by their compliance with the divine will that absolutely governs there . a private will that compounds with god upon sordid capitulations , that excepts against doing or suffering what is distasteful and harsh to the carnal part , how unreasonable , how degenerous and base is it ? but when the will is obedient , enlarged and uniform with god , 't is enobled . if our slow-paced thoughts could conceive things as easily , suddenly and clearly as the angels do , our minds would be in the highest elevation : and is it not a more valuable and desirable perfection to will as god does , than to understand as the angels ? besides , patience has a special eminence above other graces , and advances a christian to the highest honour and perfection that is attainable here . all graces are of the same divine extraction , and have the same general effect upon the soul : they come from god , and produce a god-like temper and disposition : but they are distinguish'd by their objects and operations ; some are heroick , exercis'd about great things , and produce more noble actions : others are humble and conversant in meaner things , and their operations are less eminent . as amongst the birds , the eagles fly aloft , and only stoop for a great prey : the bees fly from flower to flower , and extract a little dew , but 't is all honey . it is the counsel of st. james to the afflicted , let patience have her perfect work , in bearing afflictions though heavy and continued , that you may be perfect , and entire , wanting nothing . a singular perfection and encomium is attributed to patience , in that the trial and exercise of it is the most difficult part of our duty , and without it we can neither obey the commands , nor obtain the promises of the gospel . patience is the truest fortitude , and draws forth other divine graces in their excellent activity . what the temper is to material weapons that are blunted or broken in the combate without it , patience is to other graces , their stability is derived from it . this was the most glorious perfection of christ's obedience , for it became him for whom are all things , and by whom are all things , in bringing many sons to glory , to make the captain of their salvation perfect through sufferings . patience is not only defensive armour , but has noble operations . when our saviour was nailed to the cross , and was the mark wherein all the poisoned arrows of rage and malice were received , he seemed only to suffer , yet even then performed the most divine exploits , and obtained the most glorious victory ; he reconciled god , disarm'd the law , subdued satan , broke the gates of hell , destroyed death , and rescued us miserable forlorn captives . upon this account chrysostom breaks forth in rapturous expressions , that our saviour suffering on the cross , was more glorious than in his creating the world. thus the patience of a christian , which in appearance is only a quiet bearing affliction from god , yet produceth many blessed effects : a believer , while he feels the weight of god's hand , uncessantly seeks his face with the most ardent affections . he doth not murmur against the displeasure of god , but mourns bitterly that he hath deserved it . he surrenders himself to the divine pleasure , which is the purest act of obedience . he subdues his unruly passions , which is a more noble victory than the atchievements of the most celebrated conquerors . 't is true , the power of grace is very conspicuous in resisting pleasant temptations , the pernicious attractives of the senses and carnal appetites ; but more in the battels of patience , by how much 't is more easy to nature to be content without unnecessary and superficial pleasures , than to endure oppressing and painful evils . i will produce an instance in both kinds , recorded in scripture , for the veneration and imitation of all . the first is that of joseph , whose unspotted chastity was discovered by rejecting the impure desires of his master's wife . three powerful tempters join'd to draw his consent , solitude , youth , and solicitation ; solitude with its silence , is often more persuasive to the commission of sin than the strongest eloquence ; because there being none that sees , takes away the shame of being seen in guilty and foul actions . youth is violent in its appetites , and needs no intreaties to induce it to gratify them : the sensual fancy reigns , and has such a ravishing power upon the will , that to corrupt nature the temptation is irresistible , and without divine strength , an instance of overcoming it , would be as rare as a phoenix in the world. besides , joseph was her slave , and was tempted by intreaties mixt with inticements from a superiour , that ( like a bow that draws strength from its bending ) by making a show of subjection acquires a double empire . but he had a reverence of his invisible observer and judge : how shall i do this great wickedness , and sin against god ? now joseph in the flower of his age , was not emboldened by solitude , nor excited by concupiscence , nor poison'd by the breath of the basilisk , was an admirable effect of divine grace . he preserved his sincere and constant innocence , as the sun its undefiled lustre in the midst of all the feculent exhalations that ascend from the earth . the other instance is job , whose victorious grace in the comparison , is more glorious than that of joseph ; for as the lapses of those who by terrors and torments violate the law , are less culpable , and more excusable , than of those who by sensual allurements transgress the divine commands : the humane nature being capable of such dolorous impressions as infinitely exceed all the pleasures of sense ; and consequently the yielding from fear of vehement pains and extreme evils , is less voluntary than what proceeds from the love of delights ; so proportionably that vertue is more eminent that remains firm , and preserves us in our duty , notwithstanding the batteries of extream evils , than that which preserves us by flight from the deceitful sensitive good . the holy ghost has given us a particular narrative of job's troubles , and his behaviour under them : the loss of a great estate was but a preparative for worse calamities ; his ten children were all destroyed in a day ; his body was covered with ulcers ; his wife , that in this desolate condition was onely left to alleviate his sorrows , unspeakably encreas'd them ; yet under this heavy weight of miseries , he did not express one unbecoming complaint . his patience exceeded all the pains of his body , and griefs of his mind . who loves god so ardently in his prosperity as he did in his afflictions ? like flaming torches , that reverst , the flame ascends with more force to heaven . st. austin admiring his invincible temper , says , that job half dead on the dunghil , was stronger than adam , when immortal in paradise ; for with indignation he repuls'd his wife , who was satan's instrument to tempt him to despair and blasphemy . how graceful and amiable a spectacle is a patient saint ? he attracts the eye and heart of god himself . what an honourable testimony proceeded from his mouth , concerning job , to vindicate his sincerity from the malice of the accuser ? hast thou seen my servant job , that there is none like him on the earth ? unparallel'd saint ! who endured such a succession of tragical events with humility and submission ! the active holiness of his prosperous life , is not recorded with that note of eminency and admiration , as his patient sufferings , for which he is universally crowned with the praises of the saints in all ages . ye have heard of the patience of job ! he is a spectacle that draws the regards of all , more famous for his patience than his misery . 't is the saying of the platonick philosopher , take away from the life of hercules , the tyrants he supprest , and the fierce beasts he slew , his travels and combats wherein his courage was exercised and appear'd , and you lessen his vertue , the hero is lost ; he that in the opinion of the heathen world deserved a deity , and is crowned with stars in heaven , will not have a spark of glory on earth to preserve his fame alive in memory . thus , take away from job the chaldean and sabean robbers , the shower of fire that consumed his estate , the whirlwind raised by infernal spirits , that destroyed his children , his diseases , and his cruel wife , the exercises of his insuperable patience ; and the honourable remembrance of job is lost . if the prince of darkness had not tried all his arts and strength to overcome him , and had not been foiled in his attempts , his graces had not been so illustrious . st. peter declares , that the spirit of glory , and of god , rests upon suffering christians . they are the temples of the holy spirit , the eternal deity , wherein he displays his divine vertue and glorious power . in short , god usually conducts his people to the sublimest degrees of grace and glory by suffering ; the more they are tryed and refined , the brighter their crown will be . . 't is our felicity quietly to resign our wills to the blessed will of god. patience , considered as a moral vertue , frees us from many sorrows and vexations that are supervenient to an affliction , and are caused meerly from the distemper , and unquiet disorderly agitations of our own passions nature instructs a dog by licking his wound to heal it , a lively emblem of the healing operation of discreet patience to the afflicted spirit . patience lines the yoke , and makes it softer and more easy to us . besides , an humble and full submission to the will of god , as the rule of goodness , brings down the peace and joy of paradise into our souls . the glorified saints are raised above all disasters and troubles ; nothing can disturb the serenity , or stain the purity of their state : from this principle of perfection and felicity , that god's will is always accomplished , to which their wills are intirely subordinate , in obedience to his authority , and by their proper inclination . as the waters which in the creation god transported above the heavens , are not moved as those here below by the furious agitation of the winds , but as if they were of a coelestial nature , have the same regular motion with the heavens . the angels , whose zeal for the honour of god , and love to the souls of men is incomparable , yet they see the rebellion of his subjects , whereby his glory is obscured , and the final destruction of rebellious sinners , without the least diminution of their felicity , because they always acquiesce in the divine will , that orders all things for the best end . and so far as our wills are complying with the divine will , we enjoy a tranquillity of mind , which afflictive accidents cannot disquiet . st. austin describes blessedness to consist in the accomplishment of our desires , and in having only regular desires : now a saint whose will is absolutely resigned to god's will , has a foretaste of blessedness here ; for whatsoever happens to him here , is from god's will that approves or permits it , and herein he finds satisfaction . what a pure undisturbed pleasure springs from this consideration , that the wisdom and love of god chuseth always what is best for us ? this will make us contented in every state , even when our condition is not correspondent with our natural desires , our desires are graciously accorded with our condition . what expensive industry has been used to procure the fancied philosopher's stone , that changes all metals into gold , which if obtained cannot make us happy ? for as the natural heat of the body does not proceed from the cloaths , but from the body that warms them : we see persons in the fit of an ague shake with cold , tho covered with furs ; so true felicity doth not proceed from the outward condition , but from the temper of the mind . the rich often want content in the confluence of all things , and are often disquieted with the fears of losing their possessions : but acquiescence in the divine disposal always brings satisfaction to the soul. 't is an inviolable treasure that cannot by the most violent evils be taken from us . i shall annex two considerations more , to shew how our felicity is promoted by our patient sufferings . first ; 't is a blessed assurance of our election by the most free and unchangeable love of god. the apostle tells afflicted christians , that whom he did foreknow , he did predestinate to be conformed to the image of his son , that he might be the first-born among many brethren . if we suffer with his divine patience , with his humble and holy affections , 't is a clear and certain evidence that we are appointed to reign with him . if we bear the image of our suffering saviour in our earthly state , we shall bear his glorious image in the heavenly . the well-grounded hope of this is very comfortable in the greatest afflictions , and will encourage us to persevere in humble sufferings . for if his sovereign pleasure has ordained us to eternal life , how just is it that we should with an intire and resigned submission yield up our selves to the conduct of his wisdom , as to the ways by which we shall obtain it ? secondly ; by a filial submission to god's chastisements we have a blessed testimony of our adoption . 't is the apostle's comfortable inference , if ye endure chastisements , god dealeth with you as with sons ; that is , if without murmuring or fainting , if with that respect and subjection , that is due to the high and holy providence of god , then we may be assured of his paternal relation to us , and his rod comforts us , as the strokes of it are an argument of his care and love to us . from hence proceeds inexpressible and peculiar consolation to afflicted christians : the same affliction as to the matter and circumstances , may be upon humble meek sufferers , and refractory stubborn sinners that kick against the pricks , but are distinguished by the intention of god. they are sent to the humble as corrections from the wise love of a father , who dearly regards their souls ; to the obdurate as vengeance from the righteous severity of a judge . upon the humble they fall as soft as a shower of snow ; upon the other as the storm of fiery hail upon the egyptians : and the issue of them is as different as heaven and hell. lastly ; this sharp discipline continues but during our minority here , when we arrive at the state of perfection we shall not need it : and this life is but a short transition to the next world. what comparison is there between a few years and the volume of eternal ages ? 't is the consolatory of the apostle , the time is short , let those that weep be as if they wept not . within a little while afflicted saints shall ascend to the region of blessedness , and no cloud of sorrow , no shadow of fear , no darkness of anxiety , can reach so high to darken and disturb their felicity : weeping can endure but for a night , and joy comes in the morning of the everlasting day . for a moment have i hid my face from thee , but with everlasting kindness will i receive thee , saith the lord. death is the last step out of mortality and misery . be ye also patient , stablish your hearts , for the coming of the lord draws nigh . secondly ; to these motives i shall add some directions , for the performance of this hard duty . direct . . a stedfast faith in the divine providence and promises , will compose the soul to a quiet submission to god's pleasure in the sharpest troubles . all things are under the intimate inspection , the wise conduct , the powerful influence of his providence . this is one of those prime , universal rich truths , from whence so many practical consequences are derived . by vertue of it , we may infallibly conclude , that all things that come to pass , are disposed in the best season , and best manner , for the best ends . if we were admitted to the council of state above , and understood the immediate reasons of every particular decree , we could not be more infallibly assur'd of the wisdom and goodness , the rectitude and equity of his dispensations , then by this universal principle that is applicable to all events , as light to every colour ; that what god appoints is best . that we may feel the blessed influence of it more effectually , let us consider that divine providence extends to the whole creation : 't is infinite , and over-ruling all things . god is pleased to represent it in scripture according to the narrowness of our capacity : as elisha contracted himself to the stature of the shunamites child , applying his mouth to his mouth , and his hands to his hands . thus 't is said , he rides upon the heavens , to signify his absolute power in ordering all the motions of the most high , vast and glorious part of the visible universe . he telleth the number of the stars ; he calleth them all by their names . the stars are the brightest and most active parts of the vast region above us , and are called the host of heaven with respect to their number and order . god is their general ; and tho they seem innumerable to our senses , yet the multitude is exactly known to him , and yields ready and entire obedience to his pleasure . from whence the psalmist infers , great is the lord , and of great power , his understanding is infinite . there is nothing in the lower world exempted from the empire and activity of god's providence . he is unmoveable , and moves all ; invisible , yet appears in all . the most casual things are not without his guidance . a man drew a bow at a venture , without express aim , but god directed the arrow through the joints of ahab's armour , that penetrated to the springs of life . the minutest and least considerable things are ordered by him . a sparrow does not fly or fall without his disposal . 't is not an hyperbolical expression of our saviour , but an absolute truth , that all the hairs of our head are numbred , and not one falls to the ground without his licence . the voluntary and most indetermin'd causes of things are under his conduct . the hearts of men , even of kings that are most absolute and unconfin'd , are in the hand of the lord , he turns them according to his pleasure ; as the streams of water are by several trenches conveyed to refresh a garden by the skilful husbandman . sin , that is the most disorderly thing in the world , is not only within the compass of his permission , but is limited and disposed by his providence : and such is his goodness , that he would not permit it , if his power could not over-rule that evil , for a good that preponderates the evil. and all afflictive evils , by his own declaration , are the effects of his just and powerful providence . is there any evil in the city , and i have not done it ? his providence is comprehensive and complete : no unforeseen accidents in the freest and most contingent things , no unvoluntary obstruction in the most necessary things , can break the intireness , or discompose the order of his providence . the lord is in heaven , he doth whatsoever he pleaseth in heaven and in earth , in the sea and all the deep places . how exactly and easily does he manage and over-rule all things ? the whole world is his house , and all the successive generations of men his family ; some are his sons , and by voluntary subjection ; others his slaves , and by just constraint fulfil his pleasure . 't was the saying of a wise king instructed by experience , that the art of government , was like the laborious travel of a weaver , that requires the attention of the mind , and the activity of the body ; the eyes , hands and feet are all in exercise : and how often is the contexture of human counsels , though woven with great care , yet unexpectedly broke ? so many cross accidents interpose , so many emergencies beyond all prevention start up , that frustrate the designs and hopes of the most potent rulers of this world. but god disposes all things with more facility than one of us can move a grain of sand : the government of the world has a less proportion to his infinite wisdom , and uncontrollable power , than a grain of sand hath to the strength of a man. his counsel shall always stand ; all second causes depend upon him in their beings , their agency and influences . nothing is executed in this visible kingdom below , but by express order from his invisible court ; and all occurrences are made use of for the accomplishing the designs of his electing mercy , in the glorification of his saints . now all that is comfortable and reviving , is contained in this principle . if his providence reaches to the birds of the air , and the lillies of the field , much more to the saints , in whom he hath a propriety ; and such is his condescending love , and inconceivable benignity , that he stiles himself by the most endearing relation , their god. they are the prime part of his vigilant care . 't is st. austin's affectionate ejaculation , o omnipotent goodness , that so particularly regardest every one of us , as if the sole objects of thy tender care , and all of us as single persons ! the sun applies its quickening influences for the production and growth of a single plant as particularly as if there were no other things in the world to receive them ; yet at the same time it passes from sign to sign in the heavens , changes the scenes of the elements , produces new seasons , and its active and prolifick heat forms and transforms whatsoever is changed in nature . this is a fit resemblance of the universal and special operations of divine providence ; what a strong security doth this give to a christian in the midst of all trouble in this corrupt and changeable world ? how will it clear the mind from those miserable perplexities , and quiet those improvident , precipitant passions that so often afflict the afflicted ? whatever evils befal the saints , are with the knowledg , the will , and by the efficiency of god , materially considered ; and is he defective in wisdom , power , or goodness , that what he does , either might or ought to be better otherwise ? indeed , sometimes the special ends of his afflicting providence are in such deep obscurity , that our line is too short to fathom , and the manner how good shall result from evil is unknown , but then we may conclude with evidence , 't is for the best . when caesarius a primitive saint was arguing in himself , how that scripture could be true , that the earth was founded on the waters ; how the more weighty element should not sink , and be overwhelmed by the other : he stopt the course of his thoughts by this reflection , i forgat my self when i said to god , how can this be ? and admires that which he could not comprehend . for inferiour reasons we often pray , that particular evils that are near , may be prevented ; but if they overtake us , we may be satisfied that they are appointed by his supreme reason and everlasting counsel . as in a consort of musick , the parts are not formed when they are sung , but were composed before by the skill of the musician , and every part assign'd convenient to the voices of the persons . thus the various conditions and passages of our lives were so disposed by the sovereign wisdom of god from eternity , and as most fit for us . whether the evils proceed more immediately and intirely from his hand , or by the intercurrence of second causes ; 't is equally certain they come by the determinate counsel and foreknowledg of god. our saviour answers pilate , thou couldst have no power at all against me , except it were given thee from above . all the afflictive evils that proceed from the malice of men , and increase their guilt and judgment , are ordered by his providence , for the spiritual and eternal good of his people ; this consideration will prevent much sin and trouble that the best men are liable to in their perturbations and passions . there is nothing more exasperates an afflicted mind than the apprehension that one unjustly suffers , leniter ex merito quicquid patiare ferendum est : — quae venit indignè poena dolenda venit . a righteous punishment even nature consents is to be received with meek submission ; but to be patient under unjust persecutions , not to be provok't by injuries and enemies , is one of the hardest things in the world. if by a flash of lightning , or by a shower of rain , we are blasted or wet , we endure it patiently ; but if one throw wild-fire or water on us , we resent the indignity with anger and vexation . now , if we in our deliberate thoughts consider , that god not only permits , but sends all the evils we most unworthily suffer from men , and that he commands our quiet , humble behavior under them , nay , that he will over-rule all so as the issue shall be blessed , what tranquillity and acquiescence will it produce in the sharpest dispensations of his providence ? but on the contrary , exclude providence out of the world , and the mind is involved in darkness with all its terrors . atheism is the gulf of impiety and infelicity . none says , where is god , my maker , that gives songs in the night , that converts poisons into remedies , the saddest evils into means of the best good , and our afflictions into consolations . he that lives without god in the world , if he loseth what he superlatively loves , or falls under an incurable evil , has no other remedy but a resolution to endure it as well as he can : and he is extreamly miserable that has no joy here , nor hopes of it hereafter , nor the encouragement of a happy issue to bear it patiently . in conjunction with the belief of god's providence , our belief of his promises , that his truth is unchangeable ; for the performance of them , is requisite to preserve the afflicted spirit in a calm and submissive state . a present evil strikes the imagination and senses in another manner than a future spiritual good. now faith is the substance of things hoped for , &c. it makes invisible things to be the greatest realities to the soul ; the steady reliance upon the divine attributes engaged them to fulfil his promises , and is of an invincible efficacy to strengthen the soul in every distress . o lord of hosts , blessed is the man that trusteth in thee . his uncontrollable power governs all the orders of creatures , and the honour of his truth is so sacred , that heaven and earth shall pass away without the failing of any good thing promised to his people . faith assists patience ; as the blood that is a natural balsam , flows to the wounded part to heal and consolidate it . these graces are inseparable , and are recorded with special observation , as the fountains of courage under sufferings . here is the faith and patience of the saints ; and we are directed to follow them who through faith and patience have inherited the promises . other graces are engaged in the christian combate , and strive for victory , but faith and patience are crowned . and to support us in great troubles , a firm affiance in the divine promises as belonging to us is of infinite moment . i will greatly rejoice , and trust in the lord , my soul shall be joiful in my god. the general apprehension of god's mercy is ineffectual to support us : and to claim a title in him without a real evidence , is vain . but a regular trust , an applicative faith , in conjunction with our sincere performing the conditions of the promises , is to a christian , like the sacred locks of sampson's hair , whilst they remained , he was invincible ; but when cut off , he became weak as other men. our comforts rise and fall according to the stronger or weaker degrees of our faith : peter walked firm upon the waves till he doubted , and then began to sink . one of the sorest and most dangerous temptations of the afflicted is , that they are out of god's favour . the mourning veil darkens the eyes of their minds , that they cannot see his compassionate countenance , they cannot reconcile his gracious promises with his providential dispensations ; the good things he hath prepared for hereafter , with the evils he sends here . as gideon complained to the angel , if god be with us , how comes all this evil to us ? and the spirit of darkness takes the advantage of great troubles to tempt sad souls to despondency , as if they were utterly forsaken of god. if this temptation prevail , if the heavens be as brass , and the earth as iron , if no influences descend from above , and there be no springs below , if divine and human comforts fail , there remains nothing but desperate sorrow . s. austin , to repel this temptation , introduceth god answering the afflicted and discomforted : is this thy faith ? did i promise temporal prosperity to you ? were you made a christian for this , that you might flourish in this world ? the faith of our adoption is confirmed by his corrections . if they are profitable to us , if we are refined , not hardned by the fiery trial , we have a clear testimony of our interest in him . i will bring them through the fire , and they shall be refined as silver and gold is tryed ; and they shall say the lord is my god. briefly , let us strengthen our faith of the glorious state , and our title to it , and it will make us firm against all the violent impressions of adversity ; it will produce a joyful exultation even in the afflicted state. the christian that with stedfast faith , and attentive consideration , looks on the inestimable , infinite felicity , is regardless of all things in the world in comparison with it . sacred history reports of saul the persecutor , who was transformed into an apostle , that a sudden light from heaven of that excessive brightness encompassed him , that he was struck blind , and saw no man : this may be easily and justly applied to every sincere believer in a moral sence ; the first effect of the spiritual light that shines in the eyes of his mind , and discovers unseen eternal things , is to darken his sight of the things that are temporal : even the greatest things here are not of such moment as to allure or terrify him from profecuting his blessed end. st. peter declares of persecuted christians , that believing they rejoice with joy unspeakable and full of glory . the martyrs dearly embraced the cross of christ , and prized the thorns of his crown , more than all the roses of pleasure , than all the diadems of earthly dignity , in expectation of the blessed reward . tertullian wrote to the noble confessors of christ that were imprisoned in africa , how willingly would we change our prosperity with your precious miseries ? if weak nature be sensible of your hard restraint and sufferings , take flight by your thoughts to paradise . the persecutors cannot lay fetters upon your spirits , but when you please you may ascend to the kingdom of god , where you shall reign for ever . in the mean time counterpoise the darkness , and straitness , the loathsomness and sufferings of your prison , with the light and amplitude , the riches and abundance , the joy and glory of the celestial kingdom , which no words are significant enough or worthy to express . a saint whose blessedness is in heaven , cannot be made utterly unhappy by afflictions on earth . he will serve god with as much love and as good a will , when poor , despised , disconsolate , as in a flourishing condition , and with this peculiar satisfaction , that his sincerity is then most evident : for the service that is without respect to a present sallary , is not base and mercenary for a temporal interest . besides , that obedience is more eminent and acceptable that is with sufferings , and the reward shall be answerable to our obedience . one draught of the river that makes glad the city of god above , can sweeten all the bitterness of the world. in short , the christians hope is in the apostle's expression , the anchor of the soul sure and stedfast , that enters within the veil , it is fastened in heaven , confirmed by the fidelity of god's promises , and the prevailing intercession of christ , and secured us in the midst of all the turbulent agitations in the wide sea below . hope makes us not only patient but joyful in all our sufferings . a christian encouraged by the blessed hope , comes with joy to death , as the door that opens to the kingdom of glory , and immortal blessedness . direct . . let god be the supreme object of our esteem and affections ; and whatsoever evils we sustain , will be made light and easy to us . the apostle assures us , that all things , even the most afflicting , work for the good of those that love god. that heavenly affection is not only the condition that intitles us to that promise , that by special priviledge makes all the evils of this world advantagious to the saints , but 't is the qualification by which 't is accomplished . by love we enjoy god , and love will make us willing to do or suffer what he pleaseth , that we may have fuller communion with him . in god all perfections are in transcendent eminence , they are always the same and always new . he gives all things without any diminution of his treasures : he receives the praises and services of the angels without any advantage or increase of his felicity . by possessing him , all that is amiable and excellent in the creatures , may be enjoyed in a manner incomparably better than in the creatures themselves . his infinite goodness can supply all our wants , satisfy all our desires , allay all our sorrows , conquer all our fears . one beam of his countenance can revive the spirit dead in sorrow , and buried in despair . the prophet jeremy in the desolation of his countrey , supports himself with his interest in god. the lord is my portion , saith my soul. the expression signifies the truth and strength of his affectionate choice of god as his chiefest good. what loss can make a christian poor , whose treasure is above ? what danger anxious , whose heart is fixed , trusting in the lord ? what disaster unhappy , whose blessedness is in heaven ? what death can destroy him , whose life is hid with christ in god ? deprive him of all the contents of this world , yet by communion with god , heaven descends to him , or he ascends to heaven , where god is all in all : the blessed reward is not reserved wholly till hereafter . divine joy is not deferred till our entrance into the celestial kingdom : there 't is a refined joy from all mixture of sorrow , 't is infinitely increased ; there spiritual joy meets eternal joy ; but it begins here : the gracious soul has a taste and sight how good the lord is , as an earnest of the fulness of joy in heaven . hope brings some leaves of the tree of life to refresh us with their fragrancy ; but love , of its fruits to strengthen us . as transplanted fruits , where the soil is defective , and the sun less favourable , are not of that beauty and goodness as in their original countrey ; so heavenly joys in this life are inferior in their degree to those of the blessed above , but they are very reviving . in the multitude of my thoughts within me , thy comforts delight my soul. 't is the triumphant exultation of the prophet , although the figtree shall not blossom , neither shall fruit be in the vines , the labour of the olive shall fail , and the fields shall yield no meat , the flock shall be cut off from the fold , and there shall be no herd in the stalls : yet will i rejoice in the lord , i will joy in the god of my salvation . he supposeth himself in extremity , utterly destitute not only of the refreshments , but supports of life ; yet he knows how not only to be patient and contented , but joyful in the most forlorn condition . joy is an affection proper to the happy state. in the day of prosperity , rejoice . and in his deepest affliction he had such a felicity in the favour of god , that no external want could diminish . the tree of life brought forth fruits for every month ; our blessed redeemer typified by it , has consolations for the most deplorable and desolate condition . if he says to the afflicted soul , i am thy salvation , and within a little while thou shalt be with me for ever in glory , it sufficeth . rejoice in the lord always ; again , i say , rejoice . it is the most affectionate counsel of the apostle . these are not inaccessible heights of religion , and points of perfection , to which none can arrive unless extraordinary saints ; but are the experimental practice of humble sincere christians , that say with the psalmist , whom have we in heaven but thee ? and there is none upon earth we desire besides thee . the guilty principle of vexatious discontents and immoderate griefs , under outward losses and troubles , is a false judgment ; that god without the world is not sufficient for our compleat felicity : who , unless a person distracted and foolish , would say that the magnificent feast of ahasuerus , that was prepared to shew the riches and glory of his kingdom , was mean and poor , because there was not set before the numerous guests in dishes of gold , grass and acorns , the food of brutes ? 't is equal folly to imagine that god , who is an infinite good , suitable to the spiritual immortal nature of the soul , and all-sufficient to fill the vast capacity and desires of our angelical faculties , the understanding and will , by his glorious perfections ; that god , i say , cannot make us happy in his love , because our lower animal faculties , our senses , have not in our communion with him what is pleasing to their carnal appetites . the spouse in the canticles is represented as a lilly among thorns , incompassed and opprest with injurious enemies , yet she breaks forth in triumphant joy , i am my beloved's , and he is mine ; by an irrevocable donation she gave her heart to christ , and reciprocally he gave himself to her ; she despised all inferiour things , and rested in his love as her sole felicity . in short , none are concerned to lose the weak light of a candle at noon-day , when the sun pours forth a deluge of light to illustrate all things ; and the soul that enjoys the propitious presence of god , is satisfied therewith when lower comforts fail . direct . . let us moderate our valuations and affections to things below . this is a consequence of the former ; for if the heart be full of god , it will not admit any inferior object to rival him in his throne . if we consider the vast distance between the perfections of the creator , and the faint reflections of them in the creature , our respects and love should be accordingly . reason , authority , example , experience convince us that all things below are empty vanities ; it is restless folly to seek for happiness here , and to borrow the language of the angel , to seek the living among the dead . if our felicity be from the light and warmth of creatures , how easily is it quenched , and we are in irrecoverable darkness ? when there is exorbitant love , and dissolute joy in the possessing , there will be extreme and desperate sorrow in losing . one irregular passion feeds and maintains another . the heart is disposed to contrary extremities , and passes from the fire to the frost : the unequal spirit swells or sinks according to the outward condition . it is the wise advice of the apostle , that we rejoice as if we rejoiced not , and then , we shall weep as if we wept not : afflictions are intolerable or light , according to our apprehension of them ; an indifferency of temper to the things of this world disposeth to self-denial universally , as god is pleased to try us . this was the holy and happy temper of david , surely i behaved and quieted my self as a child that is weaned of his mother , my soul is even as a weaned child ; indifferent to manage a scepter or a sheep-hook , according to god's pleasure . if we can deny our selves , we shall humbly yield to god. if we can sincerely say , not our wills , we shall readily repeat our saviour's submission , but thy will be done . direct . . a prudent forecast of possible evils as future to us , arms us with patience to sustain them . since man was expelled from the terrestrial paradise , and is below the celestial , he is liable to innumerable afflicting accidents . his condition here is like an open sea , so voluble and inconstant , so violent and furious : sometimes the ships are raised upon the top of the waves , as if they sailed in the air ; and sometimes plunged into the waters and ready to be swallowed up : such frequent changes happen in our passage to eternity , and it is mercifully ordered so by the divine wisdom , that we may so use the world , as not to abuse it , and our selves by over-waluing and affecting it . it is a contemplation of theodoret , that the sun and moon , the most glorious luminaries of heaven , and so beneficial to the earth , would be honoured as deities , if they always appeared with the same invariable tenour of light : and therefore god wisely disposed of their motions , that at the revolution of certain periods , they should suffer an eclipse , that the ignorant world might be convinced they were but parts of nature appointed for the service of man , and are not worthy of divine honour . thus we see , that often the brightest and fullest prosperity is eclipsed , to convince us by the miserable changes in this world , that the best estate of man is altogether vanity , and that these things are utterly insufficient to make us happy , and are not worthy of the chief regard and affection of our immortal souls . to set our hearts on them is to build on the sand , and to expose our selves to ruinous falls by every storm . a sudden blast overthrows the fabrick of fancy , our conceited happiness in the enjoyment of perishing things . our greatest comforts may occasion our greatest afflictions : the glory of a family may occasion the grief of it . now the consideration of the mutable nature of things here below , keeps the heart loose from them , fortifies us with proper thoughts to bear evils that happen , and prevents disappointments , that is an aggravating circumstance of our troubles , and a great vexation to the mind . the israelites when transported from the land of canaan to babylon , felt the rigors of their captivity the more sensibly , in that they were confident in their term and state in that land , as their permanent inheritance : to be expelled from so rich a country wherein they promised themselves rest , was a high degree of their misery . there is indeed a prevision of evils that may befal us , that has torment , that anticipates and exasperates misery . fear , that gives the signal of approaching evils , often brings more terrour than caution , and like a timerous centinel by a false allarm , astonishes rather than prepares the mind to encounter with danger . our saviour strictly forbids such perplexing apprehensions of future evils , as most unbecoming christians , who are under the perpetual providence of their heavenly father . take no thought for the morrow , the morrow shall take thought for the things of it self . but on the contrary , to be secure in our prosperity , as if we should always enjoy a favourable course of things , as if our most flourishing comforts did not spring from an earthly original , and might be suddenly blasted , or easily cut down , is to lay our selves open to surprizing disorders and perplexities when evils befal us . 't is the wise counsel of st. peter to believers , think it not strange concerning the fiery trial , which is to try you , as if some strange thing happened to you : for unexpected adversity falls upon the soul in its full weight , and suddenly overthrows it . uncomfortable accidents strike to the heart , when 't is not arm'd to receive the blow : whereas the remembrance of our frail and fickle state , makes us less troubled in afflictive changes , because prepared for what may happen to us . direct . . serious and mournful reflections upon our guilt , and what we deserve from divine justice , is both a motive and a means to suppress impatience and indignation , and to allay inordinate grief in our sufferings . we are directed by the wise preacher , in the day of adversity consider : it is a proper season to review conscience , to search and try our ways , to take a sad and serious examination of our lives . if god should exact the rigid score of our debts , and make us as miserable as we are sinful , yet there is the greatest reason to justify him , and accuse our selves ; much more when our punishment is far below our deserts . humility is the mother of meekness , they are graces of the same complexion and features . our saviour in the order of the beatitudes , first declared , blessed are the poor in spirit , that have a low conceit of themselves , as nothing in spirituals , and worse than nothing in sin ; as empty of all that is holy and good , and compounded of all evil : and blessed are those that mourn , in a sence of their sins : and then , blessed are the meek : and these are very congruously joyned , for meekness is a disposition inseparable from the other . he that duly considers himself to be a wretched creature , a worthless rebel , and is humbly and sorrowfully affected for his unworthiness , his passions will be subdued ; and as melted metal receives any form , so he patiently suffers what god inflicts . a broken heart is an acceptable sacrifice to god , and implies a tender sense of sin , as the offence and dishonour of the holy and gracious god , in allusion to a broken bone , that has an exquisite sense of any hurt : and it may be extended to signify a heart that is compliant and submissive to god's will , in allusion to a horse that is broken , and easily managed by the reins of the rider . contrition for sin is always joyned with resignation to the chastizing providence of god. besides , godly sorrow will lessen natural sorrow . sin first deserves our grief , and the sharpest accents of our lamentation should be placed upon it , and the more sensible we are of it , the lighter will affliction be to us . as the opening a vein stops by revulsion , a flux of blood in another part ; so the turning the stream of sorrow , from affliction to sin , is a powerful means to make it cease : there is health in the bitterness of physick , and joy in the depth of this sadness . briefly , repentance inclines the heart of god , and opens his tender compassions to the afflicted . we have an admirable example of this in the case of afflicted ephraim ; upon his penitential complaint , the expression of his grief and shame for his sin , god graciously answers , is ephraim my dear son ? is he a pleasant child ? for since i spake against him , i do earnestly remember him still : therefore my bowels are troubled for him ; i will surely have mercy on him , saith the lord. when the relenting sinner is covered with tears , the great comforter descends , and brings healing to the troubled waters : this advice is more necessary for the afflicted , because usually the stroaks of providence are properly a reproof and correction for sin : the application of a corrosive , implies , that some corrupt matter is to be discharged ; god is provoked by their neglects , and though love cannot hate , it may be angry , and without renewing their repentance , and recovering his favour , their afflictions are very uncomfortable . 't is extreamly sad to feel the sting of a guilty conscience within , and the displeasure of god without . the burthen is heavy and oppressing that is laid upon a wounded back . it is therefore our best wisdom and duty to search our hearts and try our ways , that we may discover what is the procuring cause of our troubles , and turn unfeignedly to the lord. this will endear afflicted souls to god , and incline him to afford gracious supports to them . it is true , sometimes our sufferings are designed for trial , especially , when they are for righteousness sake . counterfeit coin , though with a fair stamp and inscription , is discovered by the fire ; thus meer titular christians , specious hypocrites , are made known by persecutions : but true substantial gold endures the fire without loss , and the more 't is tryed , the more 't is refined . thus the true christian , whom neither the gain of the world , nor the loss of life can remove from the stedfast owning of the holy truth , has a clear manifestation of his sincerity . and it is a peculiar favour and honour , when god calls forth his servants to the hardest trials for his names sake ; 't is the noblest way of service , a special conformity to the son of god , more glorious than the resembling his power in doing miracles : in this the saints here have a capacity of serving god above the angels ; for the obedience of the angels is always joined with their happiness , but the obedience of the saints here , is often attended with adversity , and is more valuable to them upon that account : as a soldier of courage and generosity , when he is chosen from the rest of the army for some bold exploit , values the choice of the general , as a signal mark of the esteem of his valour and fidelity . to you it is given , not only to believe , but to suffer for christ's sake . this is just matter of joy. innocence with the faithful companion of it , a good conscience , makes our sufferings from the rage and violence of men , to be comfortable . there may be a feast within the house , when a storm of hail rattles upon the tiles . but it is sometimes so ordered by divine providence , that the evils we suffer are of a mixt nature , partly chastisements , and partly trials . this was the case of the believing hebrews , to whom the apostle directs his counsel ; their persecution was from the unrighteous pagans for a cause purely religious , but 't was permitted by the righteous god , as a punishment for their sins . and here the divine wisdom and goodness is admirable , that the same affliction is instrumental for the purifying of his servants from sin , and the advancement of his glorious gospel . the first and most immediate effect of his discipline , is the humbling and sanctifying them to prepare them for his love , by which they are fortified to bear couragiously the worst evils for his sake . direct . . apply the mind to consider the blessings we receive , as well as the evils we endure . whilst the intence thoughts are fixt upon the cross , the soul is rackt with inward tortures , but did we turn our eyes upon our enjoyments , and the comforts that are interwoven with our troubles , it would be a means not only to compose us to patience but thankfulness . the apostle directs us to trust in the living god , who giveth all things richly to enjoy . in the poorest and lowest state of life , we have many favours and effects of his rich bounty , and it is the ignorance of our deservings and of our enjoyments that causeth discontent and murmuring under our troubles . particularly , this consideration will be effectual to repress the discontent that is apt to kindle in our breasts , upon the sight of the different dispensations of providence ; that some are exempted from the current adversities of the world , and live in ease and pleasure , whilst we are deprived of many outward comforts . suppose a sick person in extream poverty , were received by a rich and liberal lord into his house , and convenient food , and precious medicines were provided for him , without his desert or possibility of retribution ; would he be so foolish and insolent , as to complain of unkind and unworthy usage , because some others in the family have a more plentiful table and richer habit allowed them ? on the contrary , let us look down to those who are below us : how many are poor and miserable in the want of all things needful for the support of life ? how many are under tormenting pains , or in desperate sadness , and have no taste and comfort in their abundance ? how many are fallen into deep misery , and that aggravated by the afflicting memory of former happiness ? how many are surrounded by their cruel enemies , and see no refuge , no sanctuary for their escape , but a necessity of perishing ? and can we pretend a better title to the mercies of god than our fellow-worms ? our original is from nothing , and our works are sinful ; that we are not so desolately miserable as others , when equally guilty , is from the rich goodness of god , and should make us thankful . add further ; let the most afflicted saint in the world compare his condition with that of the most prosperous wicked persons , and the comparison will be effectual to endear god to him , and quiet his passions under sufferings . the good things of this world in their abundance , variety , and excellence , cannot make a sinner truely happy : the miseries of this life in all kinds and degrees , cannot make a good man utterly miserable ; nay they are inestimably more happy in their sufferings than the wicked in their prosperity . manna rains from heaven while they are in the wilderness , supports and comforts are from the love of god shed abroad in their hearts ; and their present afflictions are a seed of eternal joy , qualify and prepare them for the joy of heaven . our saviour , from whose judgment we receive the true weights and measures of things , to regulate our esteem and affections , declares his disciples when under the sharpest persecutions of the tongues or hands of their enemies , under disgrace , calumnies , tortures and death , even then he declares them blessed , for the kingdom of heaven belongs to them ; & heaven is such a transcendent blessedness , that the lively hope of it as the reward and end of our afflictions makes us blessed here . and the most prosperous sinners , are by the same infallible rule , miserable here ; for the irresistible , irremediable misery that is ordain'd and prepar'd for them in hell. they would deceive themselves with the paintings of happiness , with an aiery imaginary happiness ; whilst the senses are filled , the soul is empty ; but they shall not long enjoy the ease of their ignorance and security ; the world can do no more to make them happy , than if one should compound and temper a draught , and give it to the poor and miserable , that induces sleep and pleasant dreams for a few hours , but when they awake they are still poor and miserable . our saviour pronounceth a woe to the rich and full , to those that laugh now , for they shall weep and mourn : their false deceitful felicity will end in real misery . it is * s. austin's question , who would not prefer grief with a sober mind before the jollity of a phrenzy ? who would be a merry mad man ? for he is only happy in his fancy , and fancies himself so , only because he is distracted ; and according to the rules of true wisdom , the worst estate of a saint , when lamenting and languishing under troubles , is more eligible than the best estate of a sinner when triumphing in prosperity . direct . . lastly ; frequent and fervent prayer to the father of mercies , and god of all consolation , is a blessed means to support the spirit , and make it humble and obedient to the afflicting providence of god. 't is divine counsel , is any afflicted ? let him pray . 't is prayer opens the heart , and carnal grief breaths out ; prayer opens heaven , and divine joy flows into the soul ; the king of glory keeps no state , there is always easie access to his throne , and his ears are always open to his humble suppliants . his most gracious nature inclines him to sustain us in our dejections . we have a powerful plea from his compassions to encourage our prayers in great troubles . he will regard the prayer of the destitute , and not despise their prayer . the most glorious attribute of the spirit , the comforter , is most useful and beneficial to afflicted suppliants ; affliction is the season , and prayer the sphere of his activity . that our prayers may prevail , these following rules must be observed . . they must be addressed with an humble trust on the mercies of god , that incline him to relieve and sustain the afflicted . thus st. james directs the afflicted , to ask in faith , nothing wavering . we read in scripture of his bowels , the light of his countenance , his melting eye , the soft , serene , compassionate expresses of his most gracious nature towards his suffering people . he doth not esteem himself more honoured with the glorious titles of our creator and king , than with the amiable endearing name of our father ; and with a confidence becoming that relation , we are directed by his divine son to make our requests to him . 't is recorded of augustus the emperour , that when one presented a petition to him in a timerous and shy manner , that generous prince , whose humanity was equal to his dignity , was moved with displeasure , as if it had been a tacit reproach that he was of an untractable fierce nature . thus 't is a disparagement of god's benignity and clemency , when we pray to him in a diffident manner : he is more pleased in doing of us good , than we can be in receiving it . indeed , if the promises of god did not encourage our hopes , we should not presume so much of his affection , as to lay the burden of our cares and sorrows on his arms ; but heaven is not fuller of stars to enlighten the darkness of the night , than the scripture is of precious promises for the refreshing the disconsolate . when the church complained , the lord hath forsaken me , and my lord hath forgotten me ; what assurance does he give of his most tender and unchangeable love to her ; can a woman forget her sucking child , that she should not have compassion on the son of her womb ? yea , they may forget , yet will i not forget thee . behold , i have graven thee upon the palms of my hands : if he cannot forget himself , he cannot forget his people . 't is his dear title , god that comforts those who are cast down . add to this , the interest of the saints in jesus christ , who ever lives to make intercession for them . none is more tenderly inclined to mercy , than he that has suffered misery : and he felt our sorrows that he might afford relief and succour to us . whilst our saviour was upon the earth , and was followed by a multitude of diseased miserable persons , vertue went out of him and healed them all : and since his ascent to heaven , has he withdrawn that universal healing vertue , and left us under irremediable and unmitigable sorrows ? did his compassionate eye regard all that were afflicted , and are we now out of his sight ? then such was his indulgent humility , that altho he could have performed the cure by a word , yet he readily offered to attend a sick servant , i will come and heal him ; and now he is raised from his humble state on earth to the throne of heaven , does he disdain to extend his merciful hand for our relief ? no , his heart and love is the same in heaven as upon the earth . 't is true he is exempted from all passionate frailties , all afflicting affections that are inconsistent with the felicity and glory of his kingdom : but he still retains the same solid love , the same god-like compassion , the same ready will to support and deliver his people in misery . nay , if the change of his state could have made any in him , it could be no other than what is recorded to the immortal honour of vespatian , by one that had experience of his royal bounty : that the raising him to the imperial throne made no alteration in his breast , but that his power was enlarged equal to his will of doing good. our saviour in his exaltation at the right hand of god , has all power equal to his infinite love that is suitable to the permanent relation between him and the saints : he is their head , and they his members : and was there ever such a miracle , or rather monster in nature , that the head the most eminent part , the seat of all the senses , did not resent a wound made in the foot , the lowest and most servile part of the body ? does it not presently express its real complaints ? for the natural union of the parts , communicates the sence of the pain suffered by any to the whole . and such is the spiritual union , between the divine head and his members , that from heaven he rebuk'd the cruel persecutor of the saints , in language expressing the connexion of charity between himself and them , saul , why persecutest thou me ? he does not say why persecutest thou my saints , why my servants , but why me ? tho he is not capable of any sorrowful sence , yet his affections are quick and vigorous to his people . if it were possible that his joy , wherewith he is infinitely blessed , should be increas'd , it would be in the effusions of his goodness to afflicted christians . let us therefore come boldly unto the throne of grace , that we may obtain mercy , and find grace to help in time of need . how heavy soever the calamities are , let them not sink our spirits into despair , but raise them to nearer approaches to the god of consolation . . the prayers of the afflicted must be always with submissive deference to the will and wisdom of god , as to the manner , the degrees , and time of his delivering them . afflictions are not peremptory and immutable dispensations , but conditional for holy and good ends , and we may humbly pray for their removal . 't is no resisting of providence , to address to the divine majesty with frequent and fervent requests , that he would please to take his chastizing hand off from us . upon david's humble prayer , the destroying angel was commanded to cease ; in the midst of judgment mercy interposed , it is enough . but we are apt to be impatient in our troubles , and by hasty impetuous desires of ease and deliverance , disturb our tranquility , and offend god. as those who are diseased with a rheumatism , being worse in the night than the day , impatiently long for the rising sun to dispel the oppressing humors , and cheer their spirits : so in our afflictions we impatiently renew our requests , lord , how long ? lord , make haste , not reposing our selves on his wisdom and goodness , who will do what is best for us . god is both our father and physician , and when the corrupt humours are purged away , will give cordials and restoratives to his afflicted children . the prophet tells us , he that believes makes not haste , he doth not by undue means seek to remedy his evils , nor passionately and unquietly sollicite the accomplishment of the promises before the season appointed by the divine decree , for that is to desire that his mercy should be displayed to the prejudice of his immutability , but humbly waits god's pleasure . . let the main desires of the afflicted be for divine grace , ( which is never more necessary and useful than in troubles ) that they may glorify god , and obtain their eminent end , the salvation of their souls by them . we are often very ardent in our prayers for trivial things , neglecting the most necessary and important . as if a prisoner loaden with irons should passionately intreat , that his chains should be gilded , not loosed . how many spend their zealous affections in praying for temporal things , wherein their happiness does not consist . one of the reasons why god heaps upon rebellious sinners the good things of this life , is to instruct us how despicable they are in his account , things to be thrown away , as he seems to do . and he often refuses the petitions of his servants concerning temporal things : when pelopidus interceded with epaminondas the wise governor of the thebans , for the freedom of a base fellow that for some crime was committed to prison , he denied his request ; and presently released him upon the desire of a vile harlot : and gave this reason , it was a favour not worthy the dignity of pelopidas , but suitable to the quality of such a petitioner . and sometimes we pray for things dangerous and hurtful to our souls ; and 't is becoming the providence and love of our heavenly father to deny our ill-counselled desires . let us therefore be more intent and importunate in our petitions , that our afflictions may be sanctified , then removed . we have neither understanding nor strength , how to order our selves , how to bear and improve great afflictions . st. paul declares , i have learned in every condition to be content ? by the revelation of the gospel , and the holy spirits teaching that all his earthly troubles should end in the heavenly glory , he was instructed in that science of the saints . we are therefore directed , if any man want wisdom , that is , how to manage himself patiently under afflictions , let him ask it of god , who gives to all liberally , and upbraids not . if afflictions are sore and sudden , it is very hard to compose and support the spirit . the passions are servants of sense , rather than obedient to reason , and by their first violent motions surprize the mind , and overcome it before it perceives the assault ; he that is not a master , isa slave to them . or suppose no angry resistance , no impetuous passions in the afflicted breast , yet the heart bleeds inwardly , and faints away . david had natural courage to encounter a lion , yet he was so disconsolate in his troubles that he was fain to argue against his sadness : why art thou cast down o my soul , why art thou disquieted within me ? and having raised his drooping spirits , yet he relapsed to his first faintness , till by supplies from god he was confirmed in hope of deliverance . the apostle implores the glorious power of god , that the colossians might be strengthned with all might , unto all patience , and long-suffering with joyfulness . we should sink under heavy sufferings , or be tired with the length of miseries , without his immortal strength . but if the power of god assist a weak spirit , it will be finally victorious over all the evils of the world. how many martyrs of the tender sex , who would naturally tremble at a drawn sword ; yet by divine support despised the tormentors , and all the instruments of cruelty . in them was an imitation of that miracle of divine power , when the three children walked in the midst of the flaming furnace , untouch'd by the fire . god is stiled the god of patience and consolation . it is his sole prerogative to comfort the afflicted . i , even i , am he that comforts you . the woman in the gospel that had a bloody issue , no human art could afford her aid and relief : and when her estate was wasted on the physitians , and her strength by her disease , she came to our saviour , and by touching the hem of his garment was presently healed . thus the afflicted spirit , whom no worldly things are able to support and make joyful , finds everlasting comfort in god. he satisfies the soul with his love , and establishes this persuasion , that all things shall turn for the best to his people . now by prayer the divine power and favour is engaged for our support and deliverance . how many psalms of david begin in tears , and end in triumph ? in his great exigency , when ready to be swallowed up by his enemies , he dispatch'd a flying prayer to heaven for relief ; lord , take bold of shield , and buckler , and stand up for my help : and the almighty appeared in arms for his rescue . and he recounts another blessed experience of the efficacy of prayer , in the day when i cryed , thou answered'st me : and strengthenest me with strength in my soul. the affliction was still incumbent , but did not overwhelm him : which was a more gracious testimony of god's love , than if it had meerly been taken away . it is said of the distressed , they looked to him and were lightned . it is the perfection and propriety of the saints in heaven to see the glorious face of god without veil or shadow ; but here some rayes of his quickning countenance comfort his afflicted servants , while they lift up their eyes and hearts to his sanctuary , a joyful light breaks forth , that leads them out of the dark labyrinth of their troubled thoughts . if the saints remain disconsolate , it is not for want of mercy and power in god to refresh their sorrows , but from neglecting to improve their interest in him , and deriving spiritual comforts from his fulness by humble believing prayer . when the disciples were surprized with a storm in the sea of tiberias , they toil'd with hard labour to save the ship that was like to be over-whelmed by the waves : but all in vain , till by their cries they waked our saviour who was asleep in the ship. he lifts up his head , and the proud waves presently sink ; he speaks a word of command , and the boisterous winds are silent ; and a great tempest is changed into a great calm . this may fitly represent the afflicted state of a christian , their passions swell into a storm , they are ready to be overwhelm'd with troubles , but 't is because christ sleeps in them ; they have his presence as if they had it not , but earnest constant prayer will awake him , and his propitious presence will secure them from shipwrack , and make their breasts the true pacifick sea , and bring them safely to the blessed eternal shore . briefly ; god teaches us to profit by our afflictions , and this affords matter of joy and thanksgiving . the psalmist declares , blessed is the man whom thou chastenest and instructest out of thy law. the divine teacher gives a right understanding of sufferings , for what end they are sent , and teacheth by the voice of the rod to obey his word , he instructs us in our duty with the clearest convictions , and infuseth gracious dispositions suitable to his doctrine . he gives directing light , and a seeing eye to perceive it ; he presents heavenly encouragements , and prepares the heart to receive them . now what paul speaks of the cross of christ , is applicable to the crosses of the saints : god forbid that i should glory but in the cross of christ , by which the world is crucified to me , and i to it . the cross of christ made the jews and pagans to despise and reject the gospel , esteeming it to be gross folly to expect a glorious immortal life from one who was ignominiously put to death ; yet that was the great argument of the apostles triumphant joy , because he felt the vertue of it to unbind the charms of the world , so admired by carnal eyes . he looked upon it with the same disaffection and disregard , as one that is near expiring : it appeared in his eyes rather as a loathsom object , than with amiable qualities . and if the cross of a christian be the means of internal mortification , if thereby this vain deceiving world be rendered contemptible to him , and his affections are inflamed to things above , he will find cause to glory in tribulation . to conclude this argument ; there is no affliction how great soever , though with respect to natural means unremovable and unmitigable , yet if it be sanctified by divine grace , a christian even while he is so afflicted , has more cause of joy than grief , more reason to bless god for it than to repine and complain . in every thing give thanks , for this is the will of god in christ jesus concerning you . he turns afflictions into benefits , and our affectionate praises are due upon that account . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e plin. l. . c. . sed tantum cum fortuna se digladiari momentis omnibus gloriantur . lact lib. . isa. . , , . notes for div a -e . . rom. . , , . . nihil agis dolor , quamvis sis molestus , nunquam te esse confitebor malum . possidomus . * talis est sapientis animus qualis mundi status super lunam , sem per illic serenum . seneca . * magna verba excidunt , cum mors proprius accessit , cum tortor manum poposcit , possis illi dicere , facile provocabas mala absentia . seneca . . . heb. . . . isa. . , , . . sam. . . . sam. . . . job . . jer. . . jer. . . sam. . . job . . st. hillary declares of himself , non sibi relictum quicquam aliud a natura sua intelligere , in quo majus officium praestare conditori suo posset quam ut tantum eum esse intelligeret , quantus & intelligi non potest & potest credi . de trin. lib. . ille est vinculum per quod res publica cohaeret : ille spiritus vitalis , quem tot millia trahunt : nihil ipsa futura nisi onus & praeda si mens illa imperii sub trahatur lib. de clem. psal. . act. . . job . psal. . . psal. . . mic. . . lam. . . job . , . lam. . . ezra . . levit. . . isa. . . pet. . . heb. . . heb. . . rom. . . cor. . . heb. . . isa. . . jer. . . job . , . ver. . psal. cor. . psa. . . heb. . . pet. . . jam. . , . rev. . rom. . heb. . . jer. . psal. . , , . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . * acin quamvis de missum etna nullus frigore ante vertit . solin heb. . . jam. . . cor. . tim. eph. . . deut. . . isa. . . job . . . job . . . . john . . judg. . rom. . . eccles. . . vse . prov. . rev. . . psal. . john , , , omnia bona mea mecum sunt . justitia , virtus , temperantia , prudentia , hoc ipsum nihil boni put are quod eripi possit . seneca epist. . use . heb. . . psa. heb. . . rev. . . jam. . . heb. . . rev. . . psal. . . psal. . hic est magnus animus qui se deo tradidit . senec. heb. . mille pia cer non vagliono un tormento . job . . rom. . . isa. . jam. . king. . psal. . . kings . . mat. . o bone omnipotens , qui sic unumquemque nostrum tanquam solum cures , & sic omnes tanquam singulos ! aug. conf. lib. . dial. . heb. . . psal. . rev. . . isa. . . respondit tibi deus , haeccine est fides tua ? haec tibi promisi ! ad haec christianus factus es ut in seculo floreres ? zech. pet. . . omnia spiritui patent vagare spiritu , spatiare spiritu . nihil crus sent it in nervo cum animus in coelo est . ad martyr . nullus iis dolor est de incursatione malorum praesentium , quibus siducia est futurorum bonorum : quid hoc ad christianos , quid ad dei servos ? quos paradisus invitat , quos gratia omnis & copia regni coelestis expectat ? cypr. cont . demet. rom. . . lam. . . psal. . . hab. . , . poenam de adversis mundi ille sentit , cui laetitia & gloria omnis in mundo est . cyp. ad demet. psal. . mat. . pet. . . ☜ psal. . jer. . . heb. . tim. . . * si duo istae proponantur ridere vis aut flere ? quis est qui respondeat nisi ridere ? sed tantum praevalet invictissima veritas ut eligat homo sanâmente flere , quā mente alienata ridere . august . tract . de epict. jam. . . videris obolum porrigere elephanti . macrob. isa. . , , . cor. . nec quicquam in te mutavit fortunae amplitudo , nisi ut prodesse tantundem posses & velles . plin. non dicit quid sanctos meos , quid servos meos , sed quid me persequeris ? aug. non audit deus nisi quod dignum ducit suis beneficiis . arab. jam. . psal. . col. . psal. . psal. . . si non dormiret in te christus , tempestates istas non patereris . ideo fluctuabat navis quia christus dormiebat : navis tua cor tuum . aug. thess. . . the unjust mans doom as examined by the several kinds of christian justice, and their obligation : with a particular representation of the injustice & danger of partial conformity / by william smyth. smith, william, b. or . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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[ ], p. printed by w. godbid for walter kettilby ..., london : . reproduction of original in the trinity college library, dublin university. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- liturgy. bible. -- n.t. -- corinthians, st, vi, -- sermons. obedience -- religious aspects -- christianity. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - simon charles sampled and proofread - simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the vnjust mans doom : as examined by the several kinds of christian justice , and their obligation . with a particular representation of the injustice & danger of partial conformity . by william smyth , d. d. london , printed by w. godbid for walter kettilby at the bishops head in duck-lane , . a preface to the reader . i would willingly meet so much charity and ingenuity from thee , to be believed , while i profess that i propound to my self these two designs in publishing these papers : first , that ( by the former part of my discourse ) i might contribute something towards the restoring the lost principles and practices of christian righteousness ; & free the notion of it from such prejudices and misprisions which some mens doctrines , and manner of preaching the gospel , have brought upon it . and that the scandalous distinction ( which the world have had too just a temptation to make , by the observation of some professors actions ) between godliness and civil honesty , piety , and obedience , might for ever be removed and forgotten ; and that all persons designing to be religious , and that do not fully understand their indispensable obligation to the performance of every part of that justice in order to their salvation , might be delivered from the ignorance of so considerable a part of christianity , and their duty to god. for it is too notorious , that many earnest pretenders to religion , ( by being so especially and continually called upon by their teachers , to be righteous by the person , and not the religion of christ , by the effects of his merits , and not as necessarily by obedience to his precepts ) even while they presumed to engross the vulgars belief of being the only men that are godly and honest , have in contradiction to the very design of christianity , & to the shame of it , been grosly vnrighteous before god and man , by being so to their superiors ( both civil and ecclesiastick ) as to distributive justice , nor so careful to free themselves from the imputation of being unjust in their dealings & transactions , as to commutative . and though i have cast my discourse of christian justice into the mould of a sermon , occasionally preach'd , to represent the danger of vnjust persons ; yet if any man , being convinced of the necessity of doing righteousness , that he may be righteous , ( john . . ) shall resolve to engage himself in that excellent part of his obedience to god ; i hope i have so carefully drawn the several lines of evangelical justice , that he may be sufficiently instructed in that part of christianity , which may be accounted the vniversal religion of the world ; that is , as extensive as gods love to mankind or christ's death for it , and by which men of every nation , even among them that are invincibly ign●●●●● of christianity , and so not criminally vnbelievers , ( if charity may be allowed to speak her sense ) may be accepted for christ's sake : that is , such as fear god , and do righteousness ) or justice ( for they are of the same signification ) acts . . according to the light god hath given them of their obligation to it . the next design ( in the latter part of my discourse ) is to represent the danger and injustice of partial and shuffling conformity , and to measure the dimensions of those many wrongs that have been done to the church of england by it , in all her concerns : and that in order to the finding out the best expedients , how to redress them and this i have done without the least uncharitable reflection upon any man or parties of men , unless to reprove their miscarriages , which do so neerly intrench upon the very design of christianity and the churches peace , may be so interpreted . and i find upon the most serious examination of the affairs of the church since the reformation , and the most unpassionate observation of things which have been seen done in our time ( to which a great part of this present age can give testimony ) that ministers puritanizing in their congregations in compliance with some forreign churches of different models , perswasions and practices against all their obligations to do the contrary , ( with consideration had to our many sins for which god hath laid those heavy punishments upon us ) to be the original cause of the great evils that befel the church of england in the days of her late calamity , of the many present discomforts that are now upon it , and the threatning dangers that are before it . for these men so managed their business in their churches , that the common people ( many of which had honest minds , and upright designs of being good ) are insensibly betrayed into such a dislike of the government , service , and universal constitutions of the church , that they were prepared upon the least check of authority to require conformity from them , to make it the cause of god , and an eminent act of zeal for him , to deny all obedience to it , if not to endeavour the universal overthrow of all its peace and order . so that i am not so uncharitable as to think , that all the people that were enemies to the church of england , hated it because it was good and innocent , but because ( through these mens either design'd project of keeping them in ignorance ; or through their own inability to instruct them better ) they understood it not ; and being once prejudic'd with an ill opinion , and presumed not to be masters of so much reason as to be able to extricate themselves from their mistakes , and not likely to entertain an instruction from them , whom they were taught to suspect and oppose , it s no wonder if they became such zealous & implacable enemies to a church of the most catholick and primitive constitution in the world. now the grand argument which they put into the peoples heads , to perpetuate their enmity against the church of england , is , that the present constitution is a disposition to popery , and that the encrease of it is to be imputed thereunto , when themselves are only guilty of it : for though the designs of the factious & the romanists are as distant as the two poles , yet in this they centre , that they aid one another in the boldness of their separations , and allow a plausible temptation to such ( who consult nothing but the interest of an unsecure and palliated peace , or rather to prevent some little trouble of preserving the church in its integrity ) to endeavour an universal toleration of all perswasions , to the established churches infallible fall and ruine . but concerning this and all other wrongs done by them to the church , the reader is refer-red to the discourse it self . now if by gods blessing i may in any measure attain both my designs ; if by the first i may fully instruct souls to live ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) justly , one part of evangelical obedience in st. paul's division , ( tit. . . ) and if by the second i can contribute any thing towards the cure of the church of england's present distempers , i shall not much consult what entertainment they shall have among such as are resolv'd enemies to both , and perhaps for that reason will be so to their faithful monitor , w. s. the vnjust mans doom . as examined by the several kinds of christian justice , and their obligation . in a sermon at the assizes at bury st. edmunds in suff. sept. . . the vnjust mans doom . cor. . . the unrighteous shall not inherit the kingdom of god. so far as the principal design of christianity is universal obedience , and the far greatest part of that obedience is morality ; ( duties to be performed from man to man ) and the most excellent parts of that morality , are the grand transactions of government , regular administrations of common justice , and preservation of mutual rights in all societies : and so far as the rule by which all those are accomplished , is law , grounded upon right reason , of which the gospel ( above all institutions that ever were is highly & designedly perfective ) so far , i say , a divine ex officio , while he moves in his own sphere , may ( must ) be especially serviceable to such assemblies as these : for it is certain , that the happy event of your affairs , ( which is judicially to do all men right , that here appear for it ) depends upon every man's uprightly doing his duty , 〈◊〉 the part he acts , in this scene 〈◊〉 justice ; from the judge that sentenceth , to the advocate that pleads ; from the witness that gives evidence , to the jurates that determine . now because that every one of these should do right in his place , a civil account ( at best ) can advance to no other obligation , but that it is fit and worthy to be done ; ( too weak an argument , to resist a temptation from profit , or passion , to do the contrary ; ) therefore they are to be religiously instructed , ( which makes this present exercise reasonable above all apologies and answers for the practice of former times among us , when divines sate upon the principal seats of justice ) i say , men are to be further instructed , that to do civil right , is , now , of divine obligation , and a necessary condition of every mans salvation ; under encouragements of infallible rewards , which no man shall lose , that brings but ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the least refreshment or assistance to a just procedure ; and under the terrour of dreadful threatnings , which none shall escape , that pervert judgment , do wrong , and shall any way be instrumental to the violation of anothers right : and certainly the severest of all of them is this in my text ; they shall not inherit the kingdom of god. my text being thus brought to hand , offers these two grounds of discourse : . the guilty persons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the unrighteous , or the unjust , words synonimous , and so are promiseuously taken all over the scripture . . their doom and punishment , shall not inherit the kingdom of god. . as to the first , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unrighteous , or unjust , is not here to be taken in its larger acceptation , by which it is synonimous with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sinners in general , and names the persons , that live in disobedience to all , or any of gods commandments indefinitely , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used , ( rom. . . ) unrighteousness or unjustice for all ungodliness : and that because , ( as c●… . alex. observes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every sinful act is injurious , frequently to others , alwaies to our selves . but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to be understood strictly , and so denotes persons guilty of the breach of justice in its limited and natural sense , as it stands distinguished from other virtues in the moralists scheme : and being brought over to be a part of christ's religion , was established as such , when he made love to our neighbour ( that is , the love of practice , to do all men right and good ) to be of like obligation with love to god , as practised in the most immediate duties , and services of faith and worship : for so saith christ ( mat. . . ) the second is like unto it ( that is ) equally , and as indispensably necessary to salvation , thou shalt love thy neighbor as thy self . now for the measures of that love , and ( the principal design and excrcise of it ) . justice , he gave one general rule , ( ut primum principium ) : all things whatsoever you would that men should do unto you , do ye even so to them ; that is , suum cuique tribuere ( the definition of justice ) to give to every man his right and due . the offenders then against this rule of justice , in this strict sense , are the guilty persons in my text , as the words before it , ( and the very occasion of it ) doth fully evince ; where the apostle chargeth them , ( v. . ) that ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ye do wrong and defraud . and thence infers , that such as do so , are unrighteous , or unjust ; and shall not inherit the kingdom of god. but our christian obligation of doing right to all , having an influence upon all the conversation we have with men , that is , almost all the actions of our lives ; it 's necessary ( that we may throughly find out the guilty in my text ) to make a strict enquiry after this christian justice , as it is distinguished by its several objects , and relations , and by the various kinds of right , we owe one to another ; the breach of every part of which , doth expose us , as to the guilt , so to the severe sentence of my text. the first kind of gospel-justice , ( as it respects differing relations ) is that which is call'd distributive , that is , the reciprocal dues and rights which christians must pay one to another , in matters of superiority and subjection to it ; from an empire , to the little dominion of a family . the first of that kind , is , the mutual duties of princes and subjects . as for the duties which princes owe to their subjects , or rather to god for them ; it is not our business to enquire after . and st. paul in his epistles , when he carefully provided rules for all distributive justice , makes no mention of the duties of princes ; intimating , that they are accountable to none but god , whose ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ministers they are . we must not curse them ( eccl. . . ) not slight them , so the hebrew , ( ne detrahat regi ) not disparage them , so the vulgar latin , in the most retired thoughts of our bed-chamber , for their miscarriages ; for which , ( when at the greatest ) we must pretend to no other remedy , but the primitive churches powerful engines , prayers and tears . but then the subjects are bound in christian justice , to pay their prince honour , tribute , and obedience . and those that fail in any part of these duties , that is , that shall whisper jealousies into the heads of the multitude , to defraud them of their honour ; or refuse , or decline their tribute , the price of their own protection ; or disobey their laws , the nerves of all communion and publick safety , they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they have wronged their princes , and are unrighteous , unjust persons , in the sence of my text. but if their unrighteousness in these cases shall ferment to rebellious designs , ( let them pretend to as much saintship as corah , or common justice as absolom , or reformation as both ) they are not then only unjust to a prince in his personal capacity , contrary to the rule of doing to all men , &c. and though he be a tyrant , act contrary to an express precept ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) not to resist evil , not allowable among private persons : but as he is a publick person , they are guilty of a national wrong ; they wrest out of gods hand the ordinance ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rom. . . ) the only expedient of mercy , by which the rights of all men are preserved , and the world kept from confusion ; and are therefore answerable for all the blood , ruine , and miserable consequences of a civil war , that is of a princes military defence of himself , and faithful subjects that adhere to him , in the day of rebellion . so that a rebel is an unrighteous person , by a complication of guilt and an accumulation of wrongs . but now permit not your thoughts , nor will i my tongue , to make application , by reflecting upon the unparallell'd tragedy of evils done and suffered , upon the breach of this justice in our late rebellion . if i have said so much , as may teach the guilty repentance , and others that were not engaged , their duty , it 's enough ; let us bury all the rest in prayers and charity . but further , if the nation be christian , there is another authority invested in a prince , over ecclesiastick persons , and cases ; for he is concerned as well in the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) the religion , as the civil concerns of his subjects ( tim. . . ) and there is a due of obedience to be paid him in christian justice on that account also . this power was apparently conferred by god on the kings of the old testament ; moses had both the trumpets ; david ordered the courses of the levites , and the solemnities of the publick service : joash had the testament given him in his hand , as well as the crown on his head , ( chron. . . ) hezekiah and josiah reformed the church by their royal authority . and as christ found it ( there being no retrenchment of that power in the gospel ) so he left it , as his own general laws expressed and interpreted by the churches after-practice , can testifie above all exceptions . ex quo ( saith socrates ) imperatores facti sunt christiani , ab ipsis res ecclesiae dependebant . after that the emperors became christian , the churches affairs depended upon them . thus was constantine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and leo the third could say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , they were mixt persons , they were concern'd in the government and protection of the church . but of this right , hath the romanist , and assemblies , defrauded their princes ; the one gets away half of their crowns , the other of their scepters ; both rob them of their authority , and of their subjects full allegiance . and thus it is with us , while we have a profession establisht by law , by a power next to god ( solo deo minorem , saith tertullian ) and by such constitutions , as god and man cannot be pretended to stand in competition for obedience . the bishop of rome hath a superior power acknowledged by some , and the assembly by others , and both profess a religion in obedience to those usurpations , and in opposition to their lawful soveraign's commands and laws : so that the king is robb'd of his subjects , they , of their allegiance , and the church torn in pieces by them both , as between two milstones ( as the late arch-b . in his preface to his controversie ) this wrong is done on either side , and for that reason they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unjust , unrighteous persons that do it . this as to the first part of distributive justice , in the concerns of princes and their subjects . the next kind of distributive justice in the larger circles of it , is , the reciprocal dues and rights , which the governours of the church , and their charges , are in christian justice obliged to pay to one another . without the mutual performance of which a body of men can be call'd no more a church , than a tumult can be call'd an army , or an ungovern'd rout , a city . now as it is in civils , though the king be ( supremus judex ) chief judge in the law , yet he administers ju-justice by his commission'd justicers to whom also an obedience is due on that account : so in ecclesiasticks , he exerciseth his supreme authority , for the care of the church , by proper officers ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) set apart for that design ; whose calling though it be governed and protected by princes , is yet immediately from heaven ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. . . ) they are called of god to it . and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts . . ) whom the holy ghost hath made bishops , or overseers ; and for that reason a right of obedience is due unto them on that account also . first then , the pastors of the church are bound in justice ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to feed the church of god , by pastoral government and preaching , by sacraments , and offices of discipline , and instituting canons , for fit circumstances , that all things may be done ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . ) decently , & in order , or uniformity in the church of god. if they fail of their duties , they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unrighteous , and must answer deeply for the wrong they have done to their charges . on the other side , their people in christian justice owe them reception , love , honour , and ( which for the churches sake , is most especially required ) obedience . obey them that have the rule over you , ( heb. . . ) and as s. ignatius , ( the best interpreter of the apostles meaning and practice ) saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) it is necessary that nothing be done in the church , but in obedience to the governors of it . and this was the sense and universal practice of the church , it its primitive purity , and best integrity . but if their charges shall condemn their callings , contemn their persons , separate from their administrations , and refuse conformity to their rules of order , in the service of god ; they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unjust persons , they have defrauded their spiritual rulers of their , due , and ( by infallible consequence ) the church of the very essentials of its well-being , peace , and unity ; the ends for which spiritual government was especially design'd : of which unity the church being once deprived , in comes the inundation of atheism , prophaness , contempt of gods service , heresies and factions ; for all which those unjust persons must answer , when they happen . and of all this , our own woful experience is too convincing an evidence . for as it is certain , that those miseries are now upon us , so it is as certain , they own their beginning to the breach of this christian justice , and commenced from the days the disciplinarians first withdrew their obedience from their lawful superiors , and taught the people to despise , and quarrel with them about indifferent rites . which undutifulness afterward , fermenting , and gradually increasing , hath in the various agitations of several ages , brought upon the church , and the pastors thereof , all these infelicities and wrongs they now unjustly suffer : grown too great ( without a gracious divine deliverance ) for hope of relief . the church being in that common-wealth's case , quae nec ferre sua possit vitia , necremedia , neither able to bear its miscarriages nor remedies . but i desire the severe character of my text may be applied to no particular persons alive , unless it be in our prayers , to beg forgiveness for them , as they were instrumental to these heavy punishments , and for our selves , that ( for our sins ) have justly deserved them at the hand of god. thus i have gone over the parts of distributive justice , which christians are to act in the greater circumferences of publick relations ; i now contract my discourse to the lesser circles of it , in domestick concerns : which though they be less considerable , are not at all less necessary . our salvation depends upon every part of that justice , as much as the other : loyalty to a prince , or conformity to the church , cannot make us just , if we do wrong at home to our wives , children or servants . now the christian justice of the family-relations , are the reciprocal dues of husbands and wives , parents and children , masters and servants ; bread to dogs , throw it away in luxurious expences ; or if both , or either of them , by their carelesseness in education , or by evil examples , shall endanger the loss of their childrens souls : if the children , on the other side , grow rough , and untractable , making no conscience to disobey a fathers commands , and disoblige a mothers tender care ; or when their parents are in want , to evade their duty , shall tell them , with the pharisees , it is corban , ( mark . . ) a gift , not to the temple ( yet that would not exempt them from their duty ) but perhaps to a proud entertainment , or a female prostitute : such parents , such children , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unrighteous , unjust in the sight of god. lastly , as to the third , of family relations , masters and servants : first , masters owe their servants , in christian justice , civil regard , kind usage , and just rewards for their labours : and they again , owe their masters honour , obedience , and faithfulness . but if the masters shall use their servants like brutes , nay like senseless engines , like bodies without souls , ( for so slaves are call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●poc . . . ) making their burdens too heavy , and their rewards too light . and if servants shall be ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tit. . . ) contradicters , or answerers again , and deny their reverence ; or shall serve ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , col. . . ) with eye-service , and lose their diligence ; or shall be ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tit. . ) purloiners , and depart from their faithfulness : these are wrongs done on either side , and are all unjust , unrighteous persons , on that account : and ( as it is of the other relations ) if they had nothing else to answer for , had guilt enough , to be disinherited from the kingdom of god. these are they , which depart from christian justice in family-relations . having thus found out the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the guilty of injustice , by the rule of distributive , we shall now examine the actions of men by the li●●● of commutative justice : which aquinas defines to be that , by which a man is directed in such rights , as are interchangeably to be paid , from one man to another . now the ground of this justice is this , god hath so ordered it in his wise disposition of the world , that the well being of every man should depend on the mutual help of one another ; to the performance of which , all men being obliged by right reason and religion , it becomes every mans right , to be done to him in christian justice as his duc . upon this , st. paul grounds his exhorta●●● to his philippians , to look ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , phil. . . ) to the good and ●●ncerns of others , as well as their 〈◊〉 . he therefore that shall with●●●d this right , so that his neighbour is injured in any capacity of 〈◊〉 well-being , he hath done wrong and defrauded , and is an unjust , and an unrighteous person . now ●●at we may know , how far this ●●stice extends , for the further discovery of the guilty in my text , we must examine the several cases 〈◊〉 which a mans well-being consists , and accordingly a right to be done 〈◊〉 . first , as to his spiritual well-being , we owe the right of saving one anothers souls , which god hath put in our power to do , as st. james intimates , ( jam. . . ) and this is done , by brotherly correction , counsel , prayer , exemplary life , and such like acts of spiritual justice : but on the contrary , 〈◊〉 any man hinders the salvation 〈◊〉 another , by neglecting those 〈◊〉 or shall really prevent it , by scandal , ill example , or by tempting him to assist in social sins , 〈◊〉 uncleanness , conspiracies , and the like , that man hath wronged a soul , he hath destroyed his brother , for whom christ died , ( rom. . . ) and so is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an unjust person on that sad account . . we owe the right in christian justice of preserving one another in our temporal well-being : and the first of those , next our neighbours life ( which we suppose to be a case too apparent to need our present consideration ) is his honour . he therefore that shall defraud him of that precious jewel , either by eclipsing an innocent worth , through a subtil detraction , or wound his credit , by dispersion of false slanders , ( following machiavel's rule , fortiter calumnia●… , & aliquid adhaerebit ; cast dirt enough that some may stick ) or shall publish his private infirmities , 〈◊〉 his disgrace , or make use of them any way , but in following st. ●aul's direction , to restore him with the spirit of meekness , ( gal. . . ) ●ath robb'd his neighbour of his honour , hath done him wrong , and is an unjust person on that account . the second right we owe in christian justice , as to the temporal well-being of our neighbour , is the preservation of his estate and fortune ; which whosoever shall violate , upon any temptation , is one of the unrighteous persons in my text. and we consider not this , as done by acts of horrid oppression only , when the beams and stones are disquieted with the cries of orphans , tears of widows , 〈◊〉 perpetuated sorrows of ruin'd families ; nor only by the intrenchments that are made upon it , by secret thefts or notorious rapine but whosoever shal disadvantage another , by fraud , or subtilty , in any negotiation , bargain , trade or commerce whatsoever , beyond the ordinary profit allow'd to all callings , by custom and consent of honest minds ; or in any kind of vocation or employment , deal otherwise in every single act , than he himself would be dealt with , is unrighteous , one of the guilty , and consequently one of the unhappy persons in my text. lastly , we owe in christian justice ( as to our neighbours temporal well-being ) the right of preserving one anothers health , limbs , and peace ; therefore he that shall wrong him in the first , by ingaging him in intemperate courses , or deprive him of the second , by any act of private hostility , as duelling , or the like ; or defraud him of the third , by uncivil usage , or vexatibus suits and controversies ; so far as in any of them , or in any other way , a man is disadvantaged in the comfort of his life , or means of livelihood , there is a wrong done , & he that hath done it , is an unjust , an unrighteous person , and as such , stands upon the necessity of restitution , or in the danger of his exclusion from the blessed inheritance . thus having gone over the breaches that are made upon the several branches , both of distributive , and commutative justice ; there remains two more to be considered apart ; because they have a mixture of both . of the first of these i would give a is the devil ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. . ) the devil hath filled their hearts with the design . . gods certain vengeance upon that wrong , by the fatal fall both of the one , and of the other . i shall not controversially apply this evidence , but must ( for shortness sake ) leave it to your serious reflections , for the ends i mentioned it . now that portion which hath been set apart for god , and the maintenance of servants of his worship among us , are either lands , or tithes . as for the wrongs done to the first , they are commonly acted ( per sorices palatii , as bish. andrews calls them ) by the unhappy men about the courts of princes ; who as they thirst after them , so would not stick to suck the milk of orphans , drink the tears of widows , as well as devour the demeans of gods servants ( because as defenceless as either ) as sacrifices to their pride and luxury . but it is alledged by the favourites of this design , that the supreme judicature may , ( when they please ) take them away : i answer , they may ( impunè ) without controul ; and their authority ought not ( must not ) be resisted ; but whether ( justè ) righteously , or whether every one that hath a vote in their alienation , doth not thereby rob god and man , and may justly fear gods vengeance for doing so , i leave it to the former evidence to determine . as for the wrongs done to the church in point of tithes , ( decimam meam as st. austin supposeth god to speak ) there depraedations happen upon lower contrivements ; as when either the powerful mans heavy hand first presseth out the vintage for himself , and then leaves some few drops ; enough rather to upbraid , i intended should reflect upon the occasion of this assembly , where the proper business is judicially to administer right to them , that cannot otherwise obtain it . let every one then , that hath to do this day with the tender rights of men , ( whether they be the ministers of the law , of every sort , witnesses , or juries ) have a care what they do ; their souls are at stake , the oath of god is upon them , the curse of god over them , the cries of the oppressed about them , the evidence of my text , and the law of christ against them ; if therefore any unjust cause goes away triumphant , if any mans right be impeached , through any defect in the discharge of their trust , they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unrighteous persons , and wheresoever it lies , must either make a timely satisfaction , or one day appear at the great assizes of the world , to receive for the wrong that he hath done in this , and where there shall be no respect of persons , col. . ult . thus i have finished the whole scheme of christian justice ; to the universal performance of which , the gospel doth so strictly oblige us . and now who would think it possible , that a christian nation , possessed with so many advantages of religion , should in contradiction to the clearest evidence of gods will , so generally degenerate from the practice of it in every part ; and that not among them only , that have thrown off all concern for religion ( that were no wonder ) but amidst the very professors of it , even among them , that pretend to a greater zeal than others , in appearance for it , i cannot but think , that there hath been some psal . . . ) they were exhorted to the getting the robe of christ's righteousness about , and imputed to , them ; and all was well . by these and the like unhappy modes of teaching the gospel , men have been driven from their reason , and religion , and set their consciences loose to all unrighteousness . and hence it is , that they are grown every where so cross and intractable to all authority , laws , and order , and the state is full of rebels , the church of schismaticks , our houses of undutiful children , and untrusty servants ; and men are made universally false and unfaithful one to another . but let them pretend what religion they will , they shall not so escape ; all unjust persons ( such as i have described ) are upon the rock , the severe sentence of my text ; they shall not inherit the kingdom of god. part . ii. so at last i am arriv'd at the second part of my text ; the unjust mans doom or punishment : they shall not inherit , &c. in which , are two things to be observed ; i. the nature of the punishment ; it is a disinherison . ● , the quality of the state , the kingdom of god. in the first , here 's a case in law , a title supposed , and a disinherison expressed : a title , these unjust persons had , and heirs at law they were , ( and so were all that are , or shall be deprived of that eternal blessing ) or they could in no sence be said to be disinherited : 't is true , that adam once forfeited the estate , but it was purchased again , or redeemed , by christ , not with silver and gold , but with the dear price of his precious blood , ( pet. . . ) and that redemption was made as large , as the forfeiture , as st. paul discourseth , ( rom. . . ) so that the reason why any man is now disinherited , must be upon another account ; not because adam sinned , or that the covenant of grace was renewed with any number less than all men , ( tim. . . ) or that christ died for fewer than ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for every man , ( heb. . . ) but because that universal covenant , and redemption , was made conditional , and required terms to be performed on our part , which , whosoever should refuse to keep , should forfeit his title to that new purchased inheritance . now the conditions of this new covenant made in christ , are faith and obedience . to which repentance is to be added , as tabula post nausragium ; of which , more anon . the sum then is , that the unjust man , as such , in all the particular cases i have mentioned , shall not inherit the kingdom of god , because he failed in both the condi●ions . . every unjust person hath failed in the first ; he is not a true believer in the sense of the gospel . for the clearing of which , we are to consider , that evangelical faith , when mans salvation or justification is wholly attributed to it , ( as when 't is said , that he that believeth shall be saved , john . . and justified by faith , rom. . . and saved by faith , eph. . . and the like ) intends not any act or habit of believing , in any strict sense , but a comprehension of all christ's virtues , and the whole body of christianity , of which a just life is the most considerable portion therefore st. paul upon the breach of distributive justice , in one particular instance of it , that is , a child 's not providing for his parents , ( which by family , tim. . . is undoubtedly intended ) affirms , that such a person ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) hath denied the faith , and is an unbeliever , so much worse than an infidel , as a practical atheist is a greater prodigy than a speculative . but if faith be taken in a stricter sense , as sometimes it is ; and particularly by st. jame . ; ( jam . ) unless it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( gal. . . ) except it worketh , or is consummate by love , ( of which love the greatest part ( in the gospel sense ) is justice ) it avails not ; it cannot , it is dead , saith st. jam. that is , as useless to a mans justification as the faith of devils . whosoever therefore is an unjust person in any of the senses i have described him , whether a rebel to his prince , or refractory to the church 〈◊〉 its order and institutions , as to distributive justice ; or does wrong to his neighbour as to commutative , let him pretend to what faith in christ he will , let it be a receiving , laying hold , or reliance upon him , or howsoever he hath been taught to define it , he is ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , col. . . ) a child of unbelief ; and upon the non-performance of the condition of faith , ( in the account of the gospel ) he shall be dealt withal as an unbeliever ; he hath forfeited the inheritance , he shall not inherit the kingdom of god. but then . faith is not the only condition of the convenant , by which we may preserve our title common peace and happiness of the world ; that all superiors might have entire subjection , and all others peace and right . so that a rebel , a schismatick , and the unjust of the lesser orders , may not be said only to disobey , but to frustrate the prime purpose and design of the gospel , and to offer the greatest affront and contradiction to the very spirit of christianity . for wheresoever the grace of god is predominant , it will certainly , and observedly ( as its prime and signal effect ) reduce the soul to the greatest innocency and simplicity , tractableness and obligation of doing right , and good to all ; with all which , the sins of injustice in every kind , are perfectly inconsistent , and irreconcileable . the sum is , whosoever is an habitual offender against any part of christian justice whether distributive or commutative , hath broken not only a particular , but an universal commandment of christ , and is grossely disobedient ; and so hath forfeited his inheritance , his title to the kingdom of god. thus i have shewn you the unjust mans doom in the nature of his punishment ; he shall not inherit : which will appear so much the greater , when we consider the quality of the estate , from which he is disinherited ; the kingdom of god. which is the next thing to be discours'd . the kingdom of god is a figurative expression , design'd to exalt our imagination of the blessed state to come : and that because we cannot now behold its unconceivable happiness , but as ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . per speculum ) through the dark perspective of sense , and a clouded intellect ; and therefore it must be represented to us ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by little riddles and shadows of the best humane felicities ; here it is by a kingdom , the greatest and noblest possession this world affords ; and so enough to confirm us , that ( the design of that lofty metaphor ) the future bliss , is too great a loss , for so small a recompense , as the most prosperous unjust man gains by his unrighteous practices . but that the unjust man may be more fully upbraided for the greatness of his loss , let me improve the metaphor , by saying , that first he loseth god ; that is , the beatifical vision of his blessed countenance , which is better than life it self : he loseth the comforts of his blessed redeemer , who shall now appear to him with the terrible aspect of flaming fire , taking vengeance on him , and all them that obey not his gospel , thes. . . he loseth the possession ( to make use of the most sensible description of the happy issues of an holy life ) of the city of the living god , the new jerusalem , the society of an innumerable company of angels , of the general assembly of the first born , & of the spirits of just men made perfect , heb. . lastly , he loseth his own soul ; that is , he brings himself into such a state , ( that praestat nunquam natum ) it were better for him he had never been born , or that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and were drowned in a sea of forgetfulness , and annihilation . and all this he adventures that he may add one handful of earth more to the turf of his worldly possessions ; one grain more to his accumulated heap ; one garnish more to the pride of his life ; from all which , and from whatsoever else he enjoys in this world , he shall possibly within a few minutes , probably within a few moneths , certainly within a few years , be as much a stranger , as he that holds up the train of the persian emperor , or the infant that hangs upon his mothers breast . these are the miserable measures of the unjust mans doom and punishment . but is he past the utmost confines of hope ? is his evil an irreparable loss , an irrecoverable danger ? certainly no : for though the gospel have drawn up the indictment against him , it is not yet come to judgment : he is in a state of damnability , but not damnation . not so shipwrack'd , but that there is ( tabuta post naufragium ) one raft left to land him safe , one remaining condition of his recovery , and that is , a timely repentance ; for ( saith god ) if the wicked man shall turn away from his unrighteousness ( his injustice ) and do that which is lawful and right , &c. if he shall restore the pledge , and execute judgment between man and man , he shall save his soul alive , ezek. . . when first by repentance , must be understood nothing less , than ( what is necessary for all other sins ) a real departure from all unrighteous actions and engagements : whatsoever is called repentance , and brings not this change ( be it sorrow , contrition , or confession ) ought in no reason to be accounted sufficient for evangelical reconciliation . much less will ( lachrymula & suspirium ) a tear and a sigh at the last period of our life ( by such measures of mercy as are revealed to us ) expiate the guilt of the sin of injustice , or any other sins , habitually and reigningly continued in , to that helpless hour . therefore . besides this repentance , which is common to all other sins . the unjust ( which doth much heighten the sin of injustice above all others ) are obliged to restore the injured persons ( to their utmost capacity ) to that right , of which they have deprived them . otherwise all other acts of repentance , ( even to the departure from any further commission of the sin ) will be accounted fair , but abortive attempts . now in the several cases of injustice , where the scene lies not for restitution , as in the cases of rebellion , schism , and the like , the unjust person must make satisfaction , and amends , by acknowledgments and recantations , and those to be ( if possible ) as publickly and earnestly done , as those wrongs had been before committed . for if those attempts of satisfaction be not made ( if in his power ) whatsoever other acts of repentance he had performed , ( let no man deceive himself , nor mock god ) he hath yet no title to the blessing of the penitent . but where the unjust man ( in the cases of the breaches of commutative justice ) hath defrauded any man by oppression , theft , or subtilty , in any employment , or contract whatsoever , so that another is damnified by him , if that person should weep an ocean of tears for his sins , and pray till his knees became callous , like a camels , for the pardon of it , if the unjust thing lies upon his hand , if there be not restitution made , to the injured person , ( according to his power ) or if he be dead , to his heirs ; or if neither can be found , to the poor ; ( whose right then it is , by an escheat to the soveraign lord , whose exchequer they are ) he cannot be numbred among the penitents , he is still an unjust man , and shall not inherit the kingdom of god. it was upon zacheus noble restitution , that our saviour pronounced , this day is salvation come to thy house , ( luke . . ) and , si res aliena ( saith st. austin in his epistle to macedonius ) cum reddi potest , non redditur , non agitur poenitentia , sed fingitur ; if the unjust thing be not restored , the repentance may be feigned , but is not performed . and now i beseech all those persons here this day before me , whose consciences can inform them , that they are so unhappy as to be unjust in any of the measures i have mentioned , first , that they take no offence at the religion , that requires , nor at me that preach , so severe a method ( as men may be apt to think ) of their recovery ; for they ought to consider , that it was their own wilful prevarications of the most reasonable rules of justice , and not the religion , that made it necessary . and let me further assure them , that whosoever shall give his soul leave ( for his own salvation ) to ingage in the performance of this duty of restitution ( how unkind or difficult soever it may appear at the first view ) let him not be discouraged ( my soul for his ) he shall find such a sensible return of sweetness and satisfaction in the very acts , and much more in the issue of it , that he would not exchange his comforts , or have neglected his duty , for all the pleasures and enjoyments in the world . his soul shall dwell at ease , and he shall lie down in peace ; his bed shall be no more shorter , but that he shall stretch himself upon it , nor his covering narrower , but that he shall wrap himself in it , ( isa. . . ) that is , he shall have a quiet mind , while he lives ; and when he comes to die , he shall not be tormented with the confluence of direful furies about his bed , nor behold dreadful aspects hanging about his curtains , the usual attendants of unjust men , living and dying . what if thy house shall stand one story lower by removing the chambers built by wrong , ( jer. . . ) ? or contract the compass of thy land by hedging out naboth's vineyard ? or lay aside some circumstances of a splendid life ? nay : what if thou shouldst be reduced to a retired condition , or the narrow circles of a low fortune , by restoring what is anothers right ? the assurance of gods favour above thee , the enjoyment of a good conscience within thee , the view of a glorious hope before thee ; ( in a word ) a contented life , a peaceable death , and a blest eternity , will be a redundant compensation for all thou shalt so nobly part with . thus have i adventured a prejudice in your opinion , by chusing these unwelcome ( though very necessary ) doctrines of universal justice , and upon the breach of it , satisfaction , and restitution . my comfort is , if i have not pleased you , i have done you right , i have dealt justly with you . and i do not despair , but i have met here many persons of david's choyce , and ingenuity , ( psal. . ) who would rather be smitten friendly , and reproved , than to hear the pleasing balmes of unconcerning and indulgent doctrine , to break their heads , destroy their souls . with whom ( i hope ) these instructions may so far prevail , that it may be said of them , as st. paul said of his penitent corinthians , in the verse following my text ; such were some of you , but ye are washed , ye are sanctified , but ye are justified in the name of the lord jesus , and by the spirit of our god. a particular representation of the injustice of partial conformity to the clergy . a postcript . representing the injustice and danger of partial conformity . i have in this sermon ( as fully & faithfully as i could ) made an universal survey of the several branches of christian justice , and given notice , that the wilful transgressors of any part of it , stand arraign'd and condemned for unrighteous persons , as to their guilt , and cannot ( upon the gospels requiring universal obedience in general , and doing right to all men in particular , as the conditions of salvation by it ) inherit the kingdom of god , as their punishment . but amongst the great numbers of unjust men , i have ( in the former part of my discourse ) sorted those persons , who deprive the supreme magistrate of his due , in that part of his authority which concern spirituals ; and the governors of the church of their right of obedience from their charges ; by refusing to conform themselves to the commands of both , so far as they are invested with a power from god , to institute laws and canons , for the peace , order , and unity of the churches , under their rule and conduct . now because not only the people in general are concern'd in that part of evangelical righteousness ; but the ministers also of parochial congregations stand most especially obliged to it , and because their offences against it , are of far more dangerous consequence , i have for their sakes , who are of the clergy , made this enlargement in that particular branch of it , as to them . and this i have done the rather , because ( at this present time ) this kind of injustice is so spreadingly , and unconscionably committed and practiced ; that ( what with the miscarriage of some , who out of worldly prudence , of others , who out of weakness , of most , who out of wilfulness , neglect their due conformity to the establish'd laws ) a great number of the churches are made irregular and disordered in the publick administrations of gods service : by which means the laws are baffled and despised , the government suspected and defamed , the priesthood in general reproach'd as false and careless , and the whole profession of our establisht religion , is made a scorn at present , and ready to be made a prey in future , to our enemies on every side . my brethren , let us have a care therefore in time , we do not too much , and too long ( for the narrow concerns of our present quiet or profit , or to conciliate vulgar love or fame ) not only wickedly and unjustly , but weakly and imprudently comply with the humors of any party whatsoever , in the neglects of our duties , or partial performance of our offices : for it is certain , that no man can do it , ( upon what pious motives soever he pretends to be induced to it , as favouring infirmities , or tender consciences , and the like ) but besides his real offence against the laws of christ strictly obliging obedience to his superiors just commands , he doth thereby promote and cherish a faction in his own bosom ; which being once warm'd into a sufficient strength , shall upon the next advantageous opportunity , not only destroy the church in its legal constitution , but in the same pitch and posture of abasement , to which the condescension was made . and of this , let our late experience be an impartial judge . for when some bishops , and other eminent persons of the church , who out of a pious tenderness to some mens dissatisfactions , and designing the upholding their own , and the churches respect & credit among them ( for which they were distinguished from their brethren by the name of puritans ) did either not urge , or not practise strict conformity , found at length their own grand mistake in the frustration of all those ends which they propounded to themselves , as the reasons of their compliance : for neither themselves , nor the church for their sakes , found any mercy at all from them , in the days of their power and fury , when nothing less would satisfie them , than the confusion of both . little did those reverend persons think , when they strain'd their candor to that party , beyond the bounds of their due obedience to law , that such a petty shew of tender piety , and consciences so demurely nice ( that could not digest so much as a ring on the brides finger , the infants wearing the shadow of a cross three minutes at its baptism , upon its forehead , or but the colour of the priest's vestment ; for they pretended then but such little offences ) should cover such black designs , of the most unwarrantable practices that ever were acted in the world . it behoveth us therefore to suspect , when we meet with conscience-scruplings about such , or the like indifferent rites and circumstances that there lodgeth underneath an unsatisfiable dislike and dissatisfaction to the whole establishment ; so that if our ingenuity should be tempted to debauch our obedience , by a partial conformity to indulge them in those lesser things , it were prudence to believe , that we should be so far from giving them full satisfaction , that it would but the more advance and strengthen an unruly appetite , which nothing could determine , but the destruction of all . of this their unsatiable humour , our late experience can convincingly inform us ▪ when their first modest desires of a moderated episcopacy , ended in nothing less , than its extirpation ▪ and of regulating some offensive parts of the liturgy , in its utter abolition . and when ( as among many of them ) after the cross , followed baptism it self ; after removing the rails and genuflexion , went away the sacrament : and when they had been at first a little gratified with the taking away the habits , they were never quiet , till they had renounced the very order & calling of priesthood it self . such effects , and no better than these we must expect from the greatest condescention that can be made , to men of this temper and complection . in stead therefore of any sinful ●●●pliance with any faction what●●●ver , by remitting our duties , 〈◊〉 please them , as friends ( which 〈◊〉 will be no longer than they ●●●●ot be otherwise ) let us gird our selves in all our spiritual armature against them , as the churches , ours , and their own , destructive enemies ; that is , let us fast and pray , and weep against their ignorance and perverseness in private : let us preach down their follies in publik : but especially let us guard the establish'd church against their designs of unsetling the peoples ●●herence to it , with an intire con●●mity to its legal constitutions 〈◊〉 every circumstance ; and then let us conquer their prejudice with ●●nocency of life and simplicity of ●anners , till by these holy methods , and gods blessing , we have ●●tained ( or at least endeavoured to administer the most reasonable means to obtain their recovery , 〈◊〉 sense and obedience . and though , if after all this , we cannot prevail , yet it will be 〈◊〉 honourable and safe ( before g●● and man ) for us , who are the physitians of souls , that they may be said to perish under , than without the application of the most sufficient remedy . and if truth must 〈◊〉 to the ground , yet let it not 〈◊〉 without a competent witness gi●●● to it , whatsoever we suffer for it . but by no means , let nor futurity lay it to our charge , that we have help'd to betray the best constituted church in the world to ruine , by neglecting our duty , to hu●●● and indulge a perverse generation of men , whom no kindness could reconcile , no remissions or condescentions satisfie . for he that thinks , that the lessening , or laying aside his confor●●ty , or the concealing some necessary truths , because distastful 〈◊〉 their vitiated palates , or the ●●pping on to some degrees of com●●ance with their popular modes 〈◊〉 praying and preaching , will se●●re the church from the danger 〈◊〉 those factions ; shall find his ●●pedient as unsuccesseful , as that ●●ysitian's , who leaving the cause 〈◊〉 the distemper behind , thinks 〈◊〉 obtain health for his patient , by ●●ring the symptom for the dis●●se ; or as absurd as his expectation , who would hope for a regular ●●●fect , from the most equivocal ●●ause . for it is observed ( and we are ready to make the observation good by several instances ) that 〈◊〉 congregations have contributed greater numbers to the herds of the different factions , than those that have been under the conduct of such , who would have the pieced , and partial conformity and popular compliances , esca●● under the specious , yet mista●●● title of moderation . i must confess , amongst the enemies of the church of england , think that sort of amphibious clergy , not the least , nor less dangerous than any ; who forfeit the fidelity to their solemn subscriptions and declarations , and treacherously decline the work they have assumed , and act their offices in the church , in such a manner , that the people may believe , that there is something that is very evil in them , and that they repented themselves of what they had undertaken . these are they , that set up altar against altar in the same church that join the liturgy and directory together , at the same assembly but as much as possible to the disadvantage of the former , which they shuffle over with such an undecent and undevout mode of delivery , and then manage their voluntier effusions in prayer , and their hints and corollaries in preaching , with such zeal and fervor , as if they design'd to tell the people , that they never were in earnest till then , or that those offices in the pulpit might be interpreted to serve no better end , than to undermine the credit of what they had done ( or undone ) in the desk . such unconformable conformists as these began the church of englands danger at first reformation , and the miserable series , of almost all its troubles since , hath been propagated by them ; and if a ●imely care in governors , and the resurrection of a good conscience in themselves , do not prevent it , they will yet contribute as much , ( if not more ) as any enemy we have , to make the present distempers in the church , to become an uncurable disease , an unsuperable evil. these mens congregations are the fountains , from whence the crooked rivers , and rivulets , the mother and daughters of factions , have deriv'd their streams , to that swelling greatness , as they now run among us , and almost over us ▪ they were the seraglio's , where the late warriors against the king and the church , were trained up and disciplin'd : and what the seminaries beyond seas , are to the propagation of popery , these are the same to the keeping up of all factions among us . so that all attempts for the recovery of the churches peace , and unity , by suppressing conventicles ( in which are many serious , though abused souls , who would the rather be ●itied ( so far as can possibly conist with the churches safety ) because they received their first prejudice by them , whom we have too much or too little reason to call our selves ) will be found uneffectual for that end , so long as the nurseries of faction within the church , are permitted to perpetuate a succession of such , who upon the least check or discontent , have prepared principles and affections to depart from us , and to supply their places . and this will easily be believed , when it is considered , that the difference between some ministers practices in churches , and those of unlawful meetings is so small , that oft-times the separation may be rather accounted a change of places , than professions . but that these clergy-men may be more regularly convinced of their sin and folly , and find arguments , both from conscience and prudence , to change their destructive practices of popular compliances , into a design of preserving the church of england's general safety , by a faithful conformity to its institutions ; i shall here offer to their considerations , ( besides those which i have already intimated in general ) a particular series of evils , certainly consequent to their disorders . . from these mens miscarriages , and the teaching their people to adhere to them ( where they are ) it comes to pass that the enemies of the church , have contrived an argument , by crying up the numbers of dissenters ( which by their means are more numerous in churches , than without ) as great and formidable ; to tempt , and terrifie the civil power , from protecting the church , under its present danger and oppression . whereas , as i believe the allegation to be false ( especially if a lesser number of men in power , and of learning , and honour , may be allowed to compensate a greater , of the mean and ignorant ) so , if this one expedient were tryed , that all clergy men might be compelled to serve god in publick , in one uniform submission to law , without any liberty to extravagate from that rule ; and so no more beacons on fire in any neighbouring churches to alarm the vulgar , to run up and down to gratifie their natural love of opposition and novelty ; and a diligent care taken that no factions without the church , might be headed by men of orders , or parts ( though the common people were less prosecuted with afflictive penalties ) i am perswaded in a few years , the numbers of dissenters , would be so far from being formidable , that they would not be considerable for any thing , but our pity and charity . and i have this ground to assure me of the possible successefulness of this expedient , because it is certain , that where the strictest conformity hath a long time been constantly used , there are fewest that do trouble themselves , or their governors about the design of relaxation from it ; and that there are none that hate conformity so much , as they who live in places where it is discountenanced and neglected . and this appears by the disloyal and undutiful temper of those that dwell in cities and greater towns , where , because there was no provision in law for them , that would obey it ; the people were resolved to bestow their contributions on none , but such , by whom they might be instructed and indulged in an assured opposition to the church . to which one cause , most of our former and present miseries refer , 〈◊〉 effects ; as when from those places were elected burgesses of parliament of the same principles , to create troubles above ( whose heavy ●and , our late gracious princes of happy memory felt sufficiently , even to the loss of the life of one of the best kings that ever was : ) and 〈◊〉 when the people of the neighbour-villages flockt to their market lectures , and were there trained up , in dislike and enmity to the establish'd church , and prepared to contemn their own shepherds at home ; unless they became such as themselves , which very oft they did , when younger divines ( who for want of parts or government , had little encouragement to continue in the universities ) made it a piece of their education , to go thither , to scribble notes for their own pulpits , and to learn the tones , gestures , and phrases , which might give their own people contentment at home . whereas if our present parliament ( as it was the design of many ) had upon the kings restauration found out a way , to have setled a competent legal maintenance , and men of the greatest integrity and learning ( whose abilities are commonly either lodg'd up in colledges and cathedrals , or obscur'd in little villages ) planted in those greater places ; and where they are popularly elective , if they had been brought under the patronage of the crown ( whose safety is especially concern'd in it ) and a way found out , to embetter trade , in the stead of factious lectures , there could not have been a stone laid , which would have added more to the defence and security of the church and throne . but to recover my self from this digression , i am confident that this expedient that i have mentioned , ( whatsoever is pretended to the contrary by them that have a design to ruine us ) will give far less trouble to the civil power to preserve the church , than a toleration of all religions ( by the making and maintaining so many rules to limit it , and so many provisions to prevent the dangers that will ensue upon it , half of which cannot be be foreseen ) will cost to destroy it : besides the dishonour of discountenancing that party , which are the only assured friends to undoubted loyalty , all other parties lying under a stain of being unfaithful to the crown ; of confounding the most absolute platform of primitive christianity , which no other perswasion makes any such pretence to ; and in defending of which , we have so far prevail'd in all rational debates , that our enemies stand ashamed , and baffled on every side : of making that church which hath appear'd hitherto the honour of the whole reformation , to become vile and contemptible in the eye of the world , by giving advantage for the encouragement and immixture of as many false and ridiculous professions at one time among us , as all the ages of the church ever knew in its successive periods : of contradicting the sense of both the universities , and of the principal of the most learned men of the age , with a great blow to learning it self : of opening a door to the increase of atheism and prophaneness , which if they have thriven so much under a looser hand of discipline , what will they come to , when all the bars of ecclesiastick government are thrown down ? lastly , ( with many more evils which a better and more experienc'd skill might foresee ) besides the dishonour of treading upon the bloud and ashes , and of blemishing the fame and actions of our late gracious king and martyr , who died to prevent the admission of those evils among us . the sum is , it is no wonder , ( while so many churches continue in their irregularities ) why the arms of the civil power are wearied and discouraged , when all their endeavours for the establishing an universal uniformity by the method of dispersing unlawful assemblies , may be too justly interpreted to be but an emptying the streams , while the fountain is kept running ; and cutting down the branches , while the root is left entire , to propagate a new progeny of the same kind and spirit . so that when some civil magistrates have had their aid required , for the redressing of misdemeanors without the church , it hath been reasonably answered , and objected by them , let the churches own work of reformation and order be done at home , and we are ready to give our assistance to endeavour it abroad . . from these mens disorders it comes to pass that it is no wonder that the government and discipline of the church is baffl'd and despis'd , and men are tempted to reproach them as ineffectual , and consequently useless ; when it is considered , that besides the known dissenters , who impudently oppose them without , the r. r. bishops universal care of their churches ( every parish being their proper charge ) is executed by so many curates , who are traytors to them and their authority within . who contrary to their trust ( given and taken with all possible religious and reasonable obligations ) of keeping up the reverence and esteem of their persons , calling , and discipline , by conducting souls , in one legal uniform performance of their offices , in canonical obedience ( which by oath they stand oblig'd to ) and filial submission to them ; they tempt and teach the people to decline all respect and obedience to their authority , by setting up a new mode of worship , by the rubrick and canon of their own fancies , and in opposition to their orders and injunctions . thus in stead of those excellent enjoyned prayers , and regular forms of worship , which they either omit in whole or part , or render unacceptable by an irregular usage , they substitute such an unsavory offering of their own inventions , oft-times so full of ridiculous clamors and gestures , and odd familiarities , if not of non-sense and blasphemies ( against which evils , neither the church , nor themselves , will be secured , while they are permitted to assume a liberty of uttering what they please , and of gaining a reputation by it , of praying by the spirit ) that the wiser sort of the friends to the church of england , are scandall'd and ashamed , and forsake the publick assemblies , whither by law they are ingaged to go ; and the ignorant and credulous vulgar train'd up and disciplin'd , in the love and admiration of an irregular devotion , and in an irreconcileable disaffection to the rational setled service of the church , and an insuperable hatred to the laws and persons that oblige and require it . and then , as to the executing the churches tender care of instructing youth in form and manner , as they are ingaged by law and duty , they either wholly omit that sweet and charitable office , and convert it at the time appointed , into a discourse , that neither for matter or manner , doth suit with either their needs or capacities ; or instead of conducting them in the knowledge of the duties of christianity , by the church-catechism ( which doth so concernedly design it ) they have presumptuously substituted a great company of other forms , full of private opinions , and heads of controverted doctrines ( as those of absolute election , justification by faith alone , and the like ) which have no influence upon , if not a contradiction to , the very reason of christian obedience ; and thence parents and tutors , and the children themselves are left to a strange uncertainty , when ( upon change of places ) they are either committed to the conduct of men of other fancies , or to those that follow the churches order in their institutions . now what kind of youth such irregular usage of children is like to make , may be judged by them , which they trained up in their ▪ twenty years liberty , to use their own methods without controul . then as to the improving the churches care of instructing men by the office of preaching , in the duties of justice , and mercy , peace and innocence , subjection to authority , and ( which is the sum of all ) universal obedience : the peoples ears are accustomed to the noises of new invented phrases , and impertinent notions ; with the discourses of gospel-priviledges , christian liberties , and controverted opinions ( such as of the famous five points , and their dependent articles ) . and instead of preaching upon the renowned sermon upon the mount ( in imitation of our saviour's own example ) and pressing the rules of life contained in it , the people hear the weight of their salvation laid upon some occasional expressions in the epistles of the apostles , ( especially those to the romans and galatians ) or else they send them to patmos , to busie themselves about opening some of the seals of the revelation . by which kind of preaching , the people ( as their practices do too pregnantly declare ) are kept in ignorance ( some think , greater than in the darkest age of popery and superstition ) of those christian duties , but especially of their necessary obligation , for the attaining eternal salvation : which doth evidently appear , when it is observed , that no sort of people of the nation , are so defective in most of them , nor ( as to the case in hand ) so cross & intractable to all authorities , nor so apt ( on all occasions ) to rebellious designs against them ( which if a strict observation were made what places did most especially afford the greater numbers of them , that were lately ingaged against the king and the church , would easily be proved ) than those that have been under the conduct of such ministries . hence ingenuous persons may consider , what grand and confused difficulties ( made so through these mens disorders ) the ecclesiastick jurisdiction hath to deal with , to preserve the church in any degree from a present sinking , into a total ruine ; and ( as things stand ) how impossible it is ( were its power executed to the greatest perfection ) to attain its end of universal peace and order . but if all ministers of congregations were compelled to do their duties exactly according to law , and not one permitted to perform any thing in the publick worship of god , by his own choice or fancy , whereby one church should be distinguish'd from another ; and so none be presum'd to come to church , nor meddle with any offices or business about it , but such as come thither ( there being no temptation from any thing else ) in a willing submission to conformity , which ( 't is supposed ) none would do but such , as would also be worthy and civil to the government of the church : and that all professed dissenters were look'd upon as excommunicate persons ( all which are really so , either , by the sentence of the church , or by their own wilful separation ) and so no further to belong to the churches jurisdiction ( while they resolve obstinately to continue so ) than an heathen , or an alien : and that then the secular power would look upon them as only their proper province , to regulate them by such laws as they are , or shall be impowered withal , made on the most charitative design to restore them to the church ; its discipline would do its own work with honour , and all that live under its excellent conduct , enjoy it with comfort and safety to their souls . whereas , while so many churches remain in their irregular , and mixt conformities , and for that cause as dangerous enemies , as any the church of england is oppressed with , continue a kind of communion with it , in her publick places ; no wonder , when such persons are either made officers , or any otherwise dealt withal , by the churches jurisdiction , that they appear , either , to affront it , or to render it as trifling and ridiculous as they can : and when the secular power by due execution of laws , shall bring any man to some publick churches , it 's a question whether he be restored to the church of england , or only removed from a lesser conventicle to a greater ; and so the law be made use of , rather to confirm the dissenters in their opposition , than to restore them to the peace and order of the church . . by these mens humouring the poor people with their directorian conformity , it is , that the true sons of the church , who in conscience of their duty to god , shall entirely conform themselves to the laws established , are made the scorn and hate of the people : who are taught to reproach them ( for want of an accusation that hath truth or sense in it ) by the names of popish & superstitious : whereas their own teachers might with less injustice , and upon a nearer agreement than we have with either the pope , or the worship of daemons ( as i can shew them if they desire it ) be called jews or turks , did not a good cause solemnly abhor such unchristian defences , though a bad one ( and it is a convincing sign it is so ) hath no other to protect it . and then upon the temptation of those reproachful . names that signifie and prove no determinate thing ( had they said conformity had been against any law of christ , and shewn us a precept general , or particular to prove it so , they had done like men and christians ) the people think themselves acquitted towards god , if they persecute their conformable pastors , with all imaginable acts of cruelty , to make their lives bitter and vexatious to them : to which evils they add this also ( with him in the psalm , imagining god to be such an one as themselves ) that if any sad accident ( in common contingencies ) shall befall them , it shall be recorded as a prodigy from heaven to argue gods disowning them and whatsoever faults ( be they true or false ) their watchful eye of envy can find in their lives , they shall ( with all possible disadvantage to their reputation ) be rumour'd abroad as scandals to their profession , and as arguments against the church . not considering that the juggling of their own admir'd guides with christian obedience in some things , and their gross disobedience to authority in others , ( to the universal wrong both of their civil and ecclesiastick superiors ) are sins so much more scandalous against the gospel , than any their malice pretends to lay to the conformists charge ( if the miscarriage of some were allowed to be a just accusation of all ) as the hypocrisie of a pharisee is worse than the open offences of a publican ; and as a sin that passeth under a pretence of godliness , is much more dangerous , than those sins , whose shame is written on the offenders foreheads ; and for which there is no approbation or allowance from those of their own perswasion , and ( so oft as their spiritual governors can have it signified to them ) for which , some have been obliged to submit to the penances of publick recantations ; as hath been done in this particular diocess . but a wise man may easily discover ( though the people cannot ) the difference between the solid piety , and innocency of a true son of the church ( by which as he hath no design , so , to which he hath no temptation , but to please and honour god , and is not much concern'd if any but his all-seeing eye shall know it ) and the sheeps-cloathing of wolves , the angelical light which the devil puts on , when he turns fanatick , and the form of godliness of a deceiver , that is so much outward sanctimony and framed piety , as will ( by a subtle observation of the peoples humour ) gain an acceptance and reputation from them of being godly , without any regard to the common peace of the church . and if any of them shall chance to fall into any apparent acts of sin , which they dislike , and of which they so bitterly accuse others , and the church for them , so long as they comply with them in their disobedient humour to the church , all the condemnation they shall have , shall amount to no more , than , it 〈◊〉 pity for the man , and god in his 〈◊〉 time will shew him his errour , and call him home ; but he shall not lose the opinion of an honest man. but wo to the poor conformist , if he falls into the same . . from the example of these mens disorders it comes to pass , that the ignorant and easie dissenters are encreased , confirmed , and hardned in their separations , beyond all possible recal ; when they understand , that what they depart from in the whole , is but that which those men ( who by mistake enough and by incompetent judges are accounted the only godly ministers do in their churches reject in portions . and when , as to that little they observe , the matter is so ordered , that they may be believed to do it , but in their own defence unwillingly , and by constraint , and as resolved to continue the doing it no longer , than they can get themselves set free from the burden of authority . but this mischief ends not here & that which makes it much worse is , that such persons , who are yet unconcern'd as to any religion , and are tempted through idleness , or business , or some little offence to the person of their priests , to stay at home ; do answer all inward checks of conscience , and all outward perswasions against their neglect of serving god according to the order of the church , by alledging to themselves , that they absent themselves from nothing but that , which those that are accounted godly , do make it their religion to scorn , and forsake , and would fight to destroy ; and those that use it , seem to be opprest by it , and seek to avoid it as much as they can . by which it comes to pass , that great numbers of men ( i dare not say how great i think them ) and of youth especially ( o unhappy they that gave the occasion ! ) by continued absence from the blessings and ordinances of the church , and the means of grace and knowledge are grown atheistical and barbarous , vile and vitious , bold and hardened in their opposition to 〈◊〉 virtue and goodness . hence it is ( what with the one and the other ) that some places look like ( if they really be not ) an universal defection from christianity : and some priests who faithfully perform their duty , could not without great shame and oppression of spirit , be serving god in the publick place , with so few about them ( perhaps two or three in some populous places ) but that they comfort themselves , that their little handful , compared with the flocks that attend faction , look so like the different numbers in the narrow and broad way , mention'd in the gospel , and the unequal proportion of the good and evil in the world ; and by considering , that multitudes ( when differences are upon the stage ) seldom ( and that by accident ) entertain the right side , but do usually suffer themselves to be conducted by such impostors , who because they cannot satisfie their pride and ambition in being considerable in real worth and weight , will endeavour to make themselves so , in throngs and numbers . . from these mens disorderly performance of gods service in the church , and the confusions which they bring upon the government by it , the romanists ( whose ends are chiefly served by it ) have their hands daily strengthened , and hopes advanced , for the accomplishing their designs . and i am assured ( of which sufficient reasons and instances may be given that nothing can so fully defeat their endeavours for the introduction of their spiritual empire amongst us , as an entire practis● uniformity in all our churches , and a full adherence to , and a faithful preservation of , the establish'd ecclesiastick government ; as the main bulwarks , which they endeavour to overthrow , and which we must chiefly trust to ( under god for the churches universal safety . but the truth of this is so infete●ed with riddles , and made so like the doubtful answer of an oracle to the people , that they are perfectly cheated into the belief of a sense as contrary to it as it it 's possible and so are delivered into an opinion of pursuing the churches safety against popery , by that method , which is the only probable means of delivering up the church unto it . the romanists know , that they can never bring this nation back to their religion , but first the establisht church must be overthrown ; and they know also ( no other danger yet appearing ) it must be done , by improving the dissenters maice , and the peoples folly , to confound the peace and order of it , by the ruine of episcopacy and liturgy : which that they may do with the greater zeal , the cheat 〈◊〉 , they must be made believe , that all that they do is to pull down antichrist , and keep out popery ; and to hate the conformist , as designing to uphold both : whereas there is no man , but he , that prevents the setting up of both among us . thus the best prince , prelate , and statesman then in the world , lost their lives , by being first rendred the peoples hate , as designing to bring in popery ; when wise men knew , that there were not three persons under the sun , whom the romanists would rather have removed out of the way , as the grand hinderers of their design . the people are taught not to conform to the liturgy , because it is popish ; whereas the papists hate it , because it is not so ; and when some of them have been dispensed to hear our sermons , they are always prohibited to hear the service . and whereas the factions are at work to make the people ruine episcopacy , as popish ; there is nothing the romanists desire to see rather , than it's confusion ; as knowing that it was that order of men , that did at first throw , and now keeps out their usurpations . and it is known , that the strictest adherers to the pope , are but back-friends to the order of bishops in the countries of their own perswasion ; and that the order of jesuites was first rais'd up , and now continued in its greatness , on design , to retrench the power of bishops , as an order that can only endanger the popes usurpations , and yet themselves stand upon a firm bottom of primitive catholocisme . but fully to confute the peoples grand mistake , who have been so falsly and disingenuously tempted , and instructed , to suspect the strict conformists , as inclinable to popery ( the spiteful artifice of the factions to render them odious ) i wish them to consider , against whom hath the romanists bent their forces in all their debates , and with what bitterness they have sometimes managed them ( to instance in mr. serjant's schism-disarm'd , against dr. hammond ) not against the factions , one or other , but always against the establish'd church of england ? and who hath maintained the disputes against them , but the strictest adherers to it , and those generally of the episcopal order it self ? and if this cannot sufficiently manifest the falseness of the accusation , and how far the faithful sons of our church are from being favourers of popery , what can be said or done more to convince them ? then let them consider on the other side , what kindness the romanists have shewn to the factious , ( not that i think they love them more than us , or would not destroy them also , when they had done their work of confounding us ) of which none can be ignorant , that will enquire after so many stories that pregnantly prove it , and that are printed , and not confuted : of which there is hardly any clergy-man , but can say something from the circle of his own observation . let the world therefore judge , whether they that have so unworthily prejudg'd the people with a suspition of us , have not given occasion to be accused as really guil●● of the same themselves . the sum is , so far as a partial conformist , doth by his unworthy usage of his offices , cherish in the people a dislike and disaffection , to the service , orders , and government of the church , whereby they are prepared to oppose them , ( if not to destroy them ) on all occasions ; so far he must be supposed to be doing the papists work , to be digging down the wall , plucking up the hedge , which fence and secure the church against them ; and laying all open to give them opportunity to re-enter and possess the holy vineyard of god amongst us . and i think of this they have been sufficiently forewarned , by the late incomparable prelate and martyr , when in his dying sermon , he foretold what a harvest the pope would make of our confusions ; though for his good will , and dying-tender care of the church , the head of a faction , ( who afterward lost his own ) was so impudent , as in a triumph , to dip his handkerchief in his blood , in requital for his kindness . . and lastly , by these mens undutiful practices it comes to pass , that the parochial officers , who should inform authority of the miscarriages of congregations , are for their sakes , tempted to break their solemn oaths to god , given and taken , for the good end of the churches order and unity , and of the purity of life in the members of it , which are wholly defeated by it . of which oaths so broken , those ministers cannot but be highly guilty , as being in no capacity to reprove them , and necessarily oblig'd to indulge them , in their abominable sin of perjury : and all to save themselves from being justly questioned , for their own disorders and disobedience . and the event is , that most churches will be ( without all visible remedy ) kept unreformed from the grossest abuses ; and the nation in general will be taught by such remarkable presidents of perjury , almost in every neighbourhood , to contemn all other obligations by the solemn religion of an oath ; that the king can promise to himself little assurance of fealty , from them that have sworn it ; and no man secure of his life or fortune , when both are committed to the tryal of the law , when only the tye of an oath can assure any man to have right done him . and there are already complaints made of gross miscarriages , where favour or interest have tempted men to deal unfaithfully , and to betray the truth , to the preservation of which , they stood engaged by oath . and if men still proceed to be so atheistical , and hardy , as to make no conscience of an oath , and consequently not of the lesser tyes of honour , and common honesty ; the whole world will in a short time be sensible , that we are a false , perfidious , and perjurious people , abominable to god and man. all these evils ( till they shall endeavour to convince me to the contrary , which if they do , i shall either give them a sober reply in my own defence , or a just acknowledgment of my mistake ) i conclude to be done or occasioned by them . and do yet believe , that without repentance towards god , and a sincere endeavour to make satisfaction to the church , for the wrongs they have done , they must answer deeply for them , at the bar of divine justice , and be reckoned among the urighteous in my text. as for the people who are abused by them , in their judgment and affections against the church of england , so many of them as are invincibly prejudiced , that is , such as having derived their errour from the force of an unhappy education , and since been kept up in their prejudice , by the strong temptation of their teachers seeming godliness ( in which it is no hard matter to deceive a weak , though innocent , mind ) and have not natural capacities to discover their mistake , by the help of an ordinary and general means of conviction ; my charity tells me , that such may be dear and beloved servants of god , and such as may attain the end of the gospel in pure and innocent lives , that is , that would not for any earthly advantage , wilfully and deliberately persist in any evil way , ( except in the instance of their ( which i suppose ) invincible mistake ) whereby god should be offended , or dishonoured by them . and i wish that the best care might be taken in every part of the nation , to distinguish them from those , who observedly , out of a ●●oss humour , pride or envy , wickedly maintain their opposition against the church , and that then there were a particular application made to them , managed with the greatest meekness , and prudence , to undeceive them ; and that all churches did the same thing without distinction , and no subtle heads of factions permitted any more to abuse them , and that church-men would be exactly careful of giving them no offence , by the irregularities of their lives , i am perswaded in a short time , the greatest part of the innocent dissenters might be gained to the church , and be an ornament to it , and the obstinate would either hide their faces in shame and discouragement , or manifest their falseness by the evidence of some grosser universally acknowledged miscarriages . but as to the persons whom i am now reproving , as it is not possible but they must know the tenur of their oaths , subscriptions , and engagements , and cannot but understand that a departure from them , to a contrary practice , must needs be a wilful transgression of their duty to god & man , so i know not yet what argument to give myself , upon which i may ground a charitable interpretation of their irregularities and compliances . thus have i ( laying aside all apprehension of fear or favour from any man , or parties of men whatsoever ) dealt plainly and faithfully in this great concern of the church of england , by laying the occasion of the present evils of it , on them that practised , and do yet continue to practise their partial conformity and compliance with the factious humour of the age in the publick churches . if i have touch'd a tender sore , it is because i in tended to cleanse and heal it not to inflame or torment it if any man becomes my enemy for telling the truth , it is none of my fault , and so shall be none of my discomfort . but 〈◊〉 the representation ( which i have made ) of the sin and danger , shall prevail with any one ( 〈◊〉 but one ) who hath hitherto halted in his duty , to entertain a resolution in future to keep a good conscience , consult the right of his superiors , and the safety of the church , by keeping himself strict to his obedience , i shall have a sufficient compensation for whatsoever i shall suffer from that angry generation of men i have to deal with , and an ample reward for whatsoever is here done , by him , who among the servants of jesus , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sept . . . w. s. observations upon mr. johnson's remarks, upon dr. sherlock's book of non-resistance sherlock, william, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) observations upon mr. johnson's remarks, upon dr. sherlock's book of non-resistance sherlock, william, ?- . [ ], p. [s.n.], london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to william sherlock. cf. nuc. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng johnson, samuel, - . -- remarks upon dr. sherlock's book, intituled the case of resistance of the supreme powers stated and resolved. obedience. divine right of kings. allegiance -- great britain. nonjurors. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo and andrew kuster sampled and proofread - mona logarbo and andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations upon mr. johnson's remarks , upon dr. sherlock's book of non-resistance . samuel , chap. . verse . this thing is not good that ye have done , as the lord liveth ye are worthy to dye , because ye have not kept your master the lord 's anointed . london , printed in the year , . observations upon the preface to mr. johnson's remarks , upon dr. sherlock's book of non-resistance . mr. johnson , my former knowledge of your person and manner of conversation , raised my desire of reading your life of julian , and the little piece you have since published against the learned dr. sherlock , and both together have confirmed me in this opinion , that you are certainly next mr. oats the fittest person in the world to write the life of julian , having so exactly transcrib'd it in your own , he being that to the catholick church , what you have so industriously approv'd your self to the church of england , a perfidious apostat . you are pleased to call your little book ( and such it is upon more accounts than one ) remarks upon dr. sherlock's book of non-resistance , and remarks indeed they are , but such as our young trifling novices , make in their journies through france or italy , which have no other effect upon a wise reader than to persuade a belief they have been there ▪ and scarcely that : they are such remarks as would tempt a man to think you were retain'd on both sides , or at least were in fee with your adversary , or bribed by a partial affection to his person and reputation ; but this conjecture you can easily confute . you are pleas'd to tell us ( page the th ) that you would run over all the doctors scripture proofs ( in the excellent management of which lies the strength of the cause , and the learning of the author ) whereas you have taken no notice of any more than two , and only nibled at them without any impression or hurt , but with what ingenuity is not easily comprehended , much less justifi'd without your old friend 's secret against blushing : and thus you have indeed rid your hands easily of the bafled cause of non-resistance ; which , if it receive no deeper wound than those your feeble passes yet have made , will outlive your forward triumphs , and conquer , as much as it despises , the insolence that fools and knaves have treated it withall ; a doctrine that commenc'd together with religion either jew or christian , ( as the pious and learned archbishop usher has irrefragably prov'd . ) a doctrine that shall know no end , but when all things must confess their ashes , and then it shall be swallowed up in the glorious rewards of confessors and martyrs . but you are pleas'd to give us another reason for publishing your book , that is , to offer your service to some men's new-fashioned loyalty , which , you say , must be adopted church of england doctrine too , as well as the other : this indeed gave me great hopes of finding from so clear a casuist , and so moderate a man , irresistible satisfaction of its being my duty to take the new-oaths , which piece of service would have bound me over to as great gratitude , as can be supposed due to the charitable and seasonable preserver of my little all i have in this world : but if instead of offering one single reason evincing the duty and obligation to take this oath ; you have advanced two or three considerably cogent reasons why i should not , then i hope the government will allow your argument in some abatement to the guilt , whatever they do to the punishment of my non-complyance ; for all good men fear the guilt more than they do the punishment , and this you have done as appears by what you tell us ( page the ) no man can authorise himself ; if so , i desire you to tell us by what authority this new-oath is imposed ; for the compilers of this law either do authorise themselves , or else they receive their authority aliunde ; if the first , you have already determin'd against them ; if the second , pray shew us from whence ; taking this of our saviour along with you , if i bear testimony of my self , my testimony is not true . but in the second place you tell us , that king william is the rightfullest king that ever sat upon the english throne : when in that very breath you defeat the right you would maintain , and are a very traytor to the title you would advance ; and i am content with you never to desire a greater advantage than to reduce my adversary to this absurdity , of making no difference betwixt a title and no title , which is a rowland for the oliver you gave the doctor ; law and no law : and that you have done this appears thus ; if king william be the rightfullest king that ever sat upon the throne of england , then no king ever ascended the throne by the same right , and by the same hands that he does ; for every king that came by it as he does , was just as rightful a king as he is , and then consequently he is not the rightfullest : well then , if no king was ever plac'd upon the throne by the same hand and right as he , then it is very plain he can have no right at all by the common law of england ; for common law is common usage , and sure that 's a strange common usage , that cannot shew one president ; one example at least to warrant it , which your assertion plainly supposes and acknowledges : well then , besides the common law , england knows no other but that we call the statute-law , and by that he has no title , or else the convention did him a great deal of wrong , for they never declared the right to be his by succession , but by their donation : thus you defend the present title , just as you guided your unfortunate masters conscience and honour , by betraying both ; and if king william had no better title than what in this preface you have given him , he neither could nor would expect to be obeyed ; and now if any of my brethren should look upon our obligation to complyance to be less than it was before , through the insufficiency of the arguments you have produced in its behalf , you will be responsible to us for our livings , and to his majesty for the withdrawing the service of so many men of our condition ; for i am morally certain that were these words of yours ( king william is the rightfullest king that ever sat upon the english throne ) inserted , and made a part of the oath , there would not have have been found in the whole nation , as bad as it is , an hundred men of your swallow ; i am very well satisfied that the government is not so unreasonable ( however you represent them , ) as not to be glad that , the whole body of the clergy were satisfied as well as themselves ; and i hope you are not one of those malicious blades that would insinuate , as if this new act were made only to revenge the bartholomew act in , and wish it might have the same effect ; yet you have given us a very fair specimen of your hatred to the present government , since you could never have wish'd for a more sweet , or taken a more effectual revenge than you have done , by turning such an hebrew advocate in their behalf ; methinks 't is great pity there is no law obliging all men to hang the keys of their consciences at your girdle ! and as it is to be hoped they will chastise the maliciously affected weakness of your defence , so it were seriously to be wish'd , that before the time comes , they would provide us some learned and conscientious casuist , that might be able by the conviction of scripture , reason and law , to promote those good inclinations we in the presence of god sincerely profess to have of living under our superiours , a sober and a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . and i do promise in my own , and ( as i believe i may ) in the name of all my brethren , that are yet unsatisfied , that our refusal to comply shall lie no longer hid in lurking scruples , and reasons best known to our selves ( as you out of your abundant charity would insinuate ) than till our superiours shall be pleased with indemnity to allow us to bring them forth , ( for though truth never seeks , it may be driven into corners ) to men of their own nomination and appointment , with an obligation to the severest penalties , if we can be prov'd to have divulg'd them any farther . therefore all the spiteful flourishes you make in the d . page of your preface , and the malicious as well as silly questions that you ask , are but so many instances of your natural incivility and rudeness towards us , as well as of an ungentile insolence in provoking him whose hands are tyed , which is very true in reference to the danger he must lye under , who dares be so hardy as to answer your questions , which yet i my self dare engage to do upon good security of freedom and indemnity , and to back those answers with such reasons as shall ensure me the priviledge of being ( for you ) unanswerable , or else i will forfeit my head where yours is due : you need not wonder at this caution in me ( in whom it is too seldom a fault ) who am not now to be told the danger of making my tongue or my pen too familiar with my thoughts ; i am not so much in love with jayls , and pilloreis , and whipping-posts , as needlesly to court mr. colliers first answer , or the no less pennance of reading his second ; besides mr. oats and your self have given us a fair instance what ineffectual methods those are of reducing men to sobriety ; if ever such or greater punishments should be our lot , our prayers are that god would enable us to bear them with such magnanimity , meekness , and resignation , as becomes those who profess the doctrine of passive obedience , taught and practised by christ and his apostles , the primitive and the best reformed christians ; but surely god has a very great controversie with this nation of ours , surely our sins are ripe for the severest judgments ; the land is divided into two extreme sinful parts , one by our sins are fitted to suffer under the doctrine of resistance ; others sinful enough to be permitted to preach , believe and prosecute it : i meekly thank god , that though my sins are strangely great , and deserve more than i can suffer , yet he hath not given me up to the latter judgment of teaching it , and i trust he never will. indeed mr. johnson , your apparently contrary behaviour in the very subject matter of this discourse , has not been so amiable and inviting as to render it exemplary , but has rather prejudic'd and hinder'd that enforcement , which your suffering name and fallacious reasons might otherwise have given it : no good christian can approve , or indeed with patience hear , and no crown'd head will endure your barbarous usage of king james , in which you have out-done your own forgeries and ill pack'd stories in your life of julian . is it thus that you curse not the king , no not in your heart ? is it thus that you commit your self and your cause to him that judgeth righteously ? is it thus that you heap coals of fire upon the head of your enemy ? and do you thus overcome evil with good ? no , no , the apparent marks of an unchristian resentment , and an ungenerous revenge make up the whole contexture of your preface , and by this means you have under your own hand renounc'd to the merits of your sufferings , forefaulted your right of compensation , abdicated your religion together with your king , and sign'd a kind of posthumous apology for your judges , and almost justify'd the inhumanity of your sentence . you say ( page the sixth of your preface ) that if king james had been a rightful king when he took possession of the crown ( as he was not but a publick enemy ) he has since that time broken the fundamental contract : in these words there is one of the boldest and most notorious falshoods that ever was broach'd , for he was certainly rightful king after the death of his brother , even though your malicious insinuation from his outliving him , had ( which it has not ) either weight or truth in it : the very votes of both houses of convention acknowledge so much when they insisted upon the abdication , without ever calling his title into question ; besides if he had no right to succeed in the throne , your lord and the other gentlemen of the exclusion were much in the wrong ; had you made as much appear then , as you confidently assert now , you had sav'd the two houses a great many angry debates , and the important fortress of tangier had been still in our hands , and undemolished ; and the lower house knew the importance of that place very well when they set the bill of exclusion upon it's head as the price of its relief or redemption rather ; and what necessity there was to shut out by law , one that by law had no right to come in , surpasses my discerning : yet farther , you prayed for him as king as oft as you did your duty in reading common-prayer ; now men of mettle are seldom hypocrites , and i cannot persuade my self you could in your prayers to god acknowledge him to be king , whom in your conscience you did not think rightfully and lawfully to be king : all prevarication is disengenuous and cannot become a christian , much less one that waits at the altar , and still less in the service of god ; so that this consequence is self-evident , either you were a hypocrite then , or worse now : as for what you say of his being excluded by three successive houses of commons , you might as well have told us that he was excluded by the diet at ratisbone , or the swiss cantons , for their power was as great to exclude him as that of the commons of england alone without the consent of the king and lords : you have made as much of it as the case will bear , when you tell us it was a caveat , and i suppose you know the nature of a caveat so well as not to stand in need of information what manner of treatment they commonly meet with in all places where they are entred . page the th . you say , the oath of allegiance is the counterpart of the coronation oath , and that it is of the nature of covenants , and that it is a conditional oath . now if all this could be substantially prov'd , it would go a great way towards a conviction of those whose consciences ( for want of information in this very point ) will not give them leave to take the new oath : now i could tell you this looks very like begging the question , or at least a haughty imposition of your sentiments upon other men , having not been pleased to produce one medium to prove so great an assertion by , but you pronounce magisterially your opinion and expect all your readers should subscribe to you , as to an infallible dictator ; but when we took that priviledge from the old gentleman at rome we did not intend to naturalize it at home , we have long since emancipated our selves from that piece of slavery , and are something unwilling to be brought again under the same yoke of bondage we so effectually cast off ; nullius addicti jurare in verba magistri , is our motto , and whatsoever conceit you may have of your own authority , you must not expect the same extravagant civility should be paid it by other men ; you have given us but too just a cause to examine a little narrowly into the very best reasons you have yet thought fit to produce , and having not found them sterling , you must not take it ill if we bring the rest to the touchstone . how pitifully you trifle with us in this paragraph with a silly instance of a master and an apprentice , where you wisely suppose the master to turn his apprentice out of doors , and yet expect the performance of his service ; did king james ever banish any man to mevis or the barbadoes , and yet at the same time expect his attendance , either in the court or camp ; or did he commit any clerk to jayl , and then punish him for non-residence ? your instances and your arguments are all of a piece , and you have very ill luck with both ; had you prov'd that a son's obedience to his father had held no longer than pater se bene gesserit , and then constituted the son the judge of his fathers good or male-administration ; or that the wife was discharged of her subjection to her husband , if she can plead actions of unkindness against him , then you had done something to the purpose , then you might have confuted the apostle and passive obedience , which have taught submission not only to the good and gentle , but also to the froward ; then you might have boldly deny'd the happiness the apostle tells us shall be the reward of them who suffer patiently in and for well-doing , since according to you , no man ought to suffer any longer than till he can either hinder or revenge his sufferings : i always thought religion had been intended to restrain and correct our unruly passions , not to give up the reins and let them loose ; such doctrine is neither the wisdom nor the peace that comes from above , nor the way thither , but comes from below , and is earthly , sensual , devilish . you tell us pag. & you are able to prove that the oath of allegiance taken to a tyrant , would be a void unlawful and wicked oath ; void , because it is an obligation to obedience according to law , which a tyrant makes it his business to destroy , so that it is swearing to things inconsistent ; unlawful , because the english constitution will not admit such a person to be king , it knows no king but such as can do no wrong ; wicked , because it strengthens his hands in the destruction of our countrey , so far you : now this needs only to be twice read to shew the absurdity , the weakness and the malice of it , especially if you design the application ( as by the drift of your discourse appears you do ) to be made to king james , and to all that swore allegiance to him , but especially to them ( if any such there be ) who think themselves still bound by that oath ; for we who swore allegiance to him at his first coming to the crown , did it to a king not to a tyrant ; nay , it was almost impossible he should be a tyrant when some of us took those oaths , unless susceptio coronae facit tyrannum , which for some body's sake i know you won't aver : he had then but just begun his reign , and had given us assurance of his intentions to govern according to law : nay , even they who swore allegiance to him after he had begun to break his word , and had made some inroads upon property and religion , still swore to a king and not to a tyrant ; for it would be a very difficult task even for you ( whose hatred to his person has given you the pen of a ready writer ) to assign by what individual action he commenc'd tyrant , and the very moment wherein he ceas'd to be king : vertue and vice dwell in each others neighbourhood , and their boundaries are to be distinguished by every eye : yet farther , what though my oath of allegiance be an obligation of obedience according to law ? and what though the king to whom i swear goes about to destroy the law ? is therefore my swearing allegiance to him , swearing to things inconsistent ? by no means : am i bound by that oath to be one of his instruments that shall help him to subvert the law , and enslave my fellow subjects ? or am i perjured if i refuse ? by no means ; i am indeed if i resist : and thus you may easily see the bafled doctrine of passive obedience would have found out an excellent medium betwixt these two , to suffer when according to conscience ( and that i will allow to be directed by law ) i can do no longer the pleasure of my king ; thus an oath to a king who afterwards proves a tyrant , is not void , because it is not swearing to things inconsistent . next you say , an oath of allegiance sworn to a tyrant is unlawful , and for so saying you give this merry reason , because the english constitution admits no such person to be king ; which takes away the very subject matter of our dispute ; for if this tyrant can be no king , i am as sure that no king can be no tyrant ; there can be no oath of allegiance sworn in a monarchy but to the king : so for once you are in the right ; for nullius juramenti nulla est obligatio . lastly you say , an oath of allegiance sworn to a tyrant is wicked , and for this reason , because it strengthens his hands in the destruction of our countrey : which i flatly deny , because ( as i told you before ) there is a medium betwixt a sinful obedience to an unlawful command , and perjury , which is passive obedience ; but that medium you don't love , and therefore won't admit it . again you say , as soon as the realm has declared him a tyrant , our oath of allegiance becomes void , but for what reason , according to what law , and by what authority , some body else must tell , for you cannot : what you say in this is gratis dictum , and must be swallowed upon your sole authority ; but that i do and always shall except against as insufficient , even if it could not be suspected of partiality , as in this last it vehemently is : pray what authority have you to affirm , which your readers have not to deny ? but your next is a delicate flight in these words , speaking about the oath of allegiance sworn to king james , an oath which ought not to have been made , and is now as if it never had been made , which was ill made , and would be worse kept , i suppose , than it was made ; now there seems no other answer required to this but a little of your own jargon , which a friend of mine has done to my hands — when a corder a cording , encord's him a cord , in cording that cord , he three cords doth encord ; but if one of the cords that encordeth , uncord , then the cord that uncordeth , uncordeth the cord. but to be serious , though it be very difficult amidst such stuff as this , let me ask you , do you seriously believe , that the oath of allegiance made to king james did never bind ? whom do you arraign when you say that oath ought never to have been made ? did he make or enact it himself ? or was it not made and enforced in the good days of queen elizabeth , and his grandfather king james the first ? or was the exacting that oath any part of the accusation laid to the charge of charles the martyr ? or did the bloody preachers of your doctrine of resistance in those days suppress any of his crimes out of a tender regard to his person or credit ? besides you say , it was ill made and would be worse kept , without considering the strange incongruity of that expression ; indeed a thing that is ill made may be ill kept , but how that which is ill made can be worse kept , i find not ; the guilt of keeping , must bear proportion to the guilt of making a law , because the effect must be commensurate to the cause ; and though the stream may fall lower , it cannot naturally rise higher than the fountain ; so that we who believe our selves under an obligation to keep it , are for so doing just as guilty ( and no more ) as those parliaments that made it : if then it was lawfully imposed , and lawfully taken ; then as there needs no angel to oblige us to keep it , ( our obligation arising from a greater authority than theirs , ) so none of that glorious order either can or will oblige us to break it , for they are the ministers of good , not evil . you say , page the th . the maxim of those you are pleased to call male-contents , is better popery than perjury . if my perfect agreement to the truth of that proposition will render me a male-content , i am and shall be , i hope , one all the days of my life ; nay , i will go one step farther , if there be any thing on this side hell worse than popery , i had rather it should befall me , than that it should be kept out , or prevented by any unlawful , unjust , or wicked means of mine whatever ; believe me , he is either a mean scholar in religion , or a very bold man that dares say god stands in need of our vertues ; but he must be a man of a more than ordinary assurance ( of your mettle , ) that dares say god stands in need of our vices . — si pergama dextra defendi possint , etiam hac defensa fuissent . with his own right hand , and with his holy arm , he can get himself the victory : if he sees it good for us to enjoy the blessing of a publick and free exercise of our religion ; he can do it without any offence or fault of ours at all ; but if not , we have been always taught , and will constantly maintain and teach , that we are in no case to do evil , that good may come of it ; not to break gods laws , to maintain his worship ; not to turn bankrupts to loyalty , to drive the greater trade in religion ; not to shake hands with the gospel , to take the firmer hold of christ ; not to forsake the church of england , to secure the reformation ; not to bring in a bill of exclusion of the next rightful heir , to secure an hereditary monarchy ; not to think the observation of the second and fourth , a valuable composition for the breach of the fifth and tenth commandments ; these are slow hebrew methods of divinity to me ; as if all religion were analytical , and the only way of progression in christianity , were to be retrograde in the duties of it : for what good can our religion do us , when we defend it by means that dishonour both it , and its author ? you desire us to remember that the popery and the perjury have gone always together , and have always been both of a side ; i agree with you entirely as to this matter ; and i have long fear'd the coming in of popery , and i thank you for discovering from what quarter we are to expect it ; i have in all places , and upon every fair opportunity freely declared , that popery could never come into england , unless carried upon protestants shoulders , and the four last years reign has not in the least confuted , but confirm'd and strengthned that opinion : alas ! what a silly poor feeble thing is popery in its proper colours ? how easily was it driven out without a blow ? did we not laugh at and despise , the reverse of fabius's wisdom manifested in their no less foolish than hasty and forward methods to bring popery in ? when all the protestants in the world could not have taken a more effectual course ( than themselves did ) to keep it out : but popery in its borrowed light confesses anack , whilst we protestants by our divisions lend it fatal colours , and a gigantick proportion , and power ; in this she boasts like archimedes , she is able to turn the world upside down , but she must sharpen her instruments at your forge , and our animosities must give her room whereon to set her foot : must the church of england be weakned for fear the protestant interest should be strong ? and will she not be weakned by the deprivation of so many as are resolv'd to make a conscience of keeping the oaths that they have taken , and from the obligation of which they have sworn , that no power upon earth is able to absolve them ? so that if perjury and popery go always together , and are of a side , you have fairly acquitted us from any share in the guilt of introducing it , unless refusing to swear to a new oath , in direct contradiction to one we have lawfully sworn already , be perjury , and methinks you might as well call it any thing else . see now what your argument will amount to : thus , the fears or interest of a roman catholick have overcome him , and prevail'd upon him to take an oath wherein he does from his heart acknowledge supremacy in all causes , and over all persons whether ecclesiastical or civil , to be lodged in the person of a protestant king in whose dominions he lives , and upon oath declares that he believes no person or persons upon earth have any power to release him from this oath , or from any part of it ; and that therefore as he ought , so he will bear faith and true allegiance to that king whilst he lives , and to his heirs and lawful successors when he is dead ; now comes julian johnson and tells him , after some other discourse , wherein he persuaded him not to think he lay under any obligation to that oath ; pish sir , you are a young christian , and a stranger to that liberty wherewith christ hath made you free ; the king you are sworn to , hates your religion and persecutes your person ; the church has declared him a heretick , and the state a tyrant , and an oath made to a tyrant is void , unlawful and wicked ; the time of our redemption is come , and redemption is a title though conquest is not , and will make your redeemer the rightfullest king that ever sat upon the throne : why man , are you not satisfi'd yet ? your want of satisfaction lies hid in lurking places , and reasons best known to your self , for i am able to prove if occasion required . ( non tali auxilio ne defensoribus istis tempus eget . ) — that your oath did never bind ; that it is an oath which ought not to have been made , and is now as if it were never made , which was ill made , and would be worse kept — and by this time my blade begins to relent ; truly sir , i have been always taught , and always believed otherwise , but for the preservation of catholick religion and the good of holy church , i must submit to your unanswerable arguments ; and then he breaks an oath , which he had but little inclination to keep . now let any man in the world judge , whether this be any more than fair turning of the tables , and giving just the same sauce to the goose , that you gave to the gander ; for what protestant king in the world has any reason to think this perjury in his popish , which any popish king has not to think this perjury in his protestant subjects , with this aggravation of the matter into the bargain , that the protestants have constantly accused the church as prevaricating in this matter , and have abhorr'd her upon that very score , which ought to set that example at the greatest distance from us ; and every word of this the catholicks in queen elizabeth's days might well have pleaded , if the spanish invasion had succeeded ; and no doubt they would have had their appointed days of thanksgiving also , and have celebrated philip of spain as their great and glorious deliverer from heresy and slavery : thus by laying the scene under another reign , we may take a just estimate of the unaccountable partiality we are guilty of in our own cause , whereas there ought to be legitima personarum mutatio in order to the true understanding and practising the greatest and the most comprehensive rule of righteousness , whatsoever you would that men should do unto you , do you even so unto them : now if all the priests in the church of rome were just such casuists as you are , and all the people of that communion could believe them , and would be directed by them , you might as well shackle the hellespont , and commit the sea to the gate-house , or make any other gotham-act to hedge in these cuckows ; for they upon this principle bid the same defence to any law , oaths or tests that the power or wit of man can make , that you have done ( with less reason ) to cambridge , and the church julia shall spead the rest ; the heathen poet corrects the christian priest. sunt qui in fortunae jam casibus omnia ponunt , et nullo credunt mundum rectore moveri , fortuna volvente vices , & lucis , & anni , atque ideo intrepidi quaecunque altaria tangunt , hic putat esse deos , et peierat . — your and pages are a glorious apothesis of those men who were executed according to law , for the meritorious crimes of treason and rebellion . oh! that the mastership of the canonization-office were but divided betwixt mr. baxter and you , we must quickly reform and correct our calendar , and in the room of the twelve apostles , ( those church of england preachers of passive obedience , ) insert the names of cromwell , bradshaw , ravilliack , and milton , in the company of some now alive ; but , — quos dicere nolo , experiar quid concedatur in illos , quorum flaminia tegitur cinis atque latina . you have this expression concerning some you hate , — who shed that more than innocent blood ; without adverting , that every drop of blood in man that pretends to be more than innocent , is for that very reason , less ; you would do well to answer if you can , that which you ignorantly call an infamous libel , the magistracy and government of england vindicated , and then perhaps we may call the execution of that unfortunate , ( but by his own confession not very innocent ) lord , the murther of a great man : i cannot indeed blame your concern for the death of a man , whom you first seduced , ( as is credibly reported ) and then confirm'd in the fatal doctrin of resistance against the supreme power , in case the religion established by law were invaded , ( which i cannot but believe that lord then thought ) contrary to the then sentiments of dr. burnet , and the reverend dean of canterbury , as evidently appears by mr. deans letter to that unfortunate nobleman , — and in that letter he lays down these three propositions . first , that the christian religion doth plainly forbid the resistance of authority . secondly , that though our religion be established by law , ( which your lordship urges as a difference between our case and the case of the primitive christians , ) yet in the same law which establishes our religion it is declared , that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up arms : besides , that there 's a particular law declaring the power of the militia to be solely in the king. and this ties the hands of subjects , though the law of nature , and the general rules of scripture had left us at liberty ; which i believe they do not , because the government and peace of humane societies could not well subsist upon these terms . thirdly , your lordships opinion is contrary to the declared doctrin of all protestant churches ; and though some particular persons have taught otherwise , yet they have been contradicted herein and condemn'd for it by the generality of protestants ; — this is part of that excellent letter dr. tillotson wrote to my lord , to persuade him to repent of that dangerous mistake , by which he says , his lordship might prevent a mighty scandal to the reformed religion , — whether either or both of these great men have changed their opinion since , and upon what motives , is neither my duty nor my present business to enquire ; however no mans example shall shock me who know that truth , like its eternal author , is unchangeable , the same yesterday and to day for ever . what you seem to conjecture some few lines after , may for ought i know , come to pass . committunt eadem diverso crimina fato , and though we are indeed guilty of misnomers now , it is to be hoped we shall not be always so , but may enjoy the priviledge we claim from adam , of giving things names proper to their natures . — mentiri nescio , librum si malus est , nequeo laudare & poscere — besides , the holy scriptures pronounce a dreadful wo to all such as call good evil , or evil good. there are some persons in the world who will not thank you for the unseasonable mention you make of sheriffs de facto , and not de jure ; i am afraid there is a spice of malice or discontent upon some disappointment , that made you furnish us with such an ill natur'd hint , provoking us to an undutiful enquiry , what things there are else at present in the world that are de facto and not de jure , and how many and great things depend upon the solution of that question , no less than what the authority is of that court , which you say ( for i have no acquaintance there ; ) the black guard can make amongst themselves every day , ( pag. the th ) of your preface : surely he that writes as you do , must measure things as you do , by success ; i am not without hopes , that god will indeed restore justice to this lost nation , and make it run down like a mighty stream : for otherwise , as appears by the repeated choice of sir p. w. and others ; there are a set of men must have the priviledge of destroying this church and nation in , only to justifie their having done it once before in . hoc ithacus velit & magno mercentur atridae , and then every honest man could repeat , and truly apply one of the greatest lines in the world. victrix causa diis placuit , sed victa catoni . now sir , i have run through some , if not most of the material passages in your scurrilous preface ; and upon the whole matter it plainly appears , that you hate even the very name of king , since you have as rudely treated , though more covertly , the title of king william , as you have done the person of king james ; and the boldest freedom that the late private pamphlets are furnished withal , comes very short of that with which you have treated the late proceedings . would not a man think you a great courtier when you tell us , the convention did not choose king william , as the persians did darius by the ' neighing of a horse , ( page the d. ) to their immortal honour : but you were resolved that their election should not want what confirmation could be given it , by the same instrument wherewith samson and you have slain your enemies . there are other things that need corrections , but neither the times nor you can bear them now ; but in reference to them i must only say as the governour did to st. paul , go thy way for this time , when i have a more convenient season i will send for thee . and after all , it would grieve me very much , were i conscious to my self that i had measured even to you the same measure that you measured to your , once at least , lawful king , and i should be very sorry that ever i descended to read your preface , fearing the infection of the example ; i cannot , ( though but for half an hour ) put on ill nature enough , to write up to that pitch of satyr , you have both deserved and provok'd , and am but hardly reconcil'd to my very ink , because like you 't is made of copperass and galls : but i dare not give way to the farther progress even of a just indignation , nor had i spoke so far , or in the least engag'd my self either with your book or you , could i have stood unconcern'd at the sight of a degenerous son , like nero , ripping , and like the vulture preyng upon the bowels of his two tender mothers , the university and the church : and here indeed i must break out and say , if grief , though silent , have a voice , if anguish without a tongue be vocal , if sorrow be loud to elah , or the groans of an expiring church , and a consumptive monarchy can be accented ; if a mighty amazement and consternation of an honest mind , but reasonably solicitous for my own and for the publick safety , may be allowed to have any emphasis ; then the injuries which religion and kings suffer from such doctrins , and such men as these , can never want arguments nor orators ; and he that pleads this cause shall sooner be at a loss where to begin , than what to say ; — inopem me copia fecit ; these are miscreant persecutors of crowns , who will not permit the primitive christians to wear those glorious rewards of their martyrdom , any more than they will let them sit quietly upon the heads of kings ; you take as much pains to justifie , as the apostles did to clear themselves of the imputation of being men , whose religion taught them to turn the world upside down ; and therefore before you undertake to answer dr. sherlock , you should do well to answer christ and his apostles in their doctrin and practice , and the truly primitive christians in their writings and examples , you should confute the apologies of tertullian and justin martyr , and the writings of the first and best reformers , the articles of the church of england in general , and in particular the canons of . you should answer bishop usher , sanderson , hammond , and a whole cloud of witnesses in the late rebellious times ; the judicium oxoniense drawn up by sandersou , the decretum oxoniense drawn up by dr. jane the present regius professor ; you should answer dr. scot's sermon at the assizes of chelmesford ; if you are not at leisure , get him to do it himself ; the forementioned letter to the lord russel , dr. falkner , sir robert filmer , the learned and brave judge jenkins , dr. hick's jovian in answer to your julian , and all the acts of parliament that lodge the supremacy and militia in the king alone : this when you have done fairly , and acquitted your self according to the merits of the cause , you shall know more of my mind : but let me advise you to be sincere in your quotations , candid in your inferences , close in your arguments , impartial in your determination , and very modest in your personal reflection ; envy no man who knows more , pity every man who knows less than your self , triumph over the infelicities of no man of what kind soever they be , especially such as are occasion'd by endeavouring to keep a conscience void of offence towards god and man : shun all prevarications in religion , and misrepresentations of persons and things ; it is disingenuously and barbarously done by the author of the history of the convention , he pretends word for word to quote mr. collier's desertion discuss'd , and yet in the twenty first section he has foisted in the word ( popish ) apply'd to judges and justices , and at once deprav'd his meaning , and weakned the force of his argument ; and nothing can be a greater evidence of a bad cause , than making it stand in need of lies and forgeries to support it , without which they could never have driven their master away . criminibus terrere novis , & spargere voces in vulgum ambiguas , & quaerere conscius arma. finis . a true testimony of obedience to the heavenly call, for which i suffer the loss of all things, that i may be found in obedience to him who hath called me. hubberthorn, richard, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a true testimony of obedience to the heavenly call, for which i suffer the loss of all things, that i may be found in obedience to him who hath called me. hubberthorn, richard, - . , [ ] p. s.n., [london : ] signed at end: richard hubberthorn. caption title. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "march. .". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hubberthorn, richard, - -- early works to . obedience -- religious aspects -- christianity -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a true testimony of obedience to the heavenly call,: for which i suffer the loss of all things, that i may be found in obedience to him who hubberthorn, richard c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true testimony of obedience to the heavenly call , for which i suffer the loss of all things , that i may be found in obedience to him who hath called me . a servant of the lord , and a prisoner for the testimony of jesus , whom he hath called by his grace to deny the world , and am made partaker of his sufferings , being in outward bonds ( by the deceit ) in west-chester , and of his free-will hath given me not only to beleeve , but to suffer for his name sake , who hath called me out of my own country , and from my fathers house , and to go in obedience to his command whithersoever he shall call me : while i was young i girded my self , and went whither i would , and then i yielded obedience to my own will and to the will of man , and was a man-pleaser , but the will of god i knew not , neither was obedient to his commands ; but when the lord was pleased to reveal his son in me , and make known his will unto me , to enlighten me with his true light which hath enlightened every one that cometh into the world , and by it let me see my self to be a strrnger to him , and knew him not , though i was grown mighty in the egyptians wisdom , and was in love with the world , and in the favour of men , and in a profession and words of mans wisdom exceeded others , being in a form of godliness , but was ignorant of his power and his word ; but when his power was made manifest , and his word spoken within me , which word was in my heart , and was as a fire or a hammer , and this word being made manifest within me , and my conscience being awakened by the light of god , which did convince me of sin , and did testifie against all my words and actions , and that just judgments of god were revealed from heaven against that nature i lived in , and the trumpet of the lord was sounded within me , and the earth did tremble , and the vials of the wrath of the almighty was poured down upon me , and the powers of the earth were terribly shaken , the foundation of wisdom and earthly knowledg was shaken , and the judgments of god were upon the outward man till my flesh was wasted off my bones , and the bones smote one against another , and i knew the lord to be terrible , and his word powerful , in burning up and hammering down the lustful nature i lived in , in pleasure and wantonness , in pride and fulness , which the word of the lord was declared against , and this word i witness spoken from the lords own power within me , which made my flesh and bones to tremble exceedingly , and did cause pain in all my loyns , and paleness of face , my comliness was turned into corruption , and my joy into lamentation , and i was brought to the bed of sorrows , where i cryed out in the bitterness of my spirit , and i had no ease nor rest , day nor night , for the hearing of the ear which i did hear , and the sight of mine eyes which i did see ; i heard the sound of the trumpet , the alarum of war within me , terrors , wo , misery and destruction was upon me , in my trouble i cryed in the evening would god it were morning , and in the morning would god it were evening ; and the terrors of the almighty being upon me , my acquaintance and familiars stood afar off me , for they knew not the power of the lord , nor the judgments of my god , which i do witness to be revealed and made manifest in me ; and the lord raised up in me a love to his word , by which all the powers of the earth did tremble , and the earth it self was shaken by it , and by this word was i called to go and declare it , as i had received it from the lord ; to those who lived in the same heathenish nature , without the knowledge of god , and to declare the judgments of god against sin and ungodliness , as they were made manifest in me : and by this word was i called to forsake father and mother , lands and living to go in obedience to the lord , who commanded me not to take thought what i should eat , or what i should drink , or wherewith i should be cloathed ; but cast my care upon him , and this i witness the lords care , and those whom the lord calls into his work and who labor in his vineyard need not to complain to the wold for want , and for yeilding obedience to the lord and his commands , and not giving obedience to the corrupt will of man : who commands me contrary to what the lord hath commanded : do i suffer under the persecution of those who are set in the place of rulers , and magistrates professing themselves to be ministers of the law of england and to act justice according to that law , and do bear the names of major justices of peace , and magistrates , and say they act according to the law of the nation and present goverment , but they are seen to be in the generation of those who were ever persecutors of the righteous seed , where ever it is brought forth : and the servants of the lord in all ages were ever persecuted by that generation , professing to be ministers of justice ; but that which is acted is cruelty persecution and injustice , and the righteous suffer , which the law was not for ; but for the lawless and disobedient , and was added because of transgression : the righteous law of god was made to be afflicted upon transgressors and breakers of the law ; but the unrighteous law of men is afflicted upon the righteous who walk blameless , and are proved no transgressors : but in obedience to the lord , do witness a good conversation towards god and towards men , our consciences bearing us witness in the sight of god , and those who are rulers of the city and rulers of the sinogogue under which i suffer imprisonment , say , this is their law that if i will go home into my own country and to my fathers house , and stay there , and depart this city , i may be free upon this accompt , else i shall remain in prison , and this is contrary to the command of the lord , for he hath commanded me out of my own country and from my fathers house , but my own country , dwelling and fathers house , the world knows not , that which i am called from they know the natural man knows that which is natural , and this is contrary to the law of the nation , for the law of the nation doth not confine any to stay at one place , nor to be kept from any one city , being proved no transgressor , nor breaker of the law , but i seek a countrey and a city whose builder and maker is god , and truly if i had been mindfull of the country i came forth ▪ and did love the pleasures , delights and flesh pots of egyp● which i am called from i might have had opportunitie to have returned thither but in obedience to the lord i had rather suffer affliction with the people of god , then enjoy the pleasures of egypt , and you who say i have no lawfull calling , i doe witnesse the same word of god the true prophets of the lord was commanded by to declare against all sin and ungodlinesse , by the same word doe i declare against it where i am commanded of the lord and am called out of the same calling that they were , into the same work of the lord which they were , and so i do witnesse the testimony of my bretheren the prophets that went before me , who hath left an example in record of suffering affliction and of patience , and we count them happie which endure . elisha was a plough-man , and when the word of the lord came to him , he left the plough and obeyed the word of the lord , and his call was lawful . amos was a herdman , and a gatherer of sicamore fruit , and the lord took him as he was following the flock , and the lord said unto him , go prophecy unto my people israel , and he obeyed the word of the lord and prophesied in the kings chappel , and in the kings court , and his calling was lawful , and i do witness the same call , who was a husbandman and had a vineyard and gathered fruit , till the word of the lord came and called me from it , and he turned my mind within , and enlightened my understanding , and opened the creation to me , and let me see the vineyard without was but a figure , and that i must come into his vineyard to labor in his work : and gathering fruit without was but a figure ; for there is fruit within to be gathered ; a possession without was but a figure , there was a possession and an inheritance to be enjoyed within , and that figures must pass away to come to the everlasting inheritance , which is within , which never fades away : out of time , into that which is eternal : and for this cause , and by this word did i forsake father , and mother , lands , and livings , house and vineyard , to follow jesus christ and do what so ever he commands me , and this call i witness to be lawful , and the word of the lord is gone forth to command sons and daughters to prophesie in his name , and they have no other call , and they go as they are commanded , as ever the true prophets of the lord did , if it be to the kings chappel , or to the kings pallace , or to the synagogues , or into the cities or the markets to declare against sin and iniquity , and where they see the people given to idolatry and prophaneness , their spirit being raised up by the power of the lord , and by the word of the lord do they declare against it , and they have no other call but the word of the lord , and they have a cloud of witnesses , for all the prophets of the lord spoke from this word , and for speaking the word of the lord as they were commanded were persecuted , imprisoned , and put in dungeons , and were made a derision dayly to all that were about them , as jeremiah was , and was smitten and put in the stocks , jer. . . and daniel was cast into the lions den for declaring the word of the lord , dan. . . amos was commanded not to prophecy any more in the kings chappel , amos . . and the apostles were imprisoned , beaten , scourged and persecuted from city to city , and straitly commanded to speak no more in that name ; and for declaring this word of the lord did all the prophets , apostles , and holy men of god suffer ; and the word of the lord is the same now , and the persecutors the same ; and those who are sent of the lord now , and called out of their own country , as they were then , to declare his word against your sin and ungodliness which you live in , magistrates , priests and people , you call them wanderers and vagrant persons , who have no lawful calling : what would you say by him who said , the foxes have holes , and the birds of the ayre have nests , but the son of man hath no where to lay his head , luke . . and the jews sayd , this fellow we know not from whence he is , ioh. . . you may say paul was a wandring person , who had no certain dwelling place , cor. . . and those who wandered about in sheep skins , and goat skins , being afflicted and tormented , of whom the world was not worthy : they had tryals of cruel mockings , scourgings and imprisonments : they were stoned , hewn asunder and dispightfully used , heb. . . . and you shew your selves to be in the same generation , mocking , scourging those whom ye are not worthy to receive ▪ but all you dear ones , servants of the living god , blessed are you when men shall revile you and speak all manner of evil against you falsly for my sake , rejoyce and be exceeding glad , for great is your reward in heaven ; for so persecuted they the prophets that were before you , mat. . . . you are in the same nature and generation of those who said unto christ , depart out of our coasts , and saith christ , as they have done unto me , so shall they do unto you : and now i witness the same things to be fulfilled : do not you say as they did , depart out of our citty , and teach in thy own country , and the same generation called paul a pestulous fellow , a mover of sedition : and the apostles would turn the world up-side down , and the jews said they had a law , that if any confest that he was the son of god he should dye : and they said , christ was a blasphemer ; and christ was crucified and the apostles persecuted by them , and all under pretence of blasphemy , heresie and sedition : and as it was then , so it is now , for they who come to witness jesus christ come in the flesh , and both sons and daughters , who come to witness the promise of the father fulfilled in them , as he hath said , i will pour out my spirit upon all flesh , and your sins and your daughters shall prophecy ; and they who come to witness this fulfilled , you say they are blasphemers , and not worthy to live in the nation ; and all those who will not lye and swear , and use deceit , but yea and nay , such a one cannot have trading in your markets ; for none can buy nor sell who hath not the mark of the beast upon him ; but he who loveth and telleth a lye hath the most priviledg and advantage among you : o wicked and adulterous generat●on , thy wo and misery is coming upon thee , for the lord is appearing , who is come and coming to cleanse the land of evil doers . this i was moved to declare from the spirit of my father dwelling in me as a testimony of his eternal love and power made manifest in me ; and all who come to know the power of god which is but one , do witness me ; and all who despise the power of the lord , this is for a testimony against them from the lord by his servant , who is a prisoner for the truths sake , whose earthly name is richard hubberthorn . chester , the day of the month , called februa . finis . an essay concerning obedience to the supreme powers, and the duty of subjects in all revolutions with some considerations touching the present juncture of affairs. tindal, matthew, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing t estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an essay concerning obedience to the supreme powers, and the duty of subjects in all revolutions with some considerations touching the present juncture of affairs. tindal, matthew, ?- . [ ], p. printed for richard baldwin ..., london : . attributed to matthew tindal. cf. halkett and laing ( nd ed.). page is stained in the filmed copy. pages -end photographed from newberry library copy and are inserted at the end. advertisement: p. [ ]. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng obedience. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay concerning obedience to the supreme powers , and the duty of subjects in all revolutions . with some considerations touching the present juncture of affairs . london : printed for richard baldwin , near the oxford-arms in warwick-lane . mdcxciv . the contents . the introduction . page . chap. i. of government , and the origine of it . ibid. chap. ii. of passive obedience . . chap. iii. of the publick good. . chap. iv. of god's laws . . chap. v. of the law of nations . . chap. vi. of the obligation of human laws . . chap. vii . objections answered . . chap. viii . of conquest . pag. . chap. ix . of possession . . chap. x. of protection . . chap. xi . of oaths of fidelity . . chap. xii . of the act of parliament of the of hen. . . chap. xiii . of proofs of scripture concerning obedience to those that actually administer government . . chap. xiv . some considerations touching the present affairs . . books sold by richard baldwin . mercury ; or the secret and swift messenger . shewing how a man may with privacy and speed communicate his thoughts to a friend at any distance . the second edition . by the right reverend father in god , john wilkins , late lord bishop of chester . printed for rich. baldwin , where are to be had , the world in the moon ; and mathematical magick . bibliotheca politica . or a discourse by way of dialogue on these following questions : . in what sense all civil power is derived from god , and in what sense may be also from the people . . whether his present majesty king william , when prince of orange , had a just cause of war against king james ii. . whether the proceedings of his present majesty , before he was king , as also of the late convention , in respect of the said king james , is justifiable by the law of nations , and the constitution of our government . collected out of the best authors , as well ancient as modern . dialogue the eleventh . a compendious history of the taxes of france , and of the oppressive methods of raising of them . an impartial enquiry into the advantages and losses that england hath received since the beginning of this present war with france . berault's french grammar . the tragedies of the last age , consider'd and examin'd by the practice of the ancients , and by the common sense of all ages ; in a letter to fleetwood shepherd esq part i. the second edition . a short view of tragedy ; its original , excellency , and corruption ; with some reflections on shakespear and other practitioners for the stage . both by mr. rimer , servant to their majesties . truth brought to light ; or the history of the first years of king james i in four parts , &c. travels into divers parts of europe and asia , undertaken by the french king's order , to discover a new way by land into china . &c. liturgia tigurina ; or , the book of common-prayer and administration of the sacraments , and other ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies , usually practised , and solemnly performed in all the churches and chappels of the city and canton of zurick in switzerland , &c. the works of the famous mr. francis rabelais , doctor in physick . treating of the lives , heroick deeds and sayings of gorgantua , and his son pantagruel translated from the french. to which is added rabelais's life ; and a new key to the whole work. letters of love and gallantry , and several other subjects . all written by ladies . with the memoirs , life , and adventures of a young lady ; written by her self , in several letters to a person of quality in town . vol. . memoirs concerning the campagne of three kings , william , lewis , and james , in the year . with reflections upon the great endeavours of lewis the th to effect his designs , of james the d . to remount the throne , and the proper methods for the allies to take to hinder both . an essay concerning obedience to the supreme powers , &c. the introduction . the design of these sheets ( which one would think should be no difficult task ) , is to persuade people to act for the good and prosperity of the community they are members of , and in which their own is included ; and to convince them , that it is their duty as well as interest , to bear true faith and allegiance to the present government . which design , that i may the better perform , it will be necessary to premise somewhat about government in general , and the grounds and measures of obedience to it ; by which i hope i shall be able to shew , what is the duty of subjects , not only in the present juncture of affairs , but in all changes and revolutions . chap. i. of government , and the origine of it . government is , as it is usually defined , the care of other peoples safety ; which consists in protecting and securing them from being destroyed or oppressed by one another , as well as by strangers ; and redressing the grievances of those that are injured , and preventing the like for the future , by punishing offenders . in order to which , the governor must have a right to command the natural force of those that expect his protection , to enable him the better to put his laws and decrees in execution . tho without power government cannot consist , yet power and government are not one and the same thing ; a man may be in the power of another , and yet may not be governed by him ; it is necessary that this power be made use of for protection , without which it is impossible to be protected ; so that protection and government are the same thing ; for where people are not protected , they are still in the state of nature , and without government . it is government alone that gives the form , life , and unity to a civil society , or body politick , by which the several members have their mutual influence , sympathy , and connection ; so that to be a member of a civil society , and to be under government , is the same thing ; and to be without government , and to be in the state of nature , are reciprocal , and predicated of one another . none can pretend to be or claim any civil rights as a member of a society , without owning the actual government that makes it a society ; and they that disown the government of the society they live in , do outlaw themselves , and virtually declare themselves no members of it ; because they have reduced themselves to a state of nature , by disowning there is amongst them a common judge , who has a right to decide their controversies , and redress their injuries , and in whose determinations they are obliged to acquiesce . god , who is the author of every good thing , may be said in a more special manner to be so of government , because it is absolutely necessary to the well-being of mankind ; and he , by the law of nature , which obliges mankind to act for their good , has instituted it , and has since by his positive law ratified and confirmed it ; yet he did not constitute any particular form of government , but left mankind at liberty to dispose of themselves , as they ( when they instituted societies ) thought fit . god was so far from taking this liberty from any nation , that when he was pleased to take upon himself the office of king over his own people the jews , he first required their consent ; and a contract between god and the people ( as is plain by the th . of exodus ) was the foundation of the theocracy . and since it is not by god's positive law , that one form of government , rather than another , is any where established , there can remain no other way by which any government can be erected , or that one man can have a right to command over others , but by the law of nature , or by the consent of the parties concerned : but there is no law of nature for any one form of government , so as to make the rest unlawful ; or that one person , rather than another , should have the sovereign administration of affairs : nor can there be any one law of nature urged , why any particular person should have a power over so many millions of different families , with no manner of relation and dependance one upon another , and who are by nature equal , being of the same rank , promiscuously born to the same advantages of nature , and to the use of the same common faculties : and therefore it remains , that government must be derived from consent . object . men are not by nature free ; because they are born subject to their parents , ( who by the law of nature have an absolute power over them ) : therefore they could not chuse governors for themselves . answ. the power that parents have over their children , does not extend to their lives or properties , or hinder them from being free , tho they are born in a condition which makes them for some time incapable to exercise their freedom . it is the duty of those by whose means they come into the world , to take care and provide for them until they are able to provide for themselves ; which duty parents cannot effectually discharge , except they have a power to correct and manage them as they think fit . children are obliged to take the same care for their parents , if they chance by losing their reason to fall into the same helpless condition ; which they cannot perform , except they have also in their turn , a power to govern them too , and even to use forcible means , when they think it necessary . whoever has the charge of educating a child , whether he be his father or a stranger , must have the same power over him ; and this a child , tho an absolute king , must be forced to submit to . the information of his mind , the health of his body , and even the necessities of life , make it absolutely necessary : and if this be not inconsistent with sovereign power , much less is it with freedom . a man may be said to be by nature free , as well as rational , tho he be not capable of exercising both , until such an age ; and the same age that sets him free from the power of a tutor , sets him free from the power of his parents , tho nothing can set him free from that reverence ( which is not inconsistent with the state of freedom ) which he must for ever owe them . but that filial reverence does not give his father or mother ( to whom by the law of god and nature he is obliged to pay equal honour and reverence ) a power over his life and properties , or any jurisdiction over him : ( whilst he is part of the family , it is true he must be subject in matters that concern the family , because there can be but one master in a family ) . if parents had an absolute regal power , all civil government would be unlawful , because it would deprive all fathers of that paternal regal power , which by the law of nature ( which is superior to all human laws ) does ( upon their having children ) become their right , and which the government could no more justly deprive them of , than of that duty and honour which children by the same law of nature are obliged to pay them ; and which too , if government were nothing but paternal power , must belong to it . but if this notion were true , this would not give governors a power over parents themselves , or over those who have no parents in being , because paternal power can affect none but children : and the supreme magistrate , who does not beget his subjects , can have no natural nor any other right to it , but as it is conveyed to him by consent ; except the first-born from adam ( which the asserters of paternal power do affirm ) hath an universal hereditary right , ( the absurdity of which opinion has sufficiently been exposed by a late most ingenious author ) ; supposing which to be true , it is plain that no other can have the same right ; so that until that mighty monarch prove his claim , all the civil power that is now in the world , must come by consent ; and there is nothing but that , can give another a greater power than parents pretend to over their children ; and which children are obliged to obey , even contrary to their parents commands ; and which gives them a power of life and death over their parents , as it frequently happens in elective governments ; which governments it is visible have their power from the people ; and this way too at first must come the power in all hereditary governments ; for the first of a family could not have an hereditary right . object . the power of government could not come from the people , because they have no power over their own lives ; and therefore could not give that to another which they had not themselves . answ. it is true , men having no power over their own lives , could not part with a power they had not ; yet governors will have all the power which is necessary for the ends of government , by the peoples giving them that power which by the law of nature they had over the lives of one another ; for by that law every one had a right to take away the life of another , if he could not otherwise secure his own , or what was in order to the supporting it ; and might do the same in defence of any innocent person , and could punish any one for injuring him or his neighbours , because by it he acted for his own and their security : and if punishment ought then to be inflicted , some one must have a right to inflict it ; and if any one had a right , all being by nature equal , every one must have the same right ; the exercise of which right men have parted with to their governors ; so that they alone have now the only right to punish with loss of life , or any less punishment , in all cases , except in those where upon the suddenness of the danger , protection cannot be had from them , or where they wholly neglect , or are incapable to protect them ; there mens natural liberties still remain , and they may in defence of their own lives , or what is necessary to support them , justly take away the lives of the aggressors . and any law which should take this power from the people , would be null and void , because the people never did or could give the magistrate such a power as should hinder them from acting for their own preservation , when necessity required it . the magistrate having then his power from the people , it is very certain he can have no more power than they were capable of giving him , or did give him ; who , because people ( who had no arbitrary power over the lives of one another ) were not capable of giving it him , can have no right to take away the life of any person , except it be for the publick good. nor can men , though at the command of the magistrate , without being guilty of murther , deprive any of their lives , when the good of the society does no way require it . nay , by the mutual assistance , which by the law of nature mankind owe one another , they might , if he should endeavour to destroy any , when it is evident it is no way beneficial to the publick , justly oppose the magistrate , if opposing him would not be a greater damage to the publick . as men could not give the magistrate a greater power than they had over the lives of one another ; so the power they gave him was not only for the defence and safety of their lives , but to secure them in the enjoyment of their properties , and to judge concerning them by known and impartial laws . men having no power to destroy what was beneficial to others , could not give him a right to waste , or impoverish , ( which is the necessary effect of arbitrary government , where the uncertainty of the enjoyment destroyeth all labour and industry ) what god has ordained for the necessaries , or conveniences of life . they that assert the magistrate has more power than the people could or did give him , must prove he has it from god , who alone could give it him ; but god , except to the jews , gave no other law about government , or any other matter , but those of nature . and christ , whose kingdom is not of this world , did not give more , or take away any power from the magistrate : so that what ever power was given him by man , he still enjoys the same without any addition or diminution . chap. ii. of passive obedience . therefore it is very evident , that whatever rights or liberties men did not part with to their governors , those they have still retained in themselves ; and no person can have a right to their obedience in those things wherein they have given him no right to command ; nor are they ( which otherwise would be the consequence ) obliged to pay him more obedience than they owe him , but may defend their rights against any that has no right to take them away . in the most absolute hereditary government , if the governor should endeavour to alienate it , or any of the essential parts of it to a stranger , he may be justly opposed , because the people have not given him such a right , nor is a right to dispose of a government , necessary to his governing them ; but such an endeavour shall be interpreted so far good ( because acts are not so to be interpreted as to be of no effect ) as is in his power to make it good ; it shall be esteemed a good resignation . by the same , if not greater reason , the king in a mixt government may be opposed , if he should endeavour to alienate any of the parts of the government , which are by the legislative power annexed to the crown , as in england the supremacy in ecclesiastical matters is ; there the people may oppose the king , if he should attempt to separate the supremacy from the crown , especially if he should endeavour to make the pope supreme ; because , if they did not oppose him in that attempt , they must either be guilty of high treason , in owning the pope's supremacy , or be destroyed when the pope's supremacy is established , for refusing to be guilty of high treason ; it being treason by the laws to own his supremacy . whoever owns the pope's supremacy , is incapable of being himself supreme in ecclesiasticals ; and he that cannot be supreme in ecclesiasticals , cannot be supreme in civils , because being united by the legislative , they cannot be enjoyed apart . in a mixt government , where the legislative power of king , lords and commons ( which is the only supream power , because it gives laws to all ) is divided , part in the king , and part in the people ; if either part invadeth the other's right , the usurping part may be justly opposed , because it invadeth what is the sovereign right of another . none can have a share in the legislative power , but who must have a right to defend that power ; because any other than a sovereign right to the legislative , to which all are subject , would be nonsense ; and whoever has the executive power , if he had not a share in the legislative , would be subject to it . and he that is intrusted with the execution of the laws , can have no more power than the legislative has given him ; and where the people have a share in the legislative , they have the same right to their privileges , ( viz. ) the laws of the land , as the king has to his prerogatives ; because the consent of both is equally necessary to the altering the laws , as it was to the making of them . in a mixt government , a king , beyond the limits of his kingly power , is so far from having a right to obedience , either active or passive , that by assuming such an vnlimited power , he loses all his legal power , which consists in governing according to the laws enacted by the legislative ; and by it abdicates the government ; for he that ceases to govern according to those laws ▪ by governing arbitrarily and contrary to law , ceases as much to govern in the eye and intent of the law , as he that ceases to govern at all ; and by governing arbitrarily ( the constitution admitting of no such governor ) destroys the very essence of his kingly power , and renounces ( the only right he has ) his legal right . for no person can have at the same time a will to rule according to law , and a will to rule contrary to law ; and he that wills the latter , cannot will the former , and so willingly renounces his legal government ; and by making his will the law , he assumes the whole legislative power to himself , which wholly destroys the former government ; for a new legislative is a new form of government ; and if the whole be destroyed , the share the king has in it must be so too , except a part can subsist , when the whole , by which and in which he enjoyed his part , is dissolved . whereever people have established a mixt government , they are presumed to grant all that is necessary to maintain that government ; which could not be , if one part had not a right to hinder the encroachment of the other . it is nonsence to brag of the happiness which people enjoy in living under a limited monarchy , if it had no other limits than the will and pleasure of the king ; because then he would be as absolute as the french king or grand-siegneur , and his subjects would be as mere slaves as the vilest of theirs , since they would hold their lives and properties by no other tenure , than the pleasure of the king who is absolute . but it may be asked , who shall judge between them , if either should usurp the right that belongs to the other ? i answer , none can judge as a superior in whose sentence both sides must acquiesce , because that would suppose some one superior to the supreme legislative power : or if the judges of the land should have an absolute power to determine in these matters , and people should be obliged to submit to whatever they decr●e , they could make either party the supreme legislative power , or themselves , by declaring themselves to be so . none , as a superior , can call him to an account who has a share in the legislative ; but he may be resisted as well as any other , that should invade the sovereign rights of others , with which he has nothing to do . where people have not parted wi●h their rights , it must be presumed they have retained a power to judge whether those rights are invaded , or else the design of preserving those rights would be to no purpose . but it may be objected , tho it be no treason , or any manner of injury ▪ or injustice , for people to defend their rights against a king that has no right to take them away , yet for their own sakes people are obliged to submit to his arbitrary government , because opposing him might create a war more destructive than all the effects of his arbitrary power . but what king would resign his government , rather than oppose a rebel ? and if a single person thinks he is not obliged to part with his civil right , how can he expect , that millions ( were it possible it could be for their common good ) should part with theirs ? since too , every one of them has the same right to their privi●eges ( the laws of the land ) as he has to his crown , why should they be more obliged to suffer their own rather than a foreign prince to destroy their rights ? since the attempt is a greater crime in him , because he breaks his oath , and the trust that is reposed in him , and is guilty of the highest ingratitude to the people who have given him so much power . by the same argument , good men ought not to resist robbers and pirates : and if a man should be obliged to quit all for fear of bloodshed , how bravely would the good of mankind be promoted , and what a blessed peace would the world enjoy ? which would consist in violence and rapine , and which would only be maintained for the interest of robbers and oppressors . whoever does but consider the poverty , the misery , the hardship people undergo in absolute monarchies , where the generality not only want conveniences , but even the necessaries of life , and how by tyranical government the richest and most flourishing countries ( as for instance , those under the turkish empire ) are depopulated and almost turned to desarts , so that the inhabitants are thin and few , as well as wretched and barbarous ; and whoever compares them with those that live under mixt governments , where the inhabitants are generally above twenty to one to what the others are , abounding with all manner of conveniences and pleasures of life ; or does but consider the happy condition that greece and a great number of other places enjoyed when they were free states ; and what they now suffer ; or has but read bp. burnet's remarks on italy , rome , and switzerland , must be convinced , that it is not the interest of a nation to let their king be arbitrary ; and that they cannot pay too dear for preserving their liberties . in making themselves absolute , kings act against their own safety , as well as the good of the people , because a mixt government is not only best for the subjects , bnt for the security of kings , they being oftner deposed and murthered ( as all the histories of the world do testify ) in absolute than in limited monarchies . can any one think , that the united provinces ( in spite of the long war they had to maintain their privileges ) are not as populous , rich , and potent , and upon all accounts in as flourishing a condition , as they would have been , had they been possessed with the doctrine of passive obedience , and tamely submitted to the encroachments and arbitrary power of spain ? had the doctrine of passive-obedience been all-along practised , mankind would have been in a more slavish condition than any now are , that live under the most tyranical governments ; it is the fear that people may by ill usage be provoked to violate this doctrine , that keeps the greatest tyrants within some bounds , and makes them govern more mildly and moderately than otherwise they would . it is , i think , no great argument of the goodness of an opinion , when the not observing it , or even the very probability of breaking it , has preserved mankind in a much better condition than they would have been , had the supreme powers been certain , that that doctrine would have been inviolably observed . the english , who are the freest nation in the world , cannot consider the happiness they enjoy , in comparison of those that live under absolute monarchies , without having a just veneration for their noble ancestors , who have ( tho not without the expence of their best blood ) secured to them those liberties ▪ they now enjoy : and the present age would have strangely degenerated , had they not been as zealous to have transmitted the same down to their posterity . most of the european nations were once masters of the same freedom the english still enjoy . those great swarms of people that came out of the north , and subdued most part of europe , upon settling themselves in the countries they conquered , made their generals kings , and their chief officers their concilia magna , or parliamenta , without whose consent no laws were made , or scarce any thing of importance done : which government the english have best preserved , being a nation too tenacious of their liberties to be complimented out of them ; and ( as they to their cost have found , who have attempted it ) of too great a courage to be forced out of them . it cannot then justly be concluded to be against the publick good of the nation to oppose arbitrary government , because more lives might perhaps have been lost by it , than by the tyranical government of all the kings since the conquest ; because those kings were not absolute , and when they endeavour'd to be so , were always opposed . but had it not been thought lawful to oppose them , and they had been as absolute as the doctrine of passive obedience would have permitted them , i would ask whether then ( for that is the true state of the question ) the nation would have been as populous and as rich as it is at present by preserving its liberties , and opposing all usurpation ? there is , i think , no reason to doubt , if arbitrary government had prevail'd , but that the countrey would have been reduced to as poor and as beggarly a condition , and would as much have been depopulated as any province under the turkish empire . there can be no greater argument than the universal consent of the nation , that what they so unanimously concurred in , was not against their common good ; and nothing but a danger as universal as it was great , could make all people so desirous of a revolution : and there could be no pretence from the publick good of not resisting , when slavery it self was not the end , but only in order to extirpate an heretical nation ; which all popish princes by their religion are obliged to do ; and there was no reason to suppose the late king ( had not the design been so notorious ) less zealous than his neighbours where it is notorious that a king has a design to enslave the nation , there can be no great danger in opposing him ; because it is impossible for him , ( the lands and riches being in so many hands ) , to be able to influence so great a number of the gentry and nobility , as shall be sufficient to oppose the common interest . there is nothing more pernicious to government , than to encourage those that publish such doctrines as tend to destroy the rights and privileges of the people : who are quick-sighted enough to find out the weak side of such arguments as tend to their hurt ; and it makes them suspicious that some sudden designs are carrying on against them , and prepares their minds to receive any ill impression against the government . what happened in king charles the first 's time , is an undeniable instance of this , where the encouraging and preferring almost none but such as preached up that sensless doctrine , created such jealousies , fears , and mistrusts in the minds of the people , of whom too many were irritated by persecution ( for passive-obedience and persecution , like brethren in iniquity , go hand in hand ) that nothing but the ruin of that prince could satisfy their jealousies . that doctrine had like to have produced a more fatal consequence in his son's time , by encouraging him ( who had the weakness to think , that those who when uppermost were bigots for it , would submit to it when they themselves came to suffer ) to invade the rights and liberties of the people . chap. iii. of the publick good. the consideration of the publick good , which is the supreme law by which both king and people ought to guide their actions , does oblige subjects to obey in all things that are in the least disputable , and even to acquiesce in whatever a king does , if in the whole he promotes the publick good. it is not barely the breaking a law , or stretching the prerogative , in this or that point , can do any great mischief ; except it be done with a design to subvert the liberties of the people , and establish arbitrary government . in many cases the good of the whole may require the laws to give place to the executive power , because it is impossible upon the account of the infinite variety of accidents and circumstances that attend human affairs , to foresee , and by laws to provide for all the necessities that concern the publick : laws can only respect what does generally happen ; there must be a vast number of particulars , where a rigid observation of law must be hurtful ; and it will be necessary that a power to dispense with the penalties of the laws , should be lodged with the king , whose power cannot be too large , if he useth it for the publick good. the only enemies to the present government ( at least amongst the protestants ) are the asserters of passive obedience ; who tho they think it for the publick good to suffer a king to inslave a nation , rather than oppose him , yet are so absurd as to think they are obliged in conscience to disturb the government that protects them , and raise a civil war ( tho the consequence should be never so fatal ) to restore a prince , whose return would , if the war did not , compleat the ruin of the nation . the falseness and absurdity of which opinion , i shall endeavour to make manifest : and to shew , that it is the indispensable duty of all that are protected by a government , to bear true faith and allegiance to it . i suppose i need not spend many words , to shew the absolute necessity of government , for the good and well-being of mankind ; or that it was for no other reason that men parted with their liberties ( for what else could be an equivalent ? ) but for the mutual defence and security which they receive by government , which is the sole design and end of all laws , punishments , and rewards . as this reason was at first the sole motive for submitting to particular persons , so it is the only reason still for continuing allegiance to them ; and when this reason ceaseth , natural liberty does return , and then men are obliged for the sake of their own safety and preservation to pay allegiance where it is most for their own interest and advantage . obedience is due to government , and not to the person that governs but upon the account and for the sake of it ▪ otherwise people might be obliged to pay allegiance to a king after he had resigned his regal o●fice . it is impossible for a king to lose his government , and not lose the allegiance of his subjects , because they are relatives ; and according to the nature of all relatives , one cannot subsist without the other . natural relations , as that between father and son , last as long as both parties live ; but artificial ones , ( if i may so term them ) as those between master and servant , king and subject , may be destroyed during their lives ; and when these relations cease , all obligations ▪ on both sides cease . the relation between sovereign and subjects is destroyed , when the sovereign will no longer protect his people , and so freely withdraws from the government , or when he is deprived of the power of protecting them , and so is driven from his government ; which , as to the people , ( for whose sake government was instituted ) has the same effect ; and they equally lose that protection and defence , for the sake of which alone allegiance is paid , whether the sovereign will not , or cannot any longer govern them , and is forced to leave his government in the hands of others ; whereby those that were his subjects are as incapable of paying him allegiance , as he is to protect them ; and the same force that will justifie his leaving them , will equally justifie their transferring their allegiance : and since no society is able to subsist without having justice administred , and enjoying those other blessings that are derived from government : either they must by living without government become a prey to every one , or else there is a necessity of preserving themselves by paying allegiance to the new government . if obedience were due purely to the title , subjects would be very great rebels in refusing to pay obedience to a madman with a legal title , and in placing another in the throne : what other reason can be assigned for removing him , but that the good of the commonwealth requires obedience to be paid to a person that can protect them ; which since a madman cannot , it is their duty to pay obedience to another that can . is not a person that has lost his government , as unable to protect the people , as he that has lost his senses ? and would not the indeavouring to restore him by violent means , be more pernicious to the publick , than suffering a madman in the throne ? for though the incapacity proceeds from different causes , the one being a natural , the other a moral one , yet the reason , the publick good , is the same , for not endeavouring to restore one , as it is for deposing the other . though the next of kin may have a right to be a guardian to a minor , yet if admitting him would prejudice the affairs of the minor , he ought to be denied that right , or rather that right ceaseth , because it is against the interest and advantage of the minor , for whose sake alone he was appointed guardian : so in matters of government , ( which is an office that had no other grounds for its being instituted , but the good of the people , who are always in their minorities , and such sovereign curators are constantly necessary for the management of their affairs ) : any particular person 's right to that office must cease , if he cannot be admitted without great prejudice to the minors ; and as the number is disproportionate between one and a whole nation , and as the lives of a number of persons are to be valued before the interest of a single minor ; so much stronger will the argument hold in behalf of the people , and the greater will the crime be in attempting to admit any person into that office , when it cannot be done without involving the nation in manifest ruin. therefore in most cases where one king has power enough to turn another out of his kingdom and get into his throne , it is highly probable he will be able to keep it against any opposition from the person he conquered : so that they who set up for his interest , expose themselves to certain ruin and destruction . but though it might so happen that they might succeed in the attempt , yet since it could not be done without a manifest injury to the nation , by disturbing the peace and quiet of it , by causing the effusion of so much blood , rapine , desolation , and those intolerable calamities which civil war does produce , it would be so far from being a duty , that it would be a sin of the first magnitude to attempt it ; it would be contrary to the greater and prior obligation which they owe to the publick . for none can have a right inconsistent with the publick good , which is the only fundamental law of all societies ; contrary to which , no law ( and consequently no legal right , which is built upon law ) can be valid ; to which as to a center , each man's actions ought to tend , because the more universal any good is , the more it ought to be imbraced ; and societies could not subsist , but must necessarily fall into a state of war and confusion , if every man should prefer the advantage of any particular person before the good of the whole . as every particular person 's interest must yield to the general good of the society ; so must that of a particular society submit to the more universal good of all societies ; and no principles can be true ( however they may serve a particular turn ) that , if generally practised , would be against the good of all societies ; but nothing can be more destructive and pernicious to all human societies , than those principles which assert that allegiance must be only paid to him that hath a legal title ; because it must oblige vast numbers in all revolutions to be destroyed for the sake of a single person , rather than submit to another who is in the same station and by whose power they might be governed and protected . it is a doctrine of most dangerous consequence , and if embraced would destroy the best part of mankind , and fill the whole world with blood and confusion ; for in such revolutions ( which frequently happen ) what government will suffer its enemies ( the more still the more dangerous ) to enjoy equal privileges with its dutiful subjects ? thereby enabling them to destroy that government , which by all tyes of conscience they must think themselves obliged to , as subjects to its enemies . the safety and quiet of their peaceable subjects , as well as self preservation , will oblige the supreme powers to extirpate them , for it is impossible for men of these principles , if they act accordingly to live quiet under a government which they suppose has no legal right , because their actions are not in their own power , but in that of the dispossessed prince , who has the same indispensable right to command them , as he had before he was outed of the throne . therefore they are obliged , whatever they promise , or whatever specious pretences they make , to act contrary to them , when either his interest or commands do require it . can it be supposed , that when men submitted to government , ( because it was absolutely necessary for their preservation ) that they submitted on such terms , as should oblige them in so many cases to run into those inconveniences which they desired to shun , rather than live in peace and quiet under a government which does actually protect them ? nothing can justifie such principles , except the misery and destruction , not the preservation of human societies , be the supreme law ; or that it is a sin to act for the general good of a society , and a duty in the people to expose themselves to certain destruction , rather then act for their own good , in a matter which was solely instituted for their good . a man may be obliged to suffer rather than act against his duty , but that he should be obliged to suffer rather than do his duty in promoting the general good of the nation , is to me a strange paradox . if it be a duty to act for the publick good , and the general interest of a society ; and if the more universal the good be , the more it ought to be sought for ; then the means that are necessary to this duty , or end , must be as necessary as the end it self , because the end prescribes the means . so that if the paying obedience to the present government ▪ be for the good and happiness of the nation , it must be a duty in every one to do it ; and on the contrary , if endeavouring to disturb the present settlement , and to restore the late king be ( as i think no protestant can doubt it ) to the disadvantage , and against the good and interest of the nation , it must be a sin . and can there be more dreadful consequences ( than what in all human probability , must happen upon unsetling the present government , ) to our estates , liberties , and lives , and what ought to be dearer than all , to our holy religion ? except popery , and french tyranny , which include in them slavery both of body and soul , are to be courted at the expence of a civil war. the paying obedience to those that are in possession , is a doctrine that tends so much to the interest of human societies , and of all the particular members thereof , that even those who oppose it , if they consulted their own happiness , must wish it were true ; and what greater argument can there be of the truth of it , than that it is so conducive to the good of mankind ? and that common objection , or rather reflection , that it is interest makes these tenets , which require obedience to the present government , so universally imbraced , which ( howsoever ▪ it be uncharitably designed ) is so far from destroying the credit of them , that it is a demonstration of their truth ; because they are for the good of particulars of which the publick is made up . chap. iv. of god's laws . the publick good of societies , is not only the foundation of all human laws , ( upon which all legal rights depend , which cease to oblige , and are null and void , when contrary to it ) but is even the foundation of god's laws , which concern men with relation to one another . for god , who is infinitely happy in himself , could have no other motive in creating man , but to make him happy in this life , as well as that which is to come ; and accordingly if mankind would follow those rules that are prescribed by god in order to their behaviour towards one another , in what happy , blessed , and flourishing state wonld they be in ? and what misery and confusion even in this life does deviating from those rules create , besides the punishment they receive in the life to come , for acting against their good in this . do not the circumstances as they tend to the advantage or disadvantage of human societies , make things good or evil ? and are they not the only rule to judge of god's laws by ; as for instance , the commandment declareth in general terms it is not lawful to kill ; yet it is a duty in the magistrate to kill , because it is for a publick good , which is the only rule by which to distinguish between murther and justice . even a private person may kill in his own defence ; and such a liberty is for the publick good ; nor do christ's precepts , which forbid all manner of revenge , and require forgiving of injuries , hinder any from punishing those that injure them by legal courses ; because the punishing them tends to promote the publick interest of mankind . it is unlawful to take what is anothers without his consent , yet if it be for the common good , it is not only lawful , but a duty , as blowing up of houses in case of fire , against the consent of the owner , or digging in a man's ground to prevent an innundation ; if a ship be in danger to be lost , it is the duty of those that are in it , in order to preserve the ship , to throw any man's goods over board , though contrary to his consent ; and if a ship wants water , she may lawfully , even by force , take some from another ship , if that ship in all likelyhood hath enough to carry her to the next watering-place . in case of necessity it is lawful for a private person to take from another what is necessary for his subsistence , if he whose it is , be not in the same want ; nay , even what is devoted to god in such cases it is lawful to take ; and christ makes david's eating the consecrated bread , an argument à fortiori , to justifie what his disciples in their hunger took from man ; in such cases the natural right of self-preservation returns , and though people are sometimes punished for taking from another in their necessities , yet that does not prove it unlawful , but the punishment is inflicted only to prevent a gap being laid open to libertinism , which would be inconsistent with the publick good and convenience ; for the sake of which a person ought sometimes to suffer , though it be undeservedly . what is more inviolable then a promise to return what one is intrusted with ? yet none are obliged to return a sword to that person who designs to attempt his own life , or that of anothers ; much less ought we to endeavour to give any one the power of the sword , tho he has never so much right to it , if the attempt would prove fatal to a great number of lives , and contrary to the good of the society , for whose sake alone he has that right ; nor can any one be obliged to ruin or prejudice a society for the right of a particular person , when the right which that person has , was only for the preservation of that society . what is more sacred then truth ? yet even that is dispensed with , when it is evident the contrary is for the good of those to whom it is spoken , and no prejudice to any other person , as in the case of melancholly and sick persons , and children , or such like instances if untruths were forbid , not because they were injuries , but barely because they are untruths , all parables , fables and novels would be unlawful . what can be more unjust than to take away the life of an innocent person ? yet if it be for the publick good , it is so far from being unjust , that it is a duty in those that have the publick administration of affairs to do it . and all governments act no other ways when by force they compel innocent persons to the wars where it is unavoidable , but that great numbers must be slain : tho it seldom happens to be for the good of a society that an innocent person should suffer , yet the only thing that government looks after in punishing , is the common good , and it may justly cause an innocent person to suffer , if it be for the general good ; because the lesser ( the particalar ) which is then considered sub ratione mali , must give place to the greater , the general good . not only the publick , but a private person has a right to take away the life of an innocent person , if he cannot otherwise preserve his own . and most casuists are of opinion , that a man ( if parting with his life should happen to be beneficial to the publick ) ought , as codr●s did , freely to lay it down ; but they all agree , that a man ought to part with any thing that is less than life , or not endeavour to recover what he has been deprived of , if he cannot do it without detriment to the publick , much less ought any to assist him in the recovery . in short , there is no law that wholly relates to man , but ceaseth to oblige , if upon the infinite variety of circumstances which attend human affairs , it happens to be contrary to the good of man. but in things of a higher nature , and which are moral in themselves , and relate to the worship and honour of god , it is not lawful upon pretence of temporal interest , to dispense with any of those duties , because it is not lawful to do evil that good may come ; and the temporal good , which is the less , ought to give place to the greater the eternal : though even in these cases , things which relate to god's worship , if merely positive , must yield to the good of particular men , because they are ( as christ speaks of the sabbath ) made for man , and not man for them . but in things designed for the temporal interest of mankind , the standard of good and evil ▪ is the publick good , and things are commanded or forbidden , as they are either good or hurtful to mankind , and what in some circumstances may be a duty , in others , if it prove inconsistent with the publick good , would be a sin , and the contrary a duty ; and then acting for the publick good , would not be doing evil that good might come of it , but by the circumstances altering the case , it would cease to be evil. the design , end , and intent of all god's laws , is the worship or reverence that is due to the deity , and the love that is due to man. the love of god and ones neighbour , our saviour saith , are the two grand commandments , on which hang all the law and the prophets , ( and in a much more eminent manner does the gospel , whose precepts , as they teach the mutual duty of man towards man , are nothing but love and charity ) ▪ so that it is evident , that no doctrine can be true that is in the least inconsistent with these two commandments , the love of god and of ones neighbour : but how can he be said to love his neighbour , ( which is an indefinite word , and carryeth the sence of an universal ) who will have vast numbers sacrificed to the interest of a single person ? or how can it be presumed , that god , who has declared he is no respecter of persons , and has made all men by nature equal , should act so inconsistently with himself , as to require that great numbers should lose their lives , and be exposed to all manner of misery , for so inconsiderable a trifle , as the advancing a single person to a post , which is attended with as great cares and troubles , as honours and riches ; or that he should prescribe about government ( which could have no other ground for its institution but the good of the society ) i say , that he should prescribe such rules , as in most revolutions must tend to their ruin and confusion ? chap. v. of the law of nations . upon this foundation of the general good of societies , have certain rules and customs been observed by nations in their intercourse with one another , which are called the law of nations ( without which no correspondence either in peace or war could be maintained ) which only by tacite consent , and general practice of nations , upon the account of their evident utility , and common profit , have obtained the force of laws , and are looked on as sacred . the supreme powers , neither by themselves , nor representatives , ever met , or enacted such laws , nor have other nations power to oblige any sovereign independant state , which cannot be bound to observe these customs , or practices , but as they tend to the general good and advantage of all societies . every nation is at liberty to appoint what government , laws , &c. or manage its own affairs within its self , as it thinks best . the laws of nations relate only to their commerce , and correspondence one with another , and princes are no other way concerned by the law of nations with one another , but as they have the power of making peace or war , and all other leagues for those nations they rule . it is not at all material what right they have to this power , it is sufficient the nations then own them for their sovereigns , and have intrusted them with this power ; it would be an endless , as well as useless task , for ambassadors before their admission , to prove the just right their masters have to those titles and powers they assume to themselves . all treaties , except they appear to be merely personal , though made with usurpers , will oblige legal princes , if they succeed , and so vice versa , and a league made with a nation , when under a king , will oblige that nation ( provided they continue free ) though the government should be changed to a commonwealth , because leagues are national , and made with princes only upon the account of the nations they are representatives of . but when they lose this power , and the nations are no longer concerned in their acts , they lose all manner of right that did belong to them by the law of nations ; because these privileges are ( as grotius calls them ) bona regni , and did belong to them only as they were the publick persons , or representatives of their respective nations , which when they cease to be , they have no more right to them , then they had before they were these publick persons . but because the same intercourse between nations will always be necessary , which cannot be maintained , but with those who have the supreme power ; and they that have that power , must have a right to those privileges , upon the account of the nations they represent ; and the dispossessed princes , must with their kingdoms lose their right to them , because more than one at the same time , cannot have the same right for the same nation : and though some princes ( out of design , or hatred to their enemies ) may allow outed princes some of those privileges that belong only to those that have summum imperium , yet they have no right by the laws of nations to claim them , but they , as well as those that follow their broken fortunes , can be esteemed no other than subjects , during their stay , to those kings in whose dominions they abide ; where they are so far from having a power of making peace or war , or any other national contracts , that they cannot , without license first obtained from those princes in whose dominions they are , send any to treat with other princes , or receive any sent by them ; much less allow them those privileges which are due to persons of a publick character . and it would be unreasonable that sovereigns should be obliged to allow them , or any sent by them , those privileges , when they are incapable of returning the same . and with as little reason can any prince in anothers dominions pretend to grant commissions to private men of war , to disturb the trade and commerce of any nation , because he cannot claim in another prince's territories a power ( which can only belong to the sovereignty of those dominions ) to judge , condemn , or restore according to the maritime laws , the ships and goods which are taken by those that act by his commission . so that the privateers themselves would be their own judges , whether what they take was lawful prize , which in effect would be a power to rob whom they had a mind to . therefore by the law of nations , all who act by such a commission , are esteemed as pirates . chap. vi. of the obligation of human laws . all writers allow , that the leagues and contracts which princes make with one another , do oblige them to one another , no longer then they are in possession of their kingdoms , because the sole reasons of making these leagues , were upon the power each kingdom had to afford mutual assistance and benefit to one another ; and if this be a constant practice with kings , that their treaties oblige them no longer than when each king has possession of his kingdom ; why will they not allow the same reason to hold for subjects , that they should be free from all obligations to princes , when they no longer receive any protection from them ? seeing that was the only ground and sole cause of their paying them allegiance ; and in truth they cannot be any longer obliged , then the reason for obliging them holds : for why should people be obliged , when there is no reason they should be so ? no laws can bind any longer , than the reason for enacting them holds good ; and when the sole reason that made them laws , ceaseth , the laws themselves must so too ; much more must any particular law be null and void , when not only the reason of keeping it ceaseth , but the keeping it does thwart the general intent and design of all laws , which is the good and happiness of the societies ; to which all laws are but means ; and there is no reason that the means should oblige , when the end for whose sake the means were ordained cannot be obtained by those means , much less when they become destructive of the sole end for which they were ordained . if there were a law that ships should sail on such aside of the channel , and the sole reason , whether expressed or not , were for avoiding the dangerous sands that were on the other side ; if the sands should chance to be removed to the safe side of the channel , the pilot would be so far from being bound upon the account of that law , to run his ship upon the sands , that he would break the law if he kept to the letter of it , and would observe the law by going contrary to the letter : so again , if a law that required obedience to one particular person , should happen to be destructive of the publick good , and of fatal consequence to the community , the letter of the law would oblige no more in one case than in the other ; nay , the reason of not observing the last would be stronger upon the account of the disproportion of the number : but the true meaning and intent of the law would in one case as well as the other , oblige people to act contrary to the letter of the law ; and people would be as much bound to pay obedience , where it would be for the publick good , as in the other case , the ship would be to sail on the safe side of the channel . the occasion of not a few mistakes in this important controversie , ariseth from mens judging by the same rules , ( tho the reasons are extremely different ) in cases which concern the supreme powers , as they do in those which relate to private persons . in cases between private persons , there is a superior to decide all controversies , and to do right and justice ; for which end he was made their superior : so that if any one by fraud or violence possesseth himself of another's right , the law is open , and redress may be had without any danger to the publick ; nay , the publick safety consists in having private mens wrongs redressed . but as to the supreme powers , whatever right or titles they have , people are obliged to submit to those in possession , because there is no superior court ( as in case of private persons ) to judge of their rights ; and possession , by all laws , gives a man a right , till he be legally dispossessed ; and if a man cannot be turned out by course of law , ( as it is evident he that is in possession of the government cannot ) , he ought still to enjoy what he possessed : for it is against the nature of all civil societies to appeal to the sword , to prevent which they were instituted : besides , force can never decide civil controversies , nor can the sword be a proper judge of wrong or right ; it can only determine who is the strongest , not who has the best cause ; and the pretended remedy would be infinitely worse than the disease ; for civil war , as long as it continueth , destroyeth all civil rights . if the next heir , whether brother or son , should get possession of the government by murdering his king , the people ( instead of giving him that punishment which by the law of nature , and god's positive law , is due to such crimes ) , are obliged to pay him obedience , to which he can have no other right but possession ; for whilst his king was alive , and in possession of the government , he could have no right ; and certainly an action so barbarous as murdering him that was ( suppose ) both his father and king , which is against all right , law , and justice , could never give him any right or just title , because it is against all conscience and reason , that a man should reap any advantage by an act so monstrously wicked ; and any law that should allow a man any benefit by so enormous a crime , would be as sinful it self : nor can a man in any other case reap any advantage by his own turpitude ; but here , because there is no superior to punish him , nor can obedience be refused him without injury to the publick , it is peoples duty , instead of punishing him , to pay him obedience . and certainly the same reason will hold for paying obedience to any that get possession of the government , since none can get it more unjustly . all legal rights must depend upon the laws , and all laws , for their authority , upon the government ; and when that government is at an end , all the laws that concern it must be so too , and can no more oblige than the english laws can in a foreign countrey ; because a power to put laws in execution ( whereby people are protected ) is essential to all laws , because it is essential to all government , on which the laws depend ; and without such a power no civil society , and by consequence no civil laws can subsist . no particular law can bind in those circumstances , where all laws would cease to bind ; and there is no reason that some laws should oblige , when all laws would have no obligation ; as they would not oblige if there were no power to put them in execution ; because men , when there is no power to restrain them from acting as they have a mind to , would be in the state of nature , and consequently without any laws but those of nature . without a coercive power , the laws become a dead letter , or at best but advice ; so that there can be no laws that can oblige people to act against the present powers , because by being against the present powers they cease to be laws . if a law that should oblige people not to pay obedience to the actual possessors of the throne , had they not a legal title to it , were not in its own nature null , or could subsist after that government to which it required obedience , was destroyed , it would be void upon account of its impiety ; because as long as the legal princes continue dispossessed , which might extend to some centuries , it would overturn all government , and all civil society , which are instituted for the good of mankind , and which nature hath qualified man for , by making him a sociable creature . can any man in his senses think , that a particular prince's interest can stand in competition with the very being of human societies , and the preservation and safety of the people ? is it not absurd to suppose , that legal rights that owe their being to civil societies , should oblige people to put an end to civil societies ; and that laws that are but the rules of government , should destroy government it self , or that human laws should be able to destroy the law of nature , or take away that natural right which people have to act for their own good and preservation , which is a right that is superior to all human laws , and for the sake of which all human laws were made . all human laws are made cum sensu humanae imbecillitatis ; nor do legislators themselves design they shall oblige in case of great and pressing inconveniences , but allow that a moral necessity does destroy the vertue and force of them . the good and interest of the people , is the supreme law , to which the rights and titles of princes must submit ; and where it is for the good of the nation that they should be governed by such a particular person , that person best and most legal right , because it is built upon the supreme and fundamental law of all societies . and whoever designedly breaks this most sacred law , may justly be accounted a rebel ; and as the crime would be greater in them than others , if they who are hired by travellers to protect them from robbers , should rob them themselves ; so if princes , who are intrusted by the people with power , in order to protect the society , should make use of that power to the detriment of the society , the crime in them would be so much the greater , by how much more they are obliged to act otherwise . chap. vii . objections answered . object . upon supposition that the good of the society is the grand vltimate law , yet these principles , which require obedience to the possessor , cannot be true , because they are against the peace and happiness of nations , by encouraging rebellion against all princes , in obliging people to pay the same allegiance , even to those that unjustly depose them . answ. these principles are so far from being destructive to the peace and quiet of nations , or encouraging rebellion against their governors , that they require obebience to all in possession , upon pain of damnation ; but if neither the fear of eternal punishment in the life to come , nor the severest that can be afflicted upon them in this , can secure people from rebelling , i must confess my ignorance , i know nothing that can . it is the duty of all subjects to do their utmost to defend the government ; that is but a just return , and what is due for its protecting and defending them : but if by the chance of war , or any other way , it should lose the power of protecting them , they are not obliged to have their throats cut , rather than pay allegiance to that government , by whose favour and protection they subsist , and enjoy what they have . and that prince is very unreasonable , and acts against the rules of humanity , as well as charity , who when he is able no longer to protect the people , would rather have them destroyed , then own that government that can . nothing can justify such an inhuman and barbarous opinion , except it can be proved that men entred into societies barely for the sake and interest of a single person ; and that if his pleasure or profit require it , millions of lives must be indispensably sacrificed . this is to place men in a worse condition than the beasts are ; if they are in conscience obliged to lose their lives to gratifie the unlimited pride , ambition , revenge , or interest of a single person . it is strange that any english-men , who are the freest nation in the world , should have such notions of themselves , that they are no other then the king's properties : though it is but reasonable that men who design to bring the most insupportable slavery on themselves , should qualifie themselves for it by notions and principles so much below the dignity of human nature . these principles are so far from being any ways prejudicial to mankind , that it is they alone which in all revolutions can secure human societies , and make governments easie and safe both to kings and subjects ▪ by putting an end to those otherwise endless disputes of titles . and princes may without fears or jealousies mind the publick good , because it secureth them who are in possession against all pretences . the most that can be objected , is that a prince that has once lost his dominions , may by these principles chance to lose the hopes of ever recovering them again . a prince that is unjustly expelled , ought to acquiesce if he has no way of recovering his kingdom but by disturbing the peace and quiet of a nation ; he ought not to make use of such unlawful means for the recovery of his kingdom ; and certainly others can have no reason to act against the good of the community for his interest , when he himself is obliged not to act . the interest of a prince is only more sacred then another's , when that of the publick is involved in it , but when that is no longer concerned in his actions , he ceaseth to be the publick person , and is but upon equal terms with other private men , and ought as well as any other to acquiesce , rather than disturb the quiet or peace of a nation . and there is then the same reason for not endeavouring to restore him , as there was at first for not turning him out . all the ill consequences that can happen in this case , are that the less hopes princes have of being restored by such unlawful means , the more careful ( it 's hoped ) they will be in governing the commonwealth , and more afraid of arbitrary illegal practices . object . if all persons how unjustly soever they get a crown , have the same right ( their consent ) to the obedience of the people , then there can be no such thing as an vsurper . answ. he who without any just cause destroys the right that any prince hath to the allegiance of his subjects , by making him uncapable to protect them , and protects them himself , may be called an usurper : though the people by the former prince's losing his power to protect them , are reduced to the state of nature , and by consequence free from any allegiance , and may lawfully or rather are obliged ( every one else being out of a capacity to protect them ) to consent to be governed by him , who has the power to protect them , who being so chosen , has the only right a king can have , the consent of the people , who are as much obliged to obey him , as they are any king whatever . the former king is so far then from being their legal king , that he is no king at all , nor has any manner of right to their allegiance . it is true the usurper having done him an injury ought to make him satisfaction , and ( if he can without any damage to the publick ) ought to place him in that condition he was in before he made him uncapable to protect the people ; who then , for the sake of protection which they receive from him , are obliged to pay him obedience . the having a right to be restored by the usurper , is the only right a prince that is unjustly deprived of his regal office can pretend to . and when i speak of his legal right , i mean nothing but this by it ; amongst the jews , though none could have a legal right but one of their own nation , because they were obliged by god himself to chuse a king from amongst their brethren , and god afterward , chron. . . entail'd the crown upon the posterity of david , yet when these were disabled to protect the people by their being in the power of strangers , it was so far from being a crime , that it was their duty ( notwithstanding the divine legal right any of their brethren could pretend to ) to pay allegiance to them , though for the most part they were usurpers , having no just cause to conquer them . chap. viii . of conquest . if the supreme powers upon the suddenness of the attempt , or by any other reason become uncapable of defending or securing to them the lives and goods of their subjects , they are , as to those particular cases , in the state of nature , and by their own authority may justly take away the lives of any that assault them . there can be no reason why ( if in all other cases no protection can be had from those they have consented to be protected by ) they are not in the state of nature , and by consequence at liberty to pay allegiance to those who have a power to protect them . and this is consonant to the sence and practice of mankind ever since there has been government in the world , who when their former governors had lost the power of protecting them , thought themselves notwithstanding any tyes , oaths or laws that might be pretended to the contrary , free from any obligation as to them ; and because they could not subsist without government , they have always consented to pay them allegiance who had the power to protect them . and there are no nations in the world , but have seldomer , or oftener , practised it ; and this is , perhaps the foundation of all the governments which are now extant . and this practice does not only obtain as to whole nations , but even to less places ; as to towns , and castles , which never scruple to pay allegiance to their new masters , though they change them more than once in a campaign . i wonder what powerful reasons ( never before discover'd to the world , and for ought i can see by their writings , still undiscovered ) have now obliged private persons to deviate from the universal practice of mankind , in refusing to pay allegiance to the present government , which alone has the power to protect them . the answer to this is , that conquest gives the prevailing powers a right , and that people submit to them as to conquerors ; but the english are no conquered nation , which ( though it is nothing to the purpose , as i shall immediatly shew ) is , i confess , a great truth . the king was so far from invading and conquering the nation , that it was to secure their rights and priviledges , that he exposed his sacred person to such dangers : but according to their own principles , one of these two they must grant ( for there is no medium ) , that the late king either freely parted with his government , and if so , there can be no manner of pretence for paying him allegiance ; or that he was driven out by a superior force , which in other terms is being conquered : so that then ( according to these principles ) his present majesty must have a right to whatever king james possessed . conquest in it self , and barely considered , can give no manner of right ; for what obligation can lye on a nation to pay obedience to any one for battering down their towns , killing their inhabitants , destroying their countrey ; and in short , for doing all manner of outrages ? must a nation , as a grateful return for these kindnesses , be obliged to pay him all manner of obedience ? can any man in his senses think these injuries can give the actor of them a title to peoples obedience ? or that mere force can give a right ? for then every one that was stronger than another would have a right to govern him . conquest , by destroying the power the former king had to protect his subjects , sets them at liberty from any obligation they owed him ; because they owed none to him , but upon the account of being protected by him : the conqueror does not by this get a right to their allegiance , because to free people from the power of another , and to have a right to command them himself , are different things . they being once free from government , and by consequence in the state of nature , nothing can give the conqueror right to their allegiance , but their own consent . by which it appears , that mankind hath been often in the state of nature ; and considering the often changes , and revolutions , there could be few , or no legal governments in the world , if in such circumstances , all ties to their former governors were not absolutely dissolved . but here it may be objected , that their consent was not voluntary , but forced ; and therefore could not ob●ige them , or give the conquerors a right . the conquered may in a sense be said to be forced to what they did , because they are bound by a moral necessity to act for their own preservation , and happiness ; and for that reason they were obliged to leave the state of nature , and be governed by him that had the power to protect them ; none are forced to be protected against their own wills , they by the former government 's dissolution , were reduced to a state of nature , and if the prince under whose power they are , will not afford them his protection , they would still remain in that state ; but they by claiming civil rights , ( which they can only enjoy by his governing them ) and referring their common differences to be decided , and their grievances to be redressed by him , or those that act by his authority , have put themselves out of the state of nature , and have freely owned his government by their actions , which were voluntary , for they were not forced to have recourse to him for protection in their natural rights , or obliged to claim any civil ones ; and this is looked upon by mankind as a free and voluntary consent , the most part of whom have no otherways than by their actions owned any government . though their consent was obtained by forcible means , yet that would not destroy the validity of it : it is true , in a civil society , all contracts obtained by force are void , but then the force ought to be proved , for the presumption is against it , and judges declare for a validity of a contract , if the forcible means which were used to obtain it , are not proved . but between independent nations , where force on one side is lawful ; where there is no superior judge to determin the differences , or to judge whether force were justly imposed , both sides either thinking or pretending they are in the right , all leagues and covenants , by whatever forcible means obtained , are valid , and the good of mankind ( which is a sufficient reason ) does require it should be so , otherwise wars would be perpetual , or not to be ended but by the utter ruin of the weaker , or conquered party ; because there could be no manner of agreement , or peace between them , if they had a liberty , under pretence of force , of breaking their promises whenever they had an opportunity . in all such cases it is lawful to promise , there being no superior ( as amongst private persons ) to take from them the liberty of making such contracts ; and the good of mankind does oblige people to fulfil those lawful promises . they cannot properly be said to be forced to promise , because it was in their power to avoid promising : nor is their consent conditional but absolute , and it is their greater good ( either presumed , or real ) that obliges them to make such contracts . for the same reason all prisoners of war are obliged to stand to their paroles , and to pay whatever they promise for their liberties . the reason is the same for paying allegiance to the new government , whether by a just or unjust way the old one was dissolved ; and mankind have all along equally submitted to conquerors , whether the cause of conquest were just or not : as few conquerors have had a just cause for all the mischiefs they have done . the reason for submission is not how one man gets others into his power , or whether he had a just cause of destroying the former prince's power , but whether they consent to be governed by him after they are in his power . it is for their own sake , and not for his , that they submit to his government : they may act against their own good in not submitting to the conqueror , but they deny him no right if they do not submit : it is not the conquest it self , let it be never so just , but the after-consent that makes them subjects . a just cause of war may make it no injustice to dethrone a king , becanse he gave sufficient provocation ; but how can one prince's injuring another , absolve subjects of their oaths of allegiance ? and give the injured prince a right to command them ; who , if he hath any right besides their consent , when he has put them into a capacity to consent , must have it before the conquest ; for mere force cannot give or take away a right , it can only put him in possession of his right ; and if he had any right to their allegiance before conquest , i cannot see but that in conscience they were bound to transfer their allegiance , and join with him against their former prince , who by giving a just cause of war had forfeited his crown . though the nation be not conquered , yet no reason can be urged for submitting to conquerors , but what will hold as strongly for paying allegiance to the present government . has not the late king as much lost his power to protect the people , as if he had been driven out by conquest ? is it not the present government alone that makes the people a civil society ? is it not by it that they are protected in their natural rights , or can claim any legal ones ? which are the only reasons which oblige people to submit to conquerors . and are not they that endeavour to disturb it , as much within the power and reach of the government , as if they were conquered ? and has not the king and parliament as absolute a power as any conqueror ? the only difference is , that without feeling any of those fatal miseries which attend conquest , they enjoy the protection of the government , and owe their preservation to it ; and the nation instead of losing any of their rights and liberties , enjoy greater , and are secured from the worst of slaveries , which otherwise they had inevitably fallen into : so that they have infinitely stronger obligations to pay allegiance , than if they had been conquered ; to which their zeal and loyalty ought to be proportionable . chap. ix . of possession . all writers , i think , allow , that after a possession of a long continuance , ( though they extreamly differ how much time is necessary ) a right does accrue to the possessor , though there are some of the right line still in being . if it be unjust to pay the first possessor obedience , i cannot see how a long possession can alter the case . a continuance in an injustice may make the injustice greater , but not alter the nature of things , and make the greatest wrong to be right . though all things are done in time , yet time it self operates nothing . this mistake ( as a great many others are ) is occasioned by the parallel men draw between private persons ( who are tyed up by laws that are enacted by the supreme powers ) and the supreme powers themselves . by the laws of most nations , if private men neglect to make a legal demand of their rights in a certain time appointed by the laws , they lose them , and a right does accrue to the possessor ; but this depends upon a law enacted by the supreme powers , who have a right to dispose of private estates as they judge best for the publick good ; whose laws can oblige none but their own subjects . but what authority have the subjects , or the possessor to dispose of the legal prince's rights ? besides , it might justly be imputed to a private man 's own neglect , if , when the law is open , he does not recover his right : it may well be presumed he hath relinquished it . but that cannot be said of a prince who has no court of justice to appeal to , or any other likely way to recover his right , yet by bearing the arms and title , and by other ways still asserts his right . how numerous are the instances of princes possessed of territories belonging to others , and who have been so for a great many years ? yet none dare affirm the subjects that pay them allegiance , are , and have been all along traitors : to give but one instance amongst hundreds ; the kings of england have a right to the kingdom of france , and have constantly claimed it by causing themselves to be stiled kings of france , and by bearing the arms of that crown ; yet none will condemn the french as traitors , who have all along paid allegiance to the french kings . but if the kings of england by tract of time have lost their right to the obedience of the french , and before that time it was treason for those of that nation to pay allegiance to the french kings , i should be glad to know what month , or year , it ceased to be treason ; for it is a thing of mighty consequence to know how long it is treason to obey a king in possession , and when it becomes treason not to obey him . in short , if a king can have a right to a countrey , and it be no crime in those of that countrey not to pay him allegiance , it demonstrateth that allegiance is not annexed to the title , but that it is due to the person that does protect them . object . though time does not give a right , yet the acts , or the no acts , that is , the omission of some , may in time amount to a resignation of the right of the legal prince to the vsurpers . answ. i grant a man's mind may be expressed by acts as well as words : yet it would be a very hard cafe to condemn all those of treason who have paid allegiance to the possessors , before they had sufficient grounds to believe the legal prince or his heirs had by their acts ( if such acts could destroy the right of the next of kin ) resigned their and their legal successors right to the usurper . in how few cases is there reason for such presumption ? if till then all people should be obliged to be destroyed rather than pay allegiance ; what a destruction would it make in the world ? would it not in most cases expose , at least the good and conscientious to certain ruin ? and others could notpreserve themselves without a sin , whose reward is damnation . long possession is not at all necessary to justifie the peoples obedience ; for that very moment the people receive protection and defence from the new powers , they ought to pay them the same allegiance as if they had been in possession of the government a thousand years . the less time a nation has been setled , the more need it has of rest and peace , and the more dangerous would any violent revolution be . chap. x. of protection . by opposing those in possession of the present government , the ill affected act not only against the preservation and happiness of the nation , but are guilty of the basest and foulest ingratitude , by endeavouring to destroy those persons to whose protection they owe their preservation , and the safe enjoyment of what they have . who else secureth them from being stript and plundered of all they have , their wives and daughters ravished , and perhaps they and their whole families murthered ? what better usage could they expect , if they were left to the mercy of the rabble , or to the discretion of every one to use them as they pleased ? can any man in his conscience think he is obliged to destroy those persons from whom he receives such benefits ? is it not serpent-like to sting that bosom that warms them ? is this all the grateful returns they can make to the father of their countrey ? for if that command of honour thy father and mother extends to governors ; since they do not beget their subjects , it must be for protecting and defending them , that that title is due : therefore it can be due to none but those in possession , for none but they do protect and defend them . could they justly blame the government if it did not protect them , who make it their business to ruin it , when too without their being protected , they would quickly be reduced to a condition of not being able to give it the least disturbance ? what favour can they justly expect , when they not only disown the government , but think themselves obliged in conscience to make war upon the society that owns it ? nay , they are actually in the state of war , and only watch for an opportunity to fall on . what excuse can a government have for endangering the common-wealth by protecting those who are no part of it , but are professed enemies to it ? it is a cruel mercy to endanger a whole nation for the sake of its enemies . nay , why should they have more favour than foreign enemies ? it is so far from being an excuse , that it aggravates their crime , that it is to their own nation they are enemies , and that it is in their own countrey that they are endeavouring to raise a civil war. though they were still members of the body politick , yet , as a man is obliged to cut off any of his limbs to preserve the body natural , so the government is obliged to do the same for the body politick , if it be necessary for its preservation . it is frequently urged by the jacobites and their favourers , that what they do , is upon the account of conscience , and therefore they ought not to suffer for it ; which is but a sorry reason to hinder the government from taking all necessary means to preserve it self , and to prevent the ruin of the nation . but this argument looks very odly from them who were so zealous to persecute others about things , in which neither the honour of god , nor the good of the commonwealth were concerned . it is as absurd as sinful for any to persecute their brethren on pretence of religion , for things which they themselves own to be no part of religion , but merely in themselves indifferent . but to return , if they will not be thought enemies to the society , but part of it , ought they not to act equally with the rest , for the peace and quiet of it , and submit to the head , that rules and governs it ? how can they pretend to be members of the society , and consequently claim any civil rights by being so , without owning the actual government that makes them members of the society ? do they not , by disowning the government , renounce the benefit of the laws , ( which only can be put in execution by the government ) and out-law themselves ? how can they have any more right to the protection of the government , if they out law themselves , than if the government , by putting them out of its protection , had out-lawed them ? so that it is wholly by the favour of the government ( for they have no true pretence to them ) that they enjoy any legal rights . if they think they should be severely dealt with , if the government did not protect them , why do they not what is necessary to enable the government to protect them ? if they will the consequence , the protection of the government ; ought they not to will the antecedent , all that is necessary to it ? and if it be lawful to desire and to receive the advantages which flow from government ( which i suppose no jacobite will be so hardy as to deny ) why must not the means that are necessary to obtain these advantages , be so too ? how can they that are willing to be protected by any person , be unwilling ( except they desire contradictions ) that that person should have a power to govern them , because without such a power he cannot protect them ; and they that are willing to receive an universal protection , are presumed to be willing to pay all obedience that is necessary for that end ; which is an obedience as universal as the protection they expect . it is evident , that he that is willing to receive an universal protection from a government , is willing that the government should have a coercive power over all others , to restrain them from injuring him ; and that it should have sufficient authority to do justice , and oblige all people to pay obedience to the laws , when they are put in execution for his sake , because in it wholy consists his protection ; and he that is willing the government should have power over all other people upon his account , ought to be willing the government should have the same power over him , for the sake of others , except he would be the only man in the nation without government ; and is unwilling to do that himself , which he would have all others ( whatever their principles are ) to do . if the nonjurers do desire to be protected , and do actually receive the protection of the government , ( though at the same time they pretend it is against their consciences ) it is manifest they do own the government , and by their actions consent to submit to it ; and what force can a protestation have against their own acts ? do not the jacobites upon all occasions ●●y for protection to the government ? and apply themselves to those ministers , as legal officers , who act by no other authority than their majesties ? and have they not constant recourse to the courts , whose proceedings are in their majesties names and authority ? do not all writs run in their names , and do they not prosecute people in their majesties names as acting against the crown and dignity of our sovereign lord and lady king william and queen mary , &c. and do they not apply themselves to the king's ministers for the benefit of those very laws which are enacted by the present government , and by consequence own the authority that makes them ? how then can they own the ministers , and not own the authority by which they act ? and if the taking a commission from the king for the administration of publick justice , or in defence of the kingdom , be owning the authority of the king , why must not the complying with them , as such , be owning the authority by which they act ? but if they don't own the ministers to act by lawful authority , then they must confess their sentences are so many robberies and murthers , because they have no just authority for what they do , and they make themselves accessary , since it is at their request they commit them . is it not esteemed by all laws owning the authority of a court , to appeal to it ? is it not owning the pope's authority , to appeal to him , or any commissioned by him ? is it not by the law of nations , and an universal consent of mankind , an acknowledging a government , to receive protection from it ? do not all that go into a foreign prince's dominions , during their stay , by receiving the protection of the government , own themselves subject to it ( except ambassadors , over whom soveraigns have agreed to suspend the exercise of their right ) and are they not obliged equally with the natives , to pay allegiance ; and a ▪ like guilty of treason ; and so tried , if they attempt any thing against it ▪ and upon this head , all private attempts upon a prince in his own countrey , have been abhorred by all nations ; and those that designed any thing of this nature , have not been treated as just enemies , though in time of war ; because the presumption is , they enter as subjects into the dominions of that prince that protects them . if applying to a king , as such , for his protection , and receiving it , be not owning his authority , princes have but a small security for the obedience of the greatest numbers of their subjects , who have no otherwise obliged themselves to own their government , but by receiving protection from them . the denying , that addressing to a government for protection , and receiving it , is owning that government , layeth a mighty gap open to rebellion , by destroying the obligation of all allegiance , but what is built upon verbal promises ; so that men of those principles ought to be looked upon as enemies of all order and government . by examining what it is that gives government a right to the obedience of men , who are by nature free , it will the better appear what right the present government has to the allegiance of those it protects . the reason that is usually given , why people are obliged to obey any particular government , is ( no prince being so ridiculous as to pretend a right , as the first-born in a direct line from adam or noah ) because it was the intent of those who first formed the society , that such persons , and their successors ( if they made the government hereditary ) should have a right to govern the nation for ever . but how could they , whose authority with their being ceased so long since , oblige the consciences of those who were not then in being ? or how could any acts or compacts of their ancestors take away the natural liberty of those that were born so many years after , and who have the same right to freedom as they had ? or how could their compacts oblige those that are not descended from them , but come from other countries into the society , and make it a sin in them not to obey the present governors of any society , upon whose authority alone , and not upon the founders of the society , depends the validity of all former laws , which can only bind , because it is the will of the present powers they should ; otherwise no laws could be repealed , if their very being did not depend upon the pleasure of the present supream powers , who design they shall oblige , until they declare the contrary . others say , that being born in a countrey , makes one a subject for all his life to the government of that countrey ; but why should being in a countrey , by being born in it , make one become a subject , more than being in the same countrey at another time . besides , common experience shews this to be false , because whoever is born in a countrey where his parents are foreigners , may , as it is allowed by all , leave that countrey when he pleaseth . but perhaps it may be said , he is a subject to that prince where his parents were born . what if they were born under the same circumstances ? or suppose his parents are of different countreys , as if a dutch woman and an english man have a child in france ; since france does not pretend to him , which of the nations can claim him for their subject ? or must he be divided ? so that the difficulty still remains , how people come to be obliged to obey any particular government ? which i think can only thus be solved . every person , though he be born free , yet he is for the sake of his own safety , obliged to part with his liberty , and put himself under the protection of government . nor can he be secure in what he enjoys but by it . nor can he have a right in a countrey ( that is already possest ) to any thing , but by owning the government of that countrey . and by pretending to the priviledges the rest of the society enjoy , he has owned himself a member of the society , and a subject of the government of it . and this is the only way that any ( except by verbal promises ) consent to become subject to government . the consent of particular persons being separately and singly given , unthinking people take little notice of it , and suppose they are as naturally subjects , as men ; and consequently , that they have no more right to free themselves from their subjection , than from their human nature ; nay , must suffer themselves to be destroyed rather than endeavour it . but it may be objected , if a man is no-ways bound to a government , but by his own consent , and if the acts of his ancestors no way oblige him , he is not bound to stand to their divisions of the lands , but he may , pro virili , put in for a share , as he might , when all things were in common . ans. if it would be injustice in any one to go into a foreign countrey , to the laws of which he is not bound , and seize any land in it , on pretence that the divisions of the land were formerly made by people whose acts could not oblige him , and therefore he had as just a right as any of the inhabitants , to a share in the land ; if this were injustice in him , why would it not be so in one that is born in that countrey ? what right can he , that comes from no other place , but from nothing , pretend to , more than he that first came from another countrey . if a countrey be wholly possessed , and occupied , ( which by the law of nature , antecedent to all human laws , gives a right ) by being improved and cultivated by the labour and industry of the inhabitants , who are so very numerous , that the land does not produce without vast labour , sufficient to maintain them , what right can any that comes into this countrey , either by being born in it , or any other way , have to their labour , by usurping any part of this land , which was long since possessed , and divided amongst the the inhabitants , who having a full power over their own properties , might subject them to what laws they pleased , ( and which the legislative power may still continue ) and permit none to have a right to them , or enjoy any advantages by them , or so much as to be in the countrey without owning the government of it ? and it is highly reasonable that no government should suffer any to remain in its dominions , who will not own its authority , or be subject to the laws of the countrey . if it were unjust , before lands were divided , to have robbed any one of the fruits of the earth , that he by gathering had made his property , why should it not be as much injustice to seize upon that land , which is now as much another's property , as the gathered fruits were then ? but i shall speak no more upon this subject , because it is , in his essay of government , so fully handled by that wonderfully ingenious , and judicious author , whose works of all sorts one cannot enough commend . whatever society people chance to be members of , whether it be their native , or any other , they are , during their stay , equally obliged , for the sake of the protection they receive , to pay allegiance to the governors of that society . it is not material , whether they enjoy properties for their lives , years , weeks , or days , the greatest part of the natives have no more properties , or enjoy no greater advantages by the government , than foreigners , yet they are obliged to pay the same allegiance the rest of the society do . but here it may be objected , that there is a natural allegiance due to the governors of the first society men are of , ( which cannot be due to any other ) without whose consent they cannot leave the society , and when abroad , are obliged , when they command them , to return . man being born free , ( that distinction of legal and natural allegiance being wholly groundless ) is still master of all that liberty he has not parted with ; and if the laws of the first society , to which he has consented , by being a member of it , have not obliged him not to leave the society without the consent of the governor , he is at liberty to transport himself into what countrey he pleaseth , and to stay in it as long as he pleaseth . it is for the interest of mankind that they should not be debarred the liberty of living where it is most for their interest ; and because nations could not maintain any trade or commerce one with another , if people that went from one countrey to another , had not a power to return when they had a mind to it ; that liberty , by the law of nations , is equally allowed to all : they , it is true , who have left a countrey , whether it was that they were born in , or any other , yet as long as they enjoy any property in it , are obliged , if they intend to save their property , to leave all other countreys , when commanded . men oftner having properties in their native , than in any other countrey , has given occasion to some to conclude , that there was a natural obligation on them to return , when commanded : but there can be no reason assigned from nature , why more allegiance should be due to the governors of that countrey in which they were born , than to the governors of that countrey they afterwards voluntarily go into ; where for the protection they receive , they are obliged to pay the same allegiance as they did when they were in their native countrey . and if a foreign prince should get the power of protecting them in their native countrey , they would be obliged to pay him the same allegiance , as they did when they were under his protection in another countrey : because in each countrey the protection is the same . though they that reside in a foreign society , are equally subject with the natives , to the laws of it ; and by opposing the government , would be equally guilty of treason ; yet if during their stay , any alteration happens in the government , contrary to the laws , they never scruple to pay allegiance to him that gets possession of the government , though his title be never so illegal . i see no reason why they should not do the same in their first society , since whatever society they are in , during their stay , they are equally obliged to obey the laws of that society . are not these reasons as strong for paying allegiance to the present government ? can any man enjoy the priviledges of the society , without being a member of the society ? or can any one be a member of a society , without owning the head of it , or paying their allegiance to him ? or is there any other head that rules and governs the members , but the present king ? is it not by his authority , that the members of the society receive an universal protection , as to their lives , liberties and estates , under whose government they are , or else they are under none , but in the state of nature ? and there is no reason , or law , to oblige people to remain in a state so inconsistent with their happiness . and it would be injustice for any to remain in that state , because they would be their own judges in all the disputes they had with others , who were willing to refer their differences to a standing impartial judge ; nor have any been guilty of it , but all , not excepting the jacobites , by making use of the protection of the government , have left the state of nature , and have owned themselves subject to it . after this , what pretence can any member of the society have of refusing to pay their allegiance to a king , whom they have all along by their actions owned , and by whom they have been secured from groaning under the worst of slaveries , which had been to them the more intolerable , because of the great liberty and freedom they before enjoyed ; so that all the reasons that can well be imagined to oblige people firmly and intirely to any sovereign , do all conspire to tie them up in the strongest bonds of allegiance and fidelity to the present king and queen . by what hath been said , i think it is evident , how absolutely necessary it is for the good of mankind to submit to those persons that are capable of protecting them , and that applying to them for protection , is acknowledging their government , and authority , and that the jacobites , in using the protection of the government , and at the same time opposing it , as far as they dare , act basely , treacherously , ungratefully and inconsistently . but they that oppose the government , after they have sworn to be true to it , break all tyes both sacred and civil ; for if neither their oaths , nor the good of the society they pretend to be members of , nor the duty they owe the government for protecting them , can oblige them ; no bonds whatever ( for these are the most inviolable ) can hold them : how can any prince , or private person , trust them , since they have destroyed all manner of security , trust , and confidence men have in one another ? all the answer to this is ( i mean of the non-swearers , for the others are not capable of giving any ) that they act upon the presumed consent of the outed prince , who ( they suppose ) is willing , that they should obey the present government in all things which are for the good of the society , and their own preservation , provided it be not contrary to his interest . which answer is not at all to the purpose , because it supposeth they are still obliged to disturb the publick peace , and raise civil commotions for his interest , and notto own the present government , though it should be absolutely necessary for their preservation . can any civil society be preserved , if private men are obliged not to obey those that actually govern it , except they think it for the interest of a person who is a declared enemy to the society ? and when every thing that tends to the support and advantage of the society , because it makes the present government more potent , must be against his interest ? what if the late king has no other way to regain his throne but by the ruin and confusion of the nation ? must the jacobites assist him in ruining the nation ? as it is plain by their principles they are obliged to do ; for if once they think that they are obliged to act against the good of the society by raising a civil war , it is certain there is no mischief , provided it be for his interest , that they ought to stop at . and it is plain by their rejoycing at any publick calamity that happens to the nation , that they are ready if they thought it at present for his interest , to fire all the towns in england , or act any more horrid villany . but if they disown these principles , and say they are obliged to act for the preservation and good of the community contrary to his interest and consent , then they are obliged to obey the present government , because that is for the good of the community , and for the safety of particular persons , who if they have the late king's consent to do such acts as necessarily infer the owning the authority of the government , they have his consent to own and obey the government . and then according to their own principles , they can have no pretence of denying allegiance to it . if such acts do not amount to an owning the authority of the government , then most people never owned the late king's authority , because they owned it no other way then by receiving protection from him . it is strange that not only those that receive protection from the government , but even those that have thrust themselves into places of the greatest trust , and consequently have the greatest obligation to bear true allegiance to their majesties , should own they have no right to it ; and the greatest compliment they can give them , is , that they are king and queen de facto ; which in other words is calling them usurpers ; and is , even whilst they are their servants , owning themselves subjects of the late king. men of such principles cannot accept of places of trust , but for verybase ends ; for they must either design to act against their consciences in acting against the interest of him they esteem their lawful and rightful king , or else they must design to betray their trust in acting for his interest ; which , when it is their own interest too , and they may have what price they demand for betraying their trust , there can be no doubt but they will endeavour to serve him who they think has the right title to their allegiance . the fatal consequences that have happened to the nation upon trusting men of those principles , have too well demonstrated the truth of it . but to return , if doing all those acts the male-contents do in order to the securing their persons and properties , be not owning themselves subjects of the government , there was no reason for mankind to have submitted to , and owned any government ; since according to their principles they could have all manner of protection and defence without any government ; because they ( as they pretend ) enjoy protection from the government without owning its authority over them , or any duty in them to obey . chap. xi . of oaths of fidelity . perhaps it will be said , tho upon supposition that there is no reason why people should pay allegiance any longer than they are protected , yet if they have otherwise tyed themselves by their oaths , they are in conscience obliged by those oaths . but i answer , such oaths ( if ever such were imposed ) would be so far from binding , that they would be null upon the account of the sinfulness of them , as being directly against the good of human societies . in all promises and all oaths concerning things that are not moral , this tacite condition is always included , of their not being , or upon alteration of the circumstances becoming contrary to the publick good ; and this is without all doubt to be observed about government , because it was instituted for no other reason but for the publick good. oaths do not alter the nature of allegiance , or make it due where it was not before , or any ways extend it , but only add a new tye to pay that allegiance which is due upon the account of protection ; he that lives under a government , though he has not sworn to it , owes it the same allegiance as he that has ; and if he should deny his allegiance to it , would be equally guilty of treason , though not of perjury . it is evident by the universal practice of mankind , that no subjects ever thought themselves obliged by their oaths of fidelity , which governments have constantly imposed on them , when they ceased to be protected by them . the legislative power , especially where the people have a share in it , are presumed to recede as little as possible from natural equity , and to design by imposing such oaths , the good and preservation of the society ; whose interest it is , that they that have the publick administration of affairs should not be disturbed . but it is not at all material whether this or that man , provided they are well managed , has the direction of them : nor can it without the greatest absurdity be supposed , that such numbers of men as societies are composed of , who are by nature equal , should oblige themselves by the most solemn tyes to become most miserable , by living without protection ; nay , to lose even their lives rather than own the government that can protect them , for no other reason , but barely an extraordinary fondness to one of their number , to give him , not the necessaries or real conveniences of life , but only an office ( for government is no other ) which is but an imaginary happiness ; for if government were a real happiness to the persons that possess it , several upon their parting with it would not have found themselves happier then before . that people should be true to those that have the administration of civil affairs , is all that oaths of fidelity require : and it is evident by the words of it , that the late oath of allegiance required no more , and to extend it further then the king in possession , is not reconcileable with the reason , end , and design of paying obedience ; which is the peace aud happiness of the society , which can never be maintained if people may , for the sake of a single person , disturb him that has the administration of their common affairs ; and it would require impossibilities , because a private person is incapable of paying allegiance to a king when out of possession of the government . chap. xii . of the act of parliament of the of hen. . besides no act of parliament ought to be so interpreted , as by bare implication to destroy a former act , as such an interpretation would the eleventh of hen. . chap. . a law still in force , which does declare , it is against all law , reason , and conscience , that subjects , &c. any thing should lose or forfeit for doing their duty and service of allegiance . be it enacted , &c. that no person that attends upon the king and sovereign lord for the time being , and does him true and faithful service of allegiance , &c. shall not any-wise be molested . what can be plainer then that it is the duty of every subject to bear true saith and allegiance to the king in being ? and to encourage them in their duty , the laws does secure them from any manner of molestation for the time to come , and declares it against all law , reason , and conscience that any should suffer upon that account . the people would be in a most miserable condition , should they be in danger of being hang'd for not obeying the king in being , or for obeying him , to be punished by the succeeding kings as traitors . the endless quarrels , almost to the utter ruin of the nation , between the houses of york and lancaster , made the necessity of such a law very evident : tho this then was no new law but only declarative of the ancient law ( for they supposed it before to be against all law , as well as reason and conscience , that , &c. ) by which law it is plain , that a king in possession has the same right to the peoples allegiance , as any king whatever ; because no king has any other then a legal right to the peoples obedience , which this law declareth is the right of all that are in possession of the government . and accordingly it has been the opinion of the lawyers , that treason cannot be committed but against a king in possession , and there can be no treason committed but against him to whom allegiance is due ; and acts of parliament made in the reigns of such kings ( though not confirmed by succeeding kings ) are valid , and oblige the subjects , as much as those made by such as are usually call'd legal kings . but it may be objected , that if they who were instrumental in a rebellion , may not endeavour to restore their legal prince , they put themselves out of a possibility of making restitution . answ. those that unjustly deprive a king of his crown , ought no doubt to restore him ; but if another has got possession of the government , by what has been said , i think it is plain they ought to obey him . there can be no dispute , but they that were no way instrumental in the revolution , but did their duty in defending him in the possession of his crown , were free from any obligation as to him , when he had lost the power of protecting them ; and were bound for the sake of their own preservation to pay allegiance to him from whom they received protection , and obliged to defend him to the utmost ; but if the rest of the society who receive protection from him are obliged to oppose him , then the society must be divided , and of necessity run into civil wars , which is against the nature of civil societies , and inconsistent with the duty of self-preservation , which obligeth men not to expose their lives but to obtain a greater good than their lives , which can only be the publick good , not the single interest of any one person . they that were instrumental in raising a rebellion , were no doubt guilty of a very enormous crime , but that which made it so , was not barely the injury they committed against the prince ( to whom , if alone considered , the breach of a promise in refusing to pay obedience to him , could be no greater crime than a breach of a promise to another person ) but the fatal mischief & irreparable damage they did the commonwealth : and a new commotion , in all probability , would be more destructive ; and a nation by being so much weakned by the former , would be less able to bear a new war. it is a greater sin , if the persons themselves are only considered , to take away the life , of one man , than to deprive another of any worldly advantage ; it is only the publick that makes it otherwise , but the publick in both cases is equally concerned , and the consequences may be as fatal in disturbing the usurper's government , as that of a legal prince . that which makes the crime of rebellion of so deep a dye , is , because rebels put it out of their power to make reparation for all the misery and destruction a civil war creates ; nor is endeavouring to bring the same calamities upon a nation , a proper way to make them amends . if there be no other way to make reparation to their injured king , but by engaging the nation in civil wars , they ought not to attempt making him reparation by such unlawful ways . the not restoring a person to the crown that he is unjustly deprived of , can only be considered , when the publick is no longer concerned in his actions , and the affairs of the nation are managed by other hands , as an injury to a single person , and the greatness of the injury , is to be judged not by the value of the thing it self , but what he that is unjustly deprived of it , suffers by the loss of it . what is absolutely necessary for the subsistence of one person may be but superfluities to another ; and as the widows mites were greater charity than what the rich out of their abundance gave ; so the robbing her of them , because she could less spare them , would have been a greater injury , and consequently a greater sin , than robbing a rich man , that could better spare it , of a thousand times as much . tyrants , it is true , rob great numbers of the conveniences , and very often of the necessaries of life ; but usurpers only hinder single persons from enjoying , not the necessaries or conveniences of life , but superfluities , because all the necessaries , and even conveniences of life , can be had without a crown . yet the usurpers , without all dispute , if they can without any injury to the publick , ought to restore the government to those from whom they do unjustly wrest it ; but if they do not , subjects for the sake of government , to which sacred ordinance , obedience by god himself , as well as man is annexed , ought to submit . christ and his apostles make no distinction , but command obedience to all in possession , by annexing god's authority to the office of governing . chap. xiii . of proofs of scripture concerning obedience to those that actually administer government . christ in the directions he gave , mat. . to his disciples , and to the multitude about their behaviour to the scribes and pharisees , requires obedience to be paid them only upon the account of possession ; saying , the scribes and pharisees sit in moses's seat , all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and do : and gives no other reason for this great obedience in doing and observing whatever they command , but because they sat in moses's seat ; that is , were possessed of moses's authority , who in the theocracy was the chief magistrate . not that the scribes and pharisees had so great a power as moses , but as far as they did enjoy his seat , throne , and authority , so far they were to be obeyed : they were then the greatest , as well as chiefest part of the grand sanhedrin , which in all causes where the romans had left the jews to their liberty , had the supreme power both in civil and ecclesiastical matters . ( there were not in the jewish republick two distinct independant powers , one for civil , another for ecclesiastical causes ) . if the people were then obliged to pay so great obedience , barely upon the account of possession , why may not the same direction serve for a standing rule to the multitude in all times ? and not only to the inferiors , but even to the supreme magistrate himself christ requires obedience upon no other account but that of possession . if caesar be in possession of the empire , as it did appear by his coining of money and stamping his image upon it , that being a mark of sovereignty and empire , but not of any legal title to it ; then caesar is to have tribute and all other parts of allegiance paid him . and st. paul in express terms requires obedience to the powers that be , and declares there is no power but what is from god. the jews being influenced by the priests and pharisees , who because they were obliged by their law to place no stranger over them , scrupled to pay obedience to the roman emperors , because they were strangers and not capable of a legal right , not considering the law did not oblige them but when it was in their own choice , and not when they were under the power of the romans , to whom for the sake of protection they were obliged to pay obedience ; st. paul , to take away these scruples , assures them all powers are from god. if st. paul had only meant legal powers , since none but jews were capable of being such , he had confirmed the jews in their error . but the reason why st. paul obliges men to submit , will demonstrate that all actual rulers are meant and none but they , because they alone are a terror to evil works , and a praise to the good , none but the actual ruler is a minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath upon him that does evil , or a minister of god for good . what can more fully demonstrate that the reason of obedience is for the benefits men receive by government ? and what makes the crime of resisting them so great , is , because men oppose those by whom they receive so many advantages ? it is because they have the power of the sword ( which includeth all manner of punishment ) by which they secure and protect their subjects from all manner of injury and violence of ill men ; and being ministers of god for good , includeth all the good they receive both to their persons and properties ; for which cause you pay tribute also , for they are god's ministers continually attending upon this very thing . it is their dispensing these advantages to mankind , that makes them god's ministers and god's ordinance ( the scripture affirming those things that are necessary for the good of mankind to come from god , as plowing and sowing , isaiah . from verse the d . to the th . ) if it once be known ( as the discovery cannot be difficult ) who it is that beareth the sword , who administers justice , who rewards , and who punisheth ; if the apostle's word is to be taken , subjection is not only due to him for wrath , but for conscience-sake : and the same apostle exhorts , that prayers be made for kings , and all in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . these reasons can only concern those that have actual power and authority , by whose protection those that live under them may lead such lives ; and if it be our duty to pray that we may lead such lives , it must be our duty to enable them that have authority over us , to secure us in the enjoyment of a quiet and peaceable life . do the principles or practices of the jacobites suit with this doctrine ? who instead of praying for those in authority , make it their business by opposing them , to destroy not only our quiet and peace , and even all godliness and honesty too , by endeavouring to set up again a popish governor , and by consequence , to introduce a religion , whose principles are destructive of true godliness and honesty , as well as the peace and quiet of the professors of them . and st. peter for the same reason requires people to submit to the supream magistrate , whom he calls the ordinance of man ; so that it is plain , that god by approving this human ordinance , approves it as human , and requires obedience to it for the same reasons that men at first instituted it . and it is the power governors have to do good that makes them to be not only god's ordinance , and god's ministers , but even gods ; for since they are not gods by nature , ( tho by some peoples arguing one would suppose they though them such , or at least beings in themselves superior to the rest of mankind ) it must be for the protection they afford , that they are termed so ; who when they do no longer protect the people , cease to be a human ordinance , and then too they cease to be a divine one : and the same reasons that obliges people to submit to them , when they act for the good of the society , does as much oblige people to oppose them , if they design to ruin and destroy them . it cannot well be supposed , that god who has obliged mankind to preserve their lives , and consequently to use the means that are necessary for that end , should require people to suffer themselves to be destroyed , to gratify the lust , or barbarity of a single person , or a few ; who are by nature but their equals , and only above them by being in an office which they erected only for their convenience . obj. st. paul makes no manner of exception , but declareth , whosoever resists shall receive damnation . ans. the apostle requireth obedience to parents in all things ; so he requireth obedience to masters , husbands , pastors , without mentioning any exceptions ; so here the apostle ( which was sufficient for his purpose ) declareth all people ought to obey the supream powers , without mentioning this exception , which from the nature , end , and design of government , and even from those reasons which he gives for obedience , does necessarily flow . it cannot be presumed that christ gave authority to his apostles to make slaves of mankind , by giving the emperors a new power , who before by no law of god or nature had such a power over peoples lives . all the power the roman government had , was immediatly from the people ; who , as it is plain in history , by their mutual consent erected that commonwealth ; and what power the emperors had , was given them too by the people , who by the lex regia conferred it upon them . all that can be deduced from scripture , is , that obedience is due to those that protect the people ; and nothing can be plainet than those texts which require it : by which plain and ignorant people may know their duty , as well as the learned and wise . it would have been inconsistent with the goodness of god to have required obedience on the greatest penalties , and yet leave it so uncertain , as the jacobitish principles would render it , to whom obedience is to be paid . what can be more uncertain than generally titles are ? and are there not innumerable intricate difficulties , about long possession , presumed consent , a just cause for a total conquest , &c. if about these points the learned do so extreamly differ , as any one may perceive , that gives himself the trouble to examine what authors have writ upon it , who give good reasons for destroying one another's hypothesis , but none for confirming their own , but what are liable to equal exceptions ; what means or possibility have almost all mankind , the unlearned and common people , of knowing their duty ? but it may be objected , though the common people should be mistaken , invincible ignorance will excuse them . ans. not to dispute how far such ignorance will excuse them ; i am sure it is inconsistent with the infinite wisdom of god , to give such rules , as almost all mankind are utterly uncapable of understanding , or guiding their actions by . but whoever considereth these texts of scripture , will see the falseness of such impious reflections , and must admire the goodness of god in laying down rules so plain , that a well-meaning man cannot mistake them : but if men will be wiser than god himself , and not be content with those laws he prescribes them , but will invent new rules , and new ways ; or by following the tradition of the jewish priests , will disturb the peace and quiet of human societies , by opposing the powers that be : if by so doing they incur the severest punishments here , as well as eternal torments hereafter , with those damned ill-natured spirits , the grand enemies of mankind , who at first possessed men with these maxims so pernicious to human societies , they must thank themselves , and their too great subtilty . the primitive christians all along complied with the revolution of the empire , and whoever was in possession of it , without examing his title , paid him allegiance , and thought him invested with god's authority : and as the goths and vandals , and other barbarous nations on one hand , and the saracens , turks and persians on the other , without any just cause overturn'd the roman empire ; the christians were so far from disputing their titles , or refusing to transfer their allegiance to them , that they never scrupled to own their government . if these pharisaical notions had then been believed , or practised , those nations would have extirpated all the professors of christianity as enemies to government and order , instead of being converted to their religion , as most of the northern nations were . nor do the christians , that now live under the dominions of the infidels , vary from this primitive practice , or scruple to transfer their allegiance to any that gets possession of the sacred office of governing , tho the legal prince be still alive . did not the jews , though they were commanded by a divine law to take a king from amongst their brethren , and god himself had intailed the crown on the posterity of david , practice the same , as they fell under the power of the four great empires ? and did they not submit to alexander without endeavouring to oppose him , when darius , to whom they had sworn obedience , could no longer protect them ? i shall add but one instance more , and that shall be of david , who thought it not unlawful , when saul designed to take away his life , to transfer his allegiance , and fly to achish king of gath for protection , who made him keeper of his head , or captain of his guard ; and whilst he was under his protection , he thought it his duty to pay all manner of allegiance to him ; and ( tho contrary to his interest , and the hopes he had of being king after saul's death ) even to join with the uncircumcised to invade his own countrey , and to sight against the lord 's anointed , his late king and father-in-law ; and as appeareth by the sam. . . was much grieved , and humbly expostulateth with the king for not permitting him to attend him in the battel ; but what have i done ? or what hast thou found in thy servant , so long as i have been with thee until this day , that i may not go and fight against the enemies of my lord the king ? saul by designing to destroy david , had freed him from the allegiance he owed him ; for he that designs to destroy a person , cannot have a mind to govern that person he designs to destroy ; and if he will not govern him , he is free from his government , and at liberty to pay his allegiance where he thinks best . and if david expected from the king of gath an universal protection from all his enemies , he ought to pay the king an universal obedience . if a private person be free from the government that designs to destroy him , the argument will hold as strongly in behalf of a nation that is designed to be destroyed ; and whoever attempts it , does not only renounce the government of the nation , but puts himself in a state of war , and declares himself an utter enemy to them , who are as much obliged to resist him , as they are any other enemy . upon this head the jews , in the time of the maccabees , took up arms against their legal king antiochus , ( whom they all along acknowledged as such , and who was successor to alexander , who had the same right to their obedience as the persians or assyrians had , ) who was resolved to extirpate them if they would not turn idolaters . and it is manifest , that god by the miraculous assistance he gave them ( for what they did , must be imputed to more than human force ) did approve of their design . and the same reasons will justify any nation for opposing that prince , that does endeavour upon a religious , or any other account to destroy them . by what hath been said , i hope it is plain , that by the positive law of god , by the law of right reason , by the law of all nations , and the universal practice of mankind , and the express law of the land , obedience is due to the king who does actually govern the people ; and therefore to the present king and queen , though they did not enjoy the crown ( vacant by the late king's abdication ) by any legal right ; which right i think has been sufficiently demonstrated by those that have writ on that subject , at least to lawyers , and men that are competent judges in such points , of which a great many are no more competent judges , than they are of mathematical demonstrations , which are nevertheless demonstrations ; but none can be mistaken who they are that do actually govern the nation ; and if obedience for that reason be due to them , other inquiries are needless . therefore i shall only add , that nothing could be more just , more glorious , more meritorious , than the prince's coming over to rescue three nations from slavery and ruin , by obliging the late king ( which by all possible ties he was bound to ) to govern according to law : to which he was so averse , that he was resolved not to govern at all , if he could not govern arbitrarily ; which when he plainly saw he could not effect , he threw up the government : which , whatever force may be pretended , must be esteemed a voluntary action , because he might have prevented it by governing according to law ; according to that known axiom , involuntarium ex voluntario ortum habens moraliter pro voluntario habetur . the throne being actually vacant by his deserting it ; what reason could hinder the prince from accepting what was his right , when offered him by the convention of the states of the kingdom ? who , ( when the throne is actually vacant , and it is not clear whose right it is ) are , and have always been , the sole proper judges to determine to whom it belongs ; whose judgments must give a legal right , because all legal rights are held by no other tenure , than the decree of the supream judges . but supposing the king had no legal right , and that the convention were not legal judges ; yet if they were chosen by the nation , to determin , upon the late king 's leaving it , what was necessary to be done for the preservation of the nation , it being necessary that somewhat should be resolved on ; that necessity would give them a sufficient right to do whatever they found necessary for the preservation of the nation : because no nation can be brought to that condition , but it must have a right to act for its own safety ; which it cannot do , if it have not a right to appoint judges to determine what is to be done , and oblige particular persons to stand to their determinations . and the convention ought , if they thought it ( of which they were appointed the judges ) for the safety of the nation , wholly to exclude the late king. and why might they not , if they thought the nation could not be safe if he should return , be wholly against his return , as well as the jacobites themselves ( for there were none of another opinion then ) be against his return , but upon such terms , and conditions , as they thought necessary for the safety of the nation ? and the same necessity that will justify the late archbishop for consenting to put the soveraign administration of affairs into the prince's hands , will justify the convention for continuing it in the hands of the king , who alone could secure the nation ; and who had saved them before he ruled them , and to whom it was owing that they could call any thing ( even their lives ) their own . which , if it be not the best title to a crown , yet at least is the best title to peoples hearts and affections , when he is possest of it ; especially when the chief advantage he gains by it , is but to expose his sacred person for the security of the nation : and the enlarging his empire has only encreased his cares and concerns for the safety of those he governs : and all the satisfaction he reaps ( which to a god-like mind is the greatest ) is the power to oblige , and to do good . the nation is happy in having a king whom they can trust ; not only because his interest is the same with theirs , but because , as all the actions of his life have demonstrated , no consideration of his own could ever divert him from acting what was best for the cause he was engaged in ; and who is as famous for being true and just to his word , as his enemies are infamous for breaking their most sacred oaths , and solemn leagues . in a word , he is a prince that has the vertue , the fidelity , the integrity of cato , as well as the bravery , the courage , and conduct of caesar. never did the happiness of the best part of mankind depend more upon a single life , than now . nations of religions , and all things else , different , do unanimously agree in acknowledging him to be their chief support , the head , the heart , the hand of the confederacy ; and to him they confess that it is owing , that the chains that have been ready to setter europe , have been more than once broken . to be the preserver of europe , is a much more glorious title , than to be the conqu●●●● of it : to which may be added , the most excellent of all titles , the defender of the faith ; which ( tho others have claimed of course ) he best deserves ; since to him it is owing that the true faith is publickly professed any-where , and in these nations ( which is a blessing cannot be bought too dear ) without cruelty or persecution ; for a nation is constantly in a state of war within it self , where one party is persecuting and ruining another , about things which are in themselves indifferent , and no ways tend to promote the publick good. in short , there can be no advantage , but what the nation may justly expect from a king so zealous to promote their good , and so able to perform what he undertakes . chap. xiv . some considerations touching the present affairs . but it may be objected , how can the nation propose any happiness to themselves by this revolution , since by it they are at so great expences to maintain a war against so powerful an enemy ? answ. the more powerful the enemy is , the greater was the necessity of this revolution ; for if now the consederates are scarce an equal match for france , how easily would they have been over-run , if england ( which is the most favourable that could have been expected ) had stood neuter ? and when they had been subdued , what could have hindred the french king , being then so potent both by sea and land , from conquering this island ? what opposition could the militia , joyned with a few raw and unexperienced troops , ( for it is this war has made them otherwise ) tho headed by a commander of so invincible courage as the late king , make against his regular and numerous . troops ? but suppose the french king , who is so famous for keeping his royal word , would not have conquered england when he might ; what could have hindred the late king , assisted by france , from using this nation as his cruelty , covetousness , bigotry , or jesuits , could have inspired him ? the french king , had he been defective in so fundamental a point of religion , would have obliged him , as he did the duke of savoy , to have extirpated all the hereticks . england would have been perhaps by this time a rendezvouz of french and irish apostolick dragoons , or what is worse , a nest of priests and jesuits . and what milder usage can the nation expect , if the late king , who is under such obligation to france , and incensed by ( as he thinks ) ill treatment , should return ? ought not they , except they are ambitious of being roasted by a smithfield fire , or are in love with the manly exercise of rowing in the gallies , to do their utmost endeavour to stop the farther progress of france ? which only prevails because their armies are more numerous ? if there were more forces raised ( the nation is so far from wanting men , that it can spare about thirty thousand by easing the parishes of those idle people who are burthensom to them ) sufficient to equal those of the french ; there is no reason to doubt but the english would beat them , as they have always done , when the numbers have been any thing near equal , and force them to quit other places as shamefully as they did ireland . the misfortune is not , that we have now a war with france , but that it was so long delayed ; and whatever the nation now suffers , they wholly owe it to the two late kings , who instead of hindring , when they might , the growing greatness of france , did under-hand assist and contribute , as far as they durst , to increase the exorbitant power of that kingdom . though the charges of the war , it is true , are burthensome , yet they are common to almost all europe ; nor are they so great as some people represent them , since it does cause little or no alteration in peoples way of living ; the same excess in apparel , and every thing else , and the interest of money being as low as ever , ( at least it would be so , did not the king 's taking up such large sums at so great an interest , raise the interest of money even amongst others ) are a demonstration of its plenty : and the native commodities of the countrey bearing a much better price than formerly , chiefly by reason so much is taken up for the king's use upon account of the army or fleet , must more than repay the countrey for what it contributes to the war. the taxes themselves are not so much a burden , as the unequal way of raising them , and obliging people to pay so much money at one time ; which cannot well be prevented but by an excise , which would make them so easy , and so equal , that they would hardly be felt . but if they were more burthensome then they are , then paying of them for some time is absolutely necessary to preserve their all for ever . in the primitive times , the christians ( especially the clergy ) would 〈◊〉 dispose of their own , but even what was dedicated to pious uses , and sell the place that belonged to the altar to redeem a soul from slavery : why should they not be now as zealous to secure milions of souls , three nations , and their posterity , from a bondage both spiritual and temporal worse than egyptian ; or at least encourage people by their precept and example freely to contribute to a war upon which depends the safety of the church as well as state ▪ a war so holy , that if the cause alone could make them martyrs , all that dye in it are such . but to conclude , i hope , i have demonstrated , that it is the duty of all people to bear true faith and allegiance to the present government , by reasons and arguments which are as firm as government it self , and which will endure as long as it , because built upon the same foundation , the good of societies ; and which may serve for directions in all changes and revolutions , as well as for the justification of that happy one , which ( by the blessing of god upon his majesties heroick endeavours ) preserves us in the enjoyment of all our happiness both spiritual and temporal . finis . of government and obedience as they stand directed and determined by scripture and reason four books / by john hall of richmond. hall, john, of richmond. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) of government and obedience as they stand directed and determined by scripture and reason four books / by john hall of richmond. hall, john, of richmond. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng religion and law -- great britain. obedience -- biblical teaching. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of government and obedience , as they stand directed and determined by scripture and reason . four books . by john hall of richmond . london , printed by t. newcomb , for j. kirton , a. roper , g. bedell , and g. sawbridge , and are to be sold at their shops in st. pauls church-yard , ludgate-hil , and fleet-street , . the preface . to have undertaken a work of this nature , was once as little in my thoughts as ( the occasion of it ) , the sad distraction of my nation . but as they say of him that was born dumb , that he burst into speech against those he saw ready to murther his father ; even so , the past and feared desolations of my native country , come with such pressing horror upon my soul , that neither my general dumbness and insufficiency in all things else , nor the particular difficulty of this , can keep my natural affection in longer silence : that is , from endeavouring to warn posterity to avoid the like inconvenience for the future ; by discovery of both rise and cure of that which is introductive thereof ; namely , disrespect and contempt of the present soveraign power . for they shall finde it plain , that from the time that subjects shall be taught and permitted rudely to press within those secret vails of authority , which their wiser progenitors had set up for its support and defense , that , their ignorance not letting them see throughly the cause of these different respects given to superiors more then others , they shall ( like cham ) no sooner see , then despise their fathers nakedness . and as with them it fareth , that , through remoteness and want of reading , know of their king no otherwise then by report , ( as of someting of power , riches , &c. above that which is incident to ordinary men ) to apprehend him to be some other thing then man also , even so , when ambitious men , finding authority oppose them , have for the peoples engagement , laid open to publike view , that he is but as other men are , and it may be worse too , that this power and greatness he hath above the people , he had it but from them and for them ; they then begin to be so much ashamed of their old ignorance , and so much taken with this new insinuating lesson , that their industry and practise thereupon is not to be wondred at . and as themselves are now pleased with these schollies , as matters of high discovery , so each one is ready to stretch his fancy therein , and in a kinde of pride we all take to seem more wise then ordinary , these discourses are told and enlarged to his yet loyal neighbour , with no little glory of his new illumination . he looks on himself in his past ignorance , and on others not yet apprehensive of so much light , but as little children , admiring those babies which themselves had drest up . for he comes now to think all those prerogatives , ornaments , and ceremonies given to majesty , nay majesty it self , to be but a sort of pageantry and shew to please the ignorant sort with . and as bell and the dragon were sometimes made terrible , that , as in their names and right , others might be the more superstitiously cozened by those that attended them , so to no other end , ( as they suppose ) was all this obedience and expence by some polititians and courtiers called for , as of duty to this one , but that themselves , under colour of his name and authority , might make their private uses thereof . whenas , by these and the like practises , the sinews and foundation of government and authority shall be let loose and dissolved : and men once precipitated in a course of stubbornness and insubjection , all those usual arguments and discourses made of that respect which is to monarchy it self due , and how it was not an office and power of yesterdays devising , but had the confirmation of antiquity and law , or the like , will all of them , prove ineffectual to give a stop to these proceedings . even because most of the writers of this kinde , to win readier belief , did still argue under the same supposition of derivation of power from the people , and so to princes by paction ; by force vvhereof they thought they might defend him and his authority , as in justice , against any violent or injurious attempt : whence it proved , that want of building on the true and sure ground made their labour unsuccessful : and , instead of conviction , did ( for the most part ) but prompt with farther arguments ( upon the same foundation ) to encrease & perfect that structure they had already begun . and although they again did strengthen their arguments from the particular laws and usages of the kingdom it self , yet not diving deeper into the ground thereof , and shewing that what is there done is but upon the general reason of government and good of obedience , common to it with all places else , the success was little . for the people being once confident , that power came al from them , it must be supposed by them intrusted for their good , and that when they saw it otherwise they might reassume it : for else , say they , it was a dry right without a remedy . what if their progenitors , for their folly or cowardise herein , had been punished with deserved slavery ? they would make use of the blessed opportunity to recover their native freedom , with the same resolution & courage that others had oppressed it before . and as for law , the interpretation thereof was not in the king , but them : as was the legislative power also . that the sin of rebellion was falsly imputed to them , they were the supreme power , and above kings : the whole people cannot rebel against the prince , more then the greater against the less . in this case , since antiquity cannot be taken upon her bare word , but that the reason why it was so formerly done , must be also given unto men now , there is no remedy but to let them see how that which hath been herein formerly appointed , was for , and will prove ( if observed ) the onely general good : by which means people seeing their obedience to be their benefit , as well as their duty , cannot i conceive but more readily follow it . so that now , being forced to dig even to the very root of government , which could have no subsistance but by religion , nor that again without a deity ; this drew us on , in the first place , to make some proof and discourse thereof : and of that work of creation , to which providence necessarily succeeding , as gods way of government in all things besides , was needful in some things to be here also treated of : not onely as having man himself so considerable a part of it , but as partly imitable in the government of kingdoms also . for as the laws and rules of nature are but for the establishment and security of creatures in general , so those for peace and unity in kingdoms , are for men in particular ; those are to make and keep all creatures in their species serviceable one to another , these to do the like between man and man. then being to consider men as linked in society , it was expedient i should first search out what mans natural end and aim apart was , before i discoursed of the other ; these i have treated of under two sorts of pleasure , one of sence , in degree common to him with other sensitives , the other of honor , his intellectual pleasure ; and in a manner proper to him above them all . then , although i concluded politick happiness or aim under two kindes , that of peace , and that of plenty ; yet of the first of these , and how it may be best attained , my present undertaking is onely intended . for as life exceeds , nay is ( indeed ) the subject of all other temporal enjoyments , so peace in holy scripture is usually taken as inclusive of all other blessings . to this end , i first shew how most of gods precepts , and particularly those of the decalogue , aim at peace , by their express directions , and by strict and often admonitions to obedience . afterwards i shew the politick way of effecting it ; namely unity , and by mens submitting their differing desires amongst themselves , unto the definitive sentence of one . this is first shewed in the less government of a family to one master , and next in a kingdom to one soveraign ; all which are the arguments of the first book . after these just forms of government , i shall speak of its contrary , anarchy , or breach of unity ; and that as well in its birth and strugling condition , called faction and rebellion , as in its setled condition ( of counterseit unity ) in aristocraties and democraties . and because encouragements to sedition and rebellion have been taken from the deceivable notions of liberty , tyranny , slavery , property , law and justice , publike good , trust and paction , councellors and magistrates , &c. my next attempt is to declare and examine them , and those arguments drawn from them , according to their several chapters and titles ; being not otherwise definitve , then to that purpose . then i speak of the right of dominion , as it stands founded on natural example and practise ; to satisfie some scruples , and to prevent such objections as might 〈◊〉 arise thereabout : and these i make the subject of the second book . the third book is wholly spent in stating the case of government and obedience according to precepts and directions drawn from religion . under which title , as i have endeavoured to make obedience appear duty by conscience as well as reason , so i would not have it expected i should undertake any methodical delivery of the body of divinity , or make any farther in road thereinto , then what may serve to uphold & direct the building it self . even to shew how that which is originally , and was by god mostly intended and given as a tye to humane preservation and peace , through interest and ignorance , may be , and is , in these latter days , too often made destructive thereof ; by such as , under one pretence or another , are despising of dominion , and speaking evil of dignity and government , the most necessary means for procuring it : and are everywhere so ready to kill men , in a mistaken zeal of doing god good service . and although that treatise be distinguished into chapters , as intending to have had my arguments and discourses ( for the readers and mine own better help and case ) enclosed and directed by some method , yet being therein to make use of many texts of scripture which , besides the purpose they were exprsly brought in for , did contain also farther evidence in the proof of many assertions delivered in several discourses foregoing , it cannot therefore be expected that i should be always true and proper to those titles . yet , if i shall be found in needless tautologies and repetitions , i shall acknowledge them to be things as probably to be expected from my weakness , as i hope they are pardonable through my strength of zeal to settle publike good by agreement : on whose behalf , i have ever conceived it better to erre in saying too much , then too little . in the mean time , i am not ignorant of the prevalence of repetition it self , especially in a popular address ; where prejudice and contrary belief hath grown more from itreration and pressur● of doctrine , then weight of reason . and therefore , as i have purposely interwoven my discourses with variety , to encourage men to read , notwithstanding such general prepossession , so have i caused the same assertions many times to enter the stage anew , in a dress suitable to the present scaene . for many truths may be insinuated by degrees , which prejudice or ignorance would not suffer to enter all at once . by which means i may also ( happily ) light on the instruction of some , who , like impatient spirits , not able to fit out the whole play , may yet be won to the relishing of the main plot , by those reasons which the preface , or that part they light on should afford . for although it may well be expected at the hands of that architect , that is to erect a building with timber already framed , that he not onely observe exact method in the raising and setling the same : but also that those pins which he shall make use of for joyning and fastening his work , may be both for number so certain , and also for place so setled , that they are not to be removed : yet can it not be presumed that he that fells those trees whereof these tymbers and pins were made , or he that cleaves a knotted log , should be so regular and determinate in his strokes : but must be forced to make often use of the same wedges again ; according as he shall finde those knots and stonds of his work ( occasionally ) to lye in his way . he also that undertakes to compleat and adorn any building whose foundation is sound and good , hath most of his skill depending upon the sightliness of his work . whereas he that is to rip up the whole fabrick , for amendment of the groundwork & taking away of some decayed principles , must expect his commendation from ingenuous , strict , and more judicious inquiry ; and not from the eye of the present beholder . lastly , that i may have something of ethical foundations , as well as oeconomical and political , i have , in my fourth and last book , considered each man in his inclinations apart ; to see if any government may be found to keep him in order without fear or constraint . in which many things not very pertinent hereto are put in , to give light unto some discourses foregoing , and to entertain the reader with some variety , after so long a discourse in a confined argument . which being many of them but as snacht pieces from other studies ( where the gradations of nature had been more mathematically examined towards some such discoveries as were requisite to mans happy life , as he stood naturally and unsubordinately considered so ) i have here put them down to serve as helps to the composing of those differences which have all this while been a hinderance unto them . being in good hope , ( from that fair progress towards a right settlement in government and equal way way of justice which already appears ) to be in a short time restored to an ability for proficience in those more mechannick essays , which the avarice and injustice of some particular persons hath hitherto deprived me of . in the mean time as in many other of my afflictions i have found the good hand of providence turning all things for the best , and bringing good out of evil , so do i now with greater comfort submit to this diversion : as foreseeing that if i had not upon these unhappy occasions , been brought to discourse of the sins and remedies of uncharitableness and disobedience ( the usual consequents of plenty and pleasure ) i should then , it is like , have been so taken up with mens more general and more present and sensible contents arising by the other , as to have rested inconsiderate and silent of these mischiefs which the enjoyments in this kinde might produce . in these and other speculations and discourses , as i may generally say , that i am neither thief nor prisoner to the text or tenet of any man , so do i desire to be understood , that i was not hereunto induced through arrogance or affected singularity : but the small proficience in arts towards mans use , and the daily failing of publick peace and agreement , notwithstanding those rules and maxims hitherto delivered , together with the diversity of opinions concerning them , causeed me , for a while , to lay aside all authority but that of scripture or reason ; to see what a new disquition from these would afford , in any of which , if too great zeal to the cause and end in hand have led me into error , and to deviate and transcend these my propounded warrants , i do here profess to be ingenuously ready to acknowledge my self a debtor to any sober and reasonable conviction . in the mean time i am expecting that some mens interest should lead them to clamour and outcry , on my more severe dissections made towards the cure of publick peace , which have been by others but slightly healed and skinned over . but , as many land discoveries had not been , had not some more daring travellers adventured beyond the road of common belief and opinion , so , to the increase of knowledge , a latitude of enquiry and judgement must be allowed : although it may , in some things , thwart the ordinary current of tradition . for i finde that truth and knowledge have not a greater and more common enemy then fear of reproach : that is , whilst writers , through fear of contradiction , strive to confine themselves to the sense of such as they hold of greatest reputation for ability in that whereof they treat , they leave but where they begun ; and proceed with such wariness to themselves , that it makes them forget the errand they go about ; which is the farther infirmation and benefit of others . in my following discourse ; as i undertake to cleer things from the sinister constructions which ambitious heads have heretofore given , so , i doubt not , but i shall be by many therein construed , and my arguments prejudiced , as if coming from a court or a kings parasite : and an a better to arbitrary and tyrannical government . but because they that are so , do it in hope of reward from those they flatter , and my self not having any encouragement therein from the present fortune or affection of any now , i know not why any should think me less indulgent to my self and posterity , as considered in this common relation , then others to theirs : so as to imploy so much labour to court and countenance our common misery . for could it ever have entred into a steady thought to have enthralled whole mankinde ( as they stand separated amongst us in kingdoms ) , to no other end then to advance ( here and there ) a single person to dignity , in comparison of whom , thousands of themselves were , and might ordinarily be presumed superior in merit . and i must confess , i was my self a great while pleased with the seeming reasonableness of such like common maxims ; how unfit it was that all should be subject to the arbitrary government of any one , and much attentive i was to all those fine inventions and contrivances for his constraint herein : but , when i saw that soveraingnty must at last be somewhere , and that to divide it , if it might be , was not to lessen , but to encrease its yoak ; when i saw that covernment , a government , must be arbitrary , i then concluded that the burthen of one tyrant ( if it must be so ) , was easier then that of many . i am not ignorant of the natural sweetness of liberty , not in man onely , but in all things that have life and sense . for to what end these , if when , by them , i am made perceptible of a benefit to my self , i shall at the will of another be deprived : and but rendred the more miserable , by being desirous . it were ( no doubt ) a happy estate , ( could a man tell how to fancy it without utter extirpation of nature ) , if there were sufficient of things created , not onely to satisfie the use , but to satiate the most greedy appetite of each thing living ; in such sort , that each one might not covet any thing enjoyed by his equal , or of others above him . it were then again necessary , for compleating universal content , that each one had , over each , and every one , such full and absolute dominion , that he could not by any aversion of power or will in them be restrained . seem these things as large , and as impossible for performance as they will , yet appetite , as appetite , cannot otherwise stint it self ; but the desire for enjoyment & possession of power over all things and persons , is as natural as over any one . creatures below us have their appetites but few , so that , in injoying what they seek , they are but seldom , and then not lasting disturbers of one another , but , as for man , there is not , from the greatest to the lowest , any that desireth not the increase of his power : and he that , like alexander , should command all , would not yet rest , both from wishing more worlds to command , and ( it is like ) had he been entred among the gods , would have strove for command there also . look we to things again , how shall we think what is within the verge of humane reach should now pease all men , when all of it formerly could not please one ? for so , our first parents themselves must encroach on the propriety of deity , in desiring to know good and evil . and think we yet that the poorest creature living would not be immortal , if the flaming sword of impossibility kept him not off . but now , as nature hath bordered us by her law of irresistability , so that age , sickness , infirmities , with all their attendants , are not by any attempt or insurrection of ours against her avoidable , even so i could wish that some way might be had to prevent mens risings against one another . yet then , since some must be subject to others , what course can we fancy to make them subject and not subject ; that is , that their obedience shall be their liberty ? shall we wish that every man had his desires in all things so moderated , that having , or not having , or his having , or anothers having , were alike contentible ? then indeed , would no subjection be needful , to keep of mutual injury through interfering desires . but yet some kinde of guardians there must be , to provide food and things necessary to cram down these appetite-less innocents : lest their reward of preserving others should turn to their own destruction . but if we cannot fancy desiring and not desiring equal , but must acknowledge appetites the wheels of the soul , then is there no way left , but to admit of degrees of command amongst men themselves ; for our orderly enjoying those stocks of blessings by god afforded us ; and to keep us at unity , and from the common destruction of one another . to this end , god placeth man at first in a state of subjection to one head : so that ( no doubt ) had adam lived , he had been ( as natural father , so ) king of all mankinde . but his death being sentenced , left brethren ( as in equality ) should contend , this power of one mans command over another was the established due of birthright : for else , we cannot think it personally indulged to cain , over one so much better then himself . by this course , if observed , men should have continued in due quiet and subjection , until the numerousness of the several subject families might make the common head of them assume another title . and therefore we find that where god promiseth to any person a great encrease of race and posterity , he promiseth withal , as a compleating of that blessing , that kings should be born of them . but after such time as ambition , covetousness , revenge , and the like , began so to prevail amongst men , that neither gods precepts , nor fellow-feeling of the miseries of rebellion , could keep them in obedience ; how just is it with god , to make our own stubbornness our punishments ? so that , if we impartially look amongst all those desolations of nations , they are but the issues of their own civil wars and contentions : which had their first rise from popular discontent and insurrection . an argument more popular and pleasing i know it had been , to have extolled such kings as measured their power by justice and their laws : but i , being not now to write to kings , but to subjects , and in what concerned them in order to peace , shall respit that till the kings part in order to peace and prenty shall be treated of . therefore writing to such onely , i chose to prefer their certain benefit by obedience , before discourses that should flatter them to their ruine , by insinuating unto them a power they can never make use of , without the mischief of disagreement and civil war. for there is certainly , a vulgar and popular flattery , as well as there is a flattery which is personal : and this is ( doubtless ) the most dangerous of the two , as having more to seduce . the which kinde of insinuation is but too apparent in many writers of this kinde : wherein , men considering that those that are to be their readers , ( and from whom they expect encouragement and applause ) are such as stand interessed in the relation of subjects , they do thereupon deal with them in their discourses of freedom , power , or the like , as those do that tell black women they are fair ; that is , to be wholly respective to those their own private interects and designs to be by this courtship gained , and not at all to the truth of things themselves ; or to the benefit of those they pretend to instruct ; whom they do really abuse by this their unfriendly information . as for example ; whensoever this unhappy controversie between prerogative on the one hand , and liberty on the other , shall , for decision , be by both king and people referred to law ( for no kings nor no people do professedly decline them ) who then shall be the judge ? shall the king ? no , he is a party and to be ruled by them . well then , we will suppose the subjects no parties , nor to be ruled by them , but to interpret and ( perchance ) make and alter them as they shall finde cause . what shall follow , but that they thereupon divide into factions again ? some putting the power into i know not what and how many magistrates ; and some into such and such representatives ; all of them as far from truth , as differing from one another . but as , in either case , they set the law above the king , so they set the subject above the law ; dealing in the one as preposterously as the other . but , in this , as in all other cases , the natural tie of self interest and respect doth so blinde and byass us in our judgement and practise , that we will bring in as reasonable and practicale in the kingdom and commonwealth , what we think highly unfit to be exercised towards our selves in our own families ; that is , not onely to think it lawful and convenient that more then one should be there governing at once , because our selves may happily be one of that number ; but also we are always ready to entertain and practise all rules of restraint , whereby , under colour of divine or humane law , all that live under him as subjects , may make themselves otherwise when they please ; upon allegation that the laws and rules of justice and reason , are to be in the first place obeyed . whereas , if the children or servants of our own family , should in our government and commands demean themselves with like stubbornness , either by disputing the soleness or arbitrariness of our power in general , or by scrupling their obedience to each command in particular , until they finde it by god or their prince authorized , how would we then cry out against this sin of disobedience in them ? when as yet we think it but duty in us , that the obedience we owe to our king , the father of our country , should be answered with such demurrers : pride and prejudice always equally prepossessing us to bring down and level all power that is above ; as well as to subject and keep under that which is already below . but say men what they will , obedience as obedience must be implicite : and he that , in any command of lawful authority , obeys no farther then he findes reason so to do , obeys but himself , and not another . and yet are princes and governors the less to wonder at this stubborn inquisitivenes in subject● , since it is no other then what hath been , and is daily offered to god himself : in prying into the reasonableness and morality of his laws and justice ; even from our first parents to this very hour . a thing of well known advantage to that proto-rebel , whereby to rule in the children of disobedience . for if once we come so far to arrogate , as to believe the reasons of gods actions and councels are apparent to ours , his will ( as of course ) must be submitted to ours also . therefore , as then it was , hath god said you shal not eat ; so , every day still it is , such and such commands and laws , are but for such and such ends ; and , whether those ends were expressed by cod or no , every man is ready , according to his own interpretation , to obey , or not obey ; or so far , and no farther ; even to a perpetual distraction in religion , and disturbance of one another , where a supreme definitive sentence is not kept up . and as we usually thus search into his councels , for the reason of his laws , so set we up models of equity of our own , for measuring his justice . insomuch as , upon every extraordinary and remarkable event , how peremptory are we to assign this , or this for a cause ? each one judging his own apprehensions of right and wrong , as the onely necessary patterns for gods proceedings and intentions herein . which , whilest they shall differ so much one from another , and can be but one true , ( if any be ) must they not charge god foolishly ? for example , amongst us , that have now felt in so high measure his deserved hand , those that are of the romish opinion , say , this late revolt is in justice for our kings deserting his obedience to that see ; and our particular schisms , the punishment of our grand schism from them : and the more particular pressure thereof , lighting on the nobility and gentry , are the punishments of their ingrossing the churches patrimony ; which , like the coal from the altar , hath almost consumed their nests . these , looking upon this kingdom as the head and pillar of protestantism , say , that as reformation of religion was first set up by our princes , out of state designs of alteration of government , and of being independent on the power of rome ; so are they now but justly punished , with the same pretensions by their own subjects ; who , in their risings , ( they presume ) have as great authority to interpret scripture against their civil governors now , as formerly against their spiritual head . and they farther say , that as to gain strength and general assistance from the laity , was the onely reason we first made the scriptures vulgar and common , that under the obliegingness of so high a favor , ( whereby their abilities seemed to be flattered to an equal pitch with the clergy ) , they might be gained to that side , that therefore our present requital , from popular wresting these scriptures again to publik disturbance amongst our selves , is but just also . others , that are from them in opinion most contrary , so are their reasons also . they tell you that popery and superstion were here too much , and too long countenanced and abetted : they tell you that the clergy were yet too high and powerful , and their maintenance too great and unbecoming : that things have thus happened , because the true sense of scriptures and thorough reformation from rome , were too little regarded . others , that ( it may be ) regard neither of those extreams , ( but look on things as polititians ) will tell you , that the assistance of the scots formerly against their queen , the assistance of the dutch and rocheller against their kings , were the just causes of insurrection now : and they will tell you also , that the beheading of the queen of scots was ominous to the like fatal blow : believing it a vice against common prudence , for princes , out of consideration of any mischief to one another , to do that which should be destructive to all ; as well as it is a sin against religion , neglecting the rule of do as thou wouldst be done unto . by all which , and many more instances which might be given of like nature , being first bewitched with our understandings , and then idolizing our own justice to be the same with gods , we do cause rebellion to creep on us as the sin of witchcraft , and stubbornness as idolatry ; that is , we will then onely begin to serve god and obey his laws , when we have first interpreted them to serve our own turns ; which is ( in effect ) never to obey them more . whereas , that more remarkable token of obedience , that was to abraham imputed for righteousness , was in fact seeming as contradictory to justice and goodness , ( so far as humane ability could reach ) as it was to the stream of his own particular affection . for my own part , i am not more in love with those four letters that spell king , then with the rest of the alphabet . and could i see probable hope , how that thirst of governing might be satisfied to general liking and agreement , by that soveraignty which each subject should , by this means , have over the common vassal , the king , i should have rest contented with my share therein ; and have rather given encouragement to this so common a benefit ( where first all of us should have had our contents by being real governor of this one , and then that one contented ( again ) with the titles , formalities , and shews of his government also ) then have made my self subject to so much labour and censure . but as , in all works that are to be done , there must be the worker , the work , and the instruments whereby he brings it to pass , ( the which , in order to the work , must be at the workmans appointment and choice ) ; so , in this work of polity and government , the commanding are workers , the commanded the work ; and the law , magistracy , councellors , &c. are the instruments for effecting it . whether prince or people shall be workmen i will not here say ; onely thus much is evident , that laws , magistrates , &c. must be at the choice and dispose of such as rule , and also above the ruled : as holding necessarily a middle term , to unite and agree them in the work it self . if ( as considering how things are now practised , and the many opinions to the contrary ) i shall be by any hastily condemned of ungrounded novelty , for that not contenting my self in the modest and equal way of commending monarchy above other governments i have quite cast aristocraty and democraty out of the right number , and reckoned of them but as anarchies : i shall entreat them to consider , that i onely undertake to look into government and its forms , as they stand authorized in scripture or reason ; and not as they stood in humane device or practise : and therefore , i hold my self no further blamable then failing hereof . for unto my strictest enquiry , there could not be found one text , amongst those we call canonical , countenancing and mentioning any other form : not so much as one word of the power of people , or nobility , parliaments , senate , &c. which the restless wits of men have since devised , as in derogation to the other . nay , when god means to express himself by titles of power common to men , it is either of king , or father , which , as the greater and lesser monarchs , have alone divine authority to command over mens persons . and i believe all knowing men will confess , that as onely god expresly appointed this form , so nature also , at least at first in her golden age , and whilst she was at the best : insomuch as , for some thousands of yeers , it is by all concluded there , was no one sort of people otherwise governed then by kings . and therefore , by that same rule of strangeness and wonder where with others may behold my positions in condemning , i may behold theirs , in approving them : even that a sort of men there should be , that pretending their utmost and onely subjection to gods word , should yet contemn the power of kings so often and so expresly warranted thereby , ( as given from god the fountain of power ) and on the contrary , settle it on such devised orders and degrees , as neither for number , or office , had direct authority or example from thence . but it is usual with the opposers of monarchy to take their advantage against the evidence of texts of this kinde , as in civil matters , men are wont to do against those they contend with about any property or title . for if they know the letter and plain sense of the law run on the side of him they oppose , they then finde no such ready way for his defeat , as to entitle the king or some eminent superior thereunto . even so shall we finde kings now adays used in the interpretation of many of those places of scripture which make so plainly on their side ; that is , when the power and perpetuity of this office is anywhere set forth , they then would have the whole sense and scope thereof to imply christ himself , and not this his immediate deputy . by which kinde of proceeding , they do ( by fact ) evidently prove themselves guilty of that pride and arrogance they would reprehend in another : and that it is not christs honor that is hereby sought , otherwise then in order to their own . for since they do allow him to have his deputed officers amongst us , for declaration and execution of his will , will it not therefore follow , that the greater the honor and power of this person thus substituted is , by so much will the honor of christ whom he doth herein represent be encreased ? it is not therefore to be believed , that subjects of any sort would have thus justled with their prince for precedence and going next to christ , had they not more considered their own honors to be thereby gained , then his to be thereby lost . but as the light of scripture shines undeniably cleer every-where on the face of monarchy , so doth it in record and practise also : and therefore we shall finde , that when god appears for the setling the first moral laws for men to live by , there was not , nor had not been in the world , any but monarchical government setled . when again , the king of kings and prince of peace , christ himself appears , ( as the old imposters in oracles became silent , so ) all republikes and states had hid their heads under one monarchy or another . and that which may be observable in other stories is , that the greeks themselves , who , in restless wits , were the ring leaders in doctrines and examples for all these civil alterations , as well as ( in a manner ) for all heresies in religion , and upon no other ground then with an affected pride to express their power and freedom in both , above the rest of the world , ( who in regard of themselves they stiled barbarous ) , are at this day , and so have long continued , the examples of highest slavery and oppression in both kindes . besides these high authorities and examples , that so evidently declare for monarchy alone , i could never tell how to settle my reason on any other foundation : being unable to fancy how soveraignty could have been divided without dividing obedience ; how unity could proceed from plurality ; a●d how peace could be amongst subjects , when the peace-makers themselves must be still in danger of variance with one another . and farther , i could by no means conceive but that ( proportionably ) as one man could not serve two masters with equal duty and respect ; so , on the other side , that many masters could not command or govern one or many servants , with equal power and affection . and therefore , laying down for my ground , that as death was the worst of evils to a man as a man , and so also , that civil war was the worst of evils to men as sociable , it was reason i should seclude these inventions as failing of that main end of government , and reckon them ( at best ) but plausible pretenders thereunto . and the same reason i must also give , for declining that fancyed way of founding government and authority on paction . for , while prince and people are hereby put to a continual question what these pactions were , as in a thing of no more evidence , it must needs happen , there will be produced , instead of peace and agreement , a perpetual ground to intestine dissention and rebellion . in the survey of all which , or any thing else delivered , if any shall make objections of inconveniencies in that degree of arbitrariness i have assigned unto princes , i desire to be understood as not thinking any government can be by men in this life exercised , where no mischiefs shall sometimes happen : but , leaving that hope till we come to the government of god himself , if the inconveniences hence probably arising proceed not from the form but the persons , if they be such as are not onely to that , but much more to others incident , and if after , and beside side all , it stil appears that this form is onely of divine institution and example , and , so also , more naturally and necessarily procuring peace , the end of government , then any other , i shall then confess i have arrived at the end of my whole labour : which was to settle publike peace and good by obedience to authority ; without reflection on the private benefit of any person therein likely to bear sway . but being to write in an age , wherein all men stand , not only divided under that different sense of loyalty which alexander once wittily observed in his two followers , ephestion and craterus ( namely that one loved alexander , the other the king ) but also , being to write in a nation , wherein monarchy it self stands wholly approved or rejected , as the persons therein likely to rule , are differently considered as friends or enemies , i cannot therefore but expect that , from these so different and contrary interests of others , these my writings themselves should also be obnoxious to as contrary censures : that is , of having reflected too much or too little , towards the praise or dispraise of that person , whom they , according to their several engagements , would have had more openly commended or disproved . whereas i , who , from sense of the calamities of our civil broils , had been drawn to be of craterus opinion , as the best remedie i could devise , thought it neither proper nor reasonable to deliver my self in any ephestion like expression ; or to appear as foe or advocate to any man : but to set down and handle the whole argument as a christian philosopher , in a general treatise and discourse of government , according to doctrines or examples drawn from scripture or reason , without reflection or censure of any one nation in particular : as will easily , i hope , appear by that which follows . a table of the several chapters contained in this following treatise . book i. chap. i. of deity , p. . chap. ii. of providence and its rule in general , p. . chap. iii. of particular or self-providence , p. . chap. iv. of government as it stands in natural reason , and it s reputed original , p. . chap. v. of each mans private end or felicity , p. . chap. vi. of honor , p. . chap. vii . of the laws of god leading to government , p. . chap. viii . of the master of the family , p. . chap. ix . of soveraignty and its original , and of monarchy or kingly power , p. . book ii. chap. i. of anarchy , p. . chap. ii. of faction and its original and usual supports , p. . chap. iii. of rebellion and its most notable causes and pretences , p. . chap. iv. of liberty , p. . chap. v. of tyranny . p. . chap. vi. of slavery , p. . chap. vii . of property , p. . chap. viii . of law , justice , equity , &c. p. . chap. ix . of publike good , common good , or common-weal . p. . chap. x. of paction and commerce , p. . chap. xi . of magistrate , councellors , &c. p. . chap. xii . of the right of dominion , p. . book iii. chap. i of religion in its true ground , p. . chap. ii. of religion as commonly received , p. . chap. iii. of the church catholike , and of the fundamentals of religion , p. . chap. iv. of each particular church and its power , p. . chap. v. of the forms of church government , and of the jurisdiction claimed by church-men , p. . chap. vi. of the head of the church , and the scriptures interpretation , p. . chap. vii . of love and obedience and of our state of innocence thereby , p. . chap. viii . of the coincidence of christian graces , p. . chap. ix . of charity as it stands in nature , p. . chap. x. of patience , long-suffering , humility , meekness , &c. p. . chap. xi . of idolatry and superstition , and of the power of each church her head in the establishment of ceremonies and divine worship , p. . chap. xii . of antichrist , p. . chap. xiii of the mystical delivery of some divine truths , and the reason thereof , p. . chap. xiv . of athiesm , p. . book iv. of the causes of like and dislike of content and discontent , and whether it be possible to frame a government it self , pleasing and durable without force and constraint , p. . book i. chap. i. of deity . from the observation of the dependance of one thing upon another ( as of its original and cause ) we must come at last to fix on such a cause as is to all things supreme and independent : for to proceed infinitely we cannot , but shall lose our selves as in a circle , whose ends will be as hardly brought to meet in our conceit , as it is to imagine the most remote cause , and most remote effect , to joyn by immediate touch . observe we again , that no operation or effect , could ever have been produced in regular and orderly manner , unless the direction thereof had ( first or last ) proceeded from a voluntary agent : so that , when we find the superiour bodies , elements , and other creatures void of sense and will ( by their constant endeavours ) either pointing to any end at all , or such other ends as have respect and benefit beyond themselves , they must be concluded but as passive agents in both cases : and the latter respect ( especially weighed ) will at last bring us to pitch upon one agent or authour of such universal power , and concern in all things , as to be the true creator and director of them all : one , i say ; for should each element by it self , or should the will of more then one be the guider of productions and effects , would it not follow that this procession of chance , or different aim and will must necessarily set nature sometimes at a stand , for want of sufficient power and direction what course to follow , or ( as it were by a kinde of civil war ) make her endeavours so distracted and weak , that nothing but dissolution and confusion could follow ? from all which we may conclude both a deity , and the unity thereof ; and that ( as a free agent ) no operation could have proceeded from him without an end , whereby , ( as by an immutable law ) the effects and endeavours of other creatures , stand directed and limited unto certain ends and bounds , which otherwise would not proceed at all ; or else do it infinitely , or destructively to one another . and upon the same reason of having the vertues and endeavours of natural agents and elements thus stinted and directed , it will follow , that as there must be such original elements , as might have fitness to answer thes● laws and rules of providence ; so , this pre-existent matter could not be equally eternal with deity , but must be at first created by the same hand it is now guided : for should they not , or should there have been no creation at all , but a perpetual pre-existence of elements ( before they had by the rules of providence their vertues and abilities harmoniously directed ) they must , by their irregular courses , have been the destruction of one another . as therefore , in the first case , to skip and balk the more immediate and instrumental causes of things , and fasten them as immediate upon god the supreme ( after the usual way of the ignorant ) were so to confound and jumble causes and effects , that there should not in nature be any certain production at all , because if the supreme cause should be an immediate cause to the most remote effect , then , in order backward , that remotest effect must be a cause to that which was his immediate cause before , and so on ; or else what was the immediate effect to the supreme before , will now ( by its removal therefrom ( and coming to be as immediate cause to the most remote effect ) want a cause for its own production ) so , in this latter case , the like would befal , if ( through want of good and true observation of the dependance and reason of effects and causes , till we come to the supreme cause or reason ) we should fasten the productions of elements or first matter on chance : for , if they be constant and uniform , how shall chance own or lay claim to them ? again , to make them co-eternal with deity , is to deny his eternity , or their dependance on him , who must precede the chaos , in time , as that again must precede the endowment and regulation of the qualities of the elements themselves , in time also . for so , fire was before heat , as the cause is before the effect ; which , had it been eternal , and the qualites of burning thereto annexed without limit ( which must have been had it been from it self only ) what would have become of the race all things else in this general conflagration ? which now , keeping its degrees , and being confined within such and such subjects and bounds by a superiour power , is a great and necessary help to their production ; that , and all things else , readily obeying the law of their maker ; from whom , as from a most wise , omnipotent , and bountiful creator , nothing but works and operations suitable are to be expected . chap. ii. of providence and its rules in general . as therefore the perfection of this worlds maker doth sufficiently argue the perfection of the work ; so doth the perfection of the work as justly plead for continuance . continue it could not by any other power then that whereby it was founded ; yet , as before , no want in god , or merit elsewhere ( but a natural propension to extend and express his own goodness and beneficence ) caused a creation : so in the course of preservation and government ( that stood thereunto necessary as to an end ) god was yet at liberty and free in the way and manner of applying it : that is , whether to proceed by more express and personal execution of his will , or else to operate by natural rules and laws : and so far it is from abating the just esteem of the act of providence , in comparison of that of creation , because god doth not in this ( as there ) so immediately work ; as ( on the contrary ) the very imposition of natures law , and the endowment of creatures of all sorts with such instincts and properties , as in the prosecution and exercise thereof , they shall be continually able to keep up both the common and their private preservations , argues , by how much the means is the weaker , the greater to be the strength of him that enabled and appointed it . but then , as every thing became hereby positively good , so , proportionable to the impression of divine favour , and similitude of the workman imparted to the work , a comparative degree of perfection and goodness did arise ; and consequently , the greater care for their preservation may be seen to have been taken . for to have made all creatures , men or angels , had not only overthrown that beauty and goodness arising by the universal variety ; but , inasmuch as the perfection of those creatures stands chiefly in comparison of things below them , ( for in regard of god they are all base and poor , ) these lower perfections being taken off , see we not how the perfection aimed at , in respect of that higher , must have necessarily ceased also ? whereas now , they of themselves keep it by comparison , and those inferior creatures , by their several uses to the preservation of the whole world , of one another , and of man in particular , have therein also their distinct degrees of perfection and goodness . so that each creature having nothing but what he had thus received , it follows , that what is now in them , was in him as in its original before ; their limited receipts , in all kinds , only differing them from him in almightiness . the first impression or communication of divine resemblance , was that of entity or positive existence ; and this , necessarily entring with creation it self to be more or less imparted , all creatures stood yet differenced , and beneath their maker in point of eternity and degree of continuance . but that which was personally denyed , by the mortality and decay of individuals , is by another way , to wit , by propagation ( in a sort ) made good . amongst others , man , as bearing the most universal and nearest resemblance in the attributes of his maker ; so hath he ( above other creatures ) a nearer stamp of eternity conferred on him : insomuch as , by the benefit of resurrection , he stands exempted from that rule of total decay , wherein ( with the whole world it self ) other things are inevitably involved . come we more neerly to observe all creatures in their natural operations , and how they are all directed to mutual preservation by the wise and well set rules of providence ; inanimates necessarily , and creatures of life voluntarily , pursuing those actions that lead most directly thereunto . see we not the elements ( and other things wanting life ) by their constant observation of natures law , to preserve themselves and creatures of life ; to whose use , as being more noble , they seem in a manner wholly intent and directed ? in these heavenly bodies we may easily discern this rule of providence , in their constant preservation and ours , although the means by which it is done , be as far removed from our knowledge , as they are from our sight : but their correspondence and endeavours in this work of universal preservation , we have reason to acknowledge and admire ; for by means of their several vertues and influences it is , that the ambient ayr is continually enabled to hatch and nourish all sorts of creatures , which the earth and water ( as the common wombs and parents of things ) do afford in such variety . and in these lower elements also , see we not how regular and constant they are in the course of common preservation , and maintenance of the degrees of creation and providence ? for , rather then a vacuum shall again be to destroy creation , the ayr will not only admit degrees of extension and compression in its self ; but the water and earth will yield to transmutation of part of their own bodies thereinto : whereby , taking up more room , they afford sufficient supply , to avoid non-entity and confusion . mark we not how , by their endowments of dense and rare , heavier and lighter , they are constantly able to keep their ranks and places in regard of the centre : and thereby orderly to obey the laws of nature in production and maintenance of other creatures ? so that when water soaks into the earth , or remains below it ( as in the sea , ponds , rivers , &c. ) it is not to displace the earth , which , by means of this compactness , is kept on heaps and hills , from taking that his proper room it self , but to remove so much ayr as was there before , into a more natural and higher station . and truly , the knowledge of weight and levity , and how to put nature to struggle in endeavouring a vacuum , and altering the natural consistencies of bodies , is the mother of all natural motions , and mechanical operations . come we yet to consider the species and race of creatures more particularly , and how they are all made apt to receive and bestow the vertues and bounties of nature for the good of themselves and others . how ready and constant supplies find plants and vegetables from the earth ? and , as if they knew their individual preservations were not valuable to that of their race , see we not how they spend their whole endeavours in the growth and security of their seed ? and till they come to the ability to propagate , we call them in no kinde perfect ; as , on the other side , when this ability is once over , their decay is as apparent . to what purpose ●●●ve those goodly blossoms , leaves , fruits and flowers , but to mellow and defend the seed ? to what purpose the stem and boughs , but to reach out this seed to receive growth and ripeness , from the influences of superiour bodies , and to remove them from the injuries of things beneath ? the seed being now ripe and fallen , natures care seems removed from the plant , who now ( as if her work were done ) doth droop and wither ; and to maintain the perpetuite by her course of succession , usually makes the leaves of the plants ( by their fall ) a covering to the seed ; till the fitted earth hath afforded it some fastness and receipt . mark we lastly creatures of life and sense being by that means capable of pleasure and pain , and we shall finde them hereby ( as by reward and punishment ) stirr'd up most to avoid or execute those actions that have directest tendencies to their subsistence and preservation ; that action that tends to the more universal preservation of the species , having greater delight annexed to it then that of food that maintains the individual only . so that , creation is but providence begun , as providence is but creaation compleat ; and , however creation did precede providence in the execution , yet doth providence that in dignity , as being the end and aym thereof ; even as that again is excelled by its end also , which the glory of god. chap. iii. of particular or self providence . as the preservation of the several races and kindes of creatures was unto the continuance and supply of the whole creation necessary : so again , to the preservation of each species , the preservation of individuals was necessary also ; and that ( consequently ) there should be appetites implanted in them leading thereunto : for although some lower sort of creatures have no individual perfections at all to seek , but , as parts of a greater mass ( being parcels of earth , water , stone , mettals , &c. ) have ( with things of like kindes ) their welfares by nature readily furnished : yet creatures of life , ( which thereupon come to be called individuals , ) must have this appetite of self-good and preservation , conferred on it with such degrees of intention , as to aim at the utmost perfection in its power , without such sense of duty elsewhere as might cause it to intermit its proper care , and ( it may be ) in its divided endeavour , be negligent of the good of both . for to think there could be separate subsistences , and yet depend on forreign preservation only , were impossible : because if thomas his being should depend on johns , johns must again depent on williams , and so infinitely , till one person had all dependencies ; which should not then be many , but one man. or should they reciprocally change , and the reason and will that thomas now hath , be in william , and so williams in thomas or john : how should either know the others wants , and consequently provide for his good and safety ? and therefore , this endowment of separate-sense , will , and understanding , whereby each particular is enabled to provide and have regard unto it self apart , makes it manifest that the maintenance of creatures ( as before said ) was necessary to be kept up by this appetite of self-seeking and following a private end and soveraign good respective to it self only . for although the many mischiefs ( hereafter to be spoken of ) arose from hence , yet ( on the other side ) was it the fountain of all the good they had : inasmuch as good men we cannot be , except we be men , and well-being must presuppose being ; which had herein its necessary foundation . it was again necessary , in maintenance of that variety of creation , and of that oeconomy and rule of providence god had appointed . for should all creatures have passively and unwittingly followed impulsive directions , as inanimates do their instincts and properties , this had been to overthrow sense , reason , and will , as things useless , and to forbid the almighties goodness , ( in some resemblance to himself ) to make creatures sensible of felicity ; and thereupon , lessening our benefit , so should it abate his praise and thanks . and further , it would stint the race of creatures , from coming above that of vegetables . or should god have furnished all creatures with reason suffic●ent , to have known good and evil perfectly unto the degree of angels , ( so as to have followed it without reluctancy in themselves , or injury to others ) this had been to overthrow both man and all degrees of species below him . or should ( again ) all creatures have had sense , and an end apart of their own to follow , this must have put a great stop to those many affordments and offices , which inanimates now supply to sensitives , as seem●ng made wholly for them . for so ( for example ) should the sun , the earth , the water , &c. have had private and self-desires , would not the good of both vegetives and sensitives be interrupted , and many times fore-slowed ? and so also , if vegetives should have had life , and ( thereupon ) sense of those many sufferings which the continual imployments of men and other sensitives put them unto , both for food and otherwise ; would it not , on the other hand , have been inconsistent with the goodness of god to have thus inevitably tyed his creatures to perpetual torment and affliction , even to their equals in nature ( for so to sensitives they must have been if they had been sensitives also ; ) and , on the other hand , would not the knowledge and sense of these h●rms have made them shrink and decline that readiness wherewith they now stand serviceable ? whereas now , by this appetite and ability of self-preservation , prosecuted in some willingly , and in others not , they keep up their several species ; and are thereby enabled in the variety and order appointed them , severally to set forth the praise of their maker . upon this it follows , that although the act of generation , ( which tends to specifical preservation , ) be in each creature hotlier pursued then any that reacheth to individual conservation onely ; yet it is done and maintained out of self-respect ; either in sensitives voluntarily , as being thereto allured by the greatness of pleasure , which is their private end ; or in inanimates necessarily , where self-preservation , ( their general end ) is by natural instinct so closely involved therein that the whole perfection of the thing it self dependeth thereupon . and so far are creatures herein from intending any thing beyond themselves , or shewing specifical aim , that their endeavours stint themselves to the individuals of their own race : it being done in so high a degree of propriety , as , having therein ( as it were ) transplanted their whole strength , it obtains ( by this transmigration ) a kinde of identity . in pursuit of this appetite of philautia , we may observe plants and vegetables to follow their individual preservations so greedily , that they are ready to rob of growth and nourishment all within the verge of their own activity , even of their own kind ; nay each single fruit , grain , or berry of the same plant will do the like to his fellow ; and by too covetous engrossing the common sap , leave many of the same stock to pine and wither . and so again creatures of sense , having life and motion , and a greater desire and ability to attain ( then them ) the objects of their use and d●light , are ready , with all kinde of violence , to enter possession , without due consideration of their fellows like desires and wants . upon this ground depend all those conflicts for mastery amongst beasts , which reach many times to mutual slaughter ; the most harmless creatures exercising this force in some kinde , or time , or other . but , above all , man , being a creature of most divine resemblance , and his preservation of higher esteem , had this philautia more strongly implanted . for with inanimates he resembles him in positive existence or being , with creatures of life and sense in being capable of pleasure and content ; but , above them all , he comes nearest ( by much ) in strength of reason and understanding . and as sensitives go beyond inanimates in enjoying the benefits of natures store , so have men , beyond them again , an appetite ( above comparison ) both in the generality of desiring and the ability of attaining . insomuch as , both in regard of their serviceableness and readiness , and the largeness of mans appetite to entertain and make use of them ( as beforesaid ) we may be called little worlds by our selves ; having , in us , their vertues epitomized , as well as uses stinted : all things seeming but made for us , and no creature exempt and useless from our imployment , for benefit or pleasure . what can he wish ? above him is an indulgent god , enduing him with appetites and reason , to desire and attain the objects of his content in abundant variety : below him all creatures standing obedient , and thereunto serviceable . chap. iv. of government as it stands in natural reason : and of its reputed original . in this happy estate of innocent coveting and enjoying , we at first stood by the goodness of him that made the delight of all things ours , and ours his ; until , ungratefully intermitting our acknowledgement and delight upwards , we forfeited our delight below , by breaking that command which should have been the pledge and type of both . wherein ( besides ingratitude , ) mans fault seemed pride or presumption ; in ayming to break the link of that golden chain and rank of subordination , wherein nature had limited us ; and so , balking our dependance on god , be as it were gods unto our selves , in the knowledge of good and evil . now is it that the most ordinary and useful parts of our bodies come to be accompted nakedness or sin , which had we been content to enjoy according to the natural simplicity of our first state and the example of other creatures , we had continued innocent in their use ; and other injuries done by self-seeking , being according to nature , and she being content with self-sufficency , she had therein been , as well our warrant as our spur . whereas now , our unbridled lusts leading us beyond all bounds and measure ; and then , having those former innocent acts mingled with our inordinate desires ( and so with them taken upon our own scores ) they thereby become sin also . from hence come we to be assaulted , from without , with the revolt of the creature , and , from within , by our own concupiscence , which proves now both our sin and our punishment . for whilst , in our greedy and hasty pursuits , reason wants either ability , or time to consult of good or bad , our wo instead of our weal is many times embraced . before , when we were content to follow the natural laws of our kinde , we could do nothing ill ; and now , trusting to our selves , we can do nothing well : and seeming not content with those miseries that singly assail us , our unsociable dispositions finding occasion to make others the objects of our malice and revenge , pull on our selves the like , or greater punishment then they did strive to inflict . and again , instead of those reciprocal helps ( in our decay ) which should have grown from consort-ship , our enterfering desires continually engage us to mutual prejudice . and then , when the whole store and variety of nature can hardly satisfie the boundles appetite of one man : how should they content all ? whereas beasts ( neither covetous of propriety , nor relishing their price by difficulty ) are content with the simple and ready food of grass or the like . they quietly and peaceably enjoy their loves and rest : and , after their own repasts , can without envy or dislike see the satisfaction of others . whereas man , in his unlimited appetite , seeking to engross the common revenue of nature , and esteeming the content of others a privation to himself , in a restless covetousness , makes a dearth in plenty . for , be himself never so throughly glutted , he yet grudges at the satisfaction of another ; and would ( at least ) have it his bounty . it would trouble our arithmetique to sum up the variety of our food , apparel , and other delights , wherewith ( not nature , but ) the satisfaction of our inordinate desires makes us perpetually industrious : and when all is done , it is not self-sufficiency that can please us ; but we become as unsatiable for quantity as kinde . and further , since equal things cannot but have equal desire and claim ; and since neither mens prerogatives amongst themselves , nor proprieties over other creatures are by nature distinguished ; how should the possession of one happen without the discontent of another ? what 's the issue of this discontent but strife and fighting ? and of fighting but death ? to the disturbance of nature , and destruction of her chief master-piece . the riches of the earth , that without labour sprang up , and satisfied the desires of our innocent parents , must now only be the reward of our travel ; but who will till the field before he can be assured of the crop ? and if when nature , out of her general regard , and intending the good of all , set no bounds or distinctions for the private possession of any , ( but that all may lay equal claim to the soil and fruit , ) why should any take more pains , when afterwards his propriety shall be but equal ? and , as the issues of his labour , so himself , in defence thereof , but rendred a more probable prey to the next violent hand . to sum up all , consider on one side the variety of nature and the creatures , in objects for our use and delight ; and on the other side , our proness to strife for their possession : or ( for better instance ) suppose all those things free again wherein men now enjoy their unquestioned propriety , and nature as loose to make equal tender of them to all : what but hatred , confusion , and destruction , could we imagine would follow , instead of our now peaceable agreement ? therefore supposing ( as is usually done ) mankinde to have at first lived in this confused condition , ( wherein equality of persons and community of goods set every one against another , where while all things were all mens , no man had the enjoyment of any thing ) and then , no doubt , this sense of the miseries arising by dissention , would be the chief motive to bring men to submit to government , and think of some way of unity . for , partly out of remorse of the slaughter of others , and partly out of just fear that the like might befal themselves or friends , the occasions of their miseries would begin to be enquired ; and withal , the likeliest means of preservation and peace . and because quarrels had for the most part arisen about propriety , propriety would be the chief thing which , by laws and rules amongst themselves , they would go about to establish . in which doing , besides the abatement of strife , they foresaw a general positive benefit to ensue : for where before they found that what was every mans profit , was no mans care ; and while all might reap , none would plough ; or while the herd and fleece was common , the breed was neglected ; fear of famine and other humane indigencies quickly taught them ( with most reason ) to expect the best return of publique utility and trust , where private hands might gain by managery ; and to make the wheel of common , concentrique with that of private advantage . they quickly found that a small proportion , enjoyed with security and peace , renders more content and encrease to the owner , then a larger which fear of disseisen makes unuseful . therefore necessity ( the mother of wisdom ) having taught them to embrace peace and unity , reason farther taught this way unto it : namely , that ( as the division of their wills and appetites had before made disturbance , so ) the only means to acquit themselves thereof was to submit to some definitive sentence and determination in all controversies ; hereby , many became one in this grand politique body ; and as in the natural , though the arms , legs , and all other parts , draw greedily for themselves apart that nourishment which is for common supply ( and that with self-consideration only ; ) yet all of them keeping their natural order and rules , and relying on the affordment of such members as are of publike concern and trust , not only their single , but joynt preservations did follow . for the brain affords nerves , the heart arteries , the liver blood to all parts , as having the like interest in them all : and while each member is thus supplyed , according to the proportion which its oeconomy and service to the whole doth require , and that geometrically every one hath alike while they have enough , why should one repine at another ? for if ( according to the old allusion ) the hands or feet , alledging their greater pains and service , should ignorantly quarrel and envy the greater rest and supplies of other parts , and hereupon grow so stubborn as to refuse the directions of the common head , so far as to disable it and those publique useful members of heart , liver , &c. from performing their offices , must it not follow , that the whole body thus perishing , the hands and feet must therewith perish also ? for the whole body ( subsisting by , and ) being but collectively these members , each of their particular growth and good made that of the whole swell also : so in this politique body , the several benefits and advancements of particular members are made , by this union of will and application , to be the encrease of the publique . but it is ( by the way ) to be considered , that in submitting thus politiquely to have each private wil swayed by a publique , ( which thereupon became the only legal will or sentence , ) it is not to be supposed that the faculty of willing could be resigned : for that is impossible , and beyond our power , it being not capable so far to reflect on it self , as to will to be willing , or not willing in any thing : for ( if so ) such kinde of choice would proceed infinitely ; nor could the actions necessary for preservation of each individual , have any setled , certain , and final sentence for direction or execution on its own behalf : but the effect of our wills ( or the power to execute the same ) is that we ( promise , and ) are to suspend , or deny , if contrary to publique allowance . and , as not the faculty of willing , so not that of understanding and judging can be wholly left and silenced ; because that also is to the preservation and subsistence of each man as man , ( that is in his separate and personal capacity ) and to the constitution of will it self absolutely necessary . but , because my private understanding ( taking me distinctly for a single person ) was for self-preservation only , i can from my self claim no right farther to use or apply it ; but in such cases where polity hath placed me in the relation of a subject and member of a politique body , united for common good , there it is reasonable that , as my particular good is unvaluable to that of the general , so my liberty and right of judging publique benefits and expedients should be as unvaluable also . and although in this course of politique submission , men could not but expect decisions many times contrary to their private opinions and desires ; yet , since this was the only way to common peace and safety , they thought it reasonable that a general good should be preferred before a particular ; and as we in our natural , so they in this politique body , were curing with mutilation or patience the impotencies and griefs of particular members , rather then the whole body ( with all other members , ) should run into common hazard , and , while striving to shew partial affection to the grieved part only , the life and subsistence of all should be endangered . for as when life is taken from our natural body , it remains a body no longer but a carcase : so politique bodies being berest of their life , which is general agreement and submission to authority , continues no longer a commonwealth but anarchy . wherefore we may observe that monarchy was not only the most ancient and useful form of government , as having in it the most apparent unity : but also that this chief office was that of a judge , being in all causes , and over all persons , supreme head and governor . not that any single benefit , or the advancement or good of any one person was thereby intended ; because that otherwise , and without this relation , they were to be presumed but of equal merit . and so , if we shall diligently consider all those examples of more special and extraordinary favour and abilities bestowed by god almighty in holy writ , we shall finde that the good of the whole , or some more considerable part of the people , was the end of those miraculous and personal endowments , and not single honor : it carrying too great a disagreement to gods justice , and too plain a shew of partiality , that whole societies and orders of men should be to no other end abased but to the advancement and good of one . and to this end only were all those prerogatives and priviledges annexed to the persons of princes , as ( amongst others ) that of irresistible power . for their chief end being the peace of the kingdom , and ceasing of strife and slaughter ; in the doing thereof it must be aswel in his power to decide ( if equity shall so lead him , ) on the fewer and weaker side , as on the more and stronger ; and so much his obligation of protection must imply : else , if the stronger should of it self ( and notwithstanding such decision ) have still power by force to atchieve their own desires , and refuse submission , to what end should government be ? for without it , the stronger side did before judge and prevail for it self ; but now , all power being resigned into a third determinate hand , it is no more of right in them but him : and the offer to reassume it , is the highest breach of trust , and the treason of all treasons even the betraying of all order and government it self . by all which we may discern the original reason of government and power of one man over another ; we may see why every soul should be subject to the higher powers ; and how all powers come to be of god : and why the resistance hereof , as the greatest crime , is to be punished with damnation . for , without submission to government and authority , what peace can be hoped for ? and without peace , what temporal good can be expected ? because , as the care of god in the preservation of all creatures in general , is called providence ; so , being applyed to mans particular , it is called peace . a blessing of such utility , that , in scripture , we may observe all other blessings included therein , as the more worthy : so that in our prayer for the peace of jerusalem , any other state , we include all sublunary benefits it is capable of ; and , as our god will be called the god of peace , so our saviour the prince of peace , who , ( as a complement of all blessings ) saith , peace be unto you : and enjoyns it as a common and summary benediction to others , peace to this house , or , peace to this city . but because peace in it self seems but a negative happiness , we will now ( so far as is for the present needful ) speak of mans end and happiness in general : which by means of this peace he strives to attain and secure . chap. v. of each mans private end and felicity we before touched how the different perfections of creatures arose from the different neerness to divine resemblance ; and that the whole creation took effect out of gods intention to express his goodness , and reap thereby due praise and glory ; and that this difference of participation and resemblance appeared most in man , as a creature most lively enabled both to the rellishing and enjoying this goodness and bounty , and withal of greatest engagement and ability to return due praise . we are now to consider , that as it would have seemed unreasonable in god , to expect praise from us for such things whose use and possession we could not at all apprehend or acquire : so to encrease this praise and thanks , it was necessary that the objects of our felicity , and our vigor in enjoying and possessing them , should be encreased also . and again , as for to have coveted and delighted in any by means of our affections , and then have wanted the benefit of reason and discourse to attain it , had been and abuse : so to imagine we should have ever put forth to the possession of any thing , the pleasure or benefit whereof we did no ways apprehend , were absurd ; and therefore in this necessary conjunction , our reason and affections are heightned and helped by each other : yet reason doth usually play the part of the servant or ministerial officer to the attaining of what we apprehend as pleasant : which reason having assented unto on the behalf of the object , ( out of which pleasure is expected ) it is then called good : or when on the behalf of the way and means to attain it , it is then called vertue : especially if it overthrow not a greater pleasure in others , to which end all laws are framed politically , appointing punishments to keep off the seeking of such pleasures . they that have hitherto defined mans felicity , have stinted it to such and such particular objects , wherein ( for the most part guessing by the measure of their own rellishes and apprehensions ) they themselves thought greatest happiness to consist ; but we not making mans felicity narrower then the objects thereof will afford , ( and reckoning small pleasures even to be parts thereof also ) do not mean to contend in what particular object or exercise this delight doth most consist , leaving it to ties proper and indisputable judge , each mans own appetite ) but do affirm mans end to be pleasure . at which , if any seem startled , as esteeming a difference should be put between that which is good and that which is pleasant , ( and that goodness may be had where pleasure is not , ) their mistake ariseth from the observation that since many men and creatures take often delight in such things as procure them afterwards great harm and sorrow ; and , on the other side , finding many things which are painful in the present possession to prove afterwards good ; they seek ( thereupon ) to divide good from pleasant : not duly considering that , besides god , no object can have in it self a positive or perfect degree of goodness ; but it is in them comparative only , even according to that serviceableness they yield to other things , as for food , cloathing , or other use . therefore the measure of good received from any thing , must be rated according to the rellish , entertainment and serviceableness it finds in the receiver , which must make it good , or not . for if by good we understand what is commodious and necessary for the preserving and perfecting our nature , without regard whether it be pleasant or not ; see we not how they take away the use of sense and reason , and make the felicity of living creatures not to exceed that of stones and other inanimates : for these have this felicity conferred on them with greater constancy and assurance then sensitives ; and , if such kind of passive or negative happiness could dignifie , would be more excellent of the two : whereas they , having no apprehension , rellish , or delight in what they do , we may justly account them excelled by creatures of sense : as they are again by man , surpassing them all in the variety and vigour of his enjoyments . as , for instance , in that intellectual pleasure of honour , wherein man seems so delighted as if he were a second deity , they have either none , or small apprehension . their ears are not capable of harmony , or the sweetness of eloquence ; nor their eyes delighted with colours , figures , method , &c. they want also many varieties of tastes and smells which we possess . and , ( in a word , ) as man hath brain ( the root of sense ) in greater quaintity then they , so also he exceeds them in the use and effects thereof : being more various and abundant in his desires , and more vigorous and steady in his possession . all which will conclude , that goodness in sensitives ( as such ) cannot be where pleasure is not ; and that goodness is but another name for pleasure , or ( commonly , ) the way our reason apprehends to it . for when for the health of my body i endure physick , ( or other observations which are troublesom and unpleasant ) or , for the good of my soul , abstain from any thing pleasant , or undergo any task or pennance ; see we not how that which is called good in both kindes , is but in respect it is the way to what is pleasant afterwards for the appetite following pleasure as her general end , and preferring the greater to the less , by the help of reason finds , that in these and like cases , this end is not otherwise attainable . for this lasting pleasure of health , doth far countervail the temporary sufferings of physick ; and the reward of heaven any momentany punishment ; and ( in both cases ) proves not the avoidance , but pursuit of pleasure . for , is any thing pleasant to the taste for other cause eschewed but out of fear of some other detriment ? nor can we make an athiest forbear his pleasure , when the terror of shame or the law are off him : or the glutton his appetite in any thing which fear of sickness forbids not . from the first instance , we may conclude this maxim that slighter and less durable pain is to be suffered , rather then greater as if that of physick , to that of sickness and death ) and , in the other case , that greater pleasure is to be preferred to less , as well as some is better then none at all . mark all we do , and it will be as feed to this harvest . we labour for money , not for it self , but because it is the sure and common purchaser of things pleasurable . it is this natural thirst we pursue , even when in things we seem least to look that way : for , who are they that most deny themselves in the contents of this life , but such as have greatest hope of heaven hereafter , and the reward by god there promised ? having in his presence fullness of joy , and at his right hand pleasures for evermore . from all which , we may plainly see pleasure to be our good or end , and only then to be avoided when it procures pain , or by its possession thrusts out a greater . the scandal and exceptions commonly taken against making pleasure our aim , is because some thinking pleasure to be only placed in our sense , common to us with beasts , they have thereupon thought it below mans dignity . but why so ? since we have senses alike , should not their use be alike ? and since , as we formerly proved , men by their senses be capable of more pleasure then other things , why should we think it done in vain ? if to this , be added that of his intellect , minde and contemplation , what shall we think all these advantages to pleasure afforded him but in jest ? and not rather conclude , that whatever delight , content or pleasure man is capable of , the same is truly his end . to think otherwise , were to tax god with cruelty and deceit ; in fixing our desires to objects of our ruine , or hooking in our overthrow by this golden bait . for is it not by this appetite that all the pursuits of living creatures are guided , insomuch as what is naturally and kind-like done , is also pleasurable ; and whatever is harmful or destructive , is painful and irksom ? is not the food which preserves each individual take with delight ; and that act that preserves the species taken with more delight ? because the more good is not what is most nourishing , of best rellish , and ( on the contrary ) what is worse ; have beasts any other rule to feed them by then this ? and are they not herein more infallible and happy then we , who ( by way of physick or pride ) making some unpleasant tastes familiar , do many times so adulterate our gusts , as wanting that truer guid , we come ( through familiarity ) to encline afterwards to both tastes alike , and then , wanting reason sufficient to follow and know our own constitution , our sickness ( instead of health ) is often procured ? in which regard we may call pleasure the natural probat of good , or the aim of each sensitive individual ( as such ) by natures governor prudentially appointed , that thereby it s own , and the general good and subsistence of the whole might be preserved ; and so gods end and the creatures might have a constant way of meeting ; which left to be done by such means as their own understandings and fancies should contrive , they could never certainly nor uniformly do : for , should creatures private ends be immediately the same with gods , reluctance , disobedience , and confusion must follow : in as much as sensitive agents , ( with reservation of their specifical differences ) could neither be universally endued with such sufficiency of understanding and comprehension , as throughly to discover what was truly tending to common preservation , and the glory of god , ( things in themselves the only chief good and end of all things ; ) nor could they again ( in respect of will ) be supposed , either generally , or equally one to another , so strongly and steadily inclined , ( out of sense of vertue or piety ) as to endeavour an end and good of more high or equal concern to others ; as when now , led by the more proper , sensible , and pressing invitation , each one doth by constant following pleasure , it s own end , more constantly and generally prosecute that which is gods end also , his glory , arising by our contents and preservations . so that , in a word , place any creature in such a condition as to be furnished with continual pleasure to the utmost degree which its kinde is capable of , and who can doubt its felicity ? it is true , he might take delight in such things as might be hurtful afterwards : but when this cometh to pass , the supposition is broken : for the pleasure is over , and pain is come instead thereof : unless we can imagine there can be harm without pain , as a sickness or disease which ( having sense ) we should not be sensible of . and , in this case , we fall upon the rule of comparison before mentioned ; better forbear a present pleasure , when a greater pain is the necessary consequent thereof ; and so again on the contrary : both ways concluding that the most lasting and highest pleasure is preferrable to that which is shorter and less : and therewithal , that pleasure is that we seek , and pain what we would avoid . for , if i take delight in such things or actions as bereave me of health , do they not thereby bereave me of pleasure also , by taking away the only necessary taste and subject thereof : and , on the contrary , possessing me with the pain of sickness or death ? if again , i take such delight in all , or any the things of this life , as thereby to lose the more full and lasting pleasures of a future and better , and to be also in danger of torment : do i not again transgress the rules of comparison , and prefer a less pleasure to a greater , and a greater pain to a less ? is it any thing but the pleasures and joys of heaven that draws our wishes that way ? for , if heaven and hell were to change conditions , and the torments of hell be in heaven , and the pleasures of heaven in hell , i would know if any would choose heaven , which now men do , as knowing that in a place of gods continual presence ( the fountain and authour of all good ) the harm and torment of his creature is not to be feared . again , making good the object of our wills and appetites , and by good understanding eminency and beneficialness only , and not pleasure : how can the soveraign good of all men be the same , or they thought equally inclined to embrace it in respect of will ? for since that kind of goodness must have measure and issue from the understanding , ( as being properly the object thereof ) how shall the end or soveraign good of wise men and fools be the same ? no , they will plainly differ , both in degree and kinde : whereas now , by their joynt seeking pleasure , they differ not in regard of their end : for the fool that fails either in the choice of the object , ( whereout pleasure was expected or fitness of the means to attain it , must be presumed to have as naturally and strongly coveted it as the wisest . so as not only the wisest and fools , but beasts and all sensitives follow pleasure as their common end : which , according to their utmost abilities , they necessarily covet , reason only making them differ in choice and pursuit . in which respect , although that addition to pleasure which understanding must yield , from the contemplation of prudential choice or managery , may make wise mens pleasures more good ; yet doth it not deny the other to be in degree good too , no more then the acknowledgement that full pleasure or acquiescence of mind , which is nowhere but in god to be had , as the only object that can fill both the sensitive and rational appetite with full acquiescence as in its full and final object , doth deny every degree of pleasure and content to be in proportion good also . chap. vi. of honor. our discourse past was to prove mans end to be pleasure ; wherein we proceeded no further then in declaring that part of it which was not altogether proper to him as man , but as an individual sensitive : but now , being to enter on the discourse of society , it is necessary we treat of the other part thereof , which is proper to him as a moral and intellectual agent , and doth arise from very society it self ; because as from company and converse with others , i come to affect and be provoked to imitation ; so again the desire to have my proficence therein appear , makes me for honor sake to affect society and company . whereupon we may say that honor , estimation , reputation , pride , &c. grow from without us , and do receive both their appearance and encrease through degrees of subordination : being ( for the most part ) the return of gratitude from inferiours to superiors . for , if all were equal , as in nature , outward honor or shame could not be , in comparison of one to another . now , as superiors have high power above those under them , so have they advantage of being pleasurable to them in their many senses ; which because it cannot be from them adequately repaid in kind to him that hath but the sense of one person , therefore by the expressions of the inferiors joy in possessing this benefit , he hath so lively a sense in his contemplation hereof , that the joys of many come to be his . and hence is it , that it is a more blessed thing to give then to receive ; and that not only in respect of god , who is the rewarder of charity , but also because there must be more joy in the pleasures of many , then one . therefore the honoured must have two properties , power and goodness ; answering two other relations in the honouring , obedience and gratitude . and yet power seems but for goodness sake ; and when it is given by god or authority , is but in order to that . for as in god himself , the attribute of optimus hath , by the consent of all people , been put before that of maximus : so , in all offices of honor from him derived , power is added but as a servant to that degree of beneficence wherein by their places they are put to represent him , and act in his stead : after the same manner as the means or instrument is in any thing a servant to the end . so that to make power alone the object of honor , is to make it the same with fear : and it is also to make it , not onely the same with obedience , but not to difference it , whether it be hearty or just , or not . for although to honor and to obey , do usually signifie the same , yet because the inferiour is alwayes in that kinde to honour his superiour , it is still with presupposition of the right and merit of the person commanding : else to obey the usurped power of a robber , although in a greater command , is not so much honour to him as it is to my prince or father when i obey them in a less . and not so onely , but the several returns of our obedience , and acknowledgements to persons of rightful power are in degree more or less honourable in themselves , as the drift of that command is more or less meritorious . so that although some of the heathen , out of supposition of those many other benefits received , might , in complement or ignorance , forbear publickly to upbraid their own gods with those scapes and faults acted by their power , yet doth the story of pallas punishment of arachne for pourtraying them , assure us that they thought meer power to be dishonourable when it had not goodness in design . whereupon , it was their use to reverence and worship , as publike gods , those that had first been publike benefactors . whilst a beneficial action is in intention and execution , it is merit ; and when received it is duty : which do again differ in proportion , as the courtesie and the freedom thereof do ; that is , as the one is free and intentional in the gift , and as the other is so also in the return . when merit is assumed without sense of desert , it is pride , and when given without it , it is flattery : flattery being but the be-lying of our one sense to the honouring of another . and therefore , vulgar flattery is the basest , because they can be but little worthy : whereas flatter god we cannot , because he deserves beyond any expression of ours . in this intercourse of obligation , between superiours and inferiors , a paction may seem implyed , and the benefit or courtesie to call for gratitude . if this gratitude come from a particular person , it is called thanks ; if from many , applause ; which when it is past present sense , and is a fruit of memory , is called honour . in the pleasure formerly spoken of , every mans own sense is judge ; this is judged by the sense of others , for they had the benefit , and our pleasure is in the intellect ; as being the reflex of theirs . and , as good and bad actions have the private testimony of the parties conscience , so have they also the publike attestation of the people , or those that receive them , called honor or shame . without this way of being sensible of the pleasures of others , the rule of do as thou wouldest be done unto , would not have its availe , for upholding the mutual benefit of one another in society . for since pleasure was our end , why should i labour the pleasure of others , if my self had no share therein ? therefore god , to provoke us to common preservation and good , imparts to us of this ability of being sensible of pleasure received by others : and even as , for our individual preservation , he makes us apprehensive of pleasures proper to senses of our own , so hereby , for common preservation sake , he makes us sensible of the pleasures of others . when we assume this honour , and yet conscience consents not , it is ( as aforesaid ) pride . if we affect it to publike disturbance , it is ambition , vain-glory , &c. yet ambition seems to regard the mark of it , to wit , publike imployment , but vain-glory and applause may rest in self-content . honour arising from being beneficial to others , it must be more , as that is more true and general : and , being the reward that inferiors give to superiors , it is in the first place due to god , as obliging all creatures for all those pleasures they enjoy . then , as it is to him onely due , so from him onely to be had ; as being part of his right : and as from the abliest judgeto value the deserts of others herein . for whilest it remaines in the peoples acclamations , it is like bullion : but when god or his vicegerent have stampt it , the people know what quantity of respect or gratitude each honourable person must have . else , as bullion , according to different esteems , would be valued by some more , by some less , ( so that no use could be of it : ) so honor also , without this coynage , would come at last to be quite deprived of its worth . they that placed mens felicity in good , vertue , and contemplation ; might have regard to this intellectual pleasure : for if reason ( through its confirmation of the attainableness and lastingness of that object of pleasure which my appetite chooseth ) hath made it good ; the very use of this good , doth ( through familiarity ) insinuate it self , and so become pleasure also . so vertuous actions , that have political pleasure their end , or make way to their own , pleasure by promoting that of others ; and contemplation , which hath pleasure of any kinde for its aime , do , from custome to attain pleasurable subjects , become the objects of pleasure themselves . this makes religious and civil duties to be performed with delight : no otherwise then as men used to hunting , do not onely place content in the end of it , namely the catching some creature for use or pleasure ; but this very labour , exercise , and toile in catching it , comes to be pleasure it self : and the cry and barking of dogs , comes to be like musick . hence also it comes , that the covetous desire of riches , makes even those wayes to attain them to lose their usual relish of care and labour , and become content and pleasure . according to the answer of a rich father , that being told ( by way of reproof ) of his sons whole delight in spending what with such great affliction he had gotten ; he answered , he had more delight in getting , then his son could have in spending . for pleasure that depends not on the bodily sense , but on the fancy , can have no judge but the fancy : and then , being made up of use and custome , pleasure must differ according thereunto : therefore that which is most honourable in estimation of others , is so with me . for as my sense cannot err in judging of things pleasurable to me , so cannot the opinion of others , in matters of opinion or knowledge of what themselves enjoy . so then , this estimation is either of things , or persons . as for things , all the rate they usually have , above necessary use , ariseth from hence : and they can be no otherwise rateable then by common esteem . but this common esteem arose at first from the particular esteem and use of them by persons of honor : which had also its encouragement from scarcity , whereby the appropriation might be more firme and entire . for as the honouring do ( in outward regard ) make and constitute the persons honourable ; even so also the honourable persons make the honorable things . so that then , all pleasure may be comprehended under these two maine heads : that is , either pleasure of the sense , proper to the body ; or of honour , proper to the minde . the last is the greater , and more sought ; as carrying with it the interpretation of vertue and merit , by beneficial actions to others ; which the more communicable , the more good : and hath again degrees ; according to the resentment of pleasure in the receiver , and according to the generality of that acknowledgement which gives it esteem . whereas pleasure of sense , looking only at private satisfaction gives way to this ; at least in publike competition hides it self : and is judged onely by the sense of the particular party , whether it be pleasure or no. yet it seemeth that this pleasure of sense is more true , natural , and necessary . for first , the other , being founded but on opinion of others , hath not like evidence to sense , which as more natural , is common to all men with other sensitives : and is so necessary , that it is the promoter of all actions ; nay of honor it self , if it be marked . for the reason why honor is had , or expected ; is from knowledge , or opinion of something done beneficial to others ; which benefit could not have been or perceived , but in such things as were pleasurably received elsewhere , even by testimony of sense . for so shall we finde the highest marks of honor , affixed to such as invented the means of mens living in greater security and delight : things which have respect to all . for should we make honor depending on it self onely , as of a race or stock ( which we call gentry ) this is to countenance pride , and obstruct the way to vertue , by suffering such to assume honor , who will not go the way to it themselves ; and do by possession of the reward , discourage such as would . truly , to be of good parentage , is of great advantage and encouragement to vertue , but we see it ordinarily to fall out otherwise : and then , when the antiquity of arms and true discent , is all that can be bragged of , i would first ask , since these arms are derived as from their fathers , and so on from father to father , what assurance in such length of time , that no one of the wives played not foul play ? which happening to any one , the advantage of blood is to all that follow . i will then again , ( as in favour to their side ) suppose those arms they now bear , were not bought , or gotten by other indirect course ; but as a reward of some notable service to the commonweal ( or prince , the life thereof , ) were bestowed on their first ancestor , to remain as in memory of this vertue to posterity . and then i shall ask , how they that come from his stock , and derive their honor as from him , can be more honorable then he ; more then a stream , be greater then the fountain ? if not , how is this usual brag of of antiquity ? again , if the fountain of their gentry were the best man , though the first of his stock ; they then plainly place true honor in vertue . it is therefore worthy notice , that since every thing is best preserved by the same means it was first begun , the best and onely way to keep up or increase the reputation of their house , is in imitation , or increase of their progenitors vertue : and native or hereditary honor , serves but as ciphers in arithmetick ; that is , to add so much more honor or shame to all the parties actions , as his ranke gives him advantage of power above other men . not but that honor is due to nobility that have offices by birth , as dukes , counts , &c. for this being given to them by kings , as to hereditary officers in such places , which always make them publikely honorable ( as having thereby power and designation of serving the commonweal above others , ) remains due to such . else , the honor of a race is but negative : that is , absence of the shame of ignominious birth . whereupon it may appear , that honor is gained by advancing sensitive pleasure ; and honor being the end , is more worthy then pleasure that is the means . for so usually , the forbearance of the parties own pleasure in private enjoyments , is made the way of getting and increasing honor . for if naturally and ordinarily , there were more pleasure or self-benefit , in performing the act whereout honor is sought , then in the contrary , what thanks or honor can be due ? in which case , honor is plainly preferred to the sensitive pleasure of my particular . and honor ( for the most part ) is difficultly attainable ; and the other is in custom varied . and on the other side , they that have this sensible pleasure , lose no honor thereby : and perhaps at another time , may gain honor by like means : so that neither then , did they prefer sensitive pleasure to honor , and now they plainly put honor before it . that is , they do on both hands prefer the gain of some honor , to the loss of some pleasure : although none would prefer a continual torment to a continual shame . it faring in this case between the comparison of pleasure and honor , as between meat and mony : for although each man is ready to spare and abate of his diet to advance his estate , yet would none choose to be rather wholly deprived of the sure and natural way of sustentation by food , then of the artificial way of doing it by mony . so that , honor seems the onely reward to vertue . for as nature , by sensitive pleasure , stirs us up to beneficial things to our own behoofs , so the politick pleasure of honor , to what is good for others . for the pleasure or suffering of others , being not perceptible by my bodily sense , how should i else be provoked , if this politick sense of shame and reward had not been ( as aforesaid ) entertained ? whereby , ( still retaining my natural appetite of self-seeking ) i covet , and promote mine own pleasure , by advancing that of others . and this appetite of honor seems natural also : for beasts and children have some sense thereof : but this is as far as they are sociable , and have lookers on . for though children , in their sports , make preheminence or honor their end , it is not till they come to some ripeness : but then , honor being only due where vertue or beneficial actions did precede ; and children having no knowledge of them , how should honor be due to them ? so that then it is not honor , but pride . and then , by the same rule , as none know good and vertue perfectly , it will fall out that all men are both comparatively honorable , or proud one to another : and that none but god can be truely honorable . for in men , honor is so far from being estranged from pride , that pride is its usual parent : & honorable things and actions , please us but in reference to publication ; which may be then termed ostentation . and so , it fareth also in matters of shame : for we blush not when faults are spoken of in such company , where we think they suspect us not guilty of them : nor blush we when we are alone , or privately thinking on the same , or other things which we are guilty of : and again are ready to blush , though not guilty , if we think the present company suspect and observe us as guilty . honor being thus made the mark and reward of vertuous and beneficial actions , we need not wonder at the esteem of it amongst men : and consequently of the great strife amongst us , for the having all kinds of things pleasurable and beneficial in our power : insomuch , as the poorest vassal in the world cannot be so far destitute of this appetite , as not always to covet , and sometimes to presume , he hath laid an obligation : whereby some honor , ( at least in the lowest degree ( thanks ) seems to him due . and hence ( on the other side ) it is , that soveraigns themselves , are so jealous of powers under them , to eclipse obligations . for honor being , in a manner , all that subjects can give him , he cannot but be herein very tender . and truely , man is in nothing brought neerer to resemble his maker ( whose glory and praise was the end of all he did ) nor in any thing so truely differenced and exalted above beasts , ( being in pleasure of sense ready to equal him ) then in this appetite . but we must take heed of the extreams thereof , pride and ambition ; that seek it without desert , or order : the one , as slothful , and the other , as restless , deserving it not . for as it is necessary only to deity to be unlimited in power , and consequently to have all obligations due ; so , to other creatures this omnipotency being denyed , their merit in honor can but rise according to that limited power their species is naturally bounded with . so that for any to attempt to ascend , and be like the most high in power , will prove their weakness and fall : as to that first man it was , who would be like him in knowledge . as thus in nature and the course of providence , so in policy also , ( where it is by law and rule set down how each one shall be serviceable to another , and which doth limit a degree of obligation , by limiting their powers according to their ranks and callings ) the same rule of moderation must take place . we may hereupon define true honor , to consist in the ful discharge of the beneficial duties belonging to each mans rank or place . for , if he do assume till this be done , it is arrogance and pride ; and , if he seek honor by gaining power beyond political limits , it is ambition . and hence it is , that ambition is one leading cause in all publike disturbance and rebellion . for so glorious a thing , it seems , to have power to lay general obligations , that finding it no otherwise attainable , but by seising on that power which now hinders ; i am provoked to use all the means i can thereunto : and although the same good i now seek to do , be already done by others , yet my restless desire of estimation will not let me alone ; till by engrossing all power , i shall be able to merit all obligation . and nothing in a kingdom can be more dangerous then this affected popularity : for it puts all in disorder , by its unorderly proceeding in the search of honor . for ( as beforesaid ) all honor is gods right , whether you take him as the universal author of all benefits , or whether you take it as the onely thing inferiours ( as such ) have power to bestow : in both respects it is to him in the first place due ; as by way of gratitude for his benefits , so by way of submission to his power , and therefore we shall finde , that , in scripture phrase , to honor , and to obey , signifie usually the same . and , as to god primarily , so to others , according to the trust and charge he allows them ( to be more or less publikely serviceable ) honor ( as derived from him ) must be holden and acknowledged : so that whatever benefit others by our means receive , and do therefore acknowledge obligation , we must take heed we forget not ( like herod ) the true author of this power , in assuming it wholly to our selves . amongst the persons by god trusted with charge for beneficial actions , the chief are kings : for these , in their several dominions , are , as ( under him ) fountains of power , so of honor also . for they , ( in gods stead ) are the onely able and authorized judges , of the reality and generallity of publike benefits : insomuch , as if receivers should be sole judges , they ( as parties ) would but regard their own satisfactions onely ; and call that publike , which was but private benefit . for these are subject both to flatter and mistake : but he , having the publike in his peculiar trust , and looking on all with like interest , can , as the representative whole or common sensory , best and most impartially judge of common utilities : and to him onely it must therefore belong to confer honor , and the marks thereof : for else , while ambitious and proud persons , were seeking and arrogating as they like , true honor would not be : and while people did , through continual strife and slaughter of one another , set up such as should be still undertaking their greater benefit , they should lose ( as in the fable ) their bone for a shadow . we must therefore ( as before said ) reckon honor as it is in the subjects or people , but as bullion ; of no use to them , nor to those that have it : and that the value of it must be according to the coynage of that prince whose image and authority it bears . hence we may observe , that in republikes , and where monarchies are not , setled honors are not neither . for there is onely applause , estimation , or the like momentany and uncertain shadows : because with them , honoring and honored are the same in degree ; & honor signifying pre-excellence , must needs be to none , when it is equal to all ; or at least equally divided amongst so many . and then , how shall they confer on others , what they have not themselves ? and , as upon this ground , honor can be onely in monarchy , so must it also follow ( from what hath hitherto been spoken ) that it must therein also flow from him to the people , and not from the people to him , as some would construe that maxime , that honor is in the honoring , and not in the honored . for since ( as before noted ) the honorable or beneficial act , must precede the honor or thanks thereof , as the cause must precede the effect ; even so , the honorable person ( which must again precede as the cause of that act ) must also much more precede , and be the cause of the honor that follows thereupon . and in this respect , the subjects or people are so far from being originals of honor , that they can therein ( at most ) but carry the force of an eccho , in the return and report of that voice or rate of honor which must come from above : to wit , from god , or such as from him have benefits to give . as for example , when all the people said , god save king solomon ; as they could not be understood thereby radically and primarily to confer the office and power it self , so neither to be fountains and originals of the honor then given : but the power and pleasure of david , testified by the presence of his own servants , and other attestations of his approbation and assent , must be looked upon as efficient causes of this honor ; and the people but as subservient and instrumental therein . even as also that honor which mordecai received by being brought on horse back through the street of the city , was originally to be ascribed to abasuerus that had commanded it to be so done to the man whom the king would honor : and , in testimony that this honor was derived from , and authorized by him the fountain of honor , and that the people were but to be the reporters and publishers thereof , had also commanded him to be attended with some of his own royal retinue , and some ensigns of honor and estate proper to himself . and as thus , the honorable must precede the honoring in time : so must they in dignity too , as the cause doth the effect . for although ( as to the present act wherein the cause and the effect stand as relatives ) they are alike in time , and constitute equally one another , as all relatives do , ( so that one cannot ( as to that relation ) be set or substracted , without establishment or overthrow of the other : ) yet , if we measure excellency by that power , vertue , and force , whereby any act is maintained between two relatives , we may well , in that regard , account the agent before the patient : even because he was first , and more eminent in the action by which the relation was effected : as the father is before , and more excellent then the son , although ( as to the relation it self , ) he was not a father till he had a son . so in monarchy , although there cannot be a king till there be subjects , because ( as they stand in the relation of governour and governed ) one must constitute another ; yet because , even in that very act of government , the monarch or king must ( as the agent ) precede both in time and dignity any vertue or worth that can come from the subjects , he must be accounted original of the power thereto belonging ; and not they , who can be onely passive ; and that ( at most ) in proportion answerable to the power of him that rules . for if his power and force therein be never so little ; yet cannot they in their relation of obedience exceed it : whereas they may very often be defective , in the ability of their performance of what he doth command . whereupon , as the command must precede the execution , so must the commander precede the commanded , both in time and dignity ; even so far , as to be the constitutive and efficient cause thereof ; that is , as to the whole relation ; although , in the single and separate acts , they may stand reciprocally and equally constituted . nay , although , in respect of each single act , honor may be said to be in the honoring first , as the ball projected ( for the rebound sake ) must ( as to that rebound ) proceed from the place it was thrown against , before it can come to the projectors self ; yet , because this rebound took beginning from the ability and intention of the projector , even as the honorable act did at first , from the honored person , we must therefore confess , the honored to be the original of the honor thence arising ; and not they that are passive . for so far as the peoples honor shall proceed without , or beyond consideration of approved desert , so far it is flattery , and not honor . and therefore , upon the same reason that the creator may be said to precede the creature , ( even in that very work of creation ) although he were not ( as to that relation ) creator till there were a creature : and as again , the father doth precede in time and dignity the son , ( even in reference to that very constitution of sonship ) although he were not a father till he had a son : so ( for conclusion ) the monarch and governor , is so far from receiving his essential honor and power from the subjects and governed , as he may ( on the otherside ) be accounted constitutive of them ; even in that very relation : and must ( however ) be acknowledged the author of that honor that ariseth from the work it self : which , as it had issue according to the vertue of the agent , so must the power thereof be ascribed unto him ; and so from him to god above , who is the fountain of all power and beneficial acts : and not to the people below ; who are onely passive and receivers . of whose farther care and power over us in this act of government we shall next treate , by discoursing of his laws sent amongst us , for conferring this honor on persons here below : whereby we might be enabled to prevent those inconveniences in society which the private and unlimitted seeking our own ends , ( hitherto spoken of ) might else prodduce . chap vii . of the laws of god leading to government . the dignity of man above other creatures we have heretofore in part touched ; as also , why ( thereupon ) a greater care should be taken for his preservation : and therefore , lest a matter of so high concern should be left unto so slender protection and guidance as that of his own reason , god himself hath furnished him with precepts and laws from above for his direction : religion being nothing else but gods supply of natures light for our good ; or an expression of gods love and charity to us , by directing us how to be charitable one towards another . and , to divide the law of nature , from having the same end with that of religion , is to divide the author , and set him against himself . for although , to strengthen the observation of his laws ( in regard of his known power , and our necessary dependance upon him ) he doth accept and call for our performance as a service to himself ; yet , i see not how any can , without injury to his al-sufficiency , think gods condition thereby any ways bettered . but in these performances , we are to consider that saying of eliphaz in job , can a man be profitable to god , as he that is wise may be profitable to himself : is it any pleasure to the almighty that thou art righteous , or is it gain to him , that thou makest thy way perfect ? no , we must ( with the most religious king , ) believe and confess , that our goodness extendeth not to him , but to the saints that are on earth , and such as excel in vertue : that is to say , to such as live in society with us : which sociable living is inclusive of all vertue . and although it is a saint-like quality to be conversant in vertuous and benificent actions , and to be obedient unto the good laws of god ; yet is the good of keeping them their benefit onely whom we converse with on earth , and not directly his . and therefore charity is the end of the law , and also of those many other precepts set down in holy writ ; as to diligent enquiry may easily appear : and the injuries to our neighbor , are reckoned in the scriptures as sins against god. but to make things a little more plain by instance , we will make some observation upon the decalogue it self : as the head and ground of the rest . the value and credit of all things , and particularly of laws , must arise in our esteem , either as they are apprehended by our own reason available for our good ; or else they must have the known testimony of such an author , whose wisdom and love towards us may no ways be questioned . but , in this case , for one man ( without farther authority ) to impose upon another , with what reason shall he expect success ? for being but my equal in nature , how shall i know him my superior in wisdom ? because ( in respect of will ) we being all equally enclined to seek good and avoid evil , and each one doing it to himself in the first place ; i have ( no doubt ) in that regard , reason to prefer my own wish or inclination before that of others . and then also , although the will cannot fail in the constant choice of good , yet it being dependent on the guidance of the understanding , according to the strength or weakness thereof , it attains what is really so , or is beguiled with appearances : yet it will fall out , that these appearances shall have equal credit with that which is real and more beneficial . for , be the measure of my understanding never so small and weak , yet it being all i have , and in me the supream and onely judicatory ; how shall i judge the insufficiency thereof ? for , if we should have in us one understanding above another to be judge thereunto ; we should again need another understanding , to give testimony and direction to that : nor could we herein come to any pause . and then farther , although error commonly happen for want of true induction , and sufficient enquiry into the particulars , out of which our conclusions are , or ought to be framed ; yet when education , or other prejudice hath so far forestalled my judgement , as already to fill and settle it ; it is almost bootless for any then to perswade me to new enquiry : it being , but is as if you should wish me to believe , that my desire of my own good hath been so weak , that competent care and pains hath not been taken therein : or in effect to entreat me to believe , another loves it more then my self . add to this , that since the general acknowledgement of mans excellency above other creatures , and of one man above another , is chiefly accounted in respect of understanding ; therefore , for me to acknowledge any insufficiency herein , cannot be expected : as concluding too much to mine own shame . whereupon , we may see how scornfully the name of fool is taken , even by them that are most so : for first , how should he know it , and then how should he like it ? and when men are heard to confess their insufficiency in respect of others , it is for the most part fained , and in complement to them : thinking to commend and advance their sufficiency by their humility . or if it be real , it is in such and such particulars , wherein themselves have not put forth with like endeavors ; as our ready and common excuses for all sorts of failings may witness . which is so far from acknowledging any comparative insufficiency , as my being confident , that if my self had bestowed equal pains , i should therein have excelled ; it will argue my pride rather then submission . and even in practical arts and operations , where sense can be judge of present good and bad , how partial are we to conclude for our selves ? or when the effect makes it too apparent against us , we lay not the fault on want of inward sufficiency or understanding : but on some corporal , or external wants and impediments . all which doth plainly discover the difficulty , if not impossibility , of one mans submission to the guidance of another . and especially in matters of speculation , this stubborness doth arise : for so we finde in matters of religion , which all men look upon with like interest and concern , and consequently concluding that they have therein taken the directest course ; each on becomes so inflexible , that no re-examination will be admitted . and to come to our purpose , for making and entertaining of laws for all men to live by : if they be such as have that proportion and agreement with my reason , as it can discern their goodness , i shall then for their own , and not for their authors sake accept them . but what law can be so framed as to finde universal acceptance : or if some could , yet , so many as ( for number and use ) are fit for the goverment of whole nations in all kinds ( amidst so great variety ) what agreement can be hoped for in their receipt ? are not men usually in this case found rather inclinable to rules of their own invention , then obedient to the directions of others ? who till they are by some supernatural natural power differenced , must be presumed in command but equal : and in that respect , want that authority which is unto all law-makers requisite . and hence it is , that the most famous founders of common weals , have still avouched a god for their author . whereupon , since the force of law , must depend on the authority of the maker : and that , according to our belief of his sufficiency in himself , and interest in us , our obedience to his commands will proceed ; it pleased our all-seeing god in the first table to settle our reverence and attention to himself : he first tells us he is god , and that we must have none but him : for untill we be brought from the condition of athiesm , what authority can precepts from divinity have ? or if other deities , should have equal or better place in our esteem then him , our obedience to his commands would not proceed with due readiness . and secondly , by denying us the making of images ( the usual expression of other deities ) he doth remove a great bait to this alienation of minde , both to them , and also the fear of placing our devotions on creatures or second causes : whereby ( in regard of their unworthiness to him ) having his presence and authority ( by their means ) lessened in our sight , our observance to his laws would necessarily fall . and as his credit should not be impaired by mingling , so neither by perjury nor by common and unnecessary discourse of him , as of a person of ordinary esteem : therefore thirdly , under the prohibition , of taking of his name in vain , our highest respect to his honour is challenged : upon which the more due observation of his laws will follow . and as this duty of reverential obedience , is in scripture commonly known by the name of fear . so to implant it , and draw on the peoples obedience the better , god in giving these fundamental laws , appears more plainly and majestically , then ever before or since : himself then talking with them from heaven , that his fear might be before their faces , that they sin not : that is , break not his laws . and fourthly , knowing the weakness of our capacities , in conceit & remembrance of things so sublime ; and that by practice and iteration , we are best wonn to approve & keep these things in our mind ; he appointed a seventh part of our time to be kept holy to that purpose . in which last command that seems most strictly enjoyned , yet we may observe him to point out , that the end of all laws was more ours then his service : and therfore he indulgeth , not only the cure , and other necessary works for the good & safety of men , but the pulling of an ox or ass out of the pit : our saviour concluding in this command , as in behalf of all others , that the sabbath was made for man , and not man for it . and god having thus given fit and sufficient rules , for fastning his own authority in our belief , he comes to those main precepts which establish our preservation and mutual peace : and begins with the foundation of society and government , to wit , obedience to superiours : and that under the notion of the most common and unquestionable relation of that kinde , which is parentall . for should he have setled obedience under any other relation , it could not have been so universally known and binding : because all could not be wives , nor servants ; so as the authorities of husbands and masters , might be universally inclusive . nor could all yet be subjects ; inasmuch as there were yet many independent families , not grown so great , as that the master should take on him the title of king : and particularly the jews themselves were yet such . it was therefore under this notion , the straightest and most universal obligation to obedience , because none could be exempt : inasmuch as having every one fathers and mothers of their own , they were thereupon , as under the notion of an officer of power , also enjoyned to obedience to the publike father of their country . and therefore , the observation of this precept being so necessary , it is observed to be the first commandment with promise : and the end and benefit of it is plainly annexed , that our dayes may be long in the land . for if ( slighting the honor and respect due to them and their commands ) we trust to our private rules and wills for publike guidance , what will follow but civil discention , blood , and slaughter ? which in the sixth and next command , he expresly forbids , saying , thou shalt not kill : a crime so foul , that nothing but the life of the offender can satisfie it . and then seventhly , to prevent occasions of quarrel and murther , most commonly arising about propriety ; he , by saying , thou shalt not commit adultery , removes it in the chief rise thereof , our wives and posterity . for to what other use ( almost ) labour we the possession of all other things , but to furnish and transmit unto them ? but if my issue be not mine , or uncertain , with what heart shall i bestow labour for them ? and then , if this parental love and care shall cease , shall not nature and providence want one of her maine supports : whilst these younglings , unable to provide for , or help themselves , are left in danger of perishing . again , suppose them all brought up , yet when with the strength of body , the knowledge of their different begettings doth come to appear ; what will follow but scorns , derisions , and slaughters ? therefore , as marriage was to be a means to unite families one to another ( and was therefore forbidden in the same kindred , as having this union already made ) so doth the due observation of wedlock ( especially on the womans part ) unite each family in it self : and is the most excellent means to peace and agreement : whereas , adultery administers occasions of quarrels of parents and families one with another , and of the same family in it self . and therefore we finde , however tende● god is of the life of man , the breach of this command is punished with death . and then eighthly , to steal is to destroy propriety directly , and thereby unity : when as ( on the contrary ) aright to give witness and information in our neighbours business , and between party and party , is the likeliest way to settle it , and peace amongst us ; which is ninthly commanded , when the bearing false witness against our neighbour is forbidden . and lastly , having given us such commands as will cut off the chief branches of our quarrels , he now by saying , thou shalt not covet , kills them in the root . for because i cannot commit external upon another , but what i had first approved and contrived in my self : even so , if i had not first ( by covetous desire ) invaded my neighbours property in my thoughts , i should not have attempted his disseisin by act or force ; which force will then occasion resistance , resistance quarrel , and quarrel death . and this death being against the whole course and rule of gods providence ; multiply , increase , and replenish the earth ; and in the noblest race of his creatures , man ; we may see plain reason why god should be so careful in giving these and other rules for our preservation : and why ( to enforce those rules the better ) he should be so express and careful of his own honour and service , as their ground and foundation . nor doth the moral law , and old testament look this way onely , but gospel-precepts ( by comparing those cardinal vertues of faith , hope , and charity , and giving to charity the precedence ( as their end ) do teach us the same thing also . for though faith was enjoyned in the first place , it was not for its pre-excellence ; but because , as my belief of deity , or hope of heaven stands in measure and degree , increased or remitted : so ( in proportion ) my practice in precepts of charity will follow . which vertue of charity , being the end thereof , and the true substance of al other graces ; they without it come to be reckoned but as sounding brass , and tinkling cymballs . for as we before shewed , that gods glory is the end of all things , and of man more especially ; so we must ( according to the precepts and rules of charity ) take care of the life and welfare of our neighbor , as we tender in any sort the glory and service of god : and , to the end this peace and safety may be the better acquired , submit to the authority of such as have the soveraignty and command over us : which shall now be our next discourse . chap. viii . of the master of the family . the discourses hitherto , have been to shew the end of government , which is peace ; and the foundation of it , unity and subjection ; and the tye and authority for both , which is religion . for without this , how could nature have set one man above another ? and if reason ( grounded on such agreement and consent as before supposed ) should have done it , yet what obligation for continuance , longer then the same reason of respective good that set them up , should in the same measure make it reasonable for continuance ? for the same natural tye of self-seeking , that caused men to submit at one time , would be as available and just , for them to take contrary course at another : nor could contract or paction be then in force , because a stronger obligation then seeking our own , could not be had . therefore untill the fear of an irresistable power for punishing this breach was added , that first conceit of mine own particular benefit , which caused me to make my promise , would also warrant me ( if i saw cause ) to break it . nor can fear of punishment , from those to whom i submitted ; or fear of suffering my self by consequent or example from others , prevail otherwise , then as in my apprehension over-poyzing that benefit i expect : which , if yet by force , fraud , faction , or other practice , i can secure my self against , and avoid ; the best course for my self , is the most justifiable . and , until a positive law comes from god to state and make sin , sin there cannot be : but folly there may be , and is , if through neglect or weakness , i stray from nature , and prefer anothers benefit to mine own , by any tye above self-consideration . for man , considered in meer nature , must be presumed as inculpable in pursuit of his desires , and remove of obstacles , as all things else ; though like them , it should extend to the death of the oponent . for that which warrants the end , warrants the means ; and except the difference be made else how , be they greater or less , they are equally allowable . and till religion be , conscience or fear of guilt , cannot be . therefore we may see just cause , that god himself should come in with his commands amongst us , and enjoyn us so often to make him our onely fear : for precepts or religion , as they give us great light what to do in policy , so are they the onely strong obligations to make it valid . because from hence it comes to pass , that men considered in nature as self-seekers onely , and thereby destructive to one another ; are now by policy made to do the same still ; and therewith to promote that good of others also : so that whilst it is impossible ( without natures subversion ) but for individuals ( as such ) to minde their own benefit onely ; they have now , their hopes and fears ( arising out of all things to be done or omitted in their power ) so increased by promises and threats annexed to divine precepts ; that the guidance of divine light , and not of our own , must be the choice of our reasonable will. therefore if i do injure or do not love my neighbour as my self , as god commands , i do thereby not love my self as nature enjoyns ; and do , in committing sin against religion , commit also folly against reason ; by so much injuring my self . and so again , for keeping commerce and society : he that sweareth to his neighbour and disappointeth him not , though it be to his hinderance , shall have the greatest of rewards . and so further , for honoring and obeying of parents and princes , how many are the rewards and threats running that way ? so that , should we not by natural reason , be led to see and follow those our benefits , arising by obedience to those politick governments ; yet , out of natural prudence ; when such large good or evil , to fall on our particulars is annexed , we cannot without self-prejudice refuse . and therefore , being now come to set these monarchies on their true foundations , we will speak more particularly of their powers and jurisdictions : beginning with the father of the family ; who , in his less territory is a little prince , as the other is a master of a greater family . in the treating of this oeconomical policy , it is not to be expected that i should in this place descend to particulars so far , as to set out the respective duties of all the members of the family one to another , more then i do in kingdoms ; but onely to set out the power of the governor thereof , and the grounds of the others obedience : and that , upon the like grounds of reason and scripture as i do in the other . so that in the confirmation of the power of this master , whereby children and servants were to obey in all things , we finde in holy writ those many precepts for perfect obedience : and that abraham had it as well in his power as duty , to command his children and houshold , to keep the way of the lord , and to do judgement and justice . where , by judgement and justice , we must suppose the power of life and death meant and included : as other nations have formerly granted it to fathers also . according to which power , formerly given , gen. . . we finde judah sentencing his daughter-in-law , to be burnt upon suspicion of whoredome : which he did , both as father to his own family , and also by the prerogative of elder brother ; as being every mans brother in his own family . by which power he afterwards again acquitted her , knowing himself to be the man involved in equal guilt : even as the adopted elder brother david , did afterwards upon like occasion . therefore for abraham to have killed his son , was not to have exceeded his rightful power : for had it so been , god would not have commanded ; and abraham not knowing any intention of diverting him , might have bogled at it . but for more full explanation why one person and no more should have power in each family ( the reasons being the same ) shall be discoursed in the title of soveraignty , and other places of government monarchical . for this dominion being scarce anywhere absolute in that relation , but all families being included in other soveraignties , the duties of those subordinate thereunto cannot be determined otherwise , then by saying they owe their obedience to him in all things , not prohibited by such as are superior unto them both . against those that make the institution of the family , the eldest ( as fitting best that ancient thinness of people ) we shall not contend much : though we might instance in the government of god himself ; and that of michael the arch-angel among the good , and of the devil ( as prince ) among the bad : as also that adam ( before he had family ) was by god made monarch of all creatures below ; and of eve also . but for answer to such as hold it barely natural , or at least more natural or reasonable then that of kings ; i shall first say , that if by most natural they mean that practice which is common to men and sensitives also , they shall finde the contrary in many instances . for when there is any association of birds , beasts , or fishes , it is always under one remarkable commander of that flock , herd , or shoal . and as for that government of family , it is among none of them ; nor can be : for except some sorts of fowl , they have not their proper females , and so must want the propriety of the young , whereby to make their family . and fowl we see , as soon as their brood can flye , beat off them , and part with one another ; all becoming strangers . and from the coupling and payring of the fowle , we cannot conclude for marriage : unless therewith , we say , that the having more then one wife is unnatural . and then , for the natural subjection of the females , many kindes of them speak the contrary . insomuch as the designation of number , and the power over wives , is not natural and constant , but political and differing . and as for the males equal care of the yong ones nurture ( practised in some fowl ) it ariseth from his extraordinary assurance of propriety in the brood : for from the time of their first congression , to her hatching , he is never so absent from his hen , as to endanger his jealousie . yet all those cocks that have more hens then one , though there be no other cock in the company to cause suspition , beat and hate the young . and then , as for the way of being a servant appropriate to one another in any sort , no creature knows it . come we now to men ; we hear of nations practising , and some men of reputation propounding the natural community of wives , and so overthrowing families : both which do yet entertain monarchy . the like we may say of the amazons , who have no families , and yet have monarchy . but now , if by saying the government of a family under one head is natural , they mean thereby reasonable , we agree ; and that for the reason heretofore , and hereafter to be given ; namely for unity of government in commonwealths : which reasons are most of them so agreeing to both , that they shall not need recital . and truly , when i have impartially considered , how both of them have foundation from divine authority and political prudence , i can lay the mistake of this partiality onely to this ; that such as write hereof , are usually themselves fathers of children , masters of servants , or husbands , or likely to be so ; and then , to strengthen the duties of all those relations ( as in order to themselves ) we may finde good reason . and therefore are not onely all those texts of scripture looking that way , taken in , without any to oppose them ; but nature is also brought as its first groundwork ; so confidently , that one would think god almighty might have spared his precepts . but , on the other side . kings are not themselves writers : and if they did ( as in justification of their own power , and subjects duty ) it would be called partiality ; because so many have interest against him . and if any of the subjects , out of conscience of truth , and for the subjects good too , ( if they well considered it ) write in defence of monarchy and its power , ( not onely such as have prejudice , by being under other forms , but ) other subjects also , that have all of them their particular interests and hopes ( by encrease of liberty ) will accuse him of flattery . for a monarch is a head above them , and so remains the object of continual envy and trouble , as eclipsing them all : which if away , they in democratick equalities ( if some of them be not more ambitious ) might be all monarchs ; both absolute over their own families , and , as they could make faction over others also : whereas now , they of their family and others may appeale in case of oppression . another prejudice against monarchs is , for that their subjects being numerous , they must trust the guidance of them in many things to others : against whose pride ( as knowing them to be but their fellow subjects ) the repine is greater , then if the prince ( as the master ) should act himself : all whose miscarriages comes ever to be laid to the fault of the government it self , by such as would be rid of it . which unjust censures or revilings come again through secresie of offendors ( amongst a multitude ) or through multitude of offenders ( as considered in themselves ) to be unespied or unpunished by the prince : whereas the paucity in the family enables the master to act by his own knowledge , and quickly to discover complaints : which you may well think , he will ( for his credit sake ) by power or craft smother : at least you may think , that if he do write or speak of the masters duty , it shall not be in a language as to involve or tax himself . as thus in government of persons , so in matter of propriety , there is another great prejudice arising to the monarch above the master of the family : and that from the same inconvenience in number of subjects also . which is , that the master ( in regard of his smaller charge ) can hold all the distributions of his fortune , ( that are alotted to the trust of sons or servants ) so within the verge of his own knowledge and account , that he need not grant so high proprieties as the prince must ; whereby to cause grumbling , when any part shall be recalled . but however , their disagreement is but accidental : and that , either in regard of number , or in regard of subjection . for the first respect ( as aforesaid ) may make them differ in their manner of exercise and managery of power , and in the latter they must differ in the measure : because families are usually included under other governments ; and so the master is tyed by the laws of the same from exercising arbitrary power . yet they agree in institution : both of them having absolute power of government from god. for the prince by his laws cannot be said to give the power of master , but rather to remit it as he thinks good : because the whole family , and each one in it , must be looked on as subjects to him , as well as the master . and indeed , families as now they stand under other governments streightned in power , may be called politick governments for the education of children chiefly . and therefore why other creatures have it not , is because they are not onely less considerable , but also for that their young are so soon able to shift for themselves : which women could not throughly do between childe and childe , if this divine political institution of marriage , had not been to engage the man also . and yet , though marriage ( or having the propriety of wives ) and also their subjection be from divine positive law , yet i finde not but the quantity of that subjection , and number of wives , is at the dispose of the higher power : and where none is , at the husbands . but let us go on , to examine the particulars of a family , how they stand in nature . first , the foundation of the family is in the wife . now all say marriage is not natural : but that propriety of wives , was one of the first positive precepts : when yet there was but one man and one woman ; and they could not have choice . now in nature , children are the mothers , as amongst all other creatures , the young belong to the female , and to the male onely as having propriety in the female . if it be said man hath power natural over the woman , as the male of other things hath over the female : this is indeed natural , for the stronger to rule the weaker , and not proper to the sex : for such females as are stronger then males ( as in some creatures it chanceth ) rule them too : and for ought this imports , a strong wife may govern a weak husband , as the nation of amazons do practice . but what is this to the ruling of women in general ; or to having of particular wives ? now suppose the power of the father derive it self from having it over the wife , and so naturally governing as in her right ; then the question will be , how long , and till what age this power shall last ? and what creatures example they will follow therein ? if they say it is at the parents dispose : this is still indeed the arbitrary government of the stronger over the weaker : and unless they claim the just authority of gods precepts , nature gives them little other right . i but ( you will say ) the childe is bound to the father , in so high an obligation of gratitude as he can never requite . but not bound to him ( i hope ) till he know him . well , but suppose he is first to take his mothers word for that ; then we are to suppose again , that as his mother hath ( during his infancy ) natural power over him , so hath she ( with her self ) resigned this power to her husband . in this case , we must consider , that gratitude is a free and intended return for a benefit , which in the receivers apprehension was freely intended . for if the giver were not free from constraint elsewhere in what he did , or else did it according to paction with the relative party ; in the first case it obligeth not , and in the second but as other pactions do . but if it be free , without indenting for return ( such as we call a gratuity ) then is the obliged as free in measuring and proportioning the return , as the obliger was in bestowing the benefits : and the agents in both kinds must be reciprocally judges . for although a courtesie ( as in reference to the good of society ) may imply a secret paction for return , yet it differs much from a true paction . first in that pactions have their returns exprest : and next that a third superior party is called to see performance : but in gratituties , as the donor could be alone judge of the benefit intended , so the grateful of the measure of benefit received , and consequently , what return is most proportionable ; both to his present power , and that receit also . and if you put it in the obligers power , to demand return according as he shall say his intentions were , you will at last leave no steady place , or measure for return or obligation at all . children ( while little ) can neither apprehend benefit , nor make return : unless you will say that the sport of the childe is return ; as acceptance from the loved , is requital to the loving : for men are not alwayes traders in what they do ; but the pleasure of doing is many times the cause of doing . if this be the case ( as having parents provoked by the affection of propriety , and pleasure of doing ) they lay no obligation beyond self respect : at least , until the childe be of such yeers , as to be able to discover and value truely the benefit received , his return cannot be expected : which can then onely be what he thinks good ; except gods positive precepts strengthen his gratitude beyond nature . but since this obligation of the childes is first placed for his generation , and then for his education , we will a little enquire into both , and will begin with that of generation . in this , man must be considered ( like other males ) as prompted by natural appetite , with no farther direct intention of laying an obligation on providence for continuance of his kinde , then when the like appetite , causing him to eat or sleep , he thinks expresly on preservation of his individual . and , if the behaviour of the males be well marked after this meeting , they will seldom be found in any glorying or exulting humor , as confident of good done : but rather shame and reluctance . and again , what shall we think of those , that through poverty or other considerations , might be unwilling to have been the parents of children at all ? so , for the woman or female again , although she ( besides her share in generation ) ha●h pa●t of her own substance imployed in nourishment of the young whilst it is within her ( and passeth her time in bearing , not in pleasure , but mostly in affliction ) yet , since nothing of it is voluntary , it remembers me of an undutiful , but pertinent answer of one ( that was reproved as unnatural for slighting his mother ) which was , that she got him for her pleasure , and brought him forth for her ease . but now you will say , that nurture and education after birth is voluntary , and so obligatory . and truely so say i too ; because in nature ( as to her equity ) it is in the mothers power to expose it if she will : yet it is not so in religion , for direct precept obligeth the parents to nurture and education of them , thereby proving the duty more positive then natural . and then , what shall we say of children as they are usually nursed elsewhere ? what shall their duty go to the nurse ? no ( you will say ) the nurse is paid by the parent : if so , then ( if this education and nurture be not done as a duty from the parent in respect of gods precept ) there lies an obligation but for so much as the cost is . but then againe , if an exposed , or other acquired infant , be adopted and taken in , and instead of being nourished for money , is ( it may be ) bought from the parent with money , to which parent lies the greater obligation ? if any speak of the affection of parents to the young , this is strong indeed in the female , but not lasting enough to make a family of . but if the male have any thing hereof , it is increased as the conceit of his propriety is : for males of other creatures use it not ; because the female onely knoweth her brood : and men love their children , not as they are really so , but as they believe them so : wherein no revealing natural sympathy leads them , but opinion , which many times deceives them , as shall be more fully discoursed in the title of property . but what is this to the natural duty of children to parents ? truely this affection runs so coldly upwards , and so differently , that if god , the law , and the parents authority kept them not in duty ( when they were of equal power ) they might naturally enough ( if the example of other creatures might be trusted ) use force against any assault . for as each individual is by nature furnished ( as aforesaid ) with competent ability to preserve and maintain it self , therefore the youngling ( that as yet wants strength and understanding so to do ) is in natures account not fully separate from the individual of the female : but this being now effected , it is then by natural course to follow self-guidance , as the parent did before . and lastly , as for the power of a master over his servants ; if they be hired , none will ( i presume ) doubt , but that it is political and pactional . indeed the government over slaves is natural ; depending on force : and here pactional or political precepts meddle not : leaving them to the lords dispose , in as high a degree of propriety , as any other goods . but now while we have been thus vindicating monarchy , against such as would not have one in a commonwealth to be as natural a government as that of one in a family , if any should think what hath hitherto been spoken , is to take off the reputation and authority of the father or master of the family , or to weaken the obedience of any under him , they quite mistake our intent : for our aime is to strengthen it , that therewith the other ( having the same end and foundation ( and that more general and strong ) might be therewith strengthened also . for as all power is from god , so all obedience must run in respect of his commands : either express to himself , or such as he hath delegated , and though he gave to kings and fathers , so large a portion of his power , as to enable them in their governments here to be assisting unto him in the course of humane providence , yet they are not to idolize themselves ; but to think , that since they are no otherwayes set up then by his authority , that therefore those under them are not subjected in that degree by nature , but by his precepts : for as all things should refer to his glory , so the neerer we come in our expressions of it , the better . whereupon i conceive that the master of a family , challenging obedience by gods direct and many precepts to that purpose given , is upon more warrantable ground , then relying on nature , and referring to god from thence , as at greater distance . and as this will be ( if well considered ) a stronger obligation to duty , for wives , children , servants , &c. so it will be therewithal more noble also , if when ( as voluntary agents ) they may expect reward of their performances from god that enjoyned them , then if , out of innate brutish principles , common to them with other creatures , their reward went not higher then their direction . we therefore say , that the head of the family hath the true power of a monarch in himself ; and where he is out the jurisdiction of anothers soveraignity , is a soveraign himself : and may judge , sentence , and execute ( according to gods and his own laws ) wife , children , or servants , as truely as the greatest prince . for as some families may be greater then some kingdomes , so the same person , at the same time , may be a monarch or soveraign , and yet but head of one family : even as abraham , though he might want unction , coronation , or other ceremonies to entitle him a king , yet had the same authority at home and force abroad , as had those other four victorious kings , which he with his own military servants overcame . therefore we will now compare the power and exercise of this government to monarchy , as hereafter we shall that of monarchy to this . the father we will compare to the king ; and so he is to have all those royal prerogatives ( where he is absolute and independent ) that enable a governor in chief : namely the office of supream judge , with its attendants ; the power of making and interpreting his own laws , that is , to have aswell the power to instruct and direct what to do , as the sword of justice , to punish those that shall do otherwise : and in all these cases to have the last appeal , &c. for , if wife , children , or servants , or a faction of them , shall take upon them to decide controversies , or to make , interpret , or execute laws to that purpose ( without , or beside him , and not allowing any their fellows of the family liberty to appeal to him as supream ) the unity , peace , and government of that family is broken and lost . then , as the monarch makes magistrates , so the master hath power to appoint what stewards , bailiffs , receivers and other officers he thinks good ; without the leave of any of the same family . then , as the king lets out the stock and wealth of his kingdom in several properties for the good of the whole kingdome ( that is , for encrease of the publike stock by private managery ) so the master entrusts the wife , children , or servants , as he sees occasion : taking of them ( as the use of the family requires ) such proportions as he thinks fit : whether it be tenth , or twentieth part of the encrease ; which answers the taxes in kingdomes . so lastly , hath he power over their liberties and personal services , for his own or the families occasions . but these , and other similitudes of jurisdiction , will be spoken of more largely under monarchy . some have thought that a family could not be rightly called so , under such a number of persons , that is five at least : and that in it , there must he all relations ; that is , of wife , children and servants . they might also have aswel put down servants of all sorts , that is , slaves too , because most families in other countries have them : but i , considering a family as to preservation of mankind by government , and not as to the encrease of it barely , say that the sole power of each family , as a family , belongs to the head thereof ; and that in the relation of master too . and i do farther conceive , that , as wife and children are commanded as members of the family where they are , so , if they dye or depart the family , the master doth still remaine the head of the family , although he be now neither husband nor father : and that , although it be but over two servants , aswel as before : for although his power be not so extensive over few , yet it is as absolute . and the same is to be judged againe , though he have none but children , or none but wives : for though these may alter his relation to those under him ; yet having sole power , he continues in the full right of government as master of the family : for , considering them in their general relation of governors and governed , though the master ( from their differing relations that are under him ) may differ in notion or title , yet the power is of god , and not from their relations , as inferiours . if the wife , before marriage ( and being yet free ) make paction for part of his power , yet she is so far from constituting the power belonging to his office , that he ( when he shall judge it necessary ) may reassume this for ought she ( as of proper power ) can hinder . the like may be said of children and servants ; unto whom , by promise or without , he may suspend , or remit the execution of his power , as he shall judge fit : and yet cannot he be said to have derived power from them . let us now proceed to resemble their orders and relations , and then speak of the anarchy or overthrow of a family . the master himself we have compared to the king , and now his wife we will compare to the order of priesthood in the kingdom : which is to be ruled more by love then fear , and yet is to be subject to the same head . the children we may compare to the nobility and magistrates ; who standing in degree between monarch and people , or master and servants , serve as the ministers and conveyers of justice and protection downwards ; and by their sole dependance of the good of the monarch or master , serve as bulwarks against any forcible attempt . the servants in the family , do resemble the other subjects in a kingdom . now this government in a family is changed through remisness or weakness in the master , as is the kingdom through the like in the king : for if he act onely by others , the acknowledgement will follow the power , and themselves through contempt , lose or hazard their soveraignty . as , if the master be uxorious , then ( as the undertaking clergy can make religious cognizance stretch as far as they please , so ) the wife ( as incident to women ) being grown proud of government , will ( as it were now her own right , ) take all upon her to general discontent . but if he be indulgent , and trust his power to children , then they , neglecting all above them ( that is power , civil and ecclesiastical ) fall a trampling on all the servants , as ambitious nobles in a kingdom ; till the subjects be rebels , or slaves . and lastly , if ( as making himself equal with his servants ) he affect popularity too much , he thereby loseth his bulwarks of nobility and religion , things of no esteem with them : and lies as a deserved prey , to his servants and subjects next violent attempt . let us now see their likeness in their anarchies . if ( in the weakness or absence of the master , or infancie of the heir ) the power be exercised partly by the wife , followed with one part of the servants ; and by the children , followed with others of the servants , ( so that there is division by factions ) anarchy is begun . if the wife prevail , as in title to her husband , or as protector to her son and heir , monarchy is not in much danger ; because she and the clergy have great interest in the crown . but if master and heir dye in the contest , and the children prevail and govern joyntly , then it is one sort of setled anarchy ; which is aristocracy . if the servants that took the part with the masters title prevail against the children , or the childrens insolence shall make the servants that followed them desert and joyn with others against them ( so as to overcome them and rule themselves ) then it is the other sort of anarchy ; namely democracy : both which are ( upon the same reason ) as opposite to government in a family , as in a kingdom . but now , although there be more mutterings and repinings in each family ( that is against the exercise of the government of the present master thereof ) then is in a monarchy , ( having consideration to their proportionable numbers ) yet to set up such standing factions , or to prosecute them so far as to overthrow the form of government thereof , cannot be in like manner subject to the family as kingdom : and this , because the master or his heirs interest , is by superiors laws still upheld : and then , the masters of all other families having concern in the example , do so order things , that the faction of one family can never have force enough , to prevail ( by president ) against so many . whereas in the monarchy , ( discontented parties having made a faction so great as to overpower the appointed head therein ) there is not another present superior fear to keep them from destructive proceedings : for other monarchs will rather help it for gain to themselves ; and other heads of families will forward it , out of consideration of their share in government , when this one is taken away . and none can doubt , but that children and servants are throughout as desirous , and covetous of the fathers and masters power and riches , as the factious subjects are of these of a king : and would as assuredly make their associations to deprive him thereof , and also joyn in confederacy to enjoy them amongst themselves as the other do , if they had but equal hopes of prevailing , and of being unopposed . and could these of a family secure themselves in their narrow bounds , against the prince and his laws , and the disturbance and intermedling of the masters of other families , as well as republikes can fortifie against other monarchs : we should soon finde more anarchical families then kingdoms : i mean number for number . for since we all know that the fathers estate is more often and with more covetousness sought then the kings , if fathers had nothing but their sons consciences for their defence , as kings have , they would often fall into worse fortune . but monarchs wanting , first present undertakers of their common protection when their offices are invaded , as the prince is to the fathers ; and monarchs again , being not unanimous and active in upholding each others rights , as fathers are ; it is no wonder , if we finde here and there an anarchical kingdom , even daring to profess themselves so ; which families do not . but , would monarchs take the common interest to heart , as fathers do ; and be as vigilant to preserve their neighbors power as others are to overthrow them ; they would finde that it would be the steadiest course to maintain their own power at home : and that , when other kingdoms could never have been known successful in enterprising their kings subversion , their subjects would never undertake it ; no more , then the children or servants of a family dare for the like cause , attempt the like against their father and master : the main reason that subjects usually have to desire such change , being the example of such or such a neighboring people , as have thriven therein : and so , making fortune and success the onely judge of right and wrong , they do proceed accordingly : all stories telling us , that until anarchies came into the world , such a thing as limited monarchy was not in being . let us now again see their likeness in rebellions , and its pretences . the wife , if she be of greater spirit then to be confined in her proper employment , takes occasion from her husbands remisness , or too great trust in her , to enlarge her power in the family , and to encroach on her husbands also . with these she lays obligations , and raises dependances as to her self : and having now ( as she believes ) gotten strength to stand alone , or above her husband , she becomes more insolent and open : which if it shall awake him to curb by his just power , then comes she to spread through the family the charge and power she hath . she saith , that the power of the head of the family , grew from the family : for as the family was in greatness or power , so was the head thereof also : and therefore that they ( as the fountains of power ) might use the same to their just vindication from oppression . she saith , that as all kindes of good is increased by communication , so the good of the whole family , is to be preferred in reason to the single good of any one ; especially since ( as the case now stands ) that one seeks but his own hurt also , led and blinded with evil counsel . in which case , necessity of self-preservation , will not onely justifie ; but duty to their master , requires the other members , to joyn in a course to force these from him , and take the charge of his person and government themselves . she tells them , that a family ( as a family ) hath foundation on the wife : and that ( as without religion ( well instructed ) there could be no firm obligation for subjects obedience ; so ) without a wife no children , no family : and so no master thereof . besides ( though truly she is loth to say so much her self , yet ) her husbands late disrespect and forwardness to cross her , makes her fear ( as men are now easily enclined to heresie , so ) he hath turned his affection to some other women : and therefore she would divorce her self from him ; that so he might be as excommunicate in his family . for , although it is true , that obedience is to be given to him by the law of god , yet again it is as true , that he is to keep gods laws as well as we : if not , we must obey god rather then men . nay , when he hath neglected his duty to his family , in not providing for them ( as this man hath done ) saint paul expressly saith , he is worse then an infidel . now , whether it be not fit that one that hath denied the faith , an infidel , nay worse then an infidel , should not onely be excommunicated , but put from government , she thinks none can doubt . but above all , through her husbands often absence about other imployments , and remitting the directive part of government to her in many particulars , she lays the greatest claim to make herself ( as it were ) governor in chief ; leaving to her husband ( as pertinent to him that hath none but the coercive part ) the honor and authority only of a subservient officer : that is , to execute & punish according to her determination and censure . no otherwise , then as the popish and presbyterian clergy , upon advantage of their sole exercise in the office of publike instruction , do come to believe at last , they are supreme and uncontrolable herein : and do thence infer , that as the body is to be subservient to the mind , so the prince ( or civil magistrate as they call him ) ought with his coercive part of government , to be reckoned but as subordinate , and ministerial to what they in their spiritual capacities shall enjoyn . not remembring , that all that external jurisdiction and power she exerciseth in t●e family , is subordinate , and to be acknowledged as derived from his supreme headship ; even as done by her as his wife in his family , by vertue of that choice and designation he then made at the time he personally ordained her to be his wife , and so consequently took her into this consortship and share of power . for although the positive power and honor belonging to her as a mother and mistris of a family be to be derived from god onely , even from the sacramental efficacy of marriage and ordination it self ; yet since it cannot be imagined that the constitution of a less and subordinate power was intended to be the overthrow of a greater , therefore should she have considered , that she is negatively in all things by him restrainable in the execution thereof . nay more , in those things which she acts as mistress of the family , over any but her own children , she is to hold her self as well impowered as restrainable by him : although in respect of that obedience ( or honor rather ) which her own children give her , she be not to acknowledge any humane derivation therein , but is impowered as mother , both by the laws of god and nature ; and that in chief , where no other head or monarch is . with these and such like insinuations she may be supposed to win children and others of the family into a faction and association with her : by whose help she may be able to work her ends . for although women be ( rather ) more desirous of government then men , yet they , wanting bodily strength , are forced to draw in others to their assistance , by setting up of their interests also . thus children shall be won in , by hope of some parity of power with the father , as well as peerage among themselves ; for , by the text of fathers provoke no● your children to wrath , they would both have the duty of fathers implyed , of not commanding more to their children , then what they are willing to act , for fear of angring them : and also that , being provoked by their father , it was just and reasonable for them , to prosecute this wrath of theirs unto the abating his power for the future . then , the children , when they meet with an easie and indulgent father , and one that hath never so much as said to them , why do you so ? but hath suffered them to rule and sway over the servants as of their own right , by his too great trust to them given ; these ( i say ) are apt to forget , the joynt and common interest they have in their fathers support , and thereupon to be drawn into these insurrections . but when the father shall now finde himself despised , and shall discover that they ( as contemning his authority ) are begining to make factions amongst his servants , as seeking their own interest and ends ; and thereupon would now begin to curb them , and it may be ( according to solomons advice ) put wise servants over these his sons that cause his shame ; how will they begin to cry out on their slavery , when strangers and servants shall be made favorites ? how ill natured is his own children , to his peers ? but it is no marvail ( they tell the rest of the family and people ) that they are so used , for it is for their sakes , and onely because they have ever held up against such as would enslave them : for if they would flatter him in such a course , they might have preferment and favor enough . no , no , their conscience and zeal to the publike , would not let them be of this bed-chamber and court-junto : they are publike spirited , and all for the common liberty and good : and will maintain the families , or peoples liberties and properties ; and ( above all ) the true religion . if the father , finding his wife more true , do particularly use her assistance or advice , oh what scorn will they cast upon their mother . what shall they be ruled by the distaff ! are women fit for such employment ! what shall they be priest-ridden ! let women ( on gods name ) spin , and govern their own maids : have they not callings of their own ? as if there could not be a greater injury offered them , then to tell them that they must be subject to any other precepts of religion , but what was of their own contrivance . but all other clamorous maxims , come far short of those used by the ordinary servants ; being now left with none above them : the children and nobility being dead , or disheartned by long contention ; and others now content , to joyn with them in their heady alterations . now come they to conceive and cry out , that since the main body of the family or kingdom consists of the servants or subjects : that therefore their good and advice , should be most taken into concern . the master had no other power over them , then what he had by paction ; they ( by that ) made him to be a master : and since they entered thereinto but in order to their own good , why should they be hindered at any other mans pleasure for the future ? no , since they are now restored to their own just natural freedom again , they will not be subject to any sort of rule , but what shall be for their own good ; yea , and at their own choice . which once resolved , what strange fancies and models of government , do they at once contrive & practise over one another ? what a many of play-days will they make , till , under the notion of slavery , all necessary ways to sustain the family be neglected ? how are the names of tyranny , slavery , liberty , freedom , &c. tossed up and down like tennis-balls ? and , because their weakness and inexperience cannot let them see what proportion of liberty just government will admit , they , for fear of want , are still crying out liberty , liberty : and as ( amongst children ) there is a contest ( by way of sport ) for saying some word or sentence oftenest in a breath ; so amongst them , these that in their proposals of government , can name and promise liberty most , and can put the other political railing terms of tyranny , slavery , oppression , &c. oftenest upon others , are concluded to have most infallibly found out the best government for them to follow . in the passed discourse of the power of the father and master of the family , and of the subjection and obedience which those that are under them do owe ; it will not ( i hope ) be expected , i should enter into the particulars of his duty again , in the government of them ; or of things belonging to the family ; more then i shall afterwards , set forth the manner of kingly administration : therefore ( upon the reasons before given ) leaving the masters part towards his family , to be treated of when i shall speak of the kings towards his subjects , what hath been said will ( i conceive ) be sufficient to set forth the ground and right of the masters power , so far as to estate the obedience of all under him : and the inferences thereupon , will i hope , prove pertinent ( by their likeness ) to encourage our subjection , and disprove our insurrection against kings : to which end this discourse was chiefly intended . chap. ix . of soveraignty , and its original ; and , of monarchy or kingly power . by what hath been delivered , both in explaining those many particular laws from god himself , and those many documents deduceable from the light of nature for the establishment of government , we cannot in reason now own its original , or that power whereby it is made and found●d to any other then him . for , in respect the thing it self is of so great honor , we may well think god to relate to the particular glory of conferring hereof , when upon occasion of impowring the king of kings , he saith , my glory will i not give to another . for god , that hath all power belonging to him having resigned this scepter into the hands of chri●t , to set judgement in the earth , and cause the isles to wait for his law ; it is not for men to set up to themselves such images of authority as are of their own graving and contrivance : lest we be found resisting and opposing him in these his proper attributes , of kingdom , power , and glory ; even by refusing or opposing such ministers and forms of administration , as are by him to this end appointed amongst us . insomuch , that if any should think it of humane production , and argue , that because the good and preservation of the people was the cause of this power in princes , that therefore these people must be the originals thereof also ; they would by this assertion , rob god of his due . for , although they and their good are partly the final cause , yet are they so passive therein as it cannot be reasonably conceived , how they shall be able to act above , or upon that power they must suffer under : and their good again , being subservient and much inferior to a higher and better end , gods glory , it will follow that this , as the more worthy , must , upon the same ground prove the final cause also : and the other remain but as a means thereunto . and if the people be thus weak herein , what claim shall they lay to be efficient causes ? how can they be brought to bestow what they had not ? or shall we think , that now , in corrupted nature , men have farther power to order and govern themselves , then while it was pure ? for even then , by right of creation , providence , and protection , man , with other creatures , stood subject ; and had , in the very state of innocence , a law to observe : and well had it been for him to have had more regard to this power : but now , lapsed and depraved as we are , our acknowledgement and subjection to this power and soveraignty will agree more , both with our benefit and duty , then before . nor can we think , because our present distempers need , or call for this coercive power , that therefore we are the radical cause thereof : no more then the sick patient , can reckon himself the cause of cure , or of the physicians skill . whereupon , since power cannot own its original to impotency , we must derive it from its onely author , namely god : and therefore the judgement which kings give , is by god owned as his ; and he is called gods minister . if power were from the people , democrity were the best form of government , and monarchy the worst , as farthest from its patern and original : but ( on the contrary ) we finde it on all hands confessed that monarchy is best ; as having in it most apparent unity , and coming neerest to its paterne and fountain , god almighty . again , supposing power at first from the multitude , it must be from each person , according to that maxim quisque nascitur liber ; and then , if all be free by birth ( as each one must , or none must ) how can the children of contractors be bound to the compacts of their fathers , more then they were to theirs before : or why have they not power of alteration aswel as they ? for if universal consent makes it , it is a thing which never was , nor never can be had ; women , children , servants , and many people more ( under one arbitrary qualification or other , made by such as bare sway ) being secluded . and therefore , the persons of electors decaying , and others of equal birth-right daily succeeding ( if general consent makes governors lawful ) the question must be daily asked : nay , if major votes of these electors , may , in equity pretend to binde the other , then no power can be of any continuance without new capitulation : because part of the old major voters will be still dying , and so a number of non-consenters now succeeding , they must be still asking consent anew , or else it may be doubted , that these new ones added to the old minor vote of non-consenters , may make the major number , and so make it to be no lawful government . and so farther , by this maxime , how can conquest or succession have any right ? which it hath , by confession of all . again , since rebellion is a resistance made by a less rightful power against a more ( for so disobedience and stuborness comes to be called rebellion against god ; ) why should we not call kings rebels to the people ( if his power be from them ) aswel as call them rebels to him ? acknowledging hereby all power of right in him . we may further finde that god , to express his own propriety in conferring the power of kingship , taketh often to him the title of king , as of the supream and high power amongst men , and never of any aristocratick or democratick compellation : sometimes putting it before , and above his own name of power ; as if it were most highly emphatick to express the original thereof : as when farther to set forth himself as a great god , he adds , and a great king above all gods : importing , that as he had made them elohims to men , so would he still keep his own paramont right , in being a melech over them . and so moses , for a greater honor and grace is called king , as inferring none but such to have indubitable power to make laws : for it is said , that moses commanded in a law , even the inheritance of the congregation of jacob ; and he was king in jesurun , when the people and tribes were gathered together : that is , he had power before , and not from their assemblies . and so againe , god , for the farther enabling and honoring of kings , usually gives unto them of his own titles of kingdome , power , might , majesty , honor , &c. which he doth not to any , but these his own lieutenants : whom in the psalms he most particularly owns as his second self , and under the appellation of gods ( there given them ) shews that their power must be acknowlegded from him onely : i have said ye are gods , and all of you children of the most high . and as this his so saying , confers on them the stampe of his power , so keeps he to himself , the sole prerogative of being god of gods , and great king above all gods : for he judgeth among the gods ; to see if they deliver the poor and needy : rid them out of the hand of the oppressor . and these texts of the psalm , are by our saviour thought so clear , for proof ( not onely of kings derived power from god , but also ) of their neer representation of other his honorable attributes , that he makes it the only scripture argument , to prove the assumption of divinity to himself warrantable : if he called them gods unto whom the word of god came , and the scripture cannot be broken , how say ye of him whom the father hath sanctified and sent into the world , thou blasphemest ; because i said i am the son of god. wherein he proves , that since kings ( being but adopted children of the most high ) ought to be acknowledged gods , how much more he , that ( being expresly by the father sanctified and sent into the world ) might truely assume and say , i am the son of god : and that he was eminently ( above others ) this natural son of god , he there attests his works : which , although the stronger proof , abolisheth not the strength of the proof of the kings power ; namely the word of god , the scripture that cannot be broken . and for that exception , of kings unlikeness to god in regard of immortality , but ye shall die like men , and fall like one of the princes , it makes their resemblance of god in power , &c. ( while they live ) yet more clear : as being thence to be concluded , as far above the ordinary sort of men ( and magistrates also ) in their life time , as now in death like unto them . and by that differencing those ( there called gods ) from an inferior ranke of princes , it must signifie that supream office of kingship onely : because on earth , princes are under none else : and therefore is monarchical government there acknowledged the foundation of the earth : for ( complaining of their present injustice ) it is said all the foundations of the earth are out of course . nay , so far are people or subjects from having any authority to confer these high places , or of having from god any rightful power over one another , that they have it not wholly over themselves : so that no man can kill or destroy himself , but he is so far-forth culpable , as a transgressor of the laws of god and nature . for as the measure of our good abearing to others , is from presumption of our good inclinations to our selves : if we proceed by such self-injuries , how shall the damage of our neighbour be avoided ? in whose , and our destruction , there will happen a diminution to gods general property in mankinde , by loss of so many individuals . upon which ground , we see that kings as gods vicegerents , and under him proprietors of their whole territories , must ( for the enabling them in their account ) have account given them for the life of each one of his subjects : which although destroyed by himself , is yet murther , and the party culpable , as felo de se. so then , there is no power but of god , and the powers that are , are ordained of him : he it is that taketh away kings and setteth up kings , a god of gods and lord of kings he is : and he himself by paramount right , beareth rule over the kingdoms of men , and giveth them to whom he will. the which to deny , and to ascribe this gift and power to any earthly derivation , is with nebuchadnezzar to have the ●eart and understanding of a beast onely , not of a reasonable creature . and daniel farther tells baltshazar , the most high god gave thy father a kingdom , and majesty , and honor , and glory : and for the majesty that he gave him , all people , nations , and languages trembled and feared before him : he put to death whom he would , and whom he would he set up , and whom he would he put down : all which ( as it shews the original of power , so ) being spoken of heathen kings , what can more directly point out the largeness of authority , necessarily belonging to that office , as derived from god , to whom all the kingdoms of the earth belong , and whose lieutenants they are ? could the law of nature , or any other unknown prerogative of one man over another , have otherwise made the taking of mans life away other then murther ; had not a power herein been thus gotten from god ( who onely had it ) to be exercised by his vicegerent : to enable him ( as before said ) to put to death whom he would ? which general power of the sword of justice , we may find given to kings , at the same time god gave over the immediate managery thereof himself : for so are we to understand the words , at the hand of every mans brother will i require the life of man : namely , to denote unto us that officer , who is appointed to the execution of this power . for although god will have mans blood now punished by man himself , yet it is not to be done by every one , but by such an one as should personate and represent every man , as being every mans brother : so that by the words hand , and brother ( in the singular number ) we are to understand that this power of life and death , is hereby put into the trust of this publike and general person , now the adopted elder brother under and after the law ; as it was in the natural elder brother before the law . and that this verse was not idlely added to the former , but to signifie this common person the king , will most plainly appear by comparing it with that description of kingly office particularly given to the jews : in which , this officer is there specified under that relation of brother three times , and under no notion else : one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee , thou mayest not set a stranger over thee , which is not thy brother : and againe it is there said , that his heart be not lift up above his brethren . in which places , since the relation of brotherhood is so often used , and not any other word or relation ( as of bidding them choose one of their own nation , country , kindred , religion , &c. ) it must shew it to be a direct paraphrase on this place . and that which will yet most of all clear it , will be the observation that this first prediction , and appointment of kingship by god all the world over , was upon the same occasion with this prophesie , and appointment of kingship by moses amongst the jews : because that in both places , the relation and notion of brother , is set down by occasion of the establishment of the like chief mark of their office , namely supream judicature . for as in this place this publike officer and judge , was appointed upon occasion of gods first setting down positive laws for men to be governed by , so in this place of moses it is set down after , and upon occasion of setling the power of supreme judicature between blood and blood , &c. in one judge amongst that people . some have thought the judiciary power , and the designation of magistracy , not to be set down till the sixth verse : and that in the most general terms of who so sheddeth , &c. but i conceive that verse , to contain a general recital of gods care of humane preservation , by the vindicative prosecution of the causers of his death , whither man or beast : both which had been before particularly spoken to . for that chap. containing expressions of gods providence for man and beast , after their former destruction , we may note , that as the forbidding to eat blood was sacramentally delivered to teach men clemency and abstinence ( in that their indulgence for dominion and food over beasts ) so ( on the other side ) to shew us that god careth for men too , it is next added , and the blood of your lives will i require at the hand of every beast . by which words , since we cannot conceive how beasts should be otherwise ( in that kind ) responsible to god , then by his minister of justice amongst us , we must therefore conclude , the requiring hereof at the hand of every beast , and at the hand of every man , is to be made good by that judiciary authority of every mans brother next following . all which will plainly appear to be the sense hereof , by the chap. of ●xodus : where laws are set down for men and beasts in that kind offending : which are to be exercised by the present judiciary power , and not left to every man in the literal sense . but , to return to the other part of kingly power according to daniels description . by setting up and pulling down whom he pleas●th , we may see the subordination of all estates , orders , and degrees of subjects unto him : inasmuch as the power of all other magistrates , must be reckoned but as derived from him as supreme , and their power but as parts and slips of his entire trust . and this was well denoted , when god took part of moses spirit to enable the subordinate ministers to exercise their functions : for , although god had sufficient of his own to give as yet unbestowed , yet , to shew the necessity of their dependance and subordination for establishment of government , he grants them portions onely of what had been entirely conferred on one before : that so agreement and unity might be preserved , by this unity of spirit and bond of peace ; which would else be distracted by plurality of persons . and to this end , were these persons to be at moses choice also : for the lord said unto moses , gather unto me seventy men of the elders of israel , whom thou knowest to be elders of the people , &c. and i will come down and talk with thee , and will take of the spirit which is upon thee , and will put it upon them , and they shall bear the burthen of the people with thee , that thou bear it not thy self alone . which places plainly shew , that although god , at moses suit , did give others power to bear part of the burthen , yet is their manner of constitution so ordered , as to minde them of subordination to the monarch : and again , there is nothing of popular consent herein : all which would be well considered , by such as are so credulous of the soveraign power of the sanhedrim . this delegation of power from god to kings , was usually conferred under the name of unction : for so saith samuel in annointing saul , is it not because the lord hath annointed thee to be captain over his inheritance : plainly implying , the power and office to be conferred with the unction : and that also as coming from god ; the lord hath annointed thee . and therefore , under this incommunicable and sacred title of gods anointed , their protection is again by god more expresly owned , then of other persons . this unction or mark of power , is in the first place due and proper to christ ; thereupon called the christ , or the annointed of god. hereupon , all the kingdoms of the earth are our lords ; and he also is king of kings , and lord of lords and prince of the kings of the earth . moreover , he being the eternal wisdom of his father , by and under him it is , that kings raign , and princes decree justice : nay , the very heathen are his inheritance , and the utmost ends of the earth his possession . and as in acknowledgement of derivation of office and power from christ , kings ( as anointed under him ) do waer his cross on their crowns : so by vertue of this unction ( as by a kinde of sacrament ) it is that their persons have ever been held so sacred , that none have ever yet found out a way , or dared to practice the annihilation of the stile it self of king , more then that of father from the same persons that were really so : as in other officers set up by humane authority , is usually done , by way of degradation . the which amongst christians , hath been chiefly confirmed by the example of davids usage towards saul and ishbosheth , both of them his open and professed enemies : against the first of which , although there might be high faults objected , and that against god also ( who did thereupon by samuel make so much known of his will of rejecting him , that the people could not be ignorant thereof ) yet , because they wanted express warrant from god to be actors therein ( as jehu had ) they durst not presume to lift up their hands against the lords annointed . nay david himself durst not do it ; although his advantage by his overthrow , and his oportunity to do it were most apparant : and who also , had as high provocations from saul , as might have tempted any ordinary humor of revenge : and had farther ( beyond the pretence of any ordinary subject , or any order of them ) as great a presumption of insubjection as could be : because of his own unction by gods appointment , and from his knowdledge of sauls rejection . yet he , in proof of derivation of kingly power from god only , findes nothing but express authority from that god that hath set them up , to be warrantable for the pulling them down : they were the lords anointed , not the peoples : it was therefore his part , and much more is it the part of others now , to permit that powerful hand that brought this rod upon them , to have liberty to remove it in a way and time of his own . for how can they do it as subjects ? and from whence should they derive insubjection ? if then they be gods anointed , the rightful power to govern accordingly , must be therewith conferred : or else the unction were vaine , and in a mockery of god. if the politick corporation confer the power , let the charter and seal of office that speaks it be produced : let us see the hands and seals of those that conferred this power , as also their commissions and authorities for so doing ; that we may be satisfied with the just derivation thereof . but now , as donations and assignations of humane interests , use to pass and be conferred from one party to another by such like wayes of conveyance and none else ; so , this passing by anointing , it must shew it to be confessedly of a different nature . but to give a cleerer light to the comprehension and distinction of divine right and authority in these things , we shall here take leave a little to digress . as to deny god almighty to be the prime and supreme cause of all things , and of those vertues and abilities whereby each thing is effected , is perfect atheism , so ( on the other hand ) to submit and fasten on him ( as immediate agent ) those operations , which by the ordinary course of his providence he hath appointed to be the productions of natural causes , doth as strongly argue ignorance : but if in those effects and productions which may to our sense be observed to come to pass by the interposition of such second agents , as neither by any naturalness in themselves , nor observation of ours could be reasonably concluded the causes of them ; in that case again , to deny divine power , and ascribe to nature and second agents what is above their reach , is both athiesm and folly too . to ascribe the hardening of the clay to god almighty , and not to the sun or fire , is to be foolishly derogatory to him : even as it is also , to deny him to be the cause of that heat and vertue in the sun or fire , whereby it came to pass . and no less then so it is , to ascribe to the vertue of the clay , that cure which our saviour wrought on the blinde man : for neither any known naturalness in that agent , nor observation of the like elswhere , could reasonably warrant such presumption therein . as thus in inanimates and the general course of providence , there ought to be a discreet distinction made by us , in the setting down of what operations are immediately divine , and what natural ; so much more , in those things which are wrought by creatures reasonable ; and where as well the agent as patient are voluntary , as in matters of government and instruction it fareth . in which respect , since there cannot be any natural reason or cause assigned , why the will of one should be efficatious to the government of the will of another ( as in it self ) it must follow , that that constant course and setled way of so doing , must be attributed to divine authority only . constant and setled way , i say : for that there may many humane contrivances be made , to introduce temporary subjection and agreement , which cannot lay claim to be of divine institution : and because again , although this monarchical government be alone jure divino , and so onely constant as to the way and form , yet ( through humane frailty ) it may many times fail in the measure and end of its efficacy . the officers that are to claim their functions and authority as jure divino , are first the king or monarch : who is from and under god himself , established as well in causes ecclesiastical as civil , supreme governor . and then fathers , masters , and husbands : as civil governors . and then those of the clergy , as spiritual guides and directors , under this their chief guide and director : unless it be where , and when this master or father of the family is insubjected and independent : at which time he ( being himself a supreme monarch ) hath ( as elder brother ) those priest-like and civil offices of instruction and coertion , by the law of god united in the same unsubordinate person : even as amongst those great and more ancient families it fared , before nations came to be under kingship ; or that the priesthood was divided from the civil power . nor doth matter of reason alone ( as already and hereafter to be shewed ) prove the authority of these functions to be divine , but the express precepts by god himself to that purpose given , do ( beyond dispute ) settle these officers , and none else as of divine right , immediately to them derived , for authorising them in their acts of government and power . by which words of immediately derived , we may know how to put a difference , between that power and authority which is exercised by kings themselves , who hold of none but god above them , and that which others their magistrates perform : who , being ordained in their power by the prince , cannot be said to hold their powers otherwise then as immediately received from him . but although ( in this regard of subordination ) it may be in some sense true , that the priest and master of the family may be also said to derive their power from the king ( where kingship is ) even because in the exercise thereof they may be by him directed or limited , yet is there a great difference to be put between them and magistrates , in respect of claim to divine right in performance of their functions . the magistrate , as he is positively & affirmatively impowred by the prince , so is he also negatively under him in the execution thereof : the priest and master of the family ( on the other side ) have all their positive power of instruction and jurisdiction from god alone derived : being negatively onely restrainable by the monarch in the outward act and execution thereof : whereas , to the king himself it is alone peculiar , as to be by none but god affirmatively impowered , so to be by none but him negatively restrainable . but then again , although in each independent family , the offices of instruction and coercion be united in chief in the person of the same master , yet between the authorities which those of the priesthood and the masters of families do severally execute ( where they are not united ) there is unto the order of priesthood a greater honor annexed ( in respect of divine claym and authority ) then to the other : and that not onely because instruction must be supposed to precede coercion in time and order , but also in dignity : in respect or the different dignities of those that are to be the objects of their authorities ; the priestly function presupposing always a more noble object ( namely such an one as is indued with understanding and wit ) whereas bare coercion can reach unto neither of them . and under the gospel again , a farther addition of honor and divine authority will arise , from the observation of that more spiritual charge and function , they inwardly claim towards the promotion and exercise of gods kingdom in our hearts : whereas amongst the jews , the drift of the priests instructions had for objects the outward acts and ceremonies chiefly . in which regard of instruction and preaching the fundamentals of christianity ( taken as gospel duties ) they stand by means of special ordination thereto , not onely separately distinguished and enabled above other humane power ( as the persons to instruct and teach gods will are distinct , and in that respect above those that are to obey ) but also , whilst they meddle not with such things as have tendency to civil peace and duty , they are unsubordinate to the prince himself : nay above him too ; as his spiritual fathers : and as having their efficacy , and holding their authority herein immediately from christ , as his ministers ; and not of the political head of the commonweal . the father and master of the family enter upon their authorities and function according to natural course and equity , without personal designation and appointment from the prince and his power , and are afterwards restrainable in all things as he shall think good : but those of the priesthood although they were by the laws and authority of the prince personally ordained to stand as gods ministers , yet are they ( on the other side ) as gods immediate ambassadors and prophets , subordinate to none . and this gospel duty of preaching , besides publike prayers and administrations of the sacraments , are to remaine as the proper duties of persons in holy orders , without exemption of the prince himself : for although to each prince ( in order to peace and government ) the chief and general care of instruction in the wayes of righteousness doth appertain , as it doth also in each family to the master thereof , yet doth the office and efficacy of instruction in the mysteries of gods inward kingdome depend on the authority of none but god himself . but these things are to be understood of the clergy in their spiritual functions onely ; and as they relate to one another as equally gods ministers : and not as they are differenced amongst themselves , in reference to that distinct proportion of external jurisdiction and power , alotted them for peace and order sake . for as in the first respect they are under none but god , so in the second , they are wholly subjected to the prince : he being ( as great bishop and overseer of the whole church ) to preside over the bishops of the particular diocesses thereof , upon the same reason and divine authority , that the diocesan doth preside over the parochial minister . and upon the same ground that the prince ( as great and general father and master of the whole kingdom ) doth preside in the government of each family , by means of that civil magistracy which is exercised under him , in like manner doth he as head of the church , preside over the whole clergy in ecclesiastical administrations ; by means of this episcopal jurisdiction , which is to be by him directed or restrained : of all which more hereafter . having thus far premised in the declaration and distinction of officers and functions of divine right , for the better understanding the present question , as well as many other discourses which will hereafter follow , where the same shall be farther proved by scripture , i hope it will to all unprejudiced men appear , that although god doth not now ( as sometimes formerly ) so immediately & expresly operate in the unction and designation of particular persons , or that there is not now any special ordinances sent from heaven by the ministery of angels or prophets ( as amongst the jews sometimes it was ) yet can we not hence infer , that their power can now arise from nothing else amongst christians , but the pactions and agreements of such and such politick corporations : unless they will also say , that nothing is to be acknowledged as from god , but where himself or his express messenger is seen . but they should observe the difference of gods pleasure , in the degrees of his manifestations to us under the gospel , over it was to them of former times : and how that since god was manifest in the flesh , those former and more express extraordinary ways for setting up of kings , have ceased amongst other things . for god , who at sundry times and in divers manners spake in times past unto the fathers by the prophets , hath in these last days spoken unto us by his son : whom he hath appointed heir of all things , by whom as god made the world , so doth he now uphold all things by the word of his power . a great part of which power , is that power of kingship : whereby , as god hath committed all power to the son , so christ again , being ascended on high ( amongst other gifts he gave unto men ) this of power of government was one . and in christs hand it shall alone continue , till the end of the world ; at which time , the son also himself shall be subject unto him that put all things under him ; that god might be all in all : that is , may personally and immediately again govern that new heaven and new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness : whereas the iniquities and violence of men in this world , had by degrees caused him to make this his recess from appearing in their government himself , as we shall in brief declare . in the first age god appears as in person , and speaks by lively voice in the emergencies of mans directions ; for so appears he to adam in his instructions : and although he hide himself for fear of guilt , yet his acknowledging to have heard his voice in the garden , shews plainly he was used thereunto . and that this appearance was not streightned to paradise , or good men alone , may appear by gods colloquy with cain : who was not at all ( we see ) feared or startled at any unexpected strangeness , but answers very familiarly , am i my brothers keeper ? but at such time as all flesh had corrupted their way , and that god saw the immaginations of mans heart was evil , and that continually , he resolved his spirit should no more strive with man : that is , he would not so immediately undertake his government here , whereby to be provoked to any other repenting that he made man , a creature so polluted , that he must be washed by a flood . after the flood , god begins to give standing directions for mans guidance ; and submits the execution of them to man also : god will not longer immediately reprove and punish ( as in the case of abel ) but whosoever sheddeth mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed . which precept , as we may not ( as before noted ) conceive given , that murther should be punished with murther ; by leaving every person power to kill in revenge , as he saw cause ; so , we may farther gather what was the officer designed hereunto , by that blessing which god gave unto abraham ( the person he next appeared unto ) when he said , i will make nations of thee , and kings shall come out of thee . after this promise , we shall finde that gods next appearance to abraham is by angels , not by himself , as formerly to him and others he may be noted to have onely done : and in this way of manifestation , he ordinarily continued till moses : after whom another sort of messengers succeeded of a lower allay , namely prophets . the which as they served to give divine direction in that particular kingdom of the jews ( during its time of theocrity ) so did they cease at the coming of our saviour , and calling of the gentiles : for they prophesied but till john ; who may be said to conclude these appearances for direction in our government , which should come from that person of the god-head that made the world , and to foreshew all power to be managed by that person that redeemed it ; that is by christ : by whose authority and precepts we were to be outwardly governed , as well as to be inwardly guided by those of the holy ghost : of which , more in the discourse of religion , as also of the surcease of miraculous appearances . christ being thus become king of kings , we are not to expect him expresly putting in these his several deputies ; no more then while he is doing any thing else . it is enough that he hath left us his own , and his apostles many precepts for obedience unto them : which surely he would never have done , if such an office were not to have still continued . it is enough we have moses and the prophets setting forth this succession of kingship as gods vicegerents : if through stubbornness , we will not believe them , neither will we believe though one should rise from the dead . therefore , as christ was to succeed his father in his regency of men here below , so doth he not alter the way and form of administration thereof by kings formerly used : nor yet the substance and general scope of those former precepts , by god given to that purpose : but leaving the one as well as the other to stand in force by his not repealing them , he may then be supposed also to have made his recess from personal administration for our good , upon the same ground that god himself did before : to wit , that those frequent repetitions of impiety , oppression , and other sins which we hourly commit , might not be continually provoking divine justice to our destruction . for so we finde god saying to the israelites , exod. . i will not go up in the midst of thee , for thou art a stiff-necked people , lest i consume thee in the way . and as this was by god spoken after the promulgation of the law , and just upon his promise of sending an angel or chief governor ( like joshua ) before them ( as is set down in the verse before ) so may we finde christ also , after he had for the space of forty days spoken of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god , ( and that to the apostles his then supreme deputies ) to make his recess likewise , from immediate administration in the things of this world : reteining to himself still , his high prerogative of king of kings , his actual session at the right hand of god , far above all principalities and powers . and so far should this delegation be from lessening gods or christs just power in our esteem , as it will upon due consideration increase it : for omnipotency should not be omnipotency , if potency of any kind were excluded . and therefore , as in the general course of providence , his almightiness is the more apparent , by enabling second causes and weak instruments to produce and execute effects proper to deity onely : so in this particular of government ( by delegation ) to authorise and enable others , which of themselves could otherwise claim neither power nor right herein , it doth , by conferring one another without diminution in himself , so far ( by addition ) imply an augmentation of power : inasmuch as self-ability ( simply considered ) is not so large , as when ( unconfinedly all things ) , or any thing can be made susceptible of this strength . in which doing , the weakness of the instrument will also increase the reputation of the agent , by having his strength made perfect and apparent in weakness : when from so low a degree , its honor and power shall be so advanced that it shall be ( as it were a second deity ) able to act things proper to deity onely ; as in right of government : and that , without all just pretence of arrogating to themselves , or derogating from him . so that now , we ought rather to admire and magnifie the ways of gods government amongst us , then by such reprobate and athiestical tenents , seek to dethrone him , and set up our selves in his stead . for if our pactions and associations here below , can once make us independent on him ; what will they be , but conjurations and conspiracies against heaven ? and so ( upon the matter ) must he be subject to our apprehensions and appetites ; and either in the way of government , operate as expresly and personally as in former times , or else , must we conclude it reasonable to deny his care , or interest therein at all ? as if , because god was onely known more immediately to create the first man , therefore , all now must owe their creation to their parents only ; as not having in our sense any other cause of production , then the known way of generation , common to us with all other things . or , because god doth not now rain manna , quails , or other things from heaven , as to the jews he sometimes did ; but that the sun , the earth , and other elements ( together with mans industry ) are the onely sensible immediate conveyers and causes of all our food and other benefits we enjoy , it is therefore reason that our ignorance in his ways of dispensation ; should forthwith exclude our acknowledgement of his care and providence : and make the usual returns of thanks we give for such things , appear rather to proceed from complement then duty . by this doctrine , we may as well also conclude against mans right of dominion over other creatures ; because the first dominion was immediately given to adam and noah onely : when yet , ( by priviledge of birth ) we have right to inherit also whatsoever belonged to them as men : this being a natural and common , and not a personal prerogative onely . the like we must hold , of heirship to the government of a family : not making its power dependant on the will , or any consent to be derived from wife , children , or servants ; but he exercising and enjoying it as proper to the office. and what were this doctrine , but to overthrow and walk quite contrary to the doctrine of christianity ? which constitutes , and commends faith , where present sense is wanting : and in matters of divine doctrine or example pronounceth him happy that shall not see and yet believe . for if god mu●t be always tyed to evident demonstrations in the manifold dispensations of his spirit , and of every good and perfect gift from him proceeding ; then must miracles be continual , as that of the fiery tongues ; otherwise ( in such spiritual donations ) how shall sense be s●tisfied we are receivers at all ? or , if no such manifestation now be , must we thereupon make answer , that we know not so much as whether there be a holy ghost or no ? or , because there is now no such manifest breathings used , nor no persons of equal authority to christ or his apostles to confer ordination ; must we say therefore , that that power , whereby priests and ministers exercise their spiritual functions , is meerly humane ; and from them onely received , that are immediate workers therein ? what were this , but , as before we had thrust god out of government and superintendency of the state ( by reckoning his vicegerent as the peoples , so now ) to interdict him any particular care or authority of the church also ; by accounting his ministers our own ? but , in sum , this power of kings , belongs to them as kings : and by vertue of these their offices , it is that god owns the very heathen , as servants and deputies to himself : for so nebuchadnezzar , cyrus , &c. held and exercised their authorities , and yet had no special revelation or ministery for their enthroning , as had saul , or david ; or different from other princes . and ( indeed ) if this power came not by office , then are all hereditary princes but usurpers ; and falsly said , to reign in their fathers stead : for how could they reign without power , and have power without special ministration ? as for example , solomon held his kingdom from god , and by as good right as his father ; and that by force of his office and unction ; although ministred but in the ordinary way , and at his fathers command onely : he held it not from any paction of the people ; who rather looked on adoniah as the true heir , and accordingly joyned with him in rebellion . and if any think , that it was in regard of some special occasion , god was to employ nebuchadnezzar , &c. that they were thus particularly owned ; this is not denyed ; but the question is , whether that extraordinary power , or that ordinary one over their subjects ( common to them with other princes ) came by any extraordinary revelation or designation from heaven ? so , as both to enable their subjects to elect and appoint those individual persons , ( without regard to their right otherwise ) and then , those persons also to act and execute accordingly . but although nothing extraordinarily appeared , yet do these kings confess their power from god : and we finde it the custom for all kings , to write themselves dei gratia ; and acknowledge the holding their kingdoms and powers from god onely . to this purpose ( amongst christians especially ) their crowns , scepters , swords , &c. ( as emblems of power ) are first offered , and then received from the altar : by the last act acknowledging their power from god onely ; by the other offering it to his glory and service , the main end of policy . and therefore , though jephtah had an ordinary way of entrance to the government , namely ( by making association ) he was brought in by the faction and assistance of the gileadites ; yet is he reckoned sent of god , as well as jerubaal , bedan , and samuel ; who had extraordinary ministration , so that , although god do leave those intervenient actions of succession , election , conquest , &c. to the same ordinary event of providence with other things in mens choice and dispose , ( which may therefore ( in a sort ) be called a humane creature ) yet the collation of power is from him onely : no otherwise then in marriage , the husbands power over the wife depends of it self , and not on any resignation from 〈◊〉 : although , for her greater obligation toobedience , her consent be ne●●ssary . and therefore , those that would wrest those words of humane creature , to import that all kindes of regiment and power which men exercise one over another , is but of humane authority and institution , would make the apostle contrary to himself : for it is plain , that he , writing to the converted jews ( amongst other admonitions to good behavior ) to observe this of submission to authority , could not be imagined to have made that an argument thereunto , which should have been quite destructive thereof . for if the argument had run thus , you are to submit your selves to all such forms of government as you shall be under ; inasmuch as they being all but things of humane device , and having no power but what they ( as a new sort of humane creatures ) had received from those many deities their own subjects , it is therefore reason that you should submit your selves unto them for the lords sake , even because your selves , as setters of them up , have power above them . no certainly , it is best to interpret humane creature ( or man in the general ) to imply , and be put , by way of excellence , for man in particular : that is , for that supreme and eminent person in each country , who , as the representer of all men therein , had authority to command every humane creature in his jurisdiction . for we are to submit our selves to every ordinance of man , thus vertually and collectively considered , and not to every ordinance of every man else , that should take upon him to command us . because this were to confound the persons submitting , with those to be submitted unto : and to make the injunction useless , if to be fulfilled by what we , as men , did enjoyn to our selves ; or impossible , if bound to submit to every man besides . whereupon we may conceive , that , by way of pre-occupation , those words of humane creature , or humane ordinance , are put in with that latitude by st. peter . namely , the better to fasten their subjection , who ( having had amongst themselves , the office and race of their kings so expresly designed from god himself , ) might else have bogled at the submission to kingship elsewhere : as thinking them but of humane device and power . and therefore we may interpret him , admonishing them ( who were now to have their conversation honest amongst the gentiles ) to be subject to these higher powers , although no such express divine designation did so appear , but that their offices & powers might seem but of humane creation . for they were to know , that those powers were of god : and that therefore they were to submit themselves for the lords sake , that was the author of every just derived power . which words for the lords sake , as they may serve to explain the power to be of god , however humane device or custom be intervenient , so will they serve to restrain the generality of the object of our submission formerly set down , by conferring it onely on such as can claim it for the lords sake : namely to kings as supreme , or to governors as sent of him : of which more hereafter . so that then our submission one to another , shall be made good , by giving it to our elders ; or to such as from the lord have power to require it : even as also , the way to honor all men , ( which would have seemed a strange as well as difficult precept ) is in the same verse explained , by honor the king. for by honoring him above other humane creatures , and by honoring others as he appoints , i can onely rightly honor all men , and give every one their due . for as by fearing god above all , i give fear to whom fear ; so by honoring the king , i give honor to whom honor ? so that lastly , by this restriction of all humane ordinance and authority unto kings as supreme , we may note st. peter to be explanatory of his brother paul : who , in his epistles , as he had many things hard to be understood , and which the unlearned and unstable did wrest to their own destruction ; so this wresting , and the damnation or destruction thereupon following , was nowhere to be so much feared , as by interpreting that those higher powers he appoints us to be subject unto , are but such as are indeed the lowest powers ; being but such as are ordained of our selves : and not such as are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rightfully derived powers from the true i am , or original being himself : and so given by him to one deacon or minister here below , viz. to the king : to whom therefore we are to be subject for the lords sake , that is , in acknowledgement of gods power abiding in him , so far as to authorize him in this his office. and therefore , it will now appear a most unreasonable supposition , that any should give what they never had : for from whom had the people this power ? why should we confound , or substract their relation as subjects ; and , instead of a capacity to be governed , think they had power of governing ? or , if they had , who was then the governed ? for take away one relation , the other will also fall . or , will you suppose in them a vain power , that should never be brought into act in them , as in the hands it was first put ? why should we think god so unnecessary in his dispensations ? is it not more agreeable with reason and truth , to put this power directly into the hands of the persons that should manage it , then by such long deviations , first to give it to the people , that the people may give it to the prince , that the prince may again give , and make use of it unto , and upon the people : and all to no other end , but by this reciprocal dependency , to be at last , both of them independent on the true author of all power , which is god himself . but this opinion of the prince his dependent power on the peoples , grows usually from the observation men make , of the different powers which princes have over their subjects , in comparison of one another : as thereupon concluding , that if this power belong to the office , and to kings as kings , and that from god ( who is no respecter of persons , but gives to every man , and so to kings , what is due and necessary for their callings ) how comes one king to be less absolute then another ? is it not ( say they ) from the different stipulations with their people , at their coronations and elections ; when by them , they are tyed to the observation of such laws and customs as do more or less streighten them ? by which means ( changing the former argument about derivation of kingly power it self , into the manner or measure of its execution ) they think to obtain their conclusion . but the question is not , whether the proprietors of any thing by the law of god or nature ( not being particulary restrained ) may suspend or dispose of part of their rights , or not ; but it is , whether princes be hereof proprietors , or not . and they that think princes are impowered from their subjects , have their mistake hereof , because from these obtrusions or pactions they think them to have their power , when instead of giving they are but restrictions and abatements thereof : for so , upon good heed it wil be found ; and that these liberties of people , have arisen but from the grants of former princes ; and not princes power from them : even thereby acknowledging , all power to spring from its proper root . so that , when people lay claim to any priviledge , the charter or grant of such and such a prince is alledged , as its ground and authority : wherein they then being petitioners , and ●●il stiling themselves subjects , there is no more reason why the indulgence of former princes , or rebellion or force of subjects , should be of more avail to despoil princes of their just power and soveraignty , then for wife or children , in any association of theirs ( by way of fact ) to take on them the rights and power of master of the family . for although in different countries and places , the marital or paternal power is more or less , and so also , bishops , pastors , &c. are in some places restrained more then in others ( in ordaining , preaching , baptizing , and also in jurisdiction and government ) shall we therefore conclude , their offices and powers was not at first founded , and so to continue as from god ; but is at the liberty of wife , children , or people , both how far , and whether it shall be so or no. and to come yet neerer , because they are usually esteemed the greatest princes that have greatest store of subjects ; it should be thence thought that their power was from people ; because encreased according to their power , and number . what shall we then think of such as have power encreased from their wealth , from their forts , magazines , arms , navy ; or by the valour and military discipline of their people ? what is power therefore first in these things , and from them derived to princes ? doth the artificer receive the power or skill belonging to him , as artificer , from the instruments ? can they make no difference between having power over , and receiving power from ? what do princes treasures , militia , &c. convene in their underived majesties ; and freely elect also ? have military subjects double or treble votes , because they have more power ? nay , are not princes to derive all their power from them , for they usually set them up and uphold them ? nothing less reasonable . for , as that father , that hath none but weak or indigent children , is yet as much , and truely a father , as he that hath rich and potent ones : even so , these additions do not constitute formally the power or office of any king or monarch , but are onely accessory qualifications , to difference them in their comparative powers from one another . and therefore , although in the glory of such actions of children or subjects , that flow not formally from their relations as such , and do yet reach to the honoring of their father or prince , it may be said , that honor is in the honoring , and not in the honored , ( meaning that it is in the honoring first ) yet can neither they , nor any subordinate corelate ( as heretofore noted ) be truely said to be originals of any honor or power , formally in them , by vertue of that relation , wherein father , prince , or other superiors stood to them as principle : but , on the other side , since they voluntarily entred not into these relations , nor had been sons or subjects , had not the intervenient acts of generation , conquest , &c. made them such , it must follow , that what was the author and cause of that relation , must be author and original of that honor which is thereby caused : and may consequently , challenge the propriety and disposal thereof . whereupon we may infer , that such concessions of predecessors , are no more binding , then the presidents of an indulgent parent , ought of right to take from the heir that power , which afterwards , as father of a family , shall come to be necessary and due unto him : but as forceable entries , are in law and equity held invalid towards the disseisin of a true proprietor , the like must be held in these usurpations and encroachments on the soveraignty . and therefore , as they , supposing power in the people , do thence infer , that as they are trusters , so , they are to re-assume as they think good : so , it now truly appearing that power is from the soveraign , if he , or his predecessors , have indulged more then he findes , will now stand with publike good , he may rightfully reassume also . from all which premises we may conclude , soveraignty to be a power deputed from god to one person ; for the government of such or such a kingdom or society . from god i call it ; because ( as elsewhere shewed ) all power is from him onely : and to one person it must be , because as the original of power affects unity in himself , so was he never found equally to distribute or entrust it otherways . if you will , you may call soveraignty the puissance of any society , united in one person , for the attaining political ends . where ( by puissance ) is understood that natural force , vertue , vigor , or ability , which the subjects had before to operate externally ; which doth now come by this congression , as the sticks of a faggot by the band , ( according to the usual tale or allusion of the old man to his children for unity ) to receive such augmentation of strength , as to accomplish and subdue those ends and difficulties , which divided , were not to be done : so that as without it , the major part took on them ( as the representative whole ) uncontrolable power over the minor , so the prince being no more truely the whole , hath irresistable power also . by external operations , is meant the prosecution of such desires as may be of a forraign concern onely , or that have influence or respect beyond the party acting ; for otherwise , my own will is still director . but , where loss or gain cannot be wholly centred in my self , rules of association do require , that application and direction be made and sought from the common center of a commonwealth . therefore although , in natural strength and bodily force , the prince continue still but of equal ability to others , yet , through this resignation ( by submission ) having more then all , he is of power to act against all opposition ; according as reason and political good shall dictate . political ends , or the good of association ; is either that of peace , or that of plenty : the one made by submitting our own several powers of decision unto the determination of one uncontrolable judge , the other by his distributing ( as from a center again ) to people ( the circumference ) the assurances of propriety , protection , & other benefits , consistent with political utility & justice . this vigor is not onely gotten by way of addition or accumulation , as when ( for the removal of the strength or opposition of a powerful faction ) he is assisted with the strength of others , but sometimes , by suspention of vigor in the subjects : whereby , his power comes to be more , by their having less : or , by their obedience , he grows able to command . if you will have a larger description , soveraignty , which establisheth true policy , is an apparent , certain , and accessible union of irresistable power . apparent and certain ( i say ) for else how shall littigant parties know where to make their addresses ? accessible it must be also , both for the last appeals sake , or what else it shall choose to act by it self ; otherwise it s being is in vain : and thereupon , union it must have in it self ; how else can it give to others ? for , in this respect , it must be ( as before said ) like the center in a circle ; for there , as the singleness of the center makes the union and meeting of the circumference , and consequently but one circle ; so two centers , though never so like and neer , yet ( having circumferences drawn from them ) will make two circles . and further , as the center gives being to the circumference , so the circumference to it again : for until this be drawn , the center is but a point ; as untill the subjects be , the king is but as another man. and as , until this center be fixed ( whereby to measure equal distances on all hands ) it will remaine an uncertain round , and not a circle : so in policy , till the body of the people are fixed upon an unity ( as upon a center ) they have no assurance of equal and certain proportions amongst themselves : but , as all lines are made of points , so , these individuals , striving to make up this circle without a center , or making two or more centers , they will in the latter case , make two or more circles or common-weales ; and in the other ( as wanting a common and perfect rule or measure ) make it ( like an unequal round or circumference ) to consist of many irregularities and factions . and then again , as the center of the earth hath in its union the vertue of the whole globe , insomuch as the desire of approach of massy bodies ( which we commonly call motion of gravity ) is directed to it , and not to all or any part of the circumference besides ; so , this union of property and power , must first be united in one center of soveraignty ; that so , the whole force and vigour , resting now there ( like as one foot of the compass must fix and make the center before the other can make the circle ) subjects may be capable of an harmonious receit and direction from thence againe , by the strait lines of attraction and entercourse : which , as it will prove neerest their journeys end , namely the attaining political good ( called peace & plenty ) so will it also keep them , from justling or enterfering upon one another , in their addresses and desires ; and thereby avoid political evil , which is civil war. for if any faction of the people , should grow to that greatness and temerity , as to disanul soveraign command ; then should soveraignty be no soveraignty , nor political happiness at all attainable ; the measure or way thereunto being thus lost or uncertain : no more , then if the force of union or attraction , should be greater or equal in any part of the earths circumference then in the center , it could still keep its round figure ; or indeed have any determinate figure at all : but , by this uncertain , or unequal direction and addition of massy bodies , some one part of the circumference unproportionably swelling , the center must alter also : whereby , for want of setled place in that element , it should not be able to operate in due manner . so in states and kingdomes , if they have not a common center of desire and good , or have not the same so definite and certain , but that all or any parts of the people may take upon them , according to their separate appetites to judge and determine of good and bad , what equality or proportion can the whole have ? for this differing and doubtful application , will not onely render it weak and disfigured , but also one part destructive to another . so that no government can be rightly called a commonwealth , or one commonwealth , where the supreme power and interest is not centred in one person . for , in monarchy , as there is a personal , so is there a natural and necessary union : when as in all pollarchies , there is still a natural and necessary division of persons and interest , and only an accidental and contingent union , occasioned by some foraign fear . in which case , they may be supposed for a time strengthened and united by way of antiperistasis only : whereas the monarch , having an unity in himself , must constantly remain so . as we have a pertinent simile of this agreggation of power , property , &c. in the monarch , in that vision of nebuchadnezzar ( wherein himself as that great goodly tree , is represented as the common author of protection and food for all sorts ) even so we have a plain direction to this unity , from god himself . for after that he had given command for making of judges and officers throughout all the tribes ( by whose number the people might be supplied with means of decision ) he then ( to unite and center them ) saith , if there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgement , between blood and blood , between plea and plea , and between stroak and stroak , being matters of controversie within thy gates : then shalt thou rise and get thee to the place which the lord thy god shall choose , and thou shalt come unto the priests and levits ( meaning for decision in matters of religion ) and unto the judge that shall be in those dayes , and enquire , and they shall shew thee the sentence of judgement : and thou shalt do according to the sentence of judgement which they of that place which the lord thy god shall choose , shall shew thee : and thou shalt observe to do according to all that they inform thee , according to the sentence of law which they shall teach thee , and according to the judgement which they shal tell thee thou shalt do : thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall shew thee , to the right hand or to the left , and the man that will do presumptously ; and will not hearken unto the priest that standeth to minister before the lord thy god , or unto the judge : even that man shall dye , and thou shalt put away evil from israel : and all the people shall hear and fear , and do no more presumptuously . here we finde an express and direct injunction to obey the supreme definitive sentence , aswell as a promise to constitute one : no pretence of our private judgements , can warrant us to decline from their sentence , to the right hand nor to the left . marke we not , how many strong , and urgent commands here are , and how often pressed and repeated , for maintenance of this soveraigne united power in the person of one judge . for as all israel was contained in the tribes , and every tribe united in its own fathers and elders , so , for common unity , and quieting their differences again amongst themselves ( being there called blood and blood , and between plea and plea ) one common and uncontroleable judge is to be set up and obeyed : from whose sentence they are not to depart , under any pretence of law or equity to the contrary . for although the law had been given to the whole people , yet are they not to interpret it , but to do according to the sentence of law which they shall teach . and , under the notion of the judge that shall be in those dayes , he is to be obeyed either actively or passively , however tyrannical or unjust his sentence may appear : because between plea and plea ( or where law is on both sides pleaded ) there the definitive sentence is to be enquired and obeyed from this supreme judge onely : that is ( as before said ) either actively by prosecuting ( according to their utmost devoire ) all his lawful commands , or passively , by enduring the penalty or punishment , in cases plainly against the law of god. for as gods law , in regard he is the fountaine of power , and supreme judge of all , ought in the first place to be obeyed ; so , even in that very case , disobey the magistrate they did not , inasmuch as , where obedience or penalty were both set before them as eligible , they might chuse either of them . but however , active resistance or rebellion ( there called doing presumptuously and not hearkening ) is neither in lawfull or unlawfull commands , ( that is , neither on the right hand , nor on the left ) to be tolerated ; but to be punished ( as so presumptuous an offence doth deserve ) with no less then death ; to the end that all israel , ( or the whole people ) may fear , and do no more presumptuously ; or attempt again to rebell . and , least it might yet be doubted what manner of person this should be that must have such great obedience , the next verse ( by way of prophesie ) shews the other officer that should follow judges : that when they should come unto the land which the lord god gave them , and should possess it , and dwell therein , they should both desire , and have a king set over them . and this , being a state of government best befitting that peace and plenty they were then to enjoy , must needs be acknowledged given as an accomplishment and increase of their other blessings : for under that notion god promiseth it to abraham as aforesaid , that kings should come out of him : and the like again he promiseth to sarah , that kings of people should be of her : the like was promised to jacob , kings shall come out of thy loins : who again , as the next father to the tribes , gives it particularly to judah ; as an high blessing to be setled on him , in right of that primogeniture which his elder brother had forfeited : namely , that this promised scepter should not depart from judah , nor a law-giver from between his feet , till the shiloh come . in which last promise , under the notion of lawgiver and of scepter , in the singular number , we may well understand the judge and king before mentioned . all which , would be well considered by those that fancy other governments to that of kings ; or think that the israelites might , at the time when they had full possession of the land , have chosen any other government aswell . not marking , that it was as expresly foretold they should have a king , as that they should possess the land : for the words run in the future ; when thou art come into the land which the lord thy god giveth thee , and shalt possess it , and shalt dwell therein , and shalt say , i will set a king over me , like as all the nations that are about me . it is not said , if thou shalt say ; no such conditionall , but an express duty or prophecy : for the conjunction and here used , and shalt possess it , and dwell therein , and shalt say , &c. makes all of them equally certain . and the peoples fault in choosing a king afterwards , & gods punishment of giving him in his anger , we must impute to other circumstances : as being done in a hasty humor of diffidence of gods protection , who was then their king : that is , till then had governed in chief himself , and was to have his advice and consent asked , in all great and extraordinary occasions . during which time of more personal and immediate undertaking their protection , their suddain desire of alteration , was the same reproach to him , in his providence and care for their personal securities , as their murmuring for choice of food was formerly in the wilderness : for as then , quailes , manna , &c. ( things in themselves good , and to be acknowledged great blessings ) were given in anger ; because unseasonably and distrustfully demanded ; so now also , this promised blessing of kingship , because asked upon the fear of nahash and the power of the ammonites , was the occasion of gods punishing them in the first person that should have it , in regard they had demanded it in a way derogatory to him , as if distrusting his care or power in their preservation . it was unseasonable also , because they had not as yet the full possession of the land , and so no time as yet ( according to moses appointment ) for asking of kingship from god. and that they were not as yet in full possession of the land , nor such a state of secure dwelling therein as could be called rest , appears ( amongst other things ) in that they had not as yet attempted the rooting out of amaleck , which should have been done upon their first setling according to moses words . it shall be , when the lord thy god giveth thee rest from all thine enemies round about , in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee for an inheritance to possess it , that thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven , thou shalt not forget it : and because they neither had yet so possessed the land as to do this thing , therefore did god appoint that person to do it , which he had given them as king by way of anticipation , in answer to their hasty unseasonable petition . and that this prediction of kingship was aswell mandatory as prophetick to this their time of future rest and enjoyment of the promised land , and so unseasonable as yet to be put in execution , will most plainly appear by the comparison of it with that prediction and appointment of setting up a temple , when they should be in the like condition , for the establishment of gods house , and of his deputy in that house , as the tokens of glory and rest of the nation : being to be accomplished together ( as shall be more fully declared hereafter ) for it was plainly then foretold them , ye shall not do after all the things that we do here this day every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes . which being the very same expression as was used of them when there was no king in israel ; it must import , that then they should be under a higher restraint then before ; and that they should be confined both to one place of publike worship , and to one person of publike judicature ; then , and not till then . for ye are not as yet come to the rest and to the inheritance which the lord your god giveth you , but when ye go over jordan , and dwell in the land which the lord your god giveth you to inherit : and when he giveth you rest from all your enemies round about , so that ye dwell in safety ( which they had not , nor did not at their election of saul ) then there shall be a place which the lord your god shall coohse to cause his name to dwell there . that is , more eminently to dwell there , in respect of the greater glory of this one place , and this one deputy : so much more lively representing the unity and glory of him that thus miraculously procured their rest and safety therein . it savoured of ingratitude to samuel also ; who , now grown old in their service , they might have patiently attended to have let him honorably end his dayes in the government . and , besides that gods granting it makes the having of a king lawful , they that then refused or slighted the office ( saying how shall this man save us ) are called sons of belial : that is , men without yoak , or rebels . and , we may farther conclude gods decree for establishment of this office , in that is was before promised as a dignity and reward to samuel himself ; that he should walk before gods anointed for ever : which must express the office of a king shortly to ensue ( for judges were not anointed ) even as it must also import , that it should be an honor for him to attend him . they that would urge this expression of they have not rejected thee , but me they have rejected , to import their direct abandoning gods regency , as god , and not their desire onely of the change of the function and officer he had before deputed over them ( and so think that now princes had not their power from god as his ministers , but were to derive it from the peoples pactions ) should rather ( methinks ) have grounded their opinion on the israelites former expression , at their election and submission to their first earthly governor in chief , moses . for thereby , a refusal of god and paction with moses may be rather inferred : speak thou with us and we will hear : but let not god speak with us , least we dye . here , the people are set down as expresly declining gods immediate government , and as choosing , and treating with another for the exercise thereof : whereas in this place they object nothing against gods more immediate medling with them at all . and therefore this phrase of rejected me , is to be construed as in relation to their disobedience and rejecting of gods commands onely ; and not of his person , but as by consequence . in which way of interpretation , there are many places of scripture that may warrant us , but none that can instance where the jews , or any of the gentile churches or people , did either wholly , or at all so abandon gods or christs regency , as to choose or submit to any absolute or independent prince or governor ; and not rather ( as to gods deputy and minister ) think themselves obliged to obedience unto him aswel in conscience , as for fear of wrath and bare political respect . and if any think these expressions , i will set a king over me like , &c. and again , him thou shalt set over thee , &c. do import that therefore their power is from the people ; they may observe the people to come to samuel to make a king over them : and although he delayed it , yet they , knowing of no such power of themselves , come to him again : inasmuch as samuel said unall israel , behold i have hearkened unto your voice in all that you said unto me , and have made a king over you : and verse the it is said , behold the lord hath set a king over you ; as truely shewing whence his power came : for however ( as aforesaid ) circumstances made it evil , as good things may be evilly done , yet their having and desiring a king , were both from god. and that the office was given to them as a blessing , may be farther noted from gods speech to samuel : to morrow about this time i will send thee a man out of the land benjamin , and thou shalt anoint him to be captain over my people israel , that he may save my people out of the hand of the philistines ; for i have looked upon my people , because their cry is come unto me : which last words do plainly declare the intended end and benefit of this kingly function : and they may well prove gods designation thereof , as the means ; even as he had designed the end ; the safety and good of his people . and as these words prove the constitution of the office , and that in kindeness ( although their hasty demand might make the person given as a punishment ) even so the former part of the verse , thou shalt anoint him to be captain over my people , must shew both his supreme power , and from whence the authority of this officer was derived : that is , from god , not from the people . a farther proof that the desire of kingship was not a fault in the jews , is , that neither david , nor stephen , nor any else , reckoning up the faults of that nation committed from time to time against god , did account this for one . nay this particular person and his power were from god , in such sort , that it was no more in their power to refuse , then to steal or murther , and yet be innocent : and therefore we must interpret that which is called the renewing of the kingdom at gilgal with him , and the covenanting of the israelites with david , to be nothing else but to shew to the people the person whom god had chosen ; that they might continue in obedience to him and his stock . whereupon , as this was necessary in saul and david , because the first of their families , so was it after left off in their children ; who still raigned in their stead : that is , in their right onely ; according to gods promise to david , to establish the throne upon his seed for ever . and therefore ( i hope ) it was not in the peoples power ( as in right of their paramount soveraignty ) to refuse this family or take another : if it had , sure god did them great wrong , to settle it thus without their just consents . so that gods not shewing them these kings , till himself had determinately anointed and appointed them that power and office , shews he acknowledged no negative voice of government to reside in them , but onely the duty of subjection : to which end , their oaths and promises of alleageance were to be made before him , as is signified by the offering sacrifice at gilgal : of which more hereafter . and as the fore-cited prophecy and direction of moses , did plainly shew kingship to follow this first setling the jewish nation in safety and honor ; so , almost all the prophesies of their restauration , do again run in the same manner . but , because we shall speak of some of the rest elsewhere , we will here onely speak of that set forth in these eight last chapters of ezechiel , which is undeniably pregnant and express herein . there this office of kingship is so particularly described , that the usual gloss of antimonarchical men , in attributing to christ that power and honor which in some places is given to kings , finds no colorable shift in this place , because it is said , and my prince ; shall no more oppress my people . which oppression being not to be feared from christ himself , and the admonition being in the plural number , it cannot be thought congruous for him : as , on the otherside , the assignation of a certain portion of land for his maintenance ; not to be alienated or encroached by any of his servants , but to remain to his children only , must intend kings , not christ. and so must shew also , both the designation , and setled perpetuity of that office : who , as the supreme officer of power and honor , is , in this recess of god , to retain the image of his authority , and be acknowledged as in his stead . as may most plainly appear , by that command of keeping the eastgate for him only ; saying , this gate shall be shut , it shall not be opened : and no man shall enter by it , because the lord the god of israel hath entred by it : therefore it shall be shut : it is for the prince , the prince he shall sit in it to eat bread before the lord : he shall enter by way of the porch of that gate , and shall go out by way of the same . nor can we by prince understand chief priest ( as some would ) because they neither had this power of oppression : and also were distinguished from the prince under the notion of the sons of zadock ; and so had lands distinct assigned for their maintenance . and therefore again , although the priests are there appointed to put difference between holy and prophane , and to judge in the assemblies of god : they are still to be supposed as under the prince herein : being presently appointed to be the sons of zadock : which are to be presumed loyal , as having been by the king put into that ministration for that very reason ; when abiathar , for joyning in rebellion with the rest of israel , was by the king thrust out . so that the priests here spoken of , being always set under the notion of sons of zadock , it seemed needless to set down that , in this , or other things , they should be subordinate to the prince : for this zadock and his successors ( representing the evangelical priesthood ) were by gods appointment , sam. . . to have a sure house built them , and to walk before gods anointed for ever : the last words signifying at once , the perpetuity of both christian kingship and priesthood ; as well as priestly subordination , to succeed . and if we shall take these chapters as prophetick , to set forth the state and pattern of the christian church ( as usually is done by christians ) and not as literall to the jews onely ( as they usually do ) then , nothing can remain more luculent and cleer , then the divine direction hereof , for the perpetuity of this office in the christian church : in order to other prophecies elsewhere mentioned ; of having kings to be their nursing fathers , and queens their nurses : and of the churches having sons , whom they may set as princes in all lands . which office , as it is undeniably therein appointed , so to make it farther appear to be prophesied , as necessary to compleat the church in a state of perfection and happiness , we shall finde that it is to be shewed to the jews as an unquestionable plot to that purpose ; and to be promised them upon their good abbearance : saying , if they be ashamed of all they have done , shew them the form of the house , and the fashion thereof , &c. that they may keep the whole form thereof , and all the ordinances thereof , and do them . by which we may finde , that in policies established according to the pattern in the mount , kingship and priesthood must be : and that the one can be no more omitted then the other . how this office of kingship was ordained to accompany and compleat the flourishing estate of the jewish church , and to precede and be instrumental in building the temple , will be more fully discoursed hereafter : when we shall have occasion to speak of such places of scripture , as contain a connexion of promises to that purpose ; as sam. . , &c. & chr. . , , , &c. and other places . all of them plainly shewing , that jerusalem ( or the church ) is ( or ought to be ) builded as a city that is compact together , or is at unity in it self : that is , hath an inward principle and ground-work of unity and peace in it self , from this divine appointment of one governor to preside therein : even by setting there the thrones of judgement , the thrones of the house of david : and not , as left to a plain way of dis-union and division , by means of any poliarchical contrivance , to judge and govern without a throne : whereby their compaction or union should not proceed from any naturalness in the form and means within , but from contingency and fear without . but because some anti-monarchical men do believe that it was no more lawful for the people to desire a king afterwards , then at that time , and are very urgent , that the words , i gave thee a king in mine anger , should be interpreted as though the office of kingship were so given , ( without considering also , that he was taken away in wrath , and so rightly construing the absence of the office to be a greater punishment then the imposition ) it is to be noted that these and many other expressions uttered in reference to saul , had relation to him as a person hastily demanded , and so given as a punishment ; and not as to one , on whom ( and his posterity ) the flowrishing estate of that church was to be setled . for that promise we shall finde annexed to the tribe of judah ( as before noted ) of whose lynage also our saviour was to come ; whereas saul , being a benjamite , it could not be thought that he was the person to be setled herein . nay , so much himself doth acknowledge to samuel , while samuel is telling him of his election . viz. am not i a benjamite of the smallest of the tribes of israel , &c. wherefore then speakest thou so to me ? but then it may be asked , how we shall make good those expressions which samuel used unto him , that god would have established his kingdom upon israel for ever ? why , this might have been fulfilled by means of his lynage in a feminine line , matched into the tribe of judah , as was that match of michal to david . but you will answer , that michal was made childless for a fault of her own , and not other fathers . it is true , she committed a fault to deserve this punishment , but it hinders not , but the same punishment was in pursuance of a former fault of the family also : as we ●inde many presidents in scripture , and in particular one done about the same time , namely the punishment of elies house , which will come home to this . for we shall finde solomon thrusting out abiathar from the priesthood , to punish his personal act of disloyalty to his father , and yet , it was by gods secret appointment ordered to be done , to make good the threat against elies house ( namely , to fulfil the word of the lord concerning the house of elie ) even so , we may interpret the punishment of sauls first fault ( that is , the cutting off his blood from the crown ) to be accomplished in michal : and his other fault in sparing agag threatned to be punished in the rejection of his person ) to be made good by his untimely slaughter . and the due observation of these stories , will also instruct us , how that the building of the temple , ( signifying the glory of the church ) and the settlement of kingship and priesthood , were all accomplished together : and how kingship was the leader in this chorus of happiness , as gods chief instrument for compleating of them . for so are we instructed by the direction which moses gave concerning matters of appeals ; wherein , the expression of the judge that shall be in those dayes , not only denotes another manner of judge then formerly , but the priests and he , and the place which the lord should choose being conjoyned , must signifie their contemporary establishment for perpetuity : for to none of the other judges god had said , why have yee not built me an house ? nor was kingship nor preisthood setled but in solomon and zadock the sons of david and samuel , and immediate instruments in building this temple , the figure of the christian church to succeed . nay this office and power of kingship is so cleer in scripture , that it is usual with the abetters of polarchies now adays , to balk it in the plain sense thereof , and to hearken to philo , josephus , and i know not what antichristian authors , to learn from them the authority of the people , of the sanhedrim , and such like magistrates : not considering the interest and prejudice wherewith these men writ . for they , designing to bring their writings and nation into the more esteem amongst the learned persons of those times , and having so long lived , and been so well entertained , the first among the grecians , and the other amongst the romans , as to be affected with their humors and way of learning ; they had the same reason to commend those other forms , and to depress this kingly office and power , as they had to commend thereby , their own writings and country . and as in kings all power is thus united , so he alone it is , that is the true representative whole : and whose actions may binde the people , without their consent , but not theirs , without his . and so much is often by god acknowledged ; making the good or ill of the king and kingdom all one . thus abimilechs particular detaining of sarai : is by him apprehended as an evil threatning his whole kingdom : and we finde sauls particular act against the gibeonites , punished with the peoples famine ; as davids numbring the people afterward , was punished with their pestilence . and in that whole story , we may observe the punishment or reward , the good or ill of the people , still to answer and be proportioned , with the vertues or vices of their princes : and that , though the people did offer in the high places , or had not prepared their hearts to seek the god of their fathers , or the like : yet if this general representative person was upright before god , even for his sake , a blessing did ensue : which is nowhere observed to be done in respect of any subjects piety . and this may seem less strange , since we finde that adam ( being made monarch of all creatures ) should have the violence of his race , imputed and charged on them ; so , as to involve them in the same guilt and destruction by flood . nor is this degree of power before spoken of , much more then what before was practised by moses himself , according to the advice of his father-in-law ; as we read exod. . . namely , to make laws and ordinances for them to live by , and where law was already made by god , to reserve to himself the interpretation thereof , as also all appeals , and all difficult and important causes : and ( for the better dispatch sake ) to refer common causes to subordinate judges . all which is again farther expressed , deut. , to the . where he owns the making judges , and last appeal . our of all which it may be found , that the most material marks of soveraignty were in many of these temporary judges : as the power of making some laws , and interpreting them ; the last appeal , and supreme decision of controversies : especially in moses , because he was a king too ( as formerly noted ) and so made by god , and not by the people . and unto ioshua next , as made by moses : for on him by gods appointment was he ( by imposition of hands ) to put some of his honor , that all the congregation of israel might be obedient : that is , that he , by receit of this justly derived power from god his vicegerent , might have full power to command them . and therefore are they also called kings ; as in the inte-rregnum , ( when there was no judge ) it is said , there was no king in israel : and yet was these judges power inferior to that of kings , coming after . this soveraign power of kings , we may finde implyed in that answer of samuel to the people , of the manner , or power of a king : which , had it but been equal to that of their former judges , what needed it have been told the people ? and they that will not have the things there set down to be in his power , but that he was to give account thereof , or that his actions were controleable by any order or body of the people , do yet commit a greater absurdity : for then , to what purpose should samuel go about to fright the people with a thing of no danger , and which was in their power to remedy ? for so it follows , that they should cry out in that day because of their king , and the lord should not hear them : meaning , that they had none but god in that case to appeal to ; by whose forbearance to hear them therein , they had no lawful remedy left them . for had his words imported no more terror to their understanding , but what they had right and power to remedy , they might have answered , nay , but we will have a king under us , and not over us . no , he shall be onely king of the less number of the people , and their representatives : but unto the major part or vote ; he shall be subject upon all occasions they shall think good : and so making our selves soveraigns over our soveraign , we shall prevent those threats : for thereby having ( upon the matter ) no king , we shall do but what unto every one seems good in his own eys . and by the expression over thee , so often there used , must be meant over the whole people ; being the same thee that should choose him : so that if his election were by the major part , or such as stood for them ( as so it must be , or elese it could be no election ) his power must be above the major part or their representatives : and as common relation bindes him to be king of the whole , that is , of major as well as minor , so must he be also over them both . and accordingly the practice of these kings ran : for so david commands , and is obeyed by joab , and the rulers or representatives of the people , in numbring of them ; though themselves knew it to be unlawful , and that it would be a trespass or harm to israel , or the whole people : and although there were neither necessity nor countenance of law for the deed , yet the kings word prevailed against joab and the ●lders of the people : and so remains as a maxim to solomon his son , who saith , where the word of a king is , there is power , and who may say unto him what doest thou ? by which words we may discover , not onely the high unquestionable power of kingship , but also , that it had its derivation from god : inasmuch as that last phrase what doest thou ? is in scripture onely applyed to god himself . whereby we may also note , that although the scripture do sometimes ( at least before kings were ) give this appellation of elohim ( or judiciary power ) to other persons in earthly power , or to inferior magistrates , yet because ( since that time ) they are ( or should be ) under this greater earthly elohim ( as sent of him ) they never have this phrase given them ; nor have they ever ( like him ) any of those appellations proper to christ given them , as of messiah , christ , or anointed : or of saviour : they being to kings ( his immediate vicegerents ) in the first place due . and when they are any where given to other persons , it is upon their receit of some extraordinary power from god : and if they have them in right of their offices , then it may be observed to be ascribed to such offices , which were anciently annexed to monarchy ( paterno jure ) to wit priesthood and prophesie , as shall more fully appear hereafter . so that then you may see , the office and authority of a king is not separable from his person , nor is it lawful for people ( after a kinde of idolatry ) to pay obedience to any other kinde of resemblance : for so , at last , having ( by these strange resemblances of authority made in our fancies ) blotted out the knowledge and fear of the true object , and rejecting his personal will to be of force at all without the authority of law , and this law of our interpreting also ; we necessarily again fall into anarchy : having no will or understanding but our own to direct us . no , david and solomon knew too well this kingly prerogative , to be beguiled with the seeming shew of authority in , or from the people : and followed not the example of saul their predecessor , to lose their power by complying , and submitting it to the vote of the people : and therefore , it proved an unvaluable excuse which he made to samuel , saying , i have sinned , for i have transgressed the commandment of the lord , and thy word : because i feared the people and obeyed their voice . but he should have remembred , that he was set over the people , and not they over him : that , as it was one of his prerogatives , to be for the people , to godward , as moses was , ( or to have none above , or between god and him ) so , there would an account by god be exposed from him onely ; as being his next vicegerent ; and , as god on earth , entrusted with sufficient power . and if he had not had power over the people , how could god in justice punish him , for obedience to them that might command ? nor was this fear of the people a fained pretence ; for if it had , samuel would not have spared to tell him so . therefore when these people took of the spoil , sheep , and oxen , and the chief of the things that should have been utterly destroyed , to sacrifice to the lord , he might have withstood their major vote by his denyal : and have told them as samuel did him , obedience is beter then sacrifice . for , as it was a vain imagination in him , to think that god would excuse his disobedience in this , through this pretence of doing him better service otherways ; so it is also , from subjects to kings , when they withdraw their obedience upon like pretences . for rebellion is like the sin of witchcraft , and stubbornness as idolatry : that is , whilst we stand bewitched with our own fancies of gods will , and thereupon shew our disobedience to the authority he appoints , we do by that example shake off obedience to all law whatever : and whilst we do thus set up a will-worship of our own in the state , by denying any authority in the will of the soveraign , and by making nothing right or just but what shall be consonant to our own reasons , do we not hereby lose the general and whole benefit of society which is gotten by obedience ; and by relying again upon our own understandings and interpretations of law and right , fall consequently into anarchy ? for not onely soveraignty it self , but all kinde of rule and power else , cannot derive any other foundation of authority then what is from above , as was well noted in our saviours answer to pilate : nor can these below them , be in any respect so above them , as to give or refuse command . for when an unjust command is put upon us , and we appeal from one power to a higher : this is not done as out of any power of ours below , but by the power and permission of the party above those we appeal from : subordinate persons being in no sort capable to be superior or insubjected , as of power from themselves . when the master of a family hath his authority in any thing justly disobeyed , the power of so doing is not in children or servants , but from the prince or magistrate above , to whom the master himself is subject : who else , if not restrained by laws from the prince his superior , would have as absolute soveraignty over his family , as the prince hath over the whole people : that is , in all things wherein he is not retrained by the laws of god. and when it is affirmed that power is in the people , it would be known whether that word include the magistrates also ? if it do , where is the relation between governing and governed ? and if it do not include them , then is the people above , and the magistrate beneath : or else , according to truth , the magistrate hath power to govern , and the people onely power ( that is ability ) to obey . for if this supreme indisputable power of kings had not been taken as a real and confessed truth , but that the people or their major vote should have in themselves the highest soveraignty and command , and he onely be as a titular thing to countenance their acts , then how should it be a wo to a land when their king shall be a childe , that is , want ability to govern in his own personal capacity ? no sure , that condition must by this rule render such lands most happy ; inasmuch as he having discretion enough to tell one , two , and three , and so to discover the major vote in his subjects assemblies , must be supposed to be still ready ( without any thwarting presumption of his own understanding ) to cry implicitly , so be it , to all that his subjects shall command . but if people in that condition be under a woe , it is because of their prince his disability to judge and act in his own person : for surely , his resemblance of children in innocence cannot be a woe : it must follow , that the more the prince is made a childe by his subjects , and hath his power eclipsed , the more woe will that kingdom proportionably have . and they that yet think the whole , or major part of the people above the king , and not subject to his commands , let them consider ( even ) the power given to ieroboam himself from god , to reign according to all his soul desired . let them also ( that think the generality , or major part of the subjects cannot in case of resistance be called rebels ) again consider the censure god gave to the representative whole body of the people , when they rejected rehoboam and followed ieroboam , saying , and israel rebelled against the house of david unto this day : neither the major vote of eleven tribes to one , nor their pretention of oppression under solomon , could excuse them of the guilt of this imputation : nay , although the action were but in pursuance of what was before appointed by god , in punishment of solomon his fathers fault . which was the reason why rehoboam was forbidden to take vengeance on these rebels , as his grandfather david had before , on these major numbers and representative bodies of the people , gathered against him in absolom and adonijahs rebellions : therefore is he , and the people with him , bidden to return to their houses . yet because the eleven tribes had no direct warrant from him who alone is above kings , this crime of rebellion is not to be wiped off , but on the contrary disavowed by god as concerning the fact it self : for it is there said , that the priest and levites , and all whose hearts were right set to serve god , returned from following ieroboam . and therefore that expression of all israels coming to sechem to make rehoboam king , must be understood , not as having power to elect another , but , as summoned by rehoboams command to pass their fealties and acknowledgements to him , that was already in actual possession of his father solomons throne : for so , we shall finde it noted , in the verse foregoing the recital of this story ; and solomon slept with his fathers , and rehoboam his son reigned in his stead . and so also , after this revolt did he continue reigning over judah , without any mention of popular confirmation . for it seems those of judah had acknowledged their alleageances unto him already , without any such dispute : which being ordinarily done to him and others , may seem the reason of the remarkable record of this denial . and we may yet more plainly see , what this phrase of the peoples making of kings doth import , by the like expression used at the time of their acknowledgements to solomon his father : for , although the people had no hand of authority in it , but that as david made solomon his son king over israel , yet , david then summoning all the princes of israel , the priests and the levites to take notice of this and other his directions about the temple , and so concluding with a sacrifice ( as was usual at the peoples promise of fealty and alleageance ) it is said , that they did eat and drink before the lord with great gladness , and they made solomon the son of david king the second time : and anointed him to be chief governor to the lord , and zadock to be priest. which words second time must relate to their first making of him : when , being anointed king by zadock at the command of david , all that the people did to the making of him , or conferring his power , was but ( as in acknowledging him made already ) with saying , god save king solomon , or the like : which , as it was fit for that ordinary rank of people assembled at his first making , so , in this solemn convention of the great ones , princes , &c. we may suppose some actual fealty to pass unto this chief governor unto the lord ; both when that congregation did bow their heads and worship the lord and the king ; and also when it is said , all the princes and the mighty men , and the sons likewise of king david submitted themselves unto solomon the king : that is , acknowledged him their king ; by such personal outward acts of homage , as were usual amongst that people : for so the word submitted doth bear in the original . besides , it is likely , that at this time also they took their oaths of alleageance , in other places implyed under the name of covenants . which oaths are alluded unto in that precept of solomon , my son , i councel thee to keep the kings command , and that in respect of the oath of god. and as for the expression of the peoples annointing of solomon , used before , and to other kings , it is not to be understood , as if they had right to confer the power belonging to kingly office on any : for they had it no more , then they had right to confer the power of priestly office. and therefore , zadock being joyned in this their anointing , who it is well known was put in by solomon before , shews that the phrase was but equivalent with acknowedging . and that , because at solomons first establishment , the greater part of the people were absent ; as being sharers in adonijahs rebellion . who indeed ( if he had thriven ) might have been called a king of the peoples making ( as to his personal election ) whereas solomon and other kings , are to own their thrones and power from god. and therefore it is said , that solomon sat on the throne of the lord as king , &c. and all israel obeyed him : that is , obeyed him as in gods throne , and not in theirs . and that it is god onely that doth constitute the power of this office , appears by that which follows , viz. the lord magnified solomon exceedingly in the sight of all israel , and bestowed upon him such royal majesty , as had not been on any king before him . but let us examine more neerly , those places that seem most to restrain soveraignty , as the last verse of deut. . that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren : which may seem to imply that he had no absolute power over them . but it was not to forbid him any necessary power and authority over them , for punishment of vice , or maintenance of peace ; nor of any external honor or jurisdiction above them , for then had the office been useless ; but as a caveat to humility : and that he should consider , that however he were thus advanced , it was more in relation to the good of the people , then his own : and that , since his supreme authority over them , was to make them happy by unity , and not him proud by preferment , he should therefore not have his heart lifted up above them , by nation his brethren , and by nature his equals : but the consideration hereof , imprinting the sense of compassion and fellow-feeling in him , it might restraine all exorbitance in the exercise of this high power , so far , as not to insult or afflict beyond measure . and this is the cause , why succession of princes , and continuance in the same stock , is so generally preferred before election : namely , that they are then sure to have one of their own nation , or brethren . even so again , by forbidding him to multiply horses , or much silver and gold to himself ( there also expressed ) it was not simply to forbid him these things as unlawful ; for the two next and greatest kings of eminency ( david and solomon ) had them in great abundance without blame , but to give another like caveat against pride : that is , least presuming upon these advantages , he might be brought to forget god his strength , and think to keep under his subjects , more by the fear of tyranny , then the love of a brother : and also to admonish him , that he should not put his people to unnecessary charges , in supplying him beyond publike use . and to cleer this , by instance , in multiplying horses , we shall finde the prohibition point particularly towards egypt : as a prophetick admonition against their leaning of the strength of that staffe , which should run into their hands : which was afterwards verified in hosea and zedekiah , who put vain trust in these egyptian forces : and the and chapters of jeremiah , are full of disswasions from this egyptian confidence , and from returning again thither . and as that people were extreamly inclined to set their faces towards that place , so could not these admonitions but be very necessary for their king , both to keep them from so doing , and to forbear making flesh his arme himself . to which purpose isaiah is very full ; wo to them that go down to egypt for help , and stay on horses , and trust in chariots because they are many , and in horsemen because they are strong : but they look not unto the holy one of israel , neither seek unto the lord. as for the law there mentioned , it cannot be understood of any particular one made for his restraint , and so proper to him as king , but of those general laws of moses , given for all men to live by : and therefore , it is enjoyned him write it out of that which was before the priest , to whom he is now to succeed in the chief charge thereof . in which charge , although he differed from others , yet , that the law was the same , appears by the intent thereof there mentioned ( common to him with the rest ) namely , that he might learn to fear the lord his god , and to keep the word of this law and statutes to do them . he is not bidden ( you see ) to be affraid of his people , representative , or collective : nor are they or any one earth , hereby authorised to look unto his performance of this law ; or to resist or punish him , in case he transgress : the which is the thing in question ; and not whether kings are subject to god and his laws or no : for none will deny but they are , and are also ( for many considerations ) more obliged to keep and press these laws then any of their subjects : as none ( on the other side ) will i hope say , that his subjects are to be to him in gods stead , so as to judge and punish him , if he do not . but then it may be answered , that the people have a dry right without a remedy : they have a right indeed to be free from oppression , but such an one as serves to no stead , since it may be taken from them at the pleasure of another . what , shall we call an appeal to god no remedy ? or shall we say there is no remedy or justice for subjects , but when and where themselves shall be judges and executioners in it ? for if so , what use of this common judiciary power , when one part of the people may still have power to judge of another ? it was the partiallity and injustice incident to this way of proceeding , that made it reasonable for people to subject themselves to a common umpire or judge : whose sentence should alwayes be taken as indifferent . because else they did nothing ; and are yet but in the same first state of anarchy they were : for he that is not supreme in all causes and things , but onely such as the people shall assent unto , is not truely supreme in any thing : forasmuch as their judgement coming after his , as of power to confirme or disanull , they will still be without a supreme , and their major vote allowing his affirmative , or rejecting his negative sentence , will at last conclude the whole definitive sentence to be come into their hands . no , if rulers of policy , peace , and government be maintained , the king onely ( as aforesaid ) can be supreme , and all other of his subjects can have but derivative powers ; that is , a● sent of him . the complaint of misusage must still run to the higher ; the people cannot appeal to the people , when the king ( their onely supreme judge on earth ) hath oppressed them . they have in this condition , none but god above him to appeal unto ; he is the onely king of kings , and to him onely ( in this case ) vengeance doth belong . all which was well intimated in samuels reply , foreshewing that these oppressions should irremediably happen sometimes : in that day shall ye cry unto the lord , but he shall not hear you . so that then ( after all these warnings and threats ) the people chusing to submit to this government and power , it makes their resignation of power and trust to him to be implicite , and for better or worse . it makes it appear , that they had considered before hand of these things , as mischiefs that might sometimes befall them ; the which patience and sufferance , not rebellion and resistance were to remedy . and so far were they from pretending , or desiring any caution against it , that their reply ( nay but me will have a king over us , that we also may be like all the nations , and that our king may judge us and go out before us , and fight our battailes ) imports an acknowledgement of his unquestionable supremacy over them , and that aswell in civil as martial affairs ; which is meant by judging them and fighting their battailes . and then , by their proposing herein to be like other nations , whose kings ( it is well known ) had at that time absolute soveraignty , the condition of perfect subjection will be farther manifest . and again , in desiring a king in the place of judges ( who already had supreme authority as far as positive law went ) must farther imply their acknowledgements of an extraordinary obedience , to this new and extraordinary power . for when samuel tells them that now god was their king ( meaning that in all extraordinary and urgent occasions his advice and direction was to be sought ) and they notwithstanding this , chusing to have a king , it makes that absolute degree of submission yet more apparent , which was to be given to this high officer , who should succeed in this divine place of authority : which , as it might subject them to many unavoidable miseries when evil kings came , so , on the other hand , they might foresee much benefit to ensue when good ones came : as it proved shortly after , in the days of david and solomon . so that , untill this latter age of the world , that men through vulgar and popular flattery , could be brought both to forget gods precepts and their own reason , such maximes and positions as are now frequent in the mouths of some seditious persons , would have been abandoned as undutiful , aswell as scorned as ridiculous . it would have sounded strange in their ears , to have heard men affirm , that they had contrived a way of limitation for kings ; whereby he should yet have all power left him to do good unto his people , but none at all to hurt them : and yet , such is our present aversion to government , that the hasty and inconsiderate swallowing down of such like maxims for the limitation of monarchical power , hath been the cause of all our publike disturbances . all which right reason must say we are ever in danger of , whilst soveraignty is not entire , and perfect in the person it ought to be . for what , shall he have such power of doing good , as it shall not be in the power of others to hinder it ? if so , then ( supposing him a voluntary agent ) you must also suppose , that ( if he think fit ) he hath power of forbearing it ; and so doth ill , by not doing good . or , if he work as an instrument and necessary agent , by the force and impulsion of another , then is the power of doing good , to be properly ascribed where this direction is : because the ministerial vertue or power of the instrument , may be thereby implyed other wayes , or not at all . and so , if you make him to carry the same force in the work of government , as the carpenters chizel doth in all his work ; then , how shall a voluntary agent be imagined such ? or what is the difference of the kings power , from that of the meanest subject ; when he must do so as he is directed , and no otherwise ? and so lastly , how can that be called good , which is done necessarily and unwillingly ? but these things will be best seen by instance . the power of each kingdom is in the militia : now , as he that hath power hereof , may benefit the kingdom by the invasion of another , or by defence of his own ; and as he may use the same at home , in maintenance of laws and equity against opposers , so may he thereby do the contrary . whereupon reason and experience tells us , how ridiculous this their device is . for since the militia must be somwhere , and of absolute power , if it be not in one mans hand , it will be in more . what will they then be the neer ? will they now set some in trust over these again ? to the end , that as those were trusted above the king , to hinder him from doing wrong , so these again , shall have power to be over them , that they abuse not that their power , which they before had over the king ? when will they have done setting of watchmen upon watchmen ? and must they not be men still that they shall so entrust ? in which respect being alike subject to transgress , will they not necessarily be more in danger of injury being now under the power of many , then they were before while under one ? and truely , they that thus can fancy a possibility , of stating a person in such a condition , as he should alwayes have power to do good , must next contrive him such a will , as he shall be doing it also ; or else this power is but vain : because he may do ill in forbearing it . and they again , that ( on the other side ) would take from him all power to do evil , and yet think he may be all this while a voluntary agent , do in both respects , seem to me to condemn god almighty of imprudence or injustice , in not governing all men in the world , as these would do some in kingdoms : that is , not knowing how thus to take from men the power of doing ill , without taking from them ( thereby also ) the power of doing well ; but suffering sin thus needlesly to raigne in the world . out of what hath been hitherto spoken , we may gather the reason , both for the establishment of monarchy , and also for annexing unto it those absolute degrees of soveraignty ; not to be wrested or alienated from the person of the prince by any of his subjects : who cannot , without overthrow of monarchy , be such sharers or engrossers of the soveraignty , as under pretence of bridling him from evil , to say unto him what dost thou ? because he hath power by his office to do whatsoever pleaseth him . to which end , we may also see the reason , why oaths of obedience and subjection are by subjects taken , as for other ends , so , in case of resistance , to take their part against all others : the people being for this very subjection sake , called the subjects of such and such kings . and this oath , in regard it is made in gods name and presence , and in regard it is the tye and obligation to maintaine policy and peace , and thereby humane preservation ( the end of god also ) it is called the oath of god , as aforesaid . and therefore , to kings are we to give obedience , not onely for wrath , but for conscience sake : for so solomon directs it the fear of a king is as the roaring of a lyon , he that provoketh him to anger sinneth against his own soul : it is not a crime in policy onely , to disobey and resist him whose wrath is as messengers of death , but a sin also against religion . and least any should use their christian liberty for a cloak to their maliciousness , and the better to act their own revenge or ambition , pretend that in unlawful commands obedience is not due ( which once granted how easie would it be to make any thing unlawful we had no minde to obey ) we are enjoyned to be subject , not onely to the good and gentle ( superiors ) but also to the froward ; for this is thank worthy , if a man for conscience towards god endure grief , suffering wrongfully : for what glory is it if when we be buffeted for our faults we take it patiently , but if when we do well and suffer for it , we take it patiently , this is acceptible with god : for even hereunto were we called , because christ also suffered , as leaving us an example that we should follow his steps : who did no sin , neither was guile found in his mouth : who when he was reviled , reviled not again , when he suffered threatned not , but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously . what could have been more expresly and rationally said , for perfect submission to our superiors , then here ? for first , whereas the glory of god consists ( as amongst other things ) in the pr●servation of man , and that againe , by submission to authority , they are to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake ; or as they render gods glory , or their own good . and then , least any factious pretence should alienate their duties in the true object of their allegeance , it is appointed unto kings as supreme , and unto other governors as to such as are sent of him : for such was the will of god and their well doing , that hereby they should put to silence , the ignorance and foolishness of men : even of such men , as not knowing that the foundation of society was laid upon the united and irresistable authority of the person , had , under pretence of liberty , vented their maliciousness , and countenanced rebellion , in favouring some subordinate authority against the supreme . and then lastly , least any should object , that because ( as aforesaid ) these governors were but for the punishment of evildoers , and praise of them that do well ; therefore , if they should do the contrary ( as their commission or authority would fail , so ) their obedience to him might faile also : we shall farther finde him giving precepts of suffering patiently , though they knew it wrongfully . and this he confirms by the example of our saviour himself , who , as he vvas infinitely more innocent , so vvas his usage more hard and unjust : and tha● many times , from under kings that had neither natural nor rightful authority over him . as for one instance , in the case of paying tribute ; for although ( as appears by peters ansvver ) it vvas but vvhat he had used to do , he makes an expostulation purposly to cleer all doubt that might be made : of whom ( said he ) do the kings of the earth take custome or tribute , of their own children or of strangers ? peter saith unto him of strangers ; jesus saith unto him , then are the children free , notwithstanding least we should offend t●em , go thou to the sea , and cast an hook , and take up the fish that cometh first , and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt finde a piece of money , that take and give unto them for me and thee . so that ( you see ) rather then he vvill offend them , that is resist authority and give occasion to rebellion , by standing out and refusing ( as he proved he might have done in this illegal command ) he vvorks a miracle to perform it : and doth it for peter also , of vvhom it vvas not demanded . nor vvas this done out of fear , as vvanting povver to resist , if resistance had been lavvful ; for he was able to have commanded more then twelve legions of angels : a povver sufficient to have mastered any oppossion . but he , like a prince of peace , left us this example , not to promote rebellion against the supreme authority ; but to commit all to him that judgeth righteously , even to god : to vvhom alone kings are accountable , and therefore to him alone vengeance ( in that kinde especially ) doth belong . for , as god vvas the alone author of their povver and office , so , vvill he be the onely judge of their defaults therein ; according to that of david , against thee onely have i sinned : as if lying vvith another mans vvife vvere no wrong or trespass to her husband : vvhich that it vvas so , is cleerly evinced in that parable made by nathan of the taking of the evv-lamb , and in davids answer , acknowledging it an offence , and making a censure thereupon : namely , the man that hath done this shall surely dye , and make restitution . but , although david had power thus to punish any of his subjects , as having from god rightful jurisdiction over them , yet , when he understands himself to be the man , he concludes none on earth above him : but that he is subject to god onely ; in the said words , against thee only have i sinned . marke also the use of this kingly power , in enforcing or abateing the rigor of the law : for restitution was by gods law onely set down as a punishment of theft , which was the onely fault , and not adultery which appeared in the parable of the lamb : but he , for the punishment of a fault so aggravated by circumstances , though fit to have death added : and should no doubt have been therein by his subjects obeyed , without imputation of guilt for using arbitrary power ; no more then when he took the shewbread , altered the courses of the priests , erected new offices amongst them , brought in musick , and other ceremonies into the temple , without particular direction from god or moses law : and when he commanded the numbering of the people as beforesaid : and again , made that law for the shares of such as stayed with the stuff ; both of them , not onely without , but against his present peoples liking . to conclude therefore , soveraignty is the supreme judge and disposer of publike interest : where , by ●ublike , is meant whatever may be of general concern between that kingdom and another , or of mutual concern to others in the same kingdom ; although the same be kept as a propriety in private hands . the particulars of this authority , we will briefly here set down . the chief is ( that so largely heretofore spoken of , namely ) the sword of justice , or the last appeal , aswel in religious as civil causes : and is inseparable , and incommunicable . the next , is the power of making , and interpreting of laws . the next , is to lay taxes , and grant privilidges and exemptions : and therefore had david and solomon both their tribute masters ; and so saul also ( out of his known prerogative ) promised to them that should slay goliah , to make his fathers house free in israel : which power to free , must suppose a power to impose . the next is to make magistrates and state officers : for he having delegation from god , and being the common fountain and center of power , their power must be but derivative and part of his . the next is , to make peace and war : all of them comprehended under those general terms of submission , mentioned in the jews first election of their kings : namely to judge them and fight their battailes . and , as for the other more separable and communicable markes ; of receiving homage , coynage and valuing the mony , weights , and measures , to grant letters of mart ; to have crown and scepter ; to have titles , additions , and donations of honor ; as they may be sometimes but complemental , so may they be comprehended under some of the more general and express markes before spoken : for if he have the last appeal , and be in all causes , and over all persons and estates in his dominions supream head and governor , it will follow , that he is so also in these . although in the passed treatise the name of king be only commonly used , yet what is spoken of him is to be applied unto monarchy in general ; under what other title of emperor , prince , duke , lord , &c. so they be free and holding of god onely . for unto the monarch , in right of his office , and not to the name , is the power and soveraignty due : even as the head of the family , is , in relation to his wife called husband , to his children father , to his servants master , and yet is the same person : so , if a duke or lord ( as those of edom and the philistins sometimes were ) be absolute , their smalness of territory debars not their right to monarchy ; more then the master of a less family , to be in his office of government , as absolute as he that hath a greater . and the like may be said of a soveraign officer in a commonwealth also , if he be supreme and not accountable to any one earth for his actions : as was that famous cesar , and other the dictators in rome . for whosoever hath the sole independent prerogative of kan-ning , from which the word king is derived , he is truely a king also ; but so far as he hath not , his soveraignty , is so far defective , and anarchy introduced : which shall be our next discourse . the second book of government and its ground and foundation , according to vulgar positions . the introduction . in pursuance of my first proposal , for establishment of publike peace and good , i have in the passed book , brought monarchy to its just height : and that , from such general and obvious arguments from reason and scripture , as do , to my thinking , point directly to that end , and no way else . but , being to write in an age , where contrary prejudice will not ordinarily give men ability or leisure to attend the discovery , it fareth therefore with me , as with that artificer , who , having brought something unexpectedly to pass , is forced for the farther confirmation of the thing it self , to submit it to the handling and tryal of the spectators in their own way . and because it may again be objected , to what purpose all this ado , since these very ends are , or may as well be attained , by the ways already approved of : and that , by men of great eminence and learning amongst us ? it seems therefore now again needful to take all this structure of government in pieces , and to examine it farther , part by part , according to that fabrick , and those materials , which are usually brought to the constitution thereof . in which discourse , having first cleered and rectified those vulgar political maxims from their former rubbish and disguise , i shall then prove , that so much of each of them as is compatible with just government , and the ends thereof , are to be appropriate to monarchy onely . in this my undertaking , in the defence of gods true vicegerent amongst us , there seems to lye on my part , the like task as there did formerly on moses , in the manifestation of god himself : that is , not onely to prove the monarch to be so by way of plain demonstration , but also to extend this reason , to the eating up of all those serpentine shews , wherewith these janni and jambri , the rebellious enchanters of our times , have hitherto deceived the people ; and thereby kept them in a kinde of an egyptian darkness . and , in this course , i shall begin first with ●he head thereof , the fained unity in aristocracies and democracies . chap. i. of anarchy . they that suppose the word to imply onely that state and condition of men where no government at all is exercised , will much to seek to finde out any instance or example for proof of their assertion : or indeed , any possibility how it should at all come to pass . therefore , that which hath hitherto been spoken of the original of government , in the fourth chapter of the precedent book , must be understood onely as supposing it to have its reason in nature , and that thereby it might have been known , although the same had been by no other light or positive law found out and appointed : and not as determining that ever men were , or could be left by a careful god in such a confused condition , where , like a brood of cadmus , wanting all manner of breeding and instruction , they should fall to the slaughter of one another ; till their bleeding wounds , and not his precepts or providence , had taught them rules of subjection . no , it would be too plain and great compliance with athiesm to think gods omniscience in foreseeing , or his goodness in preventing , so small or slack , as to leave man , a creature upon whom ( above all the rest ) he had bestowed such workmanship and care , to the common hazard and condition of that which was meanest . leaving therefore these fancies aside , that think men should ( like swarms of bees ) be brought to choice of policy without any foregone experience or knowledge of government , we must make government the elder brother to anarchy . for so we finde , that while there were but two persons in the world , the woman , by special appointment , was to have her desires subject to her husbands , and he was to rule over her . and , as wives , so children and servants , were subject to the father of the family , in such sort , that no man , but , being either head or member of a family , ( by one relation or another ) either had or yeilded subjection . and , even before kings to finde an ex lex or person ( like caine ) under no protection , and consequently under no government , was a vain attempt . and this prime or more natural prerogative of primo-geniture , and father of the family , although it had not the name ; yet it had the truth and reality of monarchy : and that as well in the authority as unity of the person : as by that phrase , the father of the moabites and amonites to this day , may appear : which must signifie succcession of these monarchical governors , in right of the fir●t father . so that now , under the name of king , there is but a continuance and restitution of that ancient form , by change of the name from pater familiae , to pater patriae : importing a continuance of power and office , notwithstanding the encrease of t●rritory and number of subjects . for the length of life that gave these ancients advantage to see many families peopled out of their own loyns , gave them also right of government in chief . but this common parent now dead , pride , covetousness , ambition , &c. quickly clouded the respect due by birthright to the elder brother , who by the law of god should rule over the other , and have their desires subject to him : and so , through stubbornness , did break that course which , if it had been observed , would have made monarchy perpetual : but not being so , anarchies succeed . for the divided families , finde many occasions of controversie amongst themselves , which they , in their reputed equality of jurisdiction , knew not how to determine : because , not submitting to that hereditary right ( before spoken of ) by the which isaac had appointed esau as servant to jacob ( as apprehending him the elder ) and which jacob also , for peace-sake , gave to judah amongst the tribes of israel ( namely to be perpetual law-giver ) discord and dissention quickly broke in upon them . and this ( no doubt ) was the state of the old world before the flood ; for we read not of any monarchs ; but that , as men began to multiply in the earth , so began they , for want of restraint , to be ruled onely by their own likings : which the heads of tribes , for want of a common head , exercising over one another as men of renown , the whole earth came to be filled with violence . for although each family had its government within it self , and so all men within one government or other , yet , since there wanted a definitive sentence or monarch to unite these governors amongst themselves , they were in the true estate of anarchy . but to noah and his sons , that were to people the world afterwards , as these mischiefs were well known , so were they avoided . for after that the earth came to be so fully inhabited that now families must interfere one upon another , and could not part peaceable as abraham and lot did , we finde them under kings ; as a necessary form for preservation of mankinde . which blessed government was ever accompanied with gods promises of fruitfulness , as before recited . but if , by accident , they were removed , these people were in the sense of antiquity , if without kings , without government also , and in the estate of anarchy and confusion . and thereupon , we finde it threatned , isa. . . that before the overthrow of judah and israel , the land should be forsaken of both her kings . and so much as will suffice to convince anarchy to be absence of monarchy , is in holy writ implyed , when , in the inter-regnum of the judges , it is said , there was no king in israel , but every man did that which was righteous in his own eyes . and yet were all men , at the same time , subject to the fathers and chief of their tribes ; as appears by the act of the danites : they had also the same laws they had before for their direction . but , because there was now no single judge , who might interpret and inforce this law , and give direction and command in chief , it was reckoned a state of anarchy . the like , at that time was imputed to the men of laish ; and made a reason of their easie destruction : for there was no magistrate in the land that might put them to shame in any thing . where , by magistrate in the singular number , or heir of restraint ( for so the original will bear ) we may conceive their want of monarchy was intended : for it was always esteemed as a wo to a land when many were the princes thereof . and indeed , is the punishment of rebellion , for casting off the one first head , and so making many in their divided factions and tribes . and again , the state thereof is in the text counted as preserved , by having one prince : called there a man of understanding and knowledge . meaning one of such capacity , as can act by himself : and not leave the kingdom to be governed by others , after democratick principles . they that think understanding and knowledge was here more pointed at then the unity of the person , will be then troubled to finde , why the plurality of princes should be disliked : since , in that respect , many understanding men must in quantity be more then one . and again , likely it was for one single person to want it , and almost impossible for a number of any greatness : whereupon it might , upon that supposition , have been set down , but by many men of understanding , &c. but the truth is , the curse and malediction is in the word many ; or else many understanding princes might have been a blessing , as well as one . but why this one prince is here set down , on the other side , as a man of understanding , is because princes that want understanding , are great oppressors : and so could not be counted as the preservers of countries . whereas we shall never finde the having of one prince , as one , to be otherwise given then as a blessing : nor of many , as many , ( and that in supreme authority at once ) to be otherwise given then as a punishment . it being for the inconvenience of being governed by democratick principles , in the interim of any monarchs insufficiency , that makes the nonage and other disabilities of princes come to be esteemed the lands woe . for if , at all , the equal government of peers or people , either independently amongst themselves , or as joyntly sharing therein with the king , had been good or commendable , then this nonage of the king , which must necessarily produce it , should not have been reckoned as in it self a woe . but so we shall finde it undenyably to be accompted , if we look into the third chapter of isa. where god threatens the jews to give them children to be their princes , and babes to rule over them . and , in the next verse , tells the consequential punishment that should follow the anarchical rule of others in their names and rooms : viz. and the people shall be oppressed every one by another , and every one by his neighbor . and there being want of power in the person that should be the fountain of power and government , it shall soon follow in the inferior relations : so that the childe shall behave himself proudly against the ancient , and the base against the honorable . but then , because these mischiefs had been by them observed to rise from want of monarchical power , a man shall take hold of his brother of the house of his father , saying , thou hast cloathing , be thou our ruler , and let this ruine be under thy hand . but , because god had determined to punish them , they shall be herein denyed also . which desolation , to follow the absence or inability of the monarch , is again expressed in the twelfth verse , viz. as for my people , children are their oppressors , and women rule ever them ; under which notions of women and children oppressors , we are to conceive persons disabled in the execution of their governments themselves , through personal disability , and want of power and judgement . for since , we cannot think women and children could do it most in their own persons , we must thereupon conceive their punishment & oppression to arise from that divided , & aristocratick way of government which the nobility or others should act , by reason of this want of superior restraint . whereupon , in the following verses , god , in the disability or absence of his deputy , undertakes the cause of the oppressed himself : the lord standeth up to plead , and standeth up to judge the people : the lord will enter into judgement with the ancient of his people , and the princes thereof : for ye have eaten up the vineyard , the spoile of the poor is in your houses : what mean you that you beat my people to pieces , and grinde the faces of the poor , saith the lord of hosts . and if we look into the new-testament , and the time of our saviour , we shall finde , not onely this malediction actually removed from the world , by the presence of him that came not to destroy mens lives but to save them , but , it will also appear , that this error and absurdity of polarchy was by that time so well known , that the fountain of truth makes the impossibility of its right in government amongst men , to be the medium of his argument against admission of any equality in our subjection to god : for had it been true , that a man might have served more then one master , his argument had been nothing . and why he puts it in the notion of master , and not of prince , may be for that the jews had not any prince of their own at that time : nor was there any polarchy elsewhere to make instance in , so as his auditors might conceive how inconsistent plurality of commanders is with that singleness which belongs to the duty of obedience . and therefore , although he instance in a family , because to them best known , yet it proportionably holds in all governments : namely , that intireness of obedience can onely be from entireness of command . for else , i see not but a man may as well serve two or more partners in a family , as he may do partners in a commonwealth . but although our saviour seem not to point against polarchy expresly herein , yet st. james , that knew well his minde , and perceived the mystery of antichristianism already working , doth it plainly ; saying , my brethren be not many masters , knowing that we shall receive the greater condemnation . surely , he meant not by this word many , to forbid any man to be master of his own servants or family : to which end , as he did allow more families then one , so must he allow several masters to them . nor could he be supposed generally to reprove pride or any other vice , as barely vices . first , for that he , and others , used to name such crimes more plainly that all might know them : and next , for that such like vices , being not allowable in any man at all , it had been more fit to have said be not any , then be not many . and therefore , i conceive the master here meant , is that one publike supreme commander , which is set over us : into which rank he forbids any more then one to enter , when he saith , be not many . and , that his meaning was of these supreme masters , will farther appear by the consequential guilt likely to follow in the great account of these publike stewards , although rightfully undertaken ; for in many things we offend all : that is , we have so many offences to answer for in our seperate and private callings already ( in relation to things submitted to our own guidance ) that we need not increase them by increase of our charge and trust . but , if any there be , that do yet doubt that these last alleadged texts ( prohibiting parity in command ) do reach to political or state governors , because set down many masters onely : or that the former alleadged woe of solomon , set down to attend the disability of the king , were not applyable to that disability which his subjects stubbornness did cause , as well as to that which his natural incapacity did produce , let them here this wise man once again most plainly pronouncing them both : my son fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change : for their calamity shall rise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruine of them both . the first verse expresly points out the onely officer and person who , next unto god , we are to make the object of our highest obedience and fear : and the other , plainly sets forth the woe and ruine following , both to the seditious and seduced . they that would interpret the prohibition against sedition and change here set down , as also the fore-recited punishment of many princes for the wickedness of a land , not to import the admission of polarchy in the place of monarchy , but the change of princes one after another ; do then ( thereupon ) confess , that all lands and people that practise such seditious courses are wicked : inasmuch as fear and obedience to an evil king might else have been excepted ; and subjects themselves allowed to change him for a man of understanding : without consideration that they were blessings or punishments sent and set over us by god onely . if it had been said , for the wickedness of a land many are the evil princes thereof , or , my son fear the present good king , and meddle not with them that would change him for another ; then we might well indeed have thought , the words many , and change , to import succession . but then , why should not many princes or men of understanding , ruling successively or at once , be set down as a blessing and preservative to a state , as well as one ? for , if understanding make the blessing , as in it self , there will ( as before noted ) be more in this many , then in one . and lastly , what evasion will they finde against the prohibition of many masters ? what , must it intend suddain succession too ? and so tolerate many at once to be in equal command , either in the family or elsewhere : in such sort , as we might serve god and mammon both at once , but not presently one after another , so as to change mammon to serve god ? no certainly , the word many can admit of no such wresting ; especially being put in the present tense by are , it must plainly denote them to be such as are to be at the same time , and all at once ; and not such as shall , or have been successively raigning , and so may come to be called many , in respect of those many ages and times wherein they reigned . for if so , how shall we do to state and compute any lands malediction , for want of a determinate present time wherein these many princes might be said to raign , more then , then at another time ? for if succession be unhappiness , then are all lands so . it is not therefore to be doubted , but that solomon intended polarchy by many , as the plainest expression he could give thereof : having not learnt his wisdom from their schools , where the notions of aristocracies and democracies were invented . or , if the word many should be thought importing that condition of any people wherein many competitors are at once striving for the regality , so as to introduce civil war , then is the malediction confessed to be want of monarchy . for although it be the height of polarchical mischief to be in actual civil war , and in open arms , yet it takes not off the cause thereof from being malediction too : which is that faction and siding , which must always be where many governors are at once . but if any there be , who , from gods permission of these governments to be in the world , do therefore think them lawful ; and so are slow to interpret any place of scripture to make against them , there is no better way to discover their partiality to these forms above monarchy , then by supposing the one to be put in the others stead ; and so to think with themselves , if it had been said , for the wickedness of a land one is the prince thereof , but by many men of understanding the state thereof is preserved : and so also , my son fear god and this or that sort of polarchy , &c. whither they would not ( thereupon ) have more readily concluded against monarchy , then now against polarchy ? and hence ( as our preface noted ) we may observe that there is not in scripture to be found the mention of any people without a king ; nor can any other record instance in any state of eminence , which oweth not its foundation to that form of policy . for it was after-times onely , that , as the inordinate lusts of men began more to abound , so sought they to be rid of restraint : and therefore by little and little strived to take wholly away , or clip the wings of majesty : that under pretence of ruling by law , and so interpreting and ruling those laws by themselves , they might at last be under no rule at all . and now come aristocracies and democracies , being but anarchies , and onely differing in number of commanders from one another , to be called governments lawful , against all reason . for since political government must be onely where there is a distinct relation in the persons of governors and governed , here they are both the same , and so confounded , that they are not to be known one from another , and so cannot be rightly called governments . for government is then onely , when the governor , as agent , and the governed , as patient , stand reciprocally ready to operate towards the governors ends . towards the governors ends i say , for so far as the patient or governed , hath design respective to it self in any thing , it cannot be called passive or subject , but active rather ; and so no government . and although government may be in degree more or less , in comparison of one government to another , as the vertue of agency and patibility stand in measure increased or remitted , yet doth the due execution of smaller commands make government as well as the greater ; and obedience to the smaller prince is as truly constitutive of government , as to the greatest ; whilst his subjects stand to their powers ready to receive and obey his laws . for albeit that government , being an active quality , ows its chief essence to the governor , from whence it did at first proceed and take force , yet since this active quality is not of force to act otherwise then as in the patient , as its proper subject , it cannot therefore be called government farther then that correlate the patient or subject stands reciprocally fitted to admit the governors power and impression . fitted i say it must be hereunto , according to its relation as aforesaid , so as to work as the agent or governor shall see cause : which fitness doth then constitute government to be and continue , even whilst there is no real execution according to the vertue thereof . for government may be while this agency is not outwardly exercised , but cannot at all be where the relations themselves are not distinctly and properly ready and kept up to act according to occasions . so that now , in the confused fabrick of these polarchies , we can by no means finde true government , as being so disabled to finde where to fixe and place this active quality of governing , and the passive quality of governed . for we shall not onely finde it uncertain whether the people or their own magistrates and senate are governors , because sometimes the people or governed are really taking on them to act their own wills as chief , but also ( supposing the government in the senate ) it will be still as hard so to fix it there , as to make it to be government . for in that fancied equality which they have in power to one another , who shall be superior ? and if the persons in the major vote be soveraigns , and the lesser vote and the rest of the people subjects , who shall then be soveraigns when these major voters come , by variety of occasions , to be many of them on the minor side ? will not this render both relations , and the government it self thereupon founded , to be a thing unfixed and uncertain ; or but anarchy new-named ? for the whole body cannot be soveraigns , because the minor part must be still subject to the major : which major part again , having no personal or certain assurance it shall continue so , the government also may be so , or not so ; and consequently , the same persons be governors or not , as occasions shall lead them . take then away , or unsettle the relation of governors , and that of governed will cease and be unfixed also . and whereas , again , monarchies receive their main assurance from the mutual oaths between governor and governed , where are the oaths between state and people , as between monarch and people ? do they swear to observe the laws , or do the people swear to them alleagiance ? or if god be omitted , as not seemly to call him in as party or witness to a mock government , so unlike his , then the trust must be supposed implicite from the people to them ; and so to pass with their election . whereupon , since this election and trust is to the several and particular members , all alike , and equal , as they came to be chosen , how can some members , under a minor vote be excluded , without breach of that trust whereby they had equal power ? or was the trust to the whole joyntly ( which is yet hard to be conceived since they must be elected personally and severally ) how can a major vote exclude john , will : thomas , and it may be a hundred more of equal trust to themselves ? to say they trusted a major is unconceiveable ; because trust follows election , and election must have a personal and definite , and not a notional object : such as a major vote is ; which must be always contingent and unfixed . and , if this major vote have not its power from election , how comes it to have it ? or , how differs it from the tyranny of anarchy , which is of all tyranny the worst ? for every man is herein oppressed of his neighbour , and the weaker and fewer in continual vexation of the stronger and more in number : with this aggravation also , that herein they seem remediless ; because their many oppressors , ( for so the major part must be ) have the countenance of justice for what they do . they that tell us , that since it is requisite that all controversies should be ended , it is therefore fit that a major part should be taken as the whole : forasmuch as in few , or no cases universal assent being to be expected , without this rule , no decision , or opinion of the assembly could be had . but then , i pray , what necessity of putting your selves into such a condition of government as must put you to this necessity ? indeed this collection of a major vote is many times necessary and good in parliaments , and assemblies in monarchies ; where the results and opinions of the whole council can no otherwise appear to the prince , who for that cause assembled them : and where he himself , representing the whole people joyntly , shall in the determination , afterwards be on which side he pleaseth : and so leave none uninterressed , or unconsenting : joyntly i say , for that in him onely , as being but one person , there can be an united and general consent and representation . for , if that rule be true , that what is the concern of all should have the consent of all , how shall these shires and burroughs that come now , as minor voters , to have their representatives overborn , be obliged to the determinations of a major vote , not by them elected or entrusted , if by their joynt subordination to the monarch , who did before give them power thus to elect , they stood not still obliged ? so that , they that alleadge a major vote ought of it self to prevail , because it is to be presumed that , in case of opposition , even by by strength it would so fall out , where is then their government founded on pretended consent , if meer force must be the rule ? for what think they shall become of equity , which alone should take place , as having reason and wisdom for its guide ? what doth equity and reason so abound , as that the major part of men in general , or of any society in particular should be always the juster and wiser ? if not , what do we but endanger to follow a multitude to do evil , and speak in a cause to decline after many to wrest judgement . for if the minor side must acquiesse , onely because it is the minor and weaker in number and power , what differs this from the government of beasts and fishes : which prevail not by strength of reason or argument , but by force of body and number ? again , if the fewer must be always overborn and governed , who shall govern the other ? or , how can the major part be without subjection or government , and yet the whole state or society be truely said to be governed ? and while they shall pretend to determine the differences of the people , who shall have power to determine theirs ? will they set a major vote upon a major vote , or will they ( as most usually ) remain so many ex lex , or unbridled persons , in pursuit of their own wills onely ? in a word , in this fained government or political paction , how can peace or unity be expected , where it is not so much as designed in shew or appearance ? for , whereas the submission of all in general to some kinde of coercive and superior power is in government on all hands necessary , here the greater part are exempted and left at liberty . and where political order appoints an union in the body , by means of an union in the head , in democracy the head is made of many ; and , by a monstrous deformity , made biger then the body . and where again , in monarchy the whole people are subject to the prince , and he to god ( so that there remains but one personate liberty as to the laws of the kingdom ) here the greater part have no laws to restrain them ; but , according to the dictates of unbridled nature good and bad , justice and injustice ; are at their own determination . against which , it will be bootless to object that the good of the major part is in reason to be preferred to that of the fewer , for that none will deny , supposing it in things equally concerning them : but who shall judge of that , when , instead of one person , of common concern and interest in the whole people , one faction shall thus be still judging another , and so , reckoning themselves the whole state , endeavor the subversion of their opposites , without conceit of publike detriment . but that which is most direct to shew this government null or unlawful , is their want of authority . for their deriving power from the people onely , must argue they s●ill want it : because the people having it not themselves , they cannot ( as elsewhere proved ) give it to others . for how can the people give power to the people , more then a man can be said to give power to himself ? whereupon , these polarchs , having no mission from god , or authority from that rule of government by him set down , how can they be but in their administrations tyrannical ; and be in danger , when they put any man to death , to commit murther with the sword of justice ? and where again , it is alleadged , that all power is founded in the will , and that voluntary submission makes authority lawful and tolerable ; these forms are but so in pretence , and carry on their executions by continual and irresistable terror and force , in regard of their number not to be withstood . whereas the single prince , can be obeyed but voluntarily ; according as sense of loyalty , duty , or love shall direct : and when , or so far as he shall use force , so as to be called tyranny or oppression , this must arise as he makes use of a major number or strength , and by the force of other men prevails against a minor part which he thinks fit to punish : but as king , or as one person in himself considered ▪ he can never be but voluntarily obeyed . for it is the gross vulgar mistake , that because there is in some republikes freedom to elect representatives allowed to the people by such as sway in the present domineering faction , that therefore they are also free and personally consenting in what these representatives do . and under this flattering disguise popular orators prevail : affirming , that as we singly cannot will to destroy or harm our selves , so communities also cannot be supposed to injure themselves . for although ( say they ) they should enact a law of some universal damage , yet since their enacting of it must conclude this damage was to them insensible , they cannot therein be harmful to themselves in general , or injurious to others in particular . not harmful to themselves , because upon any experience thereof they may alter it ; not injurious to others , because , according to the foresaid supposition , each one being consenting , the maxim of volenti non fit injuria acquits them thereof . whereas in truth , these formal elections can never be general nor free : nor can the particular actings and laws of governors be any more stiled the voluntary actings of the governed , then any other arbitrary authoriry ( for such it must be , if it be any ) can be called the voluntary act of such as must obey . but , when they say a community cannot harm it self , the falacy lies under the notion of community . for they would have it comprehend in our conceits the whole people : as though each one should be still personally acting and consenting in all things concerning their own harm or benefit . it is true this community of trustees and representatives ( who indeed usually make themselves signifie the whole community ) can never ( as taking them to be of one minde and interest ) hurt themselves irremediably : but why may they not , nay why must they not ( as a separate body ) have a separate interest from the people under them , and so joyn for enacting such things as may concern their power or riches in general ? and why must they not again , as having several proprieties and seperate places of honor and power of their own to seek , ( seperate from these of their fellow senators ) and divide amongst themselves likewise , and also divide the people , by siding to gain and joyn a major vote to attain them ? at which time ( truely ) those that are of that part of the community which is on the minor and weaker side , will think and finde themselves harmed , although the major community , taking on them to be the whole community , do not hurt it self . and whereas the preservation of peace and unity of society , consists in the unity of the definitive sentence , here , through the many heads , the union cannot be : or if , as to the definitive part , they say there may be an union by collection of major votes : it is true so indeed , that there is an union in the major vote to that purpose ; but is there not another union in the minor vote also against the major ? and then it will come to pass , that this affirmative and negative unions ( as contrary to one another ) will make a plain disunion : and so , this supposed great head of the state be two heads at least ; and consequently , this political body , being divided also , it cannot resemble the natural ; which is therefore called individual . nor can there be any firm unity here expected ; because the true cause and foundation thereof is wanting : in that they can never look on one anothers proprieties , or theirs below them with equal concern and interest , as the monarch doth to the generality of his subjects . for he , having his honor and profit arising from all in general and each one in particular , is careful of all alike : whereas they unite and agree but out of necessity . for at first , whilst they were yet rising , and were called factions , they were united in their several interest by hope of common gain , and now having attained it , they settle upon this confederacy through a common fear of losing it . so that hope chiefly unites factions , and fear chiefly keeps them so , and settles anarchies . because , if their hope of gain , by overthrowing their own former authority , had not exceeded their fear of so doing , they had not associated ar first ; and so now if their common fear of loss from a soveraign authority did not exceed their present hopes of gaining from one another , they would not so continue . and farther , if in states the major part be the whole ; why have not the magistrates and decrees their derivative power from them onely ? if they be not the whole , as indeed no part can be the whole , ( but that it is necessary for more fulness of power that the acts proceed in the name of the whole ) how come the lesser and absent parties , which might perhaps together make the major , to be rightly brought in to authorise those actions that are not theirs , but done against their consents ? so that , to make an unity in this head or definitive sentence , since the whole body of them and each one severally was alike trusted , there must be first a full union of consent amongst themselves : and then , no remedy but to serve them as the cardinals in the popes election , that is , to keep them immured without light or food till they agree . at which time , it may be , the minor side will be as likely to overcome the major by their gift of abstinence , as the major would have before probably done them by force . but as this would make the office of a statesman little desired , so would it give causes a slow dispatch : and yet , till it be done , i see not how the opinion of the major part can carry the sense of the whole , so as to make the whole and a part to be but the same thing . again , if acts must pass in the name of the whole , as the body intrusted ; and in nature and reason more worthy then a part , why must not an appeal proceed so also ? and since they which bring their causes thither , bring them to the whole assembly , until they have their unamous verdict , they have not what they came for : their trust to the whole being but in part satisfied . nay , if things be well considered , they never or seldome have the major sence of the senate neither ; for to omit external force ( which is wont to awe them ) if there were such an equal number deducted from the major side as will answer those on the minor that disagreed from the major in opinon , there will be ( many times ) so inconsiderable a number of persons left to make the odds , that one would think it strange that three or four men should be held for , and represent the whole senate . and yet it must so usually be with such , that instead of multitude of councellors , would have multitude of commanders ; whereupon all publike debates come to be managed as in a kind of lottery , which none knows the issue of , until the casting up of votes be taken . for none can say that reason doth at all prevaile there , as of it self , but as swayed by heat of passion and contention : not by weight or number of arguments , but by noise or number of voices . and this , because in taking the issue of the debate , the reasons or arguments given by either side are not left to be considered of by those that are to take the resolutions of the senate or parliament , but the greater number of persons on either side doth constantly of it self so prevaile , as it cannot be called the reasonable , but accidental or occasional result or determination of such or such a counsel . which is only avoidable , where one person of power hath liberty to give his reasonable sentence and judgement therein : and that , according as he shall finde the force of the reasons given on either side to prevaile : and not to be any way tyed to the blind hazard of number . one person he must be , and that of power above them also . for if they be more , you shall fall into the same hazard again , of having their sentence and debate ended by meer force and number also . and if this one person have not sole power , but be obnoxious unto any ; then terror from without , and not reason from within may again sway his determination . but it is answered , that the major part is representatively the whole senate , as the whole senate is representatively the whole people . but how ( i pray ) can this be brought to pass ? how can a shaddow make a shaddow , or deputies make deputies ? whence can the major part derive their power ? not from the people , they trusted the whole ; not from the minor part , for they oppose them , and cannot give what they have not . why did not the major vote of the eleven tribes pretend to this right against benjamen ? no , they knew they could not of right assume the power of the whole of themselves , they being but a part ; therefore , in absence of their judges ( the next united whole on earth ) they take power and authority from the fountain thereof , namely from god himself : by whose assent and direction they came to be enabled herein : and until then , their resolutions in their assemblies had no rightful power for execution ; but should have been reckoned amongst other anarchical acts of self-liking , as wanting lawful authority otherwise to impose on their brethren and equals . and if delegates have not this power of delegation in themselves , where is it expressed or warranted from their originals , the people ? and therefore , supposing the voice and determination of the whole senate may be of force to binde the people , as having their power vertually in their several members by them chosen to that purpose , yet this domineering power of a major vote will prove unlawful : as having nothing of the pretended paction and consent , or political association therein : whose end and aime was chiefly protection , or defending the minor or weaker side against the stronger , if justice so required : at least , not to suffer the major part to judge of their own cause : but to appoint a definitive and certain determination , that might be above all orders , numbers , and degrees . so that anarchy is where the major and stronger do alwayes govern the less and weaker ; and is it self not subject to any third differenced authority . and true policy is where this tyrannical force is avoided , and that , by a just submision of the major , aswel as of the minor , unto a third common and indivissible judge : who thereupon becomes stronger then them both . and , although in all disputes there must be disagreement , and a major and minor side , yet he being the vertual whole , and both parts submitting to him , union and peace must follow . till this be done , nature is not holpen by policy . for , if government imply no more then the exercise of force or power , answerable onely to such rules as the stronger shall judge fitting , beasts have it aswel as men : who by numbers and strength prevaile upon one another . but , unto men , this decision seemed too unreasonable : for they found it on all hands prejudicial . inasmuch , as themselves that were on the major side in one case , might anon be on the minor in another : and that then , as they would be themselves protected from violence being weak , so they should not inflict or use it being strong . they found that , whilst this way of prevailing was continued , men studied not equity , but association : not to get right , but force and numbers on their side . and they found , that , as each man judgeth for himself , so did each faction and party also . in which controversies the dangers of mens lives were more to be feared ( in relation to the whole state ) whilst they thus contended in multitudes , then while they strove singly : as set battailes destroy more then duels , and the two israelites striving in moses time before the law , made not equal destruction to the combination of israel and benjamin against each other after the law. on all sides they confessed , that right , and not force should prevaile in decision : but who should judge of this right ? would not each party pretend to it ? was it to be expected that either should say we contend for what belongs not to us ? therefore , while this course held , right had no certain aboad in causes or persons , but fleeted up and down as the major side did . should any third person interpose , out of charity , and to reconcile them , both sides would answer as the said israelite to moses , who made thee a prince and a judge over us ? they had ( no doubt ) the rules of do as thou wouldst be done unto , or because i would receive no harm i should therefore do none ; with such other common maximes of equity amongst men : and these , from the very first , acknowledged and assented unto . they had ( no doubt ) customes and rules of decision ; besides other positive laws to that purpose . but to what availe ? for those rules and laws , which should decide their quarrels , needed decision themselves : because each one pretended and interpreted them for himself . therefore , till they placed some supreme person to interpret their law , unto whom , as unto the last appeal in all questions , all persons , assemblies , orders and degrees besides might be subordinate and inferiour , anarchy was not avoided . neither was any law then of just force ; but , on the contrary , when seeming law and equity was now easily assumed by a major vote and faction , it was heightned and established . and if any should argue , that , since the number of contenders in these state assemblies are not to be presumed so great as when before the people judged themselves , and that therefore , the danger and mischief to follow the disagreements will probably not be so great and general . we will therefore suppose them least , namely an aristocracy or oligarchy of two persons : yet the danger of disagreement will be then most . suppose them ( for peace sake ) three ; because two being alwayes on a side , it will probably scare the third to agreement : yet then , will not there be the continual terror of a major part upon the minor ? wil not the force be equal , or more as of against one , of the people against , or of senators against ? in which cases , the people , by their elections and resignations , have not lost , but changed their miseries . for first , the manner and fear of disagreement is the same amongst their pretended peacemakers now , as it was with them before : and the mischief in prosecution thereof is not abated neither : because in then disagreements the people cannot secure themselves as lookers on : they cannot shift their own interests : but will in the con●ention be engaged on one side or other . and therefore it is now manifest , that anarchy is not want of government , but want of unity : and , being the same with poliarchy , is not where no governors are ( for no people can be so ) but where there is equality and power alike , or in more then one as the word or●ginally doth import . as in the inter-regnum of the judges ( before mentioned ) because there was no single authority or king in israel , it was said every man did that which was right in his own eyes . it could not be meant of single persons : for as they belonged to some tribe or other , so were they unde the authority of the fathers thereof ; but of the plurality of governors , and their equality amongst themselves : whereby the leaders ( not their whole tribes following them ) did what seemed good in their own eyes , vvithout any controle or coercive povver above them . and anarchy is vvhere such equal authorities are , as while some condemn others may acquit : so that , at the end , it will be , as with the people of laish in their inter-regnum , wherein was no magistrate that should put them to shame for any thing . and is onely avoidable , by entrusting one governor with unrepealable power of punishment and protection . for as in a family , whose head is wanting or otherwise disabled , although the wife , children , or some more eminent person may ( as they can raise strength by faction and association ) exercise authority over the rest , yet , because this cannot be called the right government , that family is in the true state of anarchy ; as being destitute of its head : as is also that state or kingdome , which hath the like want . and lastly , anarchy is worse after the abandoning or removal of this unity in government , t●en is the approach or preparation to it : as a relapse is worse in our natural bodies , then a state of recovery . and so it is also where the factions are fevver , then vvhere they are more : as appears by the former example , vvhen all israel vvas on the one side , and all benjamin on the other . for , as all anarchy is disunion or division of the whole body politicke , so is the division of it into two parts most dangerous : because , being therein wholy in contrary parties interessed , they will want a third ( as a medium ) to unite them . whereas , in petty and more divisions and factions , there cannot be so strong contrarieties and eager engagements of emnity : because , as two cannot be contrary to one , nor parties disagreeing amongst themselves will not so probably unite against a third which doth but so too , there may be hope that others may escape as being but lookers on , and equally well willers , or averse to both . all this past discourse i foreknow cannot but extremly offend many , whom interest or ignorance have hitherto blinded with the specious shews and formalities of that freedom which these imitations of government make such boast of . so readily it falls into every mans fancy , that since he is hereby impowered to be acting and consenting to all that shall be done , his share of advantage will be great . not considering , that he can no wayes be advantaged without his fellows loss ; and then , where is general freedome ? not thinking that as thus , under shew of liberty , he aimes at power to act his liking upon others , so he yeilds others the like advantage against himself : insomuch , as he can neither chuse to act according to every ones command , nor but to suffer at every ones dispose . but however , i , that was to treat of policy and government in its divine and natural foundation , and not according to humane authority and example , cannot be blamed ( as i formerly said ) for leaving these out of the number ; when i found them not warranted thereby . for in government ( as government ) i finde one must govern another ; but here , every one is aiming to be governing himself : which , if it be not anarchy ( as being but the first natural condition ) i know not what is , nor where to finde any such thing . neither could i , as i conceive , be true to my design of setling publike peace , without seclusion of these forms . for the very conceit of their justice and lawfulness , and the hope to attain and be sheltered under them , is the most usual and ready cause of civil disturbance and insurrections , and of subjects associations against their prince . and many ( without doubt ) are of the same mind ; who yet , in a kinde of flattering modesty , as loath to condemn the practise of so many , that do or say otherwise , are unwilling to express themselves in so plain a truth . nor could these forms have bin so readily fancyed by so many men , eminent both for goodness and learning , had not the mischiefs and absurdities thence arising been hastily clouded in each ones conceit , by the hope he had that in these general meetings himself should still prevaile by those reasonable propositions he had to make , tending evidently to the publike good and his own honor : and that therefore , in order to both , he had just reason to cry them up . forgetting all that while , how likely it was he might be mistaken in his proposals himself , or else might be unapprehended by his auditors : how that others might , in these assemblies , prevaile aswel as himself , and those of the worser sort aswell as the others . but , most of all forgetting , how , by the obtaining this his conceit and supposition of any one mans prevalence , he should quite overthrow the other supposition of a community in government . for , since many cannot speak at once , if some one mans advice do not take place , there can be no administration or government at all ; if one man constantly do so , then is that person a true monarch , because the most absolute monarch can aske no more then to have his councel followed . and indeed , as anarchies are no farther capable of councel or execution in their governments then as they are monarchical , so they , coming to be occasionally led by their popular orators and heads , are but unfixed monarchies : being thereupon so much more ill , as more unfixed . for , while they decline the subjection and guidance of one mans will , they are thereby enthralled to the lust of all . there is also a great occasion taken for casting off monarchy , from that ready apprehension each one hath , that where the soveraignty is taken from one and put into many , he hath great probability of being one of that number ; and the more especially , in regard of that high degree of desert and ability every man is in his own opinion endued with above others . not considering , how , through the like partial respect and expectations of others , he might fail hereof : and then should he come to have many masters instead of one . nay , not considering , how afterwards the many crossings of his will to be received from his fellows in office , would , as coming from equals , or such to whom he held himself superiour in birth or merit , be more irksome then from superiors already acknowledged . but there being a farther and longer discourse required to foresee those evils that would follow to each one from this parity in command , then there is to apprehend the pleasure and benefit to arise from the command and power it self , and because again positives sway us beyond privatives , it is no wonder if men , in their thirst after polarchical governments , come to be affected as men with lotteries : wherein , although we do , or might beforehand know the certain loss that must generally befall the casters , yet shall we alwayes finde multitudes venturing that way : as being so hastily carryed on by the imagination of his present share of those prizes which may befall him , that he considers not ( withall ) those many chances that may fall out otherwise . there is another great inducement for entertainment of these anarchies , for that vulgarly men are led to conceive that the commonweal doth signifie the same with the polarchs themselves that do therein bear sway : and this , because these states-men are wont to act all their designs in the common-wealths name . but , if men would well consider it , these tearms of commonwealh , and publike good are but bare political notions , not living creatures , capable of address or interest : and that they are not otherwise manageable , or to be represented or collected into a sum or total , then as in relation to the persons therein intrusted : so that , as they shall have their interests more or less united amongst themselves , and are more or less comprehensive of the whole , so will the good of the commonwealth be more or less convertible with theirs . and therefore , since the polarchs cannot act but as separate persons , differing in interest from one another ( for when they do make a major vote it is but what fear or hope did first make them agree to in order to their distinct interests ) therefore their good can neither be reciprocal amongst themselves , nor can the good of the commonweal be convertible with them all in general . as for example , suppose the whole riches or stock of any place to be ten hundred thousand pound ; and that the present polarchs may in their several proprieties contain the half thereof , it must fall out , that , although in that respect they shall know the loss or good of the whole will involve that of their particulars , yet , it happening that in all publike debates some part of the whole is more concerned then another , they must consequently be induced to favour that part most wherein their particulars are most involved : and they will generally chuse , rather to have their half encreased by one third part out of their subjects wealth , then to have their subjects wealth to be generally encreased one third part more then it was by any foraign acquisition whereof themselves have no share . and this , because they being but separate persons , cannot have whole interest : in which regard also , each one amongst them , will again be ready to joyn in faction against others of his fellows ; & rather desire to have his own private stock of riches or honor to be encreased one third part out of theirs , then to assent to any thing that may double that of all the rest of his fellows ; or of the whole people , without encrease of his own . from which it plainly appears that men are but deluded with this notion of a commonwealth : as thinking there can be under polarchy of any sort such an unity of interest or agreement as really to make but one commonwealth . whereas , in truth , there are to be found in all places and countries governed under the name of republikes or commonwealths , as many commonwealths and republiks as there are parties and factions : whilst each of them is taking to it self the name of the whole , and pursuing their more distinct interests under that notion . which things can never happen unto an unlimited monarch ; whose honor and riches being in the whole , and inseparably subsisting by , and increasing and diminishing with that of his people in general , it must follow that his care will be led to respect the whole good ; as having his and that convertible : in such sort , that he cannot lose any part of his whole kingdom , but he will himself be a proportionable loser . whereas the polarchs proprieties and interests being no higher in the whole , then in reference to their part , they cannot but respect this their part in the first place , and the whole but in order thereunto . but the truest ground for scholastical mens entertaining this opinion , is that they have derived it , as also that other opinion of paction from the grecian philosophers : who , being all of them born and bred in republikes , it is no wonder if we finde them , in self-regard , so ready to commend something these forms : as not daring to gainsay the practice of their own country . from whom therefore we receiving in a manner all our philosophy and opinions , and this amongst the rest , it is no marvail if from thence , and the general hope of share of power hence arising ( as formerly noted ) we are so inclinable to the defence thereof . yet truely , unto any that considers with what prejudice the greek and roman authors were to be supposed to write in the●e things , the preferment of monarchy , even by some of the chief of them , is an argument undeniably concluding that the sufferance of the other was from necessity , and not choice . for , although they durst not reprove it as a fault in that kind of government , yet ( doubtless ) the many sad exampl●s of those ungrateful and fatal rewards and usages , by them continually practised towards such of their own citizens and subjects as have been most eminent in any kind of vertue , or most deserving or serviceable to their country , could not but , in conscience and reason , make them resolve that it must naturally arise from that form of administration . for their form of policy subsisting by , and openly aiming at parity and equality in honor and power ( whilst each one in it was yet arrogating to himself ) they must necessarily stomack any pre-eminence that shall be given to any one above themselves : as justly fearing , he might thereupon take advantage of making himself their master . who ( again ) if ( out of cautionary compliance ) he shall never so lowly makes his acknowledgements and submission to the whole senate , yet if he do not so also to such particular men as be leaders , and such as do speak for and uphold him , he will still be subject to envy and ruine : nay , if he do it not to such also as do not appear for him , he will be hazarded by their revenge also . so that , in truth , vertue and merit have herein no longer security , then the party can protect himself by secret bribery of their factious leaders , and by popular and base flattery and compliance : which can yet serve his turn but for a time . his surest course to prevent their malice & ill , being to advance himself above their power , and to make use of those forces to defend himself against them , with which he hath so often defended them against others . and , except it be by this course , i know not that any one famous servant to any polarchy hath been recorded to scape censure and punishment for his reward : the surest way not to suffer like scipio , being to act like caesar. but to this kind of scholy some are so ignorantly inclined , as finding the tearms and notions of government usually imployed about these devised forms , and that in their best sense , they come to think them no where due and proper but there : for so , they think that true policy is ( from its name and derivation ) to import , not the government of a kingdome by a king , but of a city , and that by citizens in equal authority . not well considering , that in ancient times each territory or kingdom took its usual name from its city , as that did again from its most eminent king or founder : and that , as each city had its king , and was monarchical onely , so the notion of citizen signified but the same with another subject ; and not power and rule . nay , it should seem to infer greater subjection ; as to those , who , by their habitation were more civilized by laws and obedience , then to those in villages , called therefore pagans . the like misapprehension ariseth from the notions of people and magistrates : which have different values in republikes , over they have in monarchies . but however , these greeks ( before mentioned ) having cast off kings , and the acknowledgement of all power above themselves , they must next found it on themselves ; that is , in the community or people from whom also they must suppose even kings to arise . hereupon the title of anarchy came to want difinition and existence . for to say it was in the community , was to overthrow that main end for which this notion of a community was invented : namely , to pact and consent for conferring of power . for how can men in that condition be general or free pacters or consenters ? if they say men are not to be supposed born unanimous , like aunts of a litter , but rather ( as formerly discoursed ) like cadmus-brood by poets feined to that purpose ( in their different appetites ) pursuing one another in a confusion of every one against every one , and that from thence they come to be a community , then they make a community and agreement to arise from that which is quite contrary : for how shall these disagreers be brought to voluntary and equal parity and paction . therefore there is no way but to say , anarchy is absence of unity ; or the exercise of power without it : for it is not only a privation of good , by destroying precedent union in the single person that did govern , but also an infliction of evil , by setting up contention in the many heads now ruling . and therefore , to say that anarchy is then onely , when there is such a condition as that every one should be against every one , is to deny that it can be . for how should it come to pass ? because , as no settled government can be overthrown but by union of opposition , and men cannot live without such relations of kindred and other interests as must keep them bound in some associations , so cannot they , as ab origines ( such as the greeks to this purpose supposed themselves ) be so born or brought together , without all union by former friendship and relation , as to be , each one to each one , contra-distinguished and equal in all things . without due consideration of which impossibility , and of the intervenient degrees between the perfection of unity which true monarchy will afford , and that confusion which the extream of anarchy will yeild , men are usually led to this mistake . for , as we may , and justly do stile that a monarchy , where the last appeal , and some other inseparable marks of soveraignty do remain in one man , although many prerogatives may be parted with , even so , on the contrary , we must judge anarchy to be where the soveraignty is in more : and if we do not this , there cannot be such a thing as monarchy , aswell as no such thing as anarchy . because , as disability and remisness will occasionally more or less make princes leave and entrust their power to others , so , in like manner , are we to conceive of anarchy : namely , that although the people ( viritim ) cannot , or do not personally act or agree in all administrations to soveraignty proper ( but that some one man at once may be trusted in several parts thereof ; whereby , in respect of their approach to monarch , they are for the present so far kept from the mischiefs of absolute anarchy ) yet since the right of government is at liberty claimed to be exercised by all , the government must be anarchical too : although , as we said , one anarchy may be less anarchical then another , in regard of their approach to unity and monarchical administration ; like as also one monarchy may be less so then another ; even so far as these anarchical forms shall be mingled therewith . nor hath monarchy gained precedence ( as aforesaid ) by the confessions of polarchical writers , but it 's open and active enemies , the polarchs themselves , by their endeavors to resemble the real unity thereof in those representations of themselves by presidents , speakers , or the like , and by contrivances to unite their votes and opinions in such sort as to be capable of command and government ( by making their many wills seem but one ) do all of them ( by deed and experience ) confess that they have neither worth nor fitness for government in themselves ; and are so far only good , or rather so far distanced from ill , as they can approach that exemplar of union which in monarchy is essential . again , if we shall observe them in their fundamentals for laws , and forms of execution of their governments , we shall farther finde that as themselves are usually but some fragments and scraps of monarchies rent off by rebellion , so will the main body of their laws and semblance of policy , be found such onely as were by their former soveraigns and kings enacted and contrived . but ( to return ) if anarchy must be supposed but the first beginnings to the overthrow of established government , what shall we say of lawful conquest ? or , if it be in civil or intestine strifes onely , then , since ( in these ) men cannot strive singly , but as united in factions , when shall it begin ; and when shall anarchy end ? shall it begin from the first underminings , or from the first overt act , or from which , or what sort of them ? shall it end when the other government is overthrown , and there be no enemy left to hinder its peaceable settlement in an union by it self ? how shall it be known ? and who shall judge when this government or other opposition is wholly subdued , or so far as is requisite to its establishment in a government by it self ? what if this government be thirty or fourty yeers destroying ? and what if at last , it stand still on its own strength without farther fear from this opposing faction : which ( it may be ) now hath set up for it self also : and as a free state ( as they call them ) entred into aliance or agreement with them ? in which and other cases , since the form of government in the faction established is the same in prevailing over one another now , as it was over those that held the government before ; that is by force of a major part , why should not the same government aswel be an anarchy now , as before ? and , if there must be a set time when this prevailing faction ought , and may ( though still the same people and faction ) take on them the title of lawful government , which is it ? if you say , when they have made agreement , or utterly subdued their former prince ; this i conceive can ( at best ) but acquit them of rebellion , in order to himself ; because done against him : and thereupon , for a monarchy so gained , it will serve to make it a just government afterwards , because it is so in its form . but since anarchy ( consisting in division ) must arise from the form of government , that is from the divided heads and persons whereby it is enforced , and not from the divers hands used in the managery ( for all governments must have such ) it must be confessed that anarchy must be distinguished as a different thing from rebellion ; and remaine in the form of government , and not in the manner or circumstances of beginning or using it : or else , such a thing as anarchy cannot be at all . i know the common division of government was formerly into monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy ; and their deviations , tyranny , oligarchy , and anarchy : so making six sorts . but , as it is since found that there is but three sorts , by including their deviations , as tyranny into monarcy , oligarchy into aristocracy , and anarchy into democracy , so i , concluding but one onely right government ( viz. of monarchy ) have reckonnd both the other under the common deviation of anarchy : esteeming it all one , whither a lesser or greater number of people preside therein , which only thing doth difference aristocracy from democracy . and as for that fancy of co-ordination , it may be reckoned an oligarchy , consisting of so many governors and governments as the co-ordinates are : and as monarchy is limited above , or under this supposed equality in co-ordination , so far is it more or less uncapable of its chief end , peace and protection . for , as all parity must breed confusion , so dissention also : and the more parity in governors the more dissention . which , as it may rationally be foreknown to arise from the very nature of that government it self , so will it by instance most lively appear in that government of family : wherein , notwithstanding there is greatest interest and obligations towards concordance and mutual assistance , there are yet more observable disputes and differences arising between man and wife ( even to the bringing the whole family in divisions and sidings ) then between him and children , or between him and servants ; who come not so neer to him in pretence of equality of power . for as they , pretending to less power , are therefore probably less subject to be sensible of the loss , so is he less subject to be covetous of the gain of that little . therefore it may be concluded , that the greater the power of the co-ordinate is , the more subject is that place to faction and rebellion : which we will next speak of . chap. ii. of faction and its original , and usual supports . as we have already shewed the necessity of self-seeking in nature , so now we are to shew , that since nature cannot be altered , how in polity her course may be steered to publike good : so that men still retaining their sense of good and bad , separate and distinct to themselves , they might therewith , and thereby also , be more provoked to the good of others . therefore , after the vulger manner , to dream of publike spirited persons or publike souls ( meaning such as have no private interest ) is not onely untrue , but , could it be , it would , instead of benefit , be the ruine of that whole state. for , through the distracted endeavors of so many voluntary publike undertakers , the whole would perish by degrees : and while each particular failed , for want of due self-regard , the whole would fail by consequent . experience of those many mischiefs and disturbances generally arising in the world through mens inconsiderate and violent prosecution of their own appetites and wills , without due regard to the sufferings of others , hath brought it into the serious doubt of many , whether this philautia be lawful to be prosecuted or no : and while some ( as finding it natural ) have necessarily thought it warrantable , yet have they onely thought it an allowable rule to be made the beginner , but not the ender of our enterprises . as though the end and design of each action , must not , in all voluntary and intelligent agents , be before any attempt thereof . or , as if any reasonable creature , could , out of self-regard begin any thing , which , in the issue , he did foresee would prove otherwise . but it hath not been well considered , that those very rules of do as thou wouldst be done unto , and , love thy neighbour as thy self , ( on which their conceit is grounded ) do of themselves imply and warrant each mans separate good to be both first and last preferred before that of any other . nay , these rules being chiefly intended to avoid partiality in such dealings and distributions as concern other parties , and so to be used by such as are to execute the office of judges and umpires , doe in that case onely ( as hereafter shall be shewed ) appoint both the judge on the one hand , and the two contending parties on the other , to square his sentence upon them , and they their obedience unto him , as fancying themselves reciprocally interessed . in which case , themselves not being immediate parties , every act of partiality is injustice : they having no rule to love one man better then another . whereas , on the other side , if any man be party with another , all things he doth to the advantage of another against his own , is not onely unnatural and foolish , but unjust and sinful also . what if we shall say farther , that in all dealings between one man and another , no man can be otherwise sinful , then as he is to himself foolish and neglectfull of his own good ? it is not hard for men to conceive in the general , that wickedness and folly fall one into another ; and that no man can prejudice himself , but he must thereby sin : nor sin , but he must thereby prejudice himself . all the mistake being for want of consideration , that when any doth , by warrant from above , sense of honor , or dictate of his conscience , prefer the benefiting of another to the enjoyment of some present content of his own , that , even in this case , it was self consideration of procuring reward or avoiding punishment to himself , that was the end of this good deed he did to them . in which regard , so far as he had not present self design ( namely delight in the act it self ) but was considerative of an end , even so far that end must have self design upon the whole issue in every voluntary agent , as it is such ; however they may differ from one another in degree of wisdom and prudence : that is , eithe● inability to apprehend and believe how these courses are available to his good , or prudence in the managery or application of them accordingly . wisdom in these cases grounding herself upon her sure rule of comparison ; better forego a present less pleasure to my self , by doing it to another , then by not doing good to another as i am commanded , to incur that punishment , and lose that greater reward which is to succeed to my self in place thereof . therefore , as in natures polity in the government of the world , there is pleasure annexed to such enjoyments as are most beneficial , to direct and incite us what to do in pursuit of our single preservations , ( and so of the whole species ) and pain on the contrary , to deter from what is hurtful ; so , in political foundations , ( that the whole kingdom may be preserved ) the duties necessary to be performed or avoided by the several members thereof to that end , are to have such rewards and punishments annexed to their edicts , that each particular member , being naturally led to seek pleasure and avoid pain , may , in the pursuit hereof , ( by politick designation ) follow the good of the commonwealth also . as for example , should the commonwealth appoint ( as out of duty to the whole , and out of common charity to one another ) that men should , without any self regard ; have spent their whole time and labours in tillage or otherwise , they would quickly finde the proverb verified , that the common ass is ill sadled . and they would finde , that since men are properly and expresly onely sensible of their own good , that therefore , as this stood remitted , their actions would remit also . reason therefore quickly taught all founders of laws and rules for sociable living , that because the whole stock of common improvement must arise from private managery , to annex unto publike employments and duties such private advantages and rewards as might encourage their undertakings . and therefore , those that have gone about to propound the dis-impropriation of goods , wives , &c. as thinking upon taking off the notions of meum and tuum , to take off all civil war , do not onely ( as aforesaid ) undertake what is impossible ( as supposing , man , a creature of so much appetite and leisure can be without something in that kinde to seek ) but that which would be hurtful also . for although bees , ants , and such like creatures , which some inconsiderately think imitable , do enjoy a parity , and have their private good and the publike all one , in the same dire●t line for intention and execution , yet if their different condition from mans be examined , it would be found as reasonable that man should do otherwise , as they should do so . for they are born all at once , so as being but one litter , and seeming but one thing , they do accordingly keep up co-habitation . and as this strict co-habitation keeps them from intermedling with other creatures , whereby to be affected with imitation of their appetites , so their own appetite of self-preservation for necessary food , keeps them so wholly intent in the provision thereof , that they want the sole occasion to faction and disunion , which is idleness . and therefore they may be discerned always in haste , and imployed about that very one thing , namely provision of food : and that not without need ; for the whole yeers expence lies upon a short times gathering . whereas men , that have such difference of age , company , appetite , judgement , and so much leisure , cannot but be thought to have as different and private ayms . and to think that a man shall not have self-aym in all he doth , is to think he shall have no aym at all ; but to do always one thing , and that out of present haste and necessity , as ants do . but , as we finde all sensitives , as such , must , according to their degree of knowledge , have self-aym ( in so much as beasts of most leisure have it most ) so man , as the most contemplative , long-lived , rational creature , must have it most . which things duely considered , and the respective and different cares and parts of prince and subject , it will easily appear what things are , and must be the aim of both . for the one , seeing that the whole good was his particular good , and thereupon following the natural rule of self-seeking , he must , as he desired his own good , seek that of the whole people : because , if any part of the publike be decayed or lost , even so much his private is decayed and lost also . for the prince should be in the body politique as the brain to the body natural ; without sense to it self , and yet be the common sense to all other parts . then the subject on the other side , as naturally seeking pleasure and avoiding the contrary , is , as regarding his particular herein , stirred up by the rewards and punishments of the law , to do , or avoid such things as are agreeable to publike interest . by which means , every man seeking necessarily his own private , and then publike and private benefits being in all relations the same and convertible , polity is established , and charity also : while our neighbours benefits are established in our own . and while prince and people thus move in course , according to each ones order , the general welfare is maintained . but if the harmony and proportions be broken , by any ones invading on the others imployment , mischief will follow . for if any order or estate of the people shall forsake their own bounds , and take upon them to judge of publike expedients and mischiefs , and act accordingly , then , as the publike good will fail for want of care , so will their own good fail therewith also . and so again it is , if the prince , upon the terror of any discontented parties , hath parted with some of his soveraignty or common interest to other hands : will not his care , that should be common to all alike , as subject , come to be less to those ; because they are less subjects then others ? and then again , if the king himself , out of favour to any , shall give exemptions or priviledges derogatory to his just prerogative , this will cause a partial eye towards them in his time , & ( it is like ) an angry one towards them afterwards : in both cases hazarding publike care and justice ; because the whole is not looked upon with equal interest . but the truth is , princes errors this way can seldom go far : for that the successors , finding this indulgence prejudicial , will still recal them into common again . for , as it is probable their fathers favorites were none of theirs , so ( you may be sure ) none of the peoples ; so far as to fear part-takings in devesting them . but now , when this politique direction and rule for self-seeking is laid aside , and the rewards and threats to obedience cannot so prevail , but that some daring spirits , of more then ordinary ayms and affections ( hoping to have their ambition , covetousness , and revenge satisfied better in an extraordinary way then what is by law appointed ) will be acting to publike disquiet , then it is that faction is beginning : which is nothing else , but an unlawful association of subjects , in opposition to their one supreme authority : which association is by each one run into , as he findes his own hopes or fears therein attained or secured . in which case each faction is in its actings without publike allowance , to be looked on as a private person . the original and rise of faction being discontent , hence it is that no government whatsoever can be wholly without it : that is , in aym and design , however it may be kept from act and execution , through fear to prevail . and this , not onely , as all government is in it self to be considered as a re●●raint of our wills , and so prompting us to contrivement of ease , but inasmuch as there can be but few persons so constantly and entirely favored or be friended by the present power of any place , as not to have many things in their ayms and hopes ( in order to revenge or covetousness ) to be got by siding and complyance elsewhere , therefore all men whatsoever are to be presumed more or less enclined to faction , as they are more or less discontented . but then because men singly , and in small numbers , cannot act , or secure themselves against established polity and the penalties thereof , they must next endeavor such strength by association , as to be thereby enabled to bring on their own aims by complying with the interests of others . and although again , there can be no two men found of alike interest and aim in all things , yet men , not finding agreement so fully as they would , do then seek it in the neerest proportion they can : and since they finde none to make companions in all their ayms , they then joyn with such as concur in most . and so , having gotten ( as they believe ) association and strength enough to carry on their design , they now begin to separate and divide the kingdom , by separating themselves . these that side with them they call ( for reputation sake ) the people , and the good party : and those that joyn not , enemies to the publike , ill-affected , &c. by this means having gotten such strength as to be able to pursue their own interests in opposition to lawful authority , they proceed with less fear towards the accomplishment thereof : whether it be that more neer interest , the advantage of pleasure belonging to each ones person ( commonly included under riches and desire of property ) or that which is more distant , as of wives , children , kindred , friends , &c. which may be ranked under the sense of honor. for still , our pursuit in attaining them is heightned , as we conceive our propriety and interest in them to lye . now , as the leaders private ends were ( as beforesaid ) ambition , covetousness , or revenge ; so , to joyn interest and engage the people , they flatter them with the notions of liberty , propriety , and justice ; corresponding with their own aims before mentioned . for liberty answers ambition ; both proceeding from pride , and impatience of government . the desire of increase of propriety , answers covetousness . and popular justice is nothing else but cruelty and revenge . and now have they engaged all affections too . for ambition is the extream of honor , the pleasure of the minde . covetousness includes all the pleasures that sense can desire . and revenge is the utmost bound of our malice against the things we hate , tending to the satisfaction of the irrascible faculty , as the other did of the concupiscible . therefore the leaders , never defining or telling what civil liberty , property , or justice is , or ought to be , they leave it for the people ( who have them promised as great matters ) to think that by liberty , they mean , not onely freedom from all subjection themselves , but , because they are told all power comes from them , and is at their dispose , they think they shall now have power over others also . by propriety , they are led to think , not onely to have their own estates altogether independ●nt , but to be freed of all taxes and obligations besides . for the meanest cannot but expect ( if he be not directly promised ) that upon overthrow of the enemy , great encrease will then come to his share and then , as the weakest natures are ever most revengeful , and cruel , so subjects can never want objects of this kinde , whom , under shew of publike justice , they will always implacably prosecute . nor do the leaders of factions hide themselves and meanings on the naming of things onely , but of persons also . for having themselves cast off subjection , and teaching others to do the like , they use not the name of subject any longer ; it is now the people a word which ( as used in anarchies ) signifies insubjection : and therefore can be never proper but in anarchy ) and sometimes it is the commons they represent and stand for . and then , there is none so low , but thinks he is included in one of these notions : there is not one of the meanest servants in a family , but is in his conceit one of the people , or one of the commons at least : and answerably , he is ready to take the side that makes him such fair promises . and he may hope also , that as the greater includes the less , so a free-born subject , as he is , shall be freed of master , as well as prince : for he is sure that all his bondage hath been from the one , and not from the other . they ( poor souls ) little thought that by people and commons are meant onely such as the leaders shall choose ( after they have made themselves by their helps masters of the other party ) to stand as for the people , or to choose , or to be their representatives . at which time ( i hope ) being the people themselves , they will not break their former promises of having no intention but the good of the people . upon occasion of which deceits and mistakes it comes to pass , that the generality of the people are ever murmuring against these governments , and more ready to change again then the subjects in monarchies : as now finding that those large promises of general liberty , &c. comes to none other end then to be at the continual dispose of their fellows ; and that their own share in power or riches , answers not that great hopes they had thereof when they deposed their former prince . when this association or faction divides against the ecclesiastical government it is called by a peculiar name of schism : which is seldom wanting where the other is . for religion , being taken of general concern to all , the reaping up of abuses herein cannot but deeply engage : and , in order to this , the peoples liberty in interpreting scripture must be asserted : and then , having set up levites to scholly them to their purpose , conscience comes to be engaged for them also in this pretended reformation , and as much as much as may be drawn from the other side . but now , as all faction hath in its aim the overthrow of government , so it is , from its own divisions again , always a ruine to it self , as it had been to the kingdom by division before . for the common enemy ( as they call them ) now subdued , which was the cause of their uniting , they begin to reflect upon themselves , both in the division and managery of the power and profits now come into their hands , and also of the neerer prosecution of those particular interests that brought them into this association . both which occasions will again necessarily break them into sub-divisions : and lead them to finde out new associations of such as come yet neerest to correspond with them , against such as are farthest off : and upon like grounds and arguments as they had associated against others before , they associate against one another now . nor can this well be otherwise , because ( as i said ) publike good was not the cause of their joyning : except a forraign fear yet remain , or do arise to keep them united : or except the leaders be allyed by kindred , or have all of them a common interest . the last commonly happens , when claim is laid to the crown and government . for then , as one mans interest made them associate , it will keep them so . the other is when the heads are few , and their interests so agreeing , that more is probably to be got by a great and sure share now possessed in the government , then in adventuring for all . therefore , the present successors to monarchies overthrown by faction are aristocracies : but these many times so short-lived , as their government is not to be setled and known . for one , or some amongst them , as courting more the people , will still , by their help , set themselves in the throne : or if that fail , rather then submit again to his incensed fellows , he perswades , and sets up the peoples general power above them , under shew of more liberty : and so comes usually democracies : which , if they fall not into monarchy again by the force and choice of their souldiery , grow by degrees more aristocratick . for those that call themselves the people , secluding always as many as they can , and taking in none to share with them in power , their number at last must be few . besides , as nature in all things , being left to her own working , will by gentle and orderly steps tend to that perfection she was forcibly deprived of , so it may be observed , how by degrees all governments do of their own nature , and uninterrupted by violence , always lead to that perfection and state of unity again from which by force onely they were hitherto debarred . and , unto the undeniable proof of the natural right of monarchical government , it may be asserted , that , as no government of it self ( let alone in the hands of the governors , without the forcible intermedling of the governed ) but would still come to be monarchy , so , no government was ever brought from fewer to more , but by the force and terror of the people upon the governors themselves : who now ( as in the fable of the serpent that would be governed by his own tayl ) will be governing themselves : and so make all lawfulness of government ( at last ) vanish into forcible obtrusion . there are many other particulars by which faction useth to make its rise and support ; which shall be spoken of in the next chapter of rebellion , amongst other things which are the originals of that also . for these two are of such like extraction , and so neer a kin , that what is properly the cause to one , is ( for the most part ) so to the other : faction being but rebellion in its birth , and as yet but in devise and contrivance ; and rebellion being but faction brought into act and execution : even as polarchy , or anarchy is but both of them , brought to such maturity and perfection , as to be capable of self-subsistance . chap. iii. of rebellion , and its most notable causes and pretences . as the inordinate thirst of pleasure , and its consequent ( liberty to attain it ) is in us all , both natural and unlimited , so , where rules and laws of polity and government ( the onely means of restraint ) are not strictly enjoyned or duely obeyed , it commonly falls out , that what should have been a bridle , proves rather a spur ; and the possession of one inordinate lust , doth by it self make way for another : even as the abundance of drink , to the drunkard , is the cause of greater thirst to ensue . observe we this , first , in that lesser government of a family : and you shall finde children and servants nowhere so unquiet and discontented , as where the indulgencies of the parent or master do most appear . and so it is in kingdoms also : where subjects that have soft and mild spirited princes , and from whose more gentle and easie natures they , having already attained many things of liberty and freedom , do come at last to forget how inconsistent these things may be with their duty or publike peace , and to think that their very asking should now be the onely rule for his granting . whereupon , as it happens that there is most brawling , contention and unquietness in such families , so , in such commonweals , mutinies and rebellions do ever abound . and , to keep the scripture president herein , what other reason can be given of those many murmurrings and insurrections of the jews : even while under the government of moses : one so far from oppressing their liberty , that he was the meekest man on the earth . and when again , they had all things in such plenty as even their very lust was supplyed with miracles : what followed , but that which was given for quieting them at one time , proved the occasion of their mutiny at another ? for so , while he smote the rock and the water gushed out : they are still asking , can he give bread , can he provide flesh for his people ? and when they had this flesh , this manna , it was found too light food for their satisfaction : and this very food of angels , was insufficient to stint their boundless desires . therefore , while the very meat was in their mouths , god was forced to cure by severity , those breaches of obedience which abused mercy and clemency had made . look again to them under their kings , and you shall finde none so ill used as the best of them ; even david , and solomon . in the last of whose time it is expressed , judah and all israel was then many as the sand which is by the sea in a multitude , eating , and drinking , and making merry . and again , judah and all israel dwelt safely , every man under his own vine , and under his own fig. tree , from dan to beersheba all the days of solomon . and in whose time , as the wisest and most peaceful of kings , that kingdom had the greatest eminency and happiness of any : their persons free , as expresly said , of the children of israel did solomon make no bondmen : and having riches in such abundance amongst them , that he made silver and gold to be in jerusalem as stones , &c. and yet , as in a kinde of wantonness and surfet , they come to his son rehoboam to ask release of this grievous yoak of solomon his father . but in truth , we can interpret this their coming to sechem to no other end then to make a covenant and association to rebel : and the pretence to make rehoboam king , was but the outside of their appearance : when they intended to unmake him . for first , rehoboams raign was not elective but in right of his father and grandfather , as heretofore noted : and he might as well have reigned in their stead without the peoples approbation , as ishbosheth sauls son did over them in davids time , or as nadab in jeroboams stead , over the same israelites , without any such confirmation . so that this assembly was indeed to settle jeroboams new principality , and not to confirm rehoboams . and therefore , since they first sent for him to come in the head of them , whom they knew to lay claim to the crown , this action looks purposely to aim at a quarrel , and gain a denyal ; whereby to get a pretence to rebel . and was indeed the threatned punishment of solomons offence against god , and not of rehoboams to the people : and so suffered to be done in pursuance of that end : namely the punishing his offence with the rod of the children of men . whereupon this his refusing the councel of the old men , must be considered as a fit and necessary means thereunto . and this may seem the reason of rehoboams answer , importing a denial to the ground of the peoples petition , and answering in that manner , as though experience had fully told him , that since too much indulgence and concession had lost to his father , he would recover it by rigor and severity . but , to affirm that this rebellion was a punishment of rehoboams answer onely , were to give god the lye : both for the reasons already mentioned , and as plainly crossing his direct promise to jeroboam : saying , i will rent the kingdom out of the hands of his son , and give it unto thee , even ten tribes . plainly arguing a forepassed fault to god , and not of oppression to the people : upon which onely reason he is warned to desist . for of that war , what good issue could be ? to have jeroboam beaten , were to fight against god and his purpose : and to have rehoboam beaten , were to countenance rebellion in people . but if you look to the fruit of these concessions in david , you will finde him the fittest instance for retaliation in both kindes : whether you respect him as a gracious prince , or an indulgent father : as may appear by some instances formerly given . the like will all other stories do , being but confirmations of this maxim , that those people that have largest immunities and liberties , are ever the most seditious for more : and that civil war and rebellion , doth not arise from want of liberty and freedom in the subjects , but from having too much : that is , from princes intrusting so great a portion of soveraign power into their hands , under colour of giving them liberty , as shall encourage and enable them to stand in open opposition and defiance against him and his remaining authority for more : and , by degrees to demand , or rather command all , if they shall think good . for as it comes to pass with all such prodigal persons , as well princes as others , as use or know no other way for gaining love and credit , then by wasting of that whereby it should have had foundation and continuance , they in the end finde , that as ( before ) their estates was the cause of their loves , so , this being now gone , the other would fail also . and therefore they should beforehand have considered , that what was the onely mean to their desire , should have been the chiefest object of their care : lest in the end they come to finde , that too great liberality unto private and undeserving beggers , makes them but publique and unpittied beggars themselves . even so , when princes are soothed up with the specious shews of winning love by condescension , and parting with the fundamental rights of soveraignty , to please and gain the people , they must now expect , that what directed their love to them , while they had it , will be a cause of want of love , being parted with . they must consider , that since the different love and respect of princes above others , was but in regard of their different power ; whereby it also came to pass , that what was beneficially by them done , was therefore more meritorious , as less constrained ; abate them then this power of doing so , or otherwise , and how shall the love and thanks to princes differ from that of other men ? and since government , as government , requires the administration and execution of things according to the will of the governors ( when as the pretended government by love respects onely the desires of the loved ) how can it then be government ? and princes so governing , that is , by the will of the governed , as he and they are in their wills different , so must one necessarily be the overthrow of another . wherefore , if fear and reverence be not made use of , but subjects always courted by loving condiscentions , experience , as well as reason , tells us , that his authority will stand on fickle ground . nor do princes hereby onely offend against interest , but duty also : to wit , against that prime and incommunicable trust of power from god to them derived , to enable them to govern their subjects according to his laws . when they , beyond their own commission to give , or the peoples capacity to receive , shall strive to dis-invest themselves of so inherent a propriety , and by a strange and preposterous way of proceeding , endeavor to invert nature , reason , and all kinde of order and rule , to their own ruine , by this setting the commanded above the commander , and making the subject not subject . whereof , what other sequel can we expect , but that , as a punishment justly deserved , and most adequate and congruous to such an offence , all insurrections and rebellions against them , from hence most naturally should proceed . so that , when it shall once come to pass , that either fear to enjoyn or command what he knows to be fit , or the hopes for countenance or assistance in what he believes otherwise , shall so far work on his resolution , as to make his subjects the objects of his fear and courtship , he shall finde , that what is hereby , for the present gained , will come to him at so dear a rate , as , upon the issue , to endanger and cost him his whole estate : whereas nations under absolute soveraigns , are , in respect of these , but seldom observed to rebel . for as , when the childe hath once so far prevailed over his indulgent father , as that his wanton appetite cannot be satisfied without the enjoyment of what is offensive to others ; nay , not without those very morsels and what else belongs to the necessary sustentation of the parent ( which must now be the only object and remedy of its peevishness ; ) it wil be found that as this too great kindness was the cause this stubbornness , so it will , at last , prove a lessening of respect and duty in the childe : and the childe will thereupon also , be more truely called the guide of the father , then the father of him . and seldom have the concessions of princes any other fruit then to be invitations to new demands ; till at last , subjects have so wholly freed themselves from the more milde and tolerable government of one , that , through the greedy pursuit of such natural and universal liberty as is with government it self inconsistent , they again fall into the perfect slavery of anarchy , where every man is oppressed of his neighbour : and , instead of one , have many tyrants to disturb them . the usual issue of all unhappy people , grown wanton with too much liberty : where the commonnels , and easiness of former grants , is made the onely rule for desiring , and obtaining new petitions : which come at length to be reckoned as acts of duty , not of grace . but to these in brief it may be answered , if they may not be denyed , why do they petition ? if they may , why do they rebel ? and having so far considered rebellion in its prime cause , the division of soveraignty , we will examine it by its usual pretences , and give some answers . in the mean time , i shall desire such as may conceive these last passed discourses or others elsewhere used , to be impertiment for a treatise where subjects , and not princes parts are to be set forth , to consider that i intend not here to shew kings what to do , but to shew subjects what to obey . and if this encroachment of subjects on the prerogatives of princes be well considered , it will be found no less needful to be propounded to their consideratitions in regard of the inconveniences thereof inticing them to rebellion , then in regard of that proneness again which princes do hereupon take to fall into acts of tyranny : insomuch as all tyrannous and severe regiment may be observed to have arisen , either to remove , or prevent this danger : tyranny being nothing else but soveraign revenge or severity , according to the presumption of injury past , or to be feared . the evil of anarchy , and benefits of government have ever been in all mens eys so apparent , that none have been hitherto found so desperate , as directly to profess to introduce the one by destroying the other : but deceived sometimes themselves are , and always they strive to deceive others , by shew of liberty and freedom : either from suffering some evil , or for attaining some forbidden content . for ( say they ) the more general good and content is ever to be preferred to the more particular : which is the good of the whole people to that of the rulers . for look into nature , she made them equal : intending no more the satisfaction of one , then another . and the very end and aim of society it self , was primarily the good of the governed , and of the governors but in order thereunto . that hereupon , all , or most people subject not themselves to the arbitrary rule of the prince , but unto the known and established law : by which onely , according to his oath and compact , he is bound to govern . for could men ( say they ) be imagined to have parted with their native freedom of will , and debar themselves of the many pleasures of life , to no other end , but hereby to advance to a state of felicity some one , or more men , unto whom they could in nothing acknowledge themselves inferior ? no , since kings and rulers were set up , and had obedience given unto them for the onely good of the people ( for of them is the whole power derived , and they may at pleasure settle what government they please , and as they think fit to restrain or enlarge it ) therefore , when they shall be found to fail of this trust , and turn their power to their peoples hurt , they might with good reason re-assume their own strength , and imploy it to the attainment of those benefits , which by the wilfulness or foolishness of the other is crossed or neglected . and if in pursuance of this course , civil war and slaughter do follow ; it must be imputed to the stubbornness of them in authority : which then must be endured as a cure to the state : when as , by a momentany suffering of some mens loss , the perpetual hazard of all mens slavery is avoided : and is no other , then like tolerating a less evil to avoid a greater . and this power of resistance ( say they ) must be in all limited monarchies ; else the limitation is nothing : but he remains as absolute as the other . but because these and the like propositions , have for the most part been bred and countenanced by some of the romish and jesuited clergy , we will ( by the way ) look thereunto : leaving the farther censure of their intermedling to another place : and also referring the full answer and satisfaction in other things to the ensuing chapters : wherein , under the titles of liberty , slavery , property , &c. shall be shewed how faction and rebellion have unjustly laid claim to any justification under these notion . a great argument , and associate of mans frailty it is , that even from our best and most holy performances , advantages to sin and impiety have been taken . arising chiefly , from the malice of that wicked one ; always ready , ( if the sowing of the wheat cannot be wholly hindred ) by his agents to cause such tares to spring amongst , and from it , that for their very sakes , the other might have none , or at least less use and esteem . for who would else have thought , that that very height of piety , religion , and devotion , that caused the first nursing fathers of the church , as in honor and duty to god , to bestow divers great priviledges and powers upon the ( at that time ) well-deserving clergy , should , by a strange and inconsiderate ingratitude , prove the readiest feathers , with which the shafts were made for their own destruction ? for so we finde , when popes became inheritors onely of the revenue and prerogative of the church , and not at all of their predecessors devotion or humility , they first begin to seat themselves above kings , and all that is called god : and thinking they could never bring low enough that power , whose due height they had just cause to fear would be a curb to their pride , they not onely tread on their necks themselves , but , by their agents and factors , they everywhere teach and authorise the princes own subjects to do the like . telling them that all civil power is originally in the people : and that from them , and their underived majesty it was , that kings had their soveraignties : which as they might be by them streightened as they saw occasion , so were they to judge of his defaults in case of tyranny or oppression . and then , reserving to themselves the power of deposing and sentencing them , in case of heresie or schism ; and of defining what they were , they had poor kings ( they thought ) beneath them low enough : even as far as man is beneath god : kings being the peoples , but themselves ( as jure divino ) gods deputies . these things seem not so to be wondred at , in a time when implicit devotion and superstition had caused such general ignorance , that any thing almost would take : but , for a sort of men , undertaking to reform all errors even according to gods word , and professing such great hatred to popery , as to cast off some harmless things , onely because they think them popish ; for these ( i say ) to contradict a thing so expresly taught in scripture , and ( on the contrary ) to assert a thing onely fraudulently brought in , and by none taught but jesuits , can have no other ground , but that they agree in common aim ; the aim of ambition and insubjection . for so , as the pope puts kings under the people , to advance himself in his room , as in gods stead ; so do presbyters put him under too , that themselves , in their consistories , may dethrone , and be above him , as in christs stead . by which means , christ being no longer king of kings , but king of presbyters , we should ( for advancement of our liberties ) have ( besides the domineering consistories ) a king and a pope in every parish . concerning the sum of which doctrine , namely that all power , and that of kings is from god onely , we have already spoken : but because i finde that divers learned men , favorers to neither of these sects , but lovers of monarchy , did yet hold by consequent the same opinions , it will not be amiss to speak something hereof : and of the inconveniencies & absurdities arising from that conceit of derivation of power from paction and consent : leaving the more particular handling of the nature and reality of paction it self to its proper place . these , though they thought that , notwithstanding this concession , they would still evince all active resistance to be unlawful , even because it broke a paction ( made between i know not what king and their people ( and so i also sometimes thought from the plausibleness of the scholly ) yet , upon stricter enquiry , an error on one hand or other cannot be avoided . that is , either acknowledging that this is a thing useless , and serving the people to no purpose , or else all those consequences of rebellion will naturally flow from it . for you admitting it the peoples right , they put you to shew where you finde that they by any paction utterly resigned this right into the princes hand ? as you may affirm such a paction , so they deny . and for conquest , they say it can no more take away a known right , then any other force . and if it be the peoples right , it is their right as well against him as any other . will you suppose such a contract when they elect a king ; they press you to shew it : and say , they are to be supposed as all other rational agents , to have done it for some advantage to themselves : and consequently , as trusters , may demand accompt from the trusted , and make redresses also : else they have a dry right without a remedy . therefore they appeal to these pactions also , and say , that as they are tyed by oaths of alleagiance , so is the prince by oath tyed to observance of the law : and that , if he break his oath , theirs is fallen of consequence : and then the power and trust returns . if it happen they onely swear , and that to implicite obedience , they then say it is a force : and so invalid to binde any , since ( as granted by you ) all power is founded on the will. so that we may plainly see the mischief of this scholly , when , as to make government the more easie ( as in a kinde of flattery ) people are told , that although they have originally this power , yet having once devested themselves thereof , what hath been their voluntary resignation , they have not now power to recal at pleasure . but let us a little examine these grounds , and their inferences . their first is , quisque nascitur liber , in which they must suppose that peo-people can be like ( like mushromes ) springing up all at once out of the earth ; without all relations one to another : so as not onely without princes or magistrates , but sons without fathers , wives without husbands , servants without masters , families without heads , and people without pastors . if not so , then is the son of every father , as he expects the same protection for person and estate his father had , bound to the same obedience his father was . if they decline this power of government in the diffusive body of the people ( out of the same reason , and the impossibility of its convening ) and thereupon say that the heads of families have onely power to elect and dispose ; for that it is to be supposed all in their families have already resigned to them all their power : then , this neither is , nor can be done by the heads of all families ; since women , church-men , infants , and divers people under such and such qualifications for estates come to be left out . so that , when authority comes to be derived from the people , it will be ( as heretofore noted ) but the contrivement of some faction ; using such or such restrictive qualifications , as they may not be hindred in their aims . but this done , they have lost their first ground of free-birth : for ( i hope ) they will not leave children and slaves at choice for obedience : and for that obedience that wife and servants give , their pactions express not ( i suppose ) any such resignation of will or power from themselves to the head of the family , as thereby to oblige them to his pactions in the state . yea but ( they say ) none but such persons as have some share in the kingdom , as having an estate of some value shall have share of power . to this it may be first answered , how shall such a law or appointment be made generally binding , unless we first allow of a precedent governor amongst them to establish it ? who again , if he were settled by former paction , how come they now to be free ? if not by paction , then is not government grounded on paction . but let us proceed in their way of supposition . a master of a family of a hundred servants is but equal to him that hath but three . and again , if the master of a hundred servants be impoverished , and not able to maintain his former rank , his affection and ability to serve his country must be supposed lost , and a single man with fourty shillings per ann . put in before him . and then again , if estate enable men to be in the number of people , and so , fit to govern , me thinks it should proportionably do it ; and so , four hundred pound yeerly will make one man two hundred people : and then it will be regina peeunia indeed . these , and the like differencing rules are good to be made and observed in monarchies : where the monarch himself ( to the end he may know his subjects desires and grievances ) doth , by his writs , give the people of such and such distinct places , ranks and qualifications power to elect , and also gives and permits the elected to have power to proceed , according to former rules of his progenitors , or new ones of his own , but cannot at all prove derivation of power from below . for if the original power be in the whole community , and every one have his native and equal share , how comes it to be never so used ? is it due to all masters of families ? then is it from god , and due by office : and not by paction from them . and if we suppose power to arise from the master , as master , then will one master , as his family is greater , have more power then another . estate cannot make it , for the reasons before given . if natural force and strength make it , the stronger will have most . if wisdome rule it , who shall decide who are wise : and in what measure it is to be stated ? put it to age , or what you will , it will be as hard to make any certain rate thereof , or to imagine how any should freely consent to be excluded by any relation , as to agree those in the chosen relations , by stint or size of estate , yeers , wisdom , &c. and then , when the community have not the power equal , the others have it by force , or usurpation . and therefore , all power is by office : and to such offices as are appointed of god : as fathers , and kings . they have it jure divino : and are restrainable therein only by those above , not by those under them . and therefore it is a most fond supposition , that because those assemblies of parliaments , or the like , which are made in monarchies by such like rules of distinction , and have their acts reputed as afterwards binding , that therefore other inventions should do so too . for in this case they are to consider , first , that there is a superior power constituting these differencing rules , and making up ( as before noted ) the whole representation in himself . and then , they are to consider , that the different ends of these and the other supposed conventions , will make them extreamly differ in their force of binding . for in the monarchical conventions men may well be convened under the estimate of riches , because , being summoned to advise and determine concerning publike leavies and the kingdoms wealth or commonwealth , they may be thought inclusive of it all : whereas in the suppposed convention for disposing mens natural power and right to govern , none can reasonably binde another by vote , in that where all are equal by their own supposition . but if they ( in their supposed way of conferring of power ) shall exclude children and servants , and leave none but the master power to elect , then break they their supposition of equal and native freedom , because the major part is excluded . if they have power to elect , then , being so much the greater number , i hope they will chuse such a government as shall now binde their master and father , and not he them . but let us go on by way of supposition . these selected heads are met to chuse and empower a governor , and to give them all their power ; that is , their power of their several families , that so he having power of all families , may consequently have power of the whole kingdom : which done , they intend ( belike ) to give up house-keeping . if so , he will have a great task indeed . if not , i would know whether they mean to have less power over their families then before ? no ( they say ) they mean to govern them under him . well , i suppose you can give this power you have over them so far as you had it , and over your self too : but then , since the power of life and death , and other things necessary for the prince to have , you neither had over them nor your self , how can you give what you have not ? again , suppose the people the original of power , and farther ( to make this power useful ) suppose they may recal it to right themselves when they finde it abused , and that thereupon , the liberty to appeal to them must ever lye open ; why then , this serves to defeat the power of their representatives , aswel as of princes . for these , being set up also for the peoples good , have no farther power neither then while they act that way : the people must still retain power to hinder them from doing otherwise ; and consequently , must have power to judge whether they do so or not . and then , this power must extend and exercise it self in all causes ; because their good or ill must be therein concerned . and so , i pray how shall business go on ? must the governor ask the governed their consent before he command ? what is this but ( as in mockery ) to say to them , do as you list or i will make you ? what is this but for people to command , and magistrates to obey ? again , although that maxime , salus populi suprema lex , may be good in popular governments ( as shall be shewed anone ) where governing and governed are supposed alternative and the same ( because all come to be included ) but yet , where there is difference , there the good of both , as making up the whole , must be taken into proportionable and joynt consideration ; unless they can imagine that , by contract , the king should render himself purposly miserable , to make others happy by his infelicity . if so , david and others , that had promises of kingship from god by way of reward , had certainly no such benefit . and if this right and duty of resistance were so in the people as is alleaged , why , in so many thousand yeers , and in the raign of so many unjust and evil kings as are set down in the old and new testament , do we never find prophet , apostle , or other men instructing the people in a duty of so great concern . they , if they had liked , might as easily have said fight as obey ; and resist , as not resist . as for the kings observation of the laws and seeking the good of the people , i believe no good kings but will make it their imployment ; and , in order to it , no discret people but must thereupon grant , that it is his part to to know and interpret what this law and good is ; for if it be left to be done by any other party or faction , not he , but they have now the charge . for to say they will submit in all things just and reasonable and no farther , is to appeal back to themselves ; and is not submission to another : but all things are left to their private determination as before ; and just and reasonable must be but what they will esteem such . for ( as before shewed ) men could not make question whether reason or equity should take place or no , it was by all agreed it should : but men differing amongst themselves on which side this right was and both parties confident of their own cause , there was no possibility to avoid destraction and attain peace , but by this voluntary and joynt submission to be herein governed by others . so that laws of equity , peace , and government , require that all parties submit to their common and appointed judge and sentence . for as each man singly becomes a man by having a proper will and understanding ; even so it comes to pass , that there can arise no difference against himself , because understanding and will do in him alwayes unite . whereas , if thomas his will were to be guided by iohns understand , or contrary , and either of them want will or understanding , or have them over-born by another , it were in the first place to overthrow the personal being of men , and in the other to make it useless . for should , or could my will incline to nothing but what aforaign understanding saw good , it would then be the will of him that had , and not of him that wanted this understanding : and for want of understanding , i should want will also . or , should i suppose there could be an understanding that could submit to that of another , this were to destroy personality by confounding it : and to imagine an impossibility : fancing an understanding which should be , and not to be at the same time . therefore , when by the help of anothers understanding mine is so cleared as to see reason to consent to what it saw not before , and upon it , my will inclined to action , this assent of my will is the issue of the light now apprehended in mine own understanding , and not as it was before in anothers . so in the body politick , to keep the essence and union thereof entire , there must be the same residence for understanding and councel ( at least for the last result thereof ) as is for will and execution . and therefore , as it would argue high arogance in any single subject to presume his own judgement better then anothers , especially then his superiors , so is it but the same thing from subjects , to commend that councel themselves follow , before that which their prince follows . for since goodness of councel doth not move by being but by being apparent , and since this trial and apparency must depend on the ability and judgement of him that chuseth it ( none being able to take good councel but he that is in measureable to give it ) it must therefore be granted , that the following of anothers councel after mine own choice , differs little from following mine own . if it should be argued , that princes may be carried away by partiallity and private interest , and so some should think that the councel of subjects should in that regard take place , this were to beg the question upon a supposition against all apparant reason . for how can any be supposed to be so equally and universally interessed as the prince ? how will they have this liberty stinted , both for persons and causes ? and who shall be superiour to see it on all hands performed ? will they allow subjects indefinitely to have power herein as they themselves shall see cause ? they then invert and overthrow government . if these prudent considerations cannot prevaile with rational men to stop the current of rebelion , yet methinks the conscientious ties of religion and the due observation of those gospel duties of patience , humility , obedience , long-suffering , &c. might . christian subjects should consider how princes are of gods setting up and not theirs : so that when he that hath their hearts in his hand shall send them such an one as they deserve , and in a fatherly way shall make them his rods to punish their faults , they are not to attempt the throwing these rods into the fire themselves : but to kiss them , in acknowledgement of submission : and , unless they will undertake to measure their own sins , they must leave it to the same hand to withdraw , that did impose . and to this purpose , let them well consider that place of job , is it fit to say to a king thou art wicked , or to princes ye are ungodly ? if not to say so , much less to strike princes for equity . nay , although they be such as appear to us to hate right : yet , being our king , and gods minister , over whom we can have no lawful jurisdiction , we cannot condemn them more then he that is most just . for so he must be esteemed of us ; and left to god for punishment : who shall ( in his own way and time ) break in pieces mighty men without number , and set others in their stead . chap. iv. of liberty . as we have heretofore shewed the glory of god to be the end of creation , and that this glory was encreased from the variety of creatures ; inasmuch as from their augmentation of benefit , one above another , the encrease of his praise must proportionably arise : as we have also declared mankinde amongst other creatures greatest receivers , and most capable of return , so now , as to the same end , we are to consider men amongst themselves , as they stand in degrees of honour and power one above another . for as we shall finde them generally much elevated above other creatures , so also , much differenced by their own degrees of perfection . insomuch as , whilst the meanest rank of men have great degrees of divine resemblance above other creatures below them , so have also men of higher stations , as coming hereby to be called gods by god himself , both an advantage and obligation above those of ordinary condition : to the end , that , as their power and eminence did encrease above others below , so their gratitude upwards should encrease also . for as every workman is himself expressed in his work , and hath his goodness , power , and skil made apparent by the general perfection of all he doth , so is he yet more eminently herein represented , when of the same lumpe or kind again , he shall cause vessels of different honor and perfection to arise . in order to this , as we finde that those large abilities which men in general have above other creatures do chalenge and establish their right of dominion over them , so , since one man hath as great ( almost ) above another , it is supposeable thereby to chalenge also proportionable superiority amongst themselves . nor fares it so with man alone , but it is generally observable ; that as the species of creatures have more of perfection one then another , so have they also more variety of degrees in the individuals thereof , one above another . in inanimates , that have not wil , their different vertues are without claim or use in the exercise of power and dominion : yet ( comparatively ) we may see one loadstone of greater efficacy then another : so as to draw from him , upon even tearms , the same mass of iron . look amongst plants ; their different perfections in the same kinds are to all apparant ; and how also one tree or fruit , that is perfectest in the same kind or plant , over powereth that which is less . in such sort , as when we are to set forth gods power and bounty in the vertues and endowments of stones or plants of any kind , it is our custome , and duety , to instance it in such as are the most rare and perfect particulars of the same kind , which may by their worth eminently include the whole . beasts have their degrees of prudence and courage , whereby they come to resemble men , and be differenced above others of the same kind , recompensed with the dominion over one another also . look above our selves , and although our happiness cannot yet extend to know any thing of the true nature of angels , yet , supposing them in that one known relation of ministring spirits , their different degrees and orders in this office of ministration , must assure to us their different gifts and abilities in performance thereof . and here again we are more particularly to consider what was before spoken ; namely , that as creatures are in their kinds more perfect , so are the degrees in the same kind more various : that from eminence herein , eminence in power might proportionably arise . for as to have made any one species imperfect in it self could not be imagined from the power of such an author , so also , not to have made some individuals thereof more perfect then others ( whereby ( as it were ) to confess that the authors power by this certain stint was come to its highest pitch ) could not be expected from omnipotency either : no more then it could from his justice or goodness , not to communicate more of his power and particular presence in things thus made perfect . not that any the lowest thing hath hereupon cause or reason to complain ; because each one having a stock of blessing suitable to its capacity , and the smaller and greater vessel being both alike full , they must , in that respect , be alike pleased . nor could god but hereby be much advantaged in general acknowledgement , whilst , in their grateful sense of enjoyment , all things rest contented with the measure of their receits . thus while each superiour order of angels ( in that celestial hierarchy ) looks upon those successively below , they must acknowledge their encreased obligations of praise : whilst the lowest of all , standing yet satisfied with continual benefit ( and also beholding it self so far enabled above other creatures ) all that it can do will be thought too little to requite so large a gratuity . if men take also the same course , how shall those of higher power have reason to acknowledge higher praise : and the meanest subject , even for his being man , and for that proportion of religion , liberty , protection , &c. which he enjoyes above other creatures , have cause also to bless that inexhaustible fountain of goodness ? whereas , if men and other creatures had been made for vertue or power equal in the individuals of the same kind , then , for want of eminent obligation , and examples of vertue and power in the particulars in each kind , gods goodness and power should not have been so remarkably set forth as now . nay , this very office of kingship will not be lost by his subjection : for its chief duty being protection , this will be alwayes residing more or less in his power : so far as , by such redresses of oppression amongst men or other creatures as shall be the occasional objects of his pity , he shall prove himself actually a king herein : and also so much more resembling god then he , as he shall be more ready and propense thereto , rateable to his small degree of power . and the same order may creatures below us go , untill they come to inanimates : on which the lowest of sensitives taking its pleasure and content , as it is thereby provoked to rejoyce ( which is in its kinde to thank and praise ●is maker ) so , that inanimate or vegetive again , being not sensible of any pain or injury , continues in its kinde still obliged as before . for as power can be no where in perfection but in god himself , so , to make it subsistent in other things , as approaching him , it must be in making them so only in comparison of one another . and as the original of power is one , so the more it is diffused , the more weak and unworthy it is . for if all men should have power over all men ( after a democratick supposition ) as all men have power over all other creatures , or as all lyons or other species of creatures have power over other species below them also ; how would power come to nothing for want of eminence ? for being thus levelled , he that should have most power , having but what the meanest would have had in the degree of subordination , and so , he that hath least having still but what he hath above other things ( for over his fellows he must be supposed to have none ) he of the lowest rank is not increased in his obligation , and all the other orders are decreased in theirs . so that then , if there were not the necessity of subordination as for peace and government sake , yet , as to perfection , and approach to divine resemblance ( by bringing the diffused power in perfect creatures to unity and existence ) it would be needful to men , as with angels , that from the lowest order of all it should be gathered to fewer in the next rank ; and so on to fewer still ; till , after the divine examplar , it were centred in one . whereby , as man is the perfection and epitome of all other creatures , and as adam contained all men , so should he , or some other , if our fall had not crossed , have stood as the more worthy for receit of divine favor in himself , and distribution of it to others ; with no small advantage to the whole race ; even as now we finde it come to pass by that fountain of mercy , but in a far higher degree , since the dignifying of our nature by that one person of our saviour ; and so , by him , having access , we come to be capable of those benefits which without him could not be expected . in which respect we may finde him so often expressing himself under the notion of the son of man : even as one who having taken on him the semen , or original element of our kinde , should , to our undoubted comfort , thereby make the whole race capable of dignity and bliss also . and this , not only in respect of our future condition , as jesus ; being that fundamental corn of wheat by whose resurrection and exaltation the several individual graines of mankinde should be drawn unto him , but also , in respect of many temporal advantages arising to us here , as christ and king. in order to the receit of which temporal advantages , christ himself having in the several parts of his church his particular deputed christs ( by means of them and their representing of him amongst us ) it comes to pass , that each particular man is again made capable of the benefit of divine protection : at least so far as concerns society and government , as shall be more fully declared in the next book . and therefore we may observe , that when god appears in kindness it is to one at once ; and that he never makes a general manifestation of himself but in judgement and terror , as to those stubborn israelites ; who thereupon said let god speak no more to us least we die : meaning that they would have some worthy and eminent person , like moses , to beare their person and represent them to godward . the which people again , although , as they were then gods peculiar church and people , and had all other nations blessed or punished , as they were to them benigne or averse , yet was that very love and favor god cast towards them , both at first placed , and afterwards continued , from that more eminent love and favor setled in their first father and original : in such sort , that , after their rejection of their and our saviour , a remnant according to the election of grace , should come still to be beloved for the fathers sakes , by that god who out of particular kindness had once stiled himself the god of abraham . and so we shall again finde favors and blessings promised them , even for his servant davids sake : the king and representer of that church and people . from all which it will be evident that subordination in power is from god : and for the good of the people it is that one is by his providence thus set over them : who should as their representative stand for them to godward . but to come neerer , to shew what that power or liberty is which is requisite or proper in political constitutions , we must consider each man as having an appetite and end to follow . but then , inasmuch as before shewed , in the attaining and pursuit of these our ends we did often cross and interfere one upon another , it was necessary that laws and rules of government should be setled to accommodate our actions to peace and agreement . for the same liberty we might before justly claim as men , and due to us by nature , we cannot now expect as subjects linked in politique societies : because as i then acted for my self onely , i needed no prohibitions from evil , or invitations to good ; but now , common concern makes liberty suspensible to common approbation . and because this first natural liberty was by our fall forfeited , and would , ( if by our corrupted wills put in full use ) prove our destruction , it was necessary the same should by his power and laws ( and such as he should therewith intrust for society and government sake ) be so far restrained , as the mutual good and peace of the whole should be advanced ; and not the wanton affected liberty of any part of the state or kingdom , in prejudice thereof regarded . and therefore , the true liberty of sub●ects will appear to be in the removal of all external impediments which cross his desires , without regard of more publike utility . and the two extreams thereof are first slavery : when this liberty of the subject is not regarded at all as to his , but to the rulers benefit : and then licentiousness , which , without respect of peace and government , or the good of others , reacheth at all things without controul . we may call it a desire of freedom from external impediments : external ( i say ) because inwardly i cannot be divided against my self . and though the affections and reason may have temporary disputes , yet when the will puts forth to the attaining any object , the impediment that hinders my obtaining it must be without my self : and i can lay no complaint or reparation elsewhere . wherefore this desire being external , and of a thing in the power and possession of another ( for if it were in my own i should not deny my self , or had reason to complain ) it will follow , that this obtaining liberty in me to acquire , will be the loss of liberty in him that is dispossessed . for if our desires are ( as indeed usually they are ) most heightened and fixed to those things which are most rare and scarce in their kind , and such as through the common endeavor of others have obtained price and estimation , will it not come to pass that my liberty to get from him what is already in his possession or expectation , will prove as great a loss of freedom to him , as it is gain to me ? so that then , liberty as it is usually endeavoured and sought , is but the acquisition of power to act or obtain something we have a minde unto , which is now in the possession or power of another . if then i , laying claim to my natural liberty , and forsaking the determination of my rightful superior , will proceed to execution of mine own desires without considering those of others what can follow but confusion ? for all men having in nature equal desires and claim , why should mine prevail in mine own case , so far , as , without leave , to inflict on another what i did before complain of as a grievance towards my self ? for instance , when fault is found with the yoak of government in church or state , as oppressing the liberty of conscience or person of the subjects wrongfully , and men , in order thereunto , seek to dispossess the present executioners , as abusing their power , and to settle it on themselves or such as they have most interest in , or confidence of ( which must necessarily and doth always follow ) what is this to the advancement of liberty of subjects in general , or beyond their own particular party ? and is to shift , but not to ease the yoak . what is this but for parties to take upon them to be judges : and for one part of the subjects , renouncing the sentence of judgement and determination that was before held as publike and indifferent to all parties , now to usurp power over their fellows and equals ? if they plead it is not another government they seek , but say , " there ought to be no restraint in such and such things at all : do they not hereby seek to introduce that liberty of anarchy , and overthrow all possibility of peace and agreement ? for since strife and competition can never happen but about such things as are desired by others as well as themseves ; if then , in this prosecution of these desires on both sides , the common rule of determination be not observed as indifferent , must not one party fall out to be judge over the other ? whereupon , as that one party may , in the conquest , call themselves free , so may the other , being subjected and overcome , call themselves slaves . from all which we may gather the usual mistake in application of this notion of liberty , as proper to the governed ; when it is proper to the governor onely . for to say the liberty of a subject is none other then a contradiction : for wherein he is a subject , he is not at liberty ; and wherein any is at liberty , he is not a subject . but because no government can be so extensive , as not to remit some things to the choice of the subject , he may still justly be called a subject , even in what he is for the present free : because having been therein restrainable by his superior , his freedom and power to act therein by his own will proceeded from the freedom and power of the other and is thereupon originally and truely the governors power and freedom , and not the others . for since , to the stating of government , an explicite act or execution is not always required , but a true stating the corelates of governing and governed ( whereby the governor may act as he shall see occasion ) it will follow that freedom in the subject or patient , will in order to polity , depend on the freedom of the governor and agent : and that as these are more or less obnoxious , so will the governed be more or less free . for as the brain could not impart sense to its own membrances and nerves if it were in its own substance in any sort patible , and affected by impression of objects that way subjected unto it , nor could the eye judge of colors if the christaline humor stood any ways particularly tainted , even so the freedom of subjects can be but proportionable to that of the person whom they serve : both in order to the singleness and worth of the commanders , ( considered in themselves ) and also in regard of the paucity of precepts from them proceeding . hence as god can be onely perfectly free , as being alone and onely in all kindes and degrees unsubjected , so can his service be onely perfect freedom . not that service and obedience ( as such ) can be freedom : but the singleness and high worth of the commander , must make the commanded to be comparatively free to all others , even in the execution of the command it self . and so will the abatement of number in the persons commanding do the like , even until it comes to unity or monarchy : so as to make the benefit and good of commanding and commanded , to be reciprocal . for considering the commanded as a voluntary agent , and so having an end proper to follow ( and not to be governed like the meer passive instrument ) the known good intention and power of the commander will be always so ready a stop to his reluctance , that the performance of the governors will shall be the same with his own : as knowing his good to be in all things respected . as these considerations will make the freedom of such as are subjects to the monarch onely , to be greater then the freedom of servants : because the prince hath none but god to obey ; whereas the master hath the prince , and magistrates also : so again , will he be more free then the subjects in polarchies : who have so many above them , that they can , by their equality , neither have any eminence of freedom or honor amongst themselves , so as to give it to their subjects ; nor can have such true reciprocal concern in their subjects good , as upon the like assurance of their sincerity , to make the obedience to their commands the continual object of their wills , as the prince may , for that cause , do . and also because , in obeying him , they do , upon the matter , obey god onely ; who hath so commanded : and so arive at a state of perfect freedom : that is to say the highest degree of freedom which humane subjection can admit . for liberty ( as before noted ) cannot consist in bare freedom to will , for then all would have it alike , but in liberty to act which must imply power : and that the party having it , must , as an agent and superior , have others again relating to him , as patients and inferiors . so that , degrees of subjection being necessary , men then onely come to think they have lost their liberty when they forget that necessary and sure token of duty and obedience , to wit humility : and , proudly overlooking their equals or inferiors , would still retain that freedom and power they have over those beneath , and be also freed from those above him . thus an insulting peer , or proud wife , if restrained by their prince or husband , from taking their full liberty , calls their subjection slavery : and do repine and complain thereof ( usually ) oftner , then the meaner and inferior subjects , or servants . therefore , we may say that slavery is thirst of liberty : and is not proportioned to the measure of liberty wanting , but to what is desired . and , enjoyment of liberty being in regard of the will , he that cheerfully obeys twenty commands is freer then he that stomacks any one . and therefore , contentedness can never truely be tearmed slavery . but they that seem to speak most against extream servitude , say that it wholly abates the courages of men : so that they become unuseful for defence of their country . a man might answer , that when all kingdoms should have due subjection , all being valiant alike , none would be cowards . for valour is not proper to subjects , as subjects ; or to be exercised without leave by one man against another . and if rebellion and stubbornness can onely make valiant , what if we wanted it ? but if it be necessary to be used against such , then it is true that meaner and baser people are not ( on the suddain ) so fit for martial affairs as others . but this happens rather for want of education and discourse , whereby to know and apprehend sence of honor and shame . for ( doubtless ) they have their lives in as little esteem as the other ; and should usually dare do more , as less apprehensive of danger . and wise men ( as wise ) must be fearful : and therefore ( usually ) is the commander better armed then the common man. but the mean bred man is most subject to run , because not so apprehensive of the shame . and , if cowardliness follow subjection , then the very discipline of souldiery should amate men most ; for that it calls for strict obedience and duty ; and under such tearms of rigour and severity , that nothing but necessity can make the meanest subject undertake it . the truth is , though men of servile condition be at first unswayed by honor ( the cause of valor ) and also for a while ( through ignorance ) causelesly scared , as apprehending battails above their true danger , yet experience every day tells us that of these are made good , if not the best , souldiers ; at least for foot : for as sense of honor and encouragement encrease with them , so will valor also . again , they coming from an inferior tank and state of former obedience , are more hardned against affliction then the other : and are beyond them also in discipline and obedience , the main supporters of an army . and , however an army of voluntiers may , through suddain heat , avail in some present enterprise , yet an army can never continue and long subsist of such kinde of souldiers onely . but let us suppose valour to follow degrees of honor , and that the yeoman hath more then the peasant , the gentleman more then the yeoman , the knight , the lord , the earl , marquess , duke , each above other ; what way shall be now taken to encrease the prowess and strength of a nation ? shall we enlarge the number of nobility or gentry , by taking in and enfranchising those below them , to encrease souldiery ? how shall they then be free , when they come by this means to be the meanest and most servile themselvs ? shall we place between the gentry and peasantry , a middle degree of yeomandry , to make the body of an army of ; and so refuse the peasant ? each country hath its own rules herein . but it is generally to be known , that places of command have voluntaries enow : but souldiers , as to the bulk of them , are first made from necessitous persons , and then perfected by discipline . but to come to an issue , freedom and rebellion , tyranny and slavery , are tearms of relation ; and are the one , or the other , as they exceed their due limits . the master of the family , that exceeds in his power beyond the law of god , nature , and his prince , is a tyrant ; and his servants slaves : and so is the prince that rules beyond the law of god and nature . and the prince , or master , that is straightned from rules or power below them , are slaves also . and again , as the servants or subjects that resist against such as are lawfully above them are rebels ; so , when their submission is no farther , they are free : be their service as servile as it will. for the tearms of slavery and tyranny express most usually the parties hatred or anger against such or such persons or authorities : and not the truths of the things themselves . but , if things be rightly understood and considered , sociable freedome , or the true liberty of subjects cannot be separated from subjection and obedience . in which condition he is more or less free , as his prince or commander is more or less powerfull . and this , because all laws of restraint having in their intention and aim the hinderance of the actings of some few subjects that would else likely break forth to the prejudice of the liberty and free enjoyment of others , it will follow , that as laws are more or less enforced and kept up , and as princes are more or less obeyed , their subjects will generally be more or less free : that is , unrestrained in their enjoyments . as for example , if the laws against murther and theft , ( with all their subordinate attendants to the disturbance of subjects safeties or properties ) be more or less particularly and severely made and executed , so will their liberties living under them , be truely more or less stated also : being thereby rid of the tyranny of one another , which is ever most , where the persons are more . so that their mistake is now evident , that are so ready to teach subjects to cal out for possession of that , which , as they are subjects , is no ways proper unto them : inasmuch as liberty supposeth power , and not subjection . for as none can govern another wherein himself is not free , so , to suppose any one free , is to suppose him a governor : for so potentially he is : wanting onely a relative object of subjection to bring this power into act . at which time he that stood before as a free man ( separately considered ) , is now a governor ; in relation to this his object of subjection . and the servant or subject can be no otherwise free , then as left so by their superior : even as the prince is no otherwise free , then as left so by god. for as power to act , whether naturally , or civily , came from him , so are we by such superiors restrainable as by just derivation of power from him are to this end set over us . in which case ( as before noted ) our obedience is truely our liberty : as being but subject to god , and in pursuance of our own good , the object and end of liberty . and so we shall , whilst complying with the end of the prince ( the good of his subjects ) pursue therein our own good also . in which consideration , it will fare with the prince , in those restraints he lays on his subjects for their good ( by maintenance of publike peace and society ) as it doth with parents in those tasks and restraints they impose on their children , for their better education and benefit hereafter : to wit , that , as children , if left at liberty to be continually spending their time in play and sports , according to their present desires , would inconsiderately make their liberty their ruine , even so , subjects also , if the prince , in a fatherly care toward them , should not restrain them of such liberty to act on one another as might engage them in civil broils , his indulgence would be their destruction . and as all men do confess , that such parents as do use those restraints do best perform their offices towards their children , even so must it be acknowledged of princes : however it may , and doth usually fall out , that , as such parents are by the children themselves esteemed unnatural and severe , even so , such princes , by heady and licencious subjects , are many times reckoned as tyrants : of which we shall next discourse . chap. v. of tyranny . in great alterations , especially of government , we are not to expect that the authors should give other then fair titles to what they themselves do , and as bad to the contrary . thus the athenians , after codrus , would have no more kings , because he was so good : and the romans , imitating them in fondness of liberty , would after tarquin have no more neither , because he was so bad . but the truth is , they were both of them people of impetuous spirits ; as their neighbours , as well as their kings might witness . but , from the greeks we have the name of tyrant ; importing primarily a lord or absolute commander ; and of no farther ill . for they were wont to give this name , even to lawful kings ; if they thought them more lordly and absolute in their government then they approved of : but generally to all kings after their rejection amongst themselves : the more to disgrace that form themselves had cast off . after whom , by way of imitation , the romans hated the names of king and dictator both , upon tarquinius and sillaes expulsions . for the ambitious heads in both places , so exasperated things in the peoples memories , that , through personal failings , the very offices and their titles came to be held odious ; as importing oppression and cruelty . but as ( hereupon ) their dislike of that kinde of government made them so hasty to fasten this title to all princes , so that very use of commonness took away at last from the opprobriousness of the title : insomuch as , coming in the end to signifie ( as at first ) but an absolute and severe prince , or else one that through force or polity had gotten the soveraignty , it came to pass that thereupon , the princes themselves to whom it was given , answered thereto ; as not reckoning it derogatory . for so plato directs his epistle , to dionysius the tyrant : and he answers , dionisius the tyrant to plato health . and by this name were ptittacus and periander , both sages of greece called . but process of time hath made that word to be now constantly taken in a much worse sense : as it doth another word also from them received , namely barbarian . which name , by them formerly given to all not of their own nation , and then , by reason of their greater learning and civility , having more esteem then their neighbors , in time it came also to signifie , not onely such as were not greeks , but such as were rude and uncivilized also : be they of what nation they would . even as the jew , calling all gentile but his own nation , and other nations being at that time idolaters , gentile and idolater came to signify the same thing . but to return to our enquiry ; if the name of tyrant be due to such as enter without the express election or consent of the major part of the universal people , then was there never any but tyrants : for no such election ever was had , or could be . if to such as come by the ordinary way of providence , namely by power of the sword , what shall we think of the cesars , with many other famous emperors of rome : and of philip , alexander , and others over greece , and other nations ; that by conquest and force of the souldiers were holpen to their soveraignties ; and so the major part of the people not freely consenting : and yet have been in histories famous without such imputation ? they that say conquest may give title indeed , but that it is consent onely that gives right : if by consent they mean the major part of the whole multitude freely and expresly voting , they will ( as formerly said ) never finde any so elected : but if by consent they mean non-opposition of his power and command , and so think that possession ( as right of prescription in other things ) should give him herein right also , they must then finde out some reason to shew , why , since the force by which he entred is the same with that by which he rules , the facts he did in his entrance should be more unlawful then those he doth afterwards : and the subject ( if other circumstances alter it not ) not bound to obedience as well then as now . for fear prevails at both times ; and it may be in the last time more ; as having all the militia in his power . unless we shall think that the prince , in complyance to this opinion shall , in complemental imprudence , resign all his majesty and power ; and , laying aside all that god and his own prowess had already bestowed , put himself ( as a man of no greater right then others ) to the suffrages of those his subjects whom he hath hitherto so much offended by forceable intrusion and go●ernment , whether he shall continue their king or no. but it may be by some replyed , that if he continue his absoluteness , the people ( as exasperated ) may endanger him by some violent attempt . true indeed ; but then this is most probable to grow from his remisness : for , against him they fear least ( as most unlike to punish them ) and against the mildest princes people rebel most . and therefore , for farther security , princes use to impose oaths of alleageance on such they fear : that where his own terror cannot prevail , gods may . but , to come neerer the present business ; he that by any means makes himself a soveraign against the right of another is an usurper : and if he , or a lawful prince , shall , through flattery , covetousness , or revenge , have respect onely to himself or some of his own favorites , without equal justice to all , according to the laws of god , nature , and his conscience , he is so far a tyrant as he shall then press it forcibly to the overthrow of anothers liberty or property . for , in so doing , he ceaseth to act in the capacity of a publike person : and , taking on him the affections incident to a private man , he doth thereupon become tyrannical and unjust . nay more , if he , for favor or fear of the seeming whole people or any party thereof , shall , against known equity or his conscience , put to death any one of his subjects , upon no other consideration but in complyance to them , or shall not protect him to the hazard of his life or estate , in case of oppression , he is a murtherer to boot : upon the same ground that pilate was ; who by washing of his hands , could not cleer his fault of deserting the innocent . and of this kinde of tyranny , soft and weak princes can hardly be free . for they are ever over-ruled by seperate orders or persons of their subjects : who must , in their prosecutions , have partial designs . for these princes , being by their unactive spirits , kept from knowledge of the true state and dangers of things , the threats and power of such as they are most obnoxious unto prevail with them to believe their private ends , dangers , and wrongs to be his : and thereupon , is his authority made to become tyrannical ; by execution of these mens interest and revenge upon their fellow subjects . but they that are so ready to accuse and cry out against the severe governments of princes as tyrannies ( because by degrees themselves would be lawless ) may consider that princes can never tyrannize , that is , seek to destroy or severely punish their subjects , as subjects ; but as under the notion of their rebels ; and such that will not be subjects , he always doth , and may punish . they are to consider , that tyranny can never proceed from a prince of the same religion to any height , where stubbornness did not precede as a cause : and which humility might not extinguish , or abate . for as it is not tyranny when a prince , subjecting a forraign people that war with him , punisheth them , or useth them with severity ; no more is it when done against such of his own people as disobey or resist . for they , in that case , taking the event upon their own hazard , have their punishment as enemies , and not as subjects : which may be cruelty , but cannot be tyranny . for that must onely be the unjust and excessive infliction of a power submitted unto ; and not from the degrees of triumph or possession made by a victor . and those reports of such as nero to wish all rome one neck , that it might be cut off at a blow , do become his murtherers to tell , more then us to believe . for i cannot see how a rational man ( which none denied him to be ) should , at the same time he aims at empire and dominion , wish or plot the lessening of it . and , from hence , most evident it is , that tyranny is ( as before noted ) but the usual term of political railing ; used by such as aim at total insubjection : for otherwise , they would have better agreed in stating of tyranny , and its marks and degrees , so as princes might have known and avoided it . if usually government it self ( at least such wherein themselves were not chief ) were not the intended extream they meant to abolish under the odium of tyranny , i would fain know why we have not found out as odious a name to express the other extream by ; that is , the excess of princes rewards and favors , as well as that of tyranny to express their punishments ? being onely , because that no man is afraid of being too much rewarded , but rather would have that extream pass as a vertue , that it may always be run into by princes . and upon this reason again , in the severe carriage of the master of the family , we use no such expression of tyranny , because it might come about to our selves : and yet is the father and husband , more subject to contract irreconcileable displeasure against wife and children , then the prince against his subjects . for he may suspect his wifes honesty , and his childrens extraction ; which by no action , complyance , or submission of theirs can be avoided . but the subject cannot but be beloved in that relation of a subject : and always in his power it is , to make himself known to be such an one . and if severity in punishment must make princes to be tyrants , who can judge of that , or its excess , or just measure , but he must thereupon be above the prince ? and will not all government be more or less tyranny ; because there is always more or less severity ? if tyranny be when the laws of god and nature are transgressed ( as is sometimes defined ) we are still to seek how to be bettered by this information : for who shall judge of that above the prince also , so far as to condemn him of the breach of any positive law of god ; since he is , as chief magistrate under god , to have their custody and interpretation ; or of any injustice in government , which , as his trust , can be tryed onely by his conscience ? but this definition will inform us that tyranny is so far from proceeding from power , that it is alwayes in the want thereof . for princes are accompted tyrants as they stand subjects ; that is , to the laws of god or nature . whence we may inferr , that tyranny is the act of oppression forceably committed by one subject upon another . for so was the taking naboths vineyard tyranny : not solely because ahab had private respect therein , but because he proceeded according to sentence of authority derived from himself , in a particular wherein god had not referred any jurisdiction unto him ; but wherein they stood both equally subject . for that god having , by express command from himself , ( during the time that state was in a theocracy ) forbidden the alienation of inheritances , and the people being yet bound severally to look to the external obedience of these laws as they were set down by moses , naboth might well make that answer he did , god forbid i should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee . importing , that because god had expresly forbid it me , ( to whom i am in the first place to be subject ) therefore i cannot alienate or give it unto thee . and that this reply was more grounded on fear of displeasing god , then sense of injury to himself , may be also concluded by the reasonableness of ahabs offer unto him ; namely , of money or exchange above the worth . but because , in the jewish state , ( although kings were eminently entrusted , ) the literall observation of the law was still universally obliging , and to be obeyed by each one in particular , in order to the outward way of regiment god then exercised : therefore could not any king therein , by his command , free them from guilt in such externall performances as their conscience told them were against divine precept . therefore , in these cases , the jewish subject had his only way to avoid rebellion on one hand or other , by being subject to both : namely , by being actively subject to all gods commands , and passively to such as the prince commanded contrary : as formerly noted . but although the usual acceptation of the tearm of tyranny is in acts of high severity , yet , for mine own part , i believe whilst the prince , in his government or punishments , is guided with publike consideration , he can never deserve the name of tyrant . for even that indiscretion which suddain passion may cause him in any thing to commit , must ( at least ) be excused by the goodness of his intention . but then , princes hearts being inscrutable , who shall judge his intentions ? not subjects certainly . for , besides that it is against their duty , it is unreasonable , as being parties . and , although an other subject ( then the present sufferer ) do judge , yet is he a party by consequent too : because he will presently be applying it , the case may be mine own . and this self-consideration works with all subjects in general to cry out upon all strictness in government , as tyranny . but however , all men must confess that the punished cannot judge over the punisher ; that is , of the measure of the execution of his lawful office. and as for the name of tyrant , me thinks christians should rather imitate that modesty used by the penmen of gods word , in not using it all , amids the stories of so many that deserved it , then now to impute to christian kings , so commonly , the heathen phrases of such as never knew the precept , thou shalt not revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of thy people . and that ( especially ) because it is so hard a thing to say what actions are tyrannicall , and how many of them must amount to make that name justifiable to any person : for one cannot doe it , no more then the doing one just deed can make any be called a just man. chap. vi. of slavery . amongst other devices men have for the decrying the reputations of such as oppose them in their ambitious designs , the chief is to render them odious by fastening to them the name , and therewith the guilt and scorn of that extream unto which they seem more neer then themselves : not regarding herein whether it be a truth or no. so , ( for example amongst other things ) they that would make their intended innovations please and take with the people ( who are ever listening to all offers of liberty ) were wont to call all government differing from their own tyranny , and all people so governed slaves . the word ( as report goeth ) cometh unto us from that extream drudgery & servile usage which the venetians put the slavi or slavonii unto , after they had subdued them : and from thence , all base and arbitrary servitude comes to be called slavery . but antiquity , and the best commonwealths and men in them , have , by use , made this subjection lawful : and the word family takes its name from famulus , as having slaves the greatest part of its composure . strict slavery we may call a degree of servitude ; wherein the life , liberty , and property of a man , hath no assurance or redress beyond the will of the lord : for he is owned by him in so high a degree of propriety , that the commonwealth with her laws , seems not to regard or protect him as a member . whereas the citizen , or him we call a free subject , claims a right or assurance in all these , by the common rule or law of his country : and hath power of appeal in case of injustice . but then again , these citizens stand in all things as lyable to the dispose of the law , and him or those that have the soveraigne interpretation and execution thereof , as the other doth to the dispose of his private lord : so that , when it shall be hereby interpreted that the life , liberty , or property of any one is forfeited , there is no remedy , more then to the slave . nay , the lord , in respect of his more assurance of his slaves obedience , can never look on him as an enemy : and in regard ( again ) of his more particular benefit by the life and health of his slave , he seems likely to take more care hereof , then the publike lord or soveraign ; who , in regard of his more common and more multiplyed relations , holds ( it is likely ) each particular not of so great loss and concern . and therefore ( comparing their numbers ) more subjects then slaves have violent deaths : not onely as souldiers and luxurious , but as criminals . forasmuch as slavery , wanting hope of farther property or liberty then shall stand with his lords liking , wants also the two usual spurs to rebellion against his lord , as the other hath against his prince . and the veriest slave cannot be so wholly deprived of his will and things delightful , but sometimes to have them : in which case , absence may , like abstinence in diet , make his relish more delightful : whereas the sub●ects possessions , usually causing covetousness of more , makes him undelightful with what he hath . and then , since in all strong and eager covetings , what is past is forgotten , and the anxious care for enjoyment of what is sought , growing to be more to him that seeks more then to him that seeks less , the slave that , for reward of some past labour , hath a tester given him to drink or buy what he likes , is ( no doubt ) better rewarded and comforted , then where gain is onely for propriety sake : and to the owner accrews nothing , but the beholding it with his eys . and the true use of property the slave cannot want : that is , meat and drink , and things necessary . nor is he equally afraid to lose them with the citizen . for , whilst his lord hath it , he must , for his own sake , help him too : but if his lord be attainted , or suddainly or wholly despoiled , he is free , and may go to another : but the citizen failing , ruines himself , and usually his family . but then , it may be said the subjects trade , by which he lives , consists not of so base offices as the slaves doth . and yet , there is nothing done by slaves , how base soever , but is done by free-men ( as they call them ) where they are not : and since these can be hired with mony , i see not but obedience and duty should make the deed as commendable . and then , as the subject may appeal from any injuring him to the prince , so may the slave from any of the family to his lord : and as he is then remediless , so is the other . and the slave hath this advantage , that his duty is more easily managed then the other ; as it is easier to follow plain verbal directions , then intricate laws : especially when another must interpret them . to conclude , as the onely difference between the lord of a family and the lordly monarch is not in power to command , but in multitude of the commanded ; so it will happen , that through impossibility of personal inspection , the subject avoids the continual eye of his prince , and thereby he is like one that hath his copy set , that may manage his duty more as he pleaseth : yet the slave , that hath , by continual reproof and direction his hand guided , is more sure to do his work better , and so avoid blame likelier then the other : in whom , liberty may cause pride , and pride contempt , and contempt punishment . and therefore , we are not to wonder that many have voluntarily gone into slavery : and that some , after experience , and being now free , have ( by suffering their ears to be boared ) chosen it for perpetuity . for certain it is , that the condition of the one is more setled then the other : and that very degree of liberty the subject hath above him resolves to this , that the slave must do his duty presently , where the other may fail , and be punished . nay , in present possession the slave seems more happy ; because more contented . for since some liberty must sometimes come to the slave , who expects little , and some restraint ( incident to all government ) must come to the subject , who is still gaping after more freedom ; the one must be more content in the little he enjoys , then the other in that great measure he vainly expects . but having spoken all this to take down the prejudice of such as ( not knowing what slavery is ) are ready to fasten it on all such as have not ( as they believe ) equal freedom to themselves , we shall therefore now , determine a slave to be him that is in all things at the arbitrary dispose of a subject , and so out of common protection . for if any be enthralled to the prince , i see not but that , as his appeal and protection is equal , his condition of freedom should be so also . as in families , the life of wife and children have sometimes been at the same persons dispose , to wit , to the head of the family , as well as the slave . and therefore as we see there is difference in the soveraignty of princes , one in the comparison of another , so is there in degrees of serv●tude , of one princes subjects from anothers , and of the same subjects amongst themselves . and if all be slaves where absolute rule is , then are the subjects in aristocracies and democracies all slaves : with this aggravation , that , in regard of their many lords , it is hard to escape either task or punishment . but i look on slavery as having its foundation in reason : where the stronger and conquerer , having power to kill , saves for his own farther service : hereby obliging the other , by way of gratitude , to obedience . but ( in after policies especially ) it was scarce practised on fellow subjects or natives ; but usually on such as were spared in wars : and so david and solomon served many they took . whither this kinde of servitude may be fit to be continued for to save some sorts of condemned mens lives , and make them profitable to the commonwealth , we will not now dispute : onely , we wish the fault of giving this title where it is not due were left off . for if it must follow arbitrary government , then ( as before said ) all republikes have it : unless you will esteem it an case , that some of the people may rule by turns : by which means , as by a kinde of revenge , their discontent will abate . and the truth is , in aristocracies and democracies ( such as those of greece carthage , rome , &c. ) slavery is most usual , and most severely exacted . for there , as each one comes to esteem himself a king , having none above him , and yet comes to have so little share of soveraignty , having it divided amongst so many , it will come more severely to be managed over few ; for power is an active quality . but kings , that have many at their command , cannot be so severe , nor the burthen of one so heavy that is born by many shoulders , as where the same is by fewer persons more distinctly born . again , subjects in monarchies are by laws of superiors in their houshold authorities stinted , and seldom is any vassalage great in degree , but where an appeal lies not in case of misusage . for in republikes , where a faction and number of persons by conspiracy and agreement come to rule over others , each one hath his interest in the case : and the servant must look to be more a slave then elsewhere . for as slavery is the lowest degree of servitude , so is it incident to the lowest degree of commanders : and the subject in a republike differs in freedom from the subject of a monarch , as a king doth in power or honor from that of a burgomaster . therefore , if i had onely respected recrimination , and not truth , i needed not to have made any apology for slavery : but have turned it , with its odium , upon its true authors , the polarchs themselves . but that which these people would have be considered and meant by slavery , is not that servitude they impose themselves on their subjects , but what is by princes imposed on theirs : that so , under the noise of slavery , they might cause all monarchs subjects to become indeeed slaves to themselves . but , farther to answer them that will make arbitrary power such an odious thing , and yet grant it to so many ; that will make government depend on paction and consent , and yet use force therein themselves ; let us a little examine their justice by these rules . suppose those that call themselves the people be ( as in athens and rome have been enrolled ) usually not the tenth part so many , as the number of tradesmen , artificers , freed men , and slaves come too within their own city , besides other cities and people they ruled over ( which it may be in all made more then a hundred to one ) how come these fewer number to rule over the other , and to make laws to binde them thus arbitrarily without their consents ? where are the pactions they can shew to warrant their so doing ? what , are these the whole people , and yet not the tenth part of them ? how com●s this name of people to be appropriate to so few , and to impart soveraignty ? did the major part of subjects grant it ? no sure . do they claim dominion over their slaves as taken in war ? then they make right of conquest lawful dominion . and when they appoint their measure of s●rvitude , and time for continuance , is not this arbitrary ? what are these many , and variable laws for shutting out , and taking into freedom , and the several degrees thereof but arbitrary government ? how comes mankinde into this thraldom of one another ? nay how comes it that whole nations are to be subject to this arbitrary disposal of the prevailing people of another city ? was it their fault their prince fought against them ? it may be they were not in the battail : if they were , what must they be punished for being overcome ? if fight , or not fight , or well , or ill fighting be the same , is not their enslaving arbitrary ? and hereupon , we shall finde that republikes are ever most greedy of empire , and do make greatest use of conquest for the subjection of the liberties of nations and other cities : they having so many to share in the spoils . and if we shall agree to their usual definition of freedom , calling him onely a citizen and free that hath a share and voice in the government , then all under their obeysance must be reckoned slaves , as indeed they are : the exclusion of tradesmen , in some commonweals , the different admission of freed men , and different yeers of emancipation and admission of children to be citizens , shews all their rule to be arbitrary , and not depending on their pretended paction or consent . nor is the little finger of these polarchies heavier then the loyns of kings in point of liberty onely , but in property also : the publike levies and taxes being always rateably more in them , then in monarchies that are of like extent for territorie or number of subjects . the which must so come to pass , because they can never subsist without armies : both to force their own vassals to obedience , and also to keep the major part of the whole commonalty and people from having power and opportunity to set up some more eminent person in trust and charge with the commonwealth in their stead . and , to conclude , as we defined the liberty of a subject to be when he shall be suffered to enjoy his own delight and good so far as publike utility is not crossed , to slavery is hereof to be deprived without the same regard : but in neither case , is the reason and measure left to the parties own judgement , but to that which is publike and common . chap. vii . of property . we have formerly discoursed how pleasure is the end of all sensi●ives , and that , as man had the most variety of perfection herein , so stood his obligation of gratitude and praise higher then of other creatures . and this is not only remarkable , in that every thing one way or other is made delightful , but then farther , because the stock of nature ( in many kinds ) is not of it self sufficient , and because again , the covetous appetites of others will not many times let things extend to general satisfaction , therefore , to preserve our contents , and thereby invite us to thankfulness , we may observe that each one hath his pleasure and delight affixed to what he possesseth : even so , that , be it of what kind it will , the possessions of others , in the same , or other kinde , passeth with less repining . for as the food we eat , be it never so unlike the body it self , or never so differing from other sorts , doth yet , by long retention and the divers concoctions and passages of the body , attain at last to a perfect degree of assimulation ; even so our sence , through daily presence of our own particular enjoyments , doth at last imprint them unto the fancy with such steady delight , that they come to be valued in a kinde of identity , or second self . answerable hereunto , both in end and effect , is that property of properties ; or that property that usually provokes us to seek all others , namely that great love of parents towards their children : which , as a thing of greatest use for preservation of mankinde , and esteemed of great concern to parents , comes to stick so close to our affections out of no other consideration . insomuch as , in all creatures , this affection prevailes as acquired to its particular object , and not out of any innate sympathy in nature . and therefore another yongling , of the same or divers kind , if the dam be ignorant of the change , obtains as great love as the true would do : so that hens ( we see ) and other fowl will hatch and bring up fowl of other and different sorts to their own : and all , because in eggs they were not easily distinguishable : whereas , after they have taken full notice of their own , a remarkable stranger shall not be admitted . so , in other beasts , before their sense have had time to take notice of the shape or smell of their brood , part of , or all their litter may be changed : especially for others of the same kind , where there is no disparity of size , or yeers . as for men , mark such as have their wives in suspition ; how they will pick and choose among their children , not as any other affection , but as conceit of propriety shall lead them . and again , such as have just cause to suspect , but yet are not at all jealous ( under this conceit of propriety ) either love all alike , or distinguish not by any revealing sympathy . nay , what mother , at the same time of her delivery , might not be cozened with a change ; as also , while children are at nurse ? their best security being , that this affectionate esteem of propriety makes the poorest parent of all even loth to yeild thereunto . and although our particular goods and estates , as being reckoned not of so great concern , nor being so long or often in our sight , comes to have a less regard : yet an especial indulgence we may observe cast towards them : in such sort , that the true fountain from whom they flow comes many times to be forgotten . for so full of pride and vain-glory are all sorts of men by nature , and so heavy a burthen doth the due return of received benefits seem to our ungrateful dispositions , that rather then any diminution of content ( through the acknowledgement of such receit ) shall lye upon us , we are ready by all inventions we can make , to shift off the plain confession of any dependance whatsoever . and because it is a more blessed thing to give then to receive , we would in nothing , or at least in due measure , acknowledge our selves receivers . the prevailence of this humor appears in all those goods and 〈◊〉 which by the bounty of god , the earth and other elements and creatur● 〈◊〉 so plentifully afford us : for , how ready are we herein to finde out a 〈◊〉 relinquish and forget our common dependance and obligation , and to impale and impropriate to our selves set portions of them , answerable to our desires ? from which , as from a stock now our own , our wants being supplied , our acknowledgement and gratitude comes many times to be forgotten . and this is not onely practised by mankind in general against the common right of other creatures ( as accounting himself sole master and proprietor of natures common revenue ) but also by kingdoms , societies , and particular persons , to the detriment of one another . to meet with this inconvenience , many things are by our all-seeing god in his law enjoyned ; in acknowledgement of his original and paramount propriety : for so comes a seventh of our time , a tenth of our substance , the first of our fruits , liquors , cattel , nay of our own sons to be his : to keep us in remembrance that we have not in our selves any unconditionate propriety , not so much as over our own persons . and , to shew that these things are of common interest ( as between men , so ) between men and beasts , every seventh yeer the land is to rest and lye still : that the poor may eat , and what they leave the beasts of the field may eat . and this consideration is expresly set to the letting the land lye fallow in the yeer of jubilee ; namely that the land is gods : and so , they being but stewards or tennants , no humane right of prescription can prevail against his original right . and , in a word , to keep his right and our gratitude in continual memory , were all those sacrifices and other feasts instituted : serving but as so many indexes and lessons , to shew that the earth is the lords and the fulness thereof . and although we , on whom the dregs of time are come , are too prone to forget this everlasting precept of honouring god with our substance , yet , as a continual remembrance of his undoubted propriety , it is our custome and duty ( as to pray to him for what we want , so ) to thank him for all we receive : which thanks , in the receit of our ordinary food , is called grace : as denying all right of our own , and acknowledging all to be his grace and bounty . which being so , all societies and men must be looked upon but as tennant , for such term and condition as the landlord pleaseth . so that when this great king , after the manner of going into a far country , shall be pleased not so immediately to operate in worldly affairs and dispensations , but trust the several talents of his bounty to others , as namely to kings ( from whom he expects account to himself onely , as by him onely trusted ) we are still to acknowledge gods propriety in them ; and for this cause are to pay tribute ; for they are gods ministers attending continually upon this very thing : that is , for to be as gods unto us , aswel in fastening and assuring our proprieties amongst our selves by his laws ( which could not be else distinguished from the common natural claim to one man more then another by any meer humane right ) as they are to continue ( again ) gods universal claim and propriety , by taking and demanding some part , to keep us in continual memory and acknowledgement of gods supreme right still , and of this establishment of propriety by loyalty and obedience . and as for gods acknowledging his minister herein for himself , it is well set forth by that speech of zelophedads daughters , pleading that their inheritances should still remaine in propriety to them , because their father had not forfeited them by any rebellion against gods chief minister , that is , against moses the then king of jesurun ( or israel ) saying , our father died in the wilderness , and was not in the company of them that gathered themselves together against the lord in the company of rorah : but died in his own sin . by which , we may plainly perceive that they claim right for continuance of those the proprieties of their family which were by gods minister formerly settled , because their family had not made any such forfeiture by rebellion as to cause them to revert again to the first proprietor , god , and the prince . which was the reason why , in the case of naboths vineyard ( before mentioned ) jezabel did advise to have him accused for blaspheming god and the king ; that , under colour of these crimes , she might cause that inheritance to return ; which could not be otherwise done . and therefore , as kings are gods deputies and vicegerents to us in representation of his power , so are they to be acknowledged his deputies amongst us in respect of his undoubted and unquestionable propriety : even by their receit of such proportions back from their subjects , out of those their proprieties by their laws made , as those ministers of god attending continually upon this very thing shall see fit : either for advancement of gods ( the great owners ) service , or the good of himself , or others in order thereunto . which portions , in the new testament , are usually included under the general names of custome and tribute : because amongst the romans , to whom these taxes and contributions were given , they were the usual appellations for publike leavies . and this precept of saint paul for acknowledging the prince his paramount propriety , under the notion of paying tribute , is answerable to another of our saviours , including caesars propriety in all things , under the proper notion of money . for , in deciding that question of the lawfulness of paying tribute , he takes a sure way towards making our proprieties to be caesars : in that , calling the piece of money caesars , because it had caesars image upon it , he concludes him to have the same right to all money as to that peice ; for that all money had his image upon it . he doth not say give unto caesar of your money , but , give him his own , or , give unto caesar the things that are caesars : concluding that gods immediate propriety being for the present entrusted and delegated to these in his stead , we were now to acknowledge them so far , as , by our readiness in yeilding of tribute to whom tribute , custome to whom custome , &c. we should thereby , amidst our common duties of giving to all their dues , give to god his due also : and , by our readiness in yeilding to his ministers to this end appointed , testifie our proportionable readiness to have done the like to himself , in case he had demanded it . and demand it ( no doubt ) he doth , aswel from christians now , as from the jews formerly : nor hath he lost his true right , although he be not so immediate in his claim . for then , because the law was instituted in the time when god himself was king ( that is , had no such direct officer under him amongst the jews ) the acknowledgement of his propriety ( as under the notion of tenths and offerings ) was claimed in his own name : and god having thereupon disposed of it , takes the wrong done in tythes and offerings as robberies of himself . but although these tenths and offerings , as gods gift to them , instituted by that law which was still to continue , were to remain to the priests and levites unalterably , without the impeachment of those kings that succeeded ( inasmuch as they had their taxes besides ) yet now amongst christians , whom that law binds not as positive , but as natural , those tythes ( where they are collected ) are , or should be , paid to princes in the first place , as gods next ministers . and although princes do , upon just grounds , appropriate them to the clergies maintenance , yet , in acknowledgement of his headship and propriety above them also , he hath tenths , fifteens , &c. reserved from them again . and this is done to each king under the gospel , even as king ; that is , as christs deputy : after the example of abraham , who , on the behalf of the levites , paid tythes of all he had . for as melchisedeck ( the king of righteousness and of peace ) was a type of our saviour unto whom all kingdoms do belong , so do the tenths and tributes , as gods and christs right , belong to kings their deputies now : unto whose office that of high priest is subordinately annexed . whereupon , as kings are tenants to god for their whole territories ( be they greater or less ) so are the people again tenants to him ; according to their several allotments and trusts . upon which ground we may observe , that as every prince hath the whole power and propriety of all within his dominions from god , and he thereupon called king of such or such a countrey , so are all lands held , or to be held , again of the soveraign after one tenure or other : nor can any alienation ( though never so independent ) exclude his power from making use thereof upon publike occasion : whereby to answer his great trust to god in respect of his service , or for general benefit of his people : nor from his own occasions leading that way also . the which was well proved by our saviours example , who , sending for another mans ass , bad his disciples bring him away without other legal satisfaction , or answer to any for their so doing , then that the lord hath need of him . which speech of our saviours will the more directly prove each kings indisputable propriety , if we consider the time and occasion whereupon he useth it : to wit , that he never used it but upon occasion of expressing himself in his kingly right and office , in his riding in state to jerusalem , and there exercising kingly power . plainly declaring that as no private possession can disimpropriate the publike lord , so may this grand proprietor redemand the same , not only to answer the more publike charges of the commonwealth , but upon occasion of his own royal support also . in pursuance of which original right and claim , or of doing what he will with his own , as we find god , during the theocrity , making laws of restraint both for the use and bequest of mens proprieties , so may we observe it still to remain of unquestionable right to his supreme deputy to do the like by their laws and edicts , in the disposal of such part of that kingdoms property which particular subjects , by laws under him , hold in their hands . from whence , we may call property that share of the commonwealth which by the law is held in severalty to the possessor , free from the dispose of any but the law-maker himself . which thing , as it is by them done by power from god , because the earth is the lords and the fulness thereof , so cannot he lose the hold and claim of general right , but the subject must loose his right of particular propriety also , which is derived from him by vertue thereof . but , for a plainer example of gods claiming his propriety , and particularly of power to impose tribute in acknowledgment thereof , we may observe the same fully set down in the chap. of numb . in which , god as their present king , imposing such a leavy and tribute upon the people both of persons and goods as he saw fit , did thereupon become a plain and warrantable president for his succeeding deputies to take the like from their subjects also , even as his ministers attending for this very thing : that is , to receive gods due , in acknowledgement of that propriety and protection they ( by gods blessing ) enjoy under them . in which chapter , we shall finde the tribute owned by god six several times , as the lords tribute : although it were given away to others , even to the levites , his then immediate ministers for receit thereof . and as this maxim , that god and the prince are proprietors of all things , is in it self most true , so , if people would rightly consider it , it is by god upon good ground established for their benefit : because , as every one is most careful of his own , so the prince , looking upon the possessions of the whole subjects and of every one in particular as his , will be more circumspect to encrease and preserve them , then when they aim to recover or possess any propriety or power more fully , shall set him at strife within his own dominions . for princes ( as such ) should have nothing in the dispose of subjects exempt from their power , but honor. for this he can never have by force , and without their consents ; or the most or best of them : and therefore he will study , by complacency , justice , and meritorious deeds towards them , to be daily acquiring this so precious a jewel . and they will finde , that whilst he is to make his sole imployment after the search of this onely , that their common and respective benfits will be necessarily sought : whereas , by putting him to struggle for other things which they cannot keep justly from him , his care will be neglected , and the mischief of civil disturbance inevitably will follow . and , when all is done , men are but abused by an affectionate conceit of the word : for propriety can never be in that degree they fancy : and if it be not at the dispose of one prince , it must be of more . for since laws are but the will and sentence of the lawmakers , and since proprieties are also but the sentence of law , it will follow that proprieties of particulars are but the proprieties of the publike person that is in soveraignty and power ; though not in present act , yet so , as that soveraign may reduce his power to act , as he shall see fit . and hence it is , namely to debar princes from occasion of seeking farther , that such large revenews are allowed in all kinds : that , through their power of interpreting law ( the judge of propriety ) they need not covet beyond what they have to their own use already . for to allow those that have the particular proprieties aright to judge the rule of propriety , is not only partial but to themselves prejudicial : opening , by that gap to soveraignty , an occasion to perpetual civil war. for since every particular propriety is but parcel of the publike ( that is , of the general propriety of that particular kingdom ) if that publike have not a person of whole & equal interest herein , & thereby of whole and equal in the particulars hereof , how can the whole be duly regarded : since particular proprietors can have no aim but what is respective to themselves ? but let us enquire a little farther into these things , & make them plain by instance , and consideration of some sorts of publike good , and of the manner how particular subjects come to have their proprieties therein . that stock of honor which each kingdom hath , one in respect of another , no man doubts but the same is at the prince his dispose onely : that is , who shall be more honorable then others : and so also , for matter of offices , and of power and command over one another . for if these things should not all be appropriated to subjects , as from him the general proprietor , how should they proceed with justice , or agree in sharing them to themselves ? would not each one , to encrease his particular propriety , be so covetously contentious as to destroy thereby the stock of the whole propriety ? but the reason why princes cannot be in the particular propriety of riches such immediate dispensors , as in honors , offices , &c. but must refer them to divers other magistrates to be managed according to his general pleasure signified by law , is for that land and ( the fruit thereof ) riches being continually necessary for each subject in particular to have , the business of continual allotment thereof would be so great , that one person could not arbitrarily dispose of it according to the occasion and proportions of that food , apparel , &c. which should generally , and to each one be necessary ; and which cannot to any one , at any time be wanting : whereas honor , command , power , &c. being necessary , but to few , doth both afford him ability personally to act , and time to consult in each particular . so then , wealth , riches , &c. are , from their general use and possession , to be guided by common rule or law ; but honors are still manageable by particular rule , or prerogative law . and indeed , as this necessary and general use of food , &c. makes that kind or possession that is more immediate in acquiring it to be called and take on it the general name of propriety , so is it ( in a maner ) the whole subject of law it self . and therefore , we may say the prince hath no more right to disimpropriate any one contrary to law , then any man hath to take back from another any thing that by his general appointment was given to him ; which is unjust , without other circumstances to authorize it . and therefore it will be considerable , whether this gift were absolute , and without all kind of reservation or no : or whether the prince proceed herein according to interest and increase of his particular propriety , or no ? for if private propriety have encroached on that which should have remained as yet publike and common , and that without leave , or if there be any conditionate reservation of rent , taxes , or of repossession at a certain time , or upon such , or such default , or the like ; by the same general law and rule set down , the prince may with better right ( by his magistrates ) recover his own , then his subjects could dispossess him . and as thus to himself and his own use , so although no reservation be expressed , but where the proprieties seem most high and absolute , the prince ( as aforesaid ) may for the publike occasion make a publike leavy as he shall think good . for since all private proprieties will in themselves increase , and be more , as that publike whereof their parts is more , and doth increase , and so on the contrary , it will follow ( as a thing of great equity ) that private proprietors should contribute to this purpose : and that , according to such degree of exigence , as he that is publike proprietor shall finde fitting ; that is , for the ways for increasing it by invention of arts of all sorts , by foraign invasion , with armies , navies , &c. or by maintenance of it , by religion , publike persons , buildings , works , foraign traffick , agriculture , or such like , &c. to keep it from decay , by the same , or like means . for the necessity of having these things to each subject in particular , making it necessary that there should be one to judge and take care thereof in general , must also imply a necessity in the means , that is , publike maintenance , aswel as of the end , which is publike good . but now , although few doubt , that either there should be care or allowance for publike advantage , or to resist publike detriment , there are many do yet actually , and by consequent , interrupt and deny it : by putting such exceptions and restraints on princes herein , as , whilst they would disable him from taking more then is fit , they disable him from taking what truely is so : & ( thereby ) also from doing that good which they ought ; as experience too often shew us . how princes should guide themselvs in their own particular revenues , and collection and managery of publike charges , is a proper discourse for hereafter . in the mean time , i shall answer in general ; that since all these kinds of trusts , as also all others that are in mens managery , will be subject to abuse , therefore if it should happen that the prince should in these things exceed publike regard , the damage and dishonor is not so great to the people to be by him over-reached , as by others of less note and concern in the publike . for he , as the publike minister , ought to be by them maintained ; and the more his honor , the more theirs : but to be cozened by their fellows , and to have them thereby made rich above them ( which in all republikes must come to pass ) will neither gain them thanks nor credit . and again , the more the prince shall gain by frugallity in the managery of those publike imployments and trusts , so much less need have they to add to his maintenance and royal support : which as it is their duty to do as subjects , so though the same should be done in a manner more plentifully then ordinarily , yet could not the whole kingdom be therein a loser : seeing it is spent upon its members , and within the bounds thereof . for the prince himself can eat or wear but the share of another man , and what would have been eaten by others if he had not been : and having nothing of the rest but the beholding it with his eyes , it is eaten and enjoyed by their fellow subjects : for such even those are that are more particularly waiting on him and called his servants . all which , well considered , together with what was formerly spoken of , the reason and beginning of property ( namely common improvement by private managery ) as it will ( on the one hand ) shew it to be the duty of kings that none of those talents should be hid by them , or lye idle in their own use without necessity , ( whereby publike benefit might be hindred ) so ( on the other hand ) how heavy will it make the offence of subjects , that , instead of tenants , shall make themselves such absolute and unconditionate proprietors , as to withstand or deny publike occasions ? for if they , after the manner of the husbandmen in the gospel , should seek to make the inheritance their own , and , by way of association and covenant amongst themselves , seek to kill or dispossess the true heir , what think we shall the great lord at his coming say to such husbandmen ? therefore , as private mens judgements must submit to publike sentence , so their property to publike use : and as all mens proprieties are settled by law , so , upon occasion of preservation of that law , they may be disposed of : & that according to the judgement of the king , the maker , keeper , and interpreter of these laws . for the soveraigns office being to protect his subjects liberties & properties against all others , he cannot do it against himself , no more then he can binde his own hands . it cannot be done by another , because on earth he hath none equal , or superior in his own dominions . and if it could be , government would not be : because our persons and estates are the onely objects of government . and the same rule is in a family that is independent : for , in both , all is to be supposed at the proper disposal of the prince and master . and upon the same ground that the sojourner in the family , and ambassador or stranger in the commonwealth , have their freedom in persons or estates ( that is , because unsubjected ) those that are subjected may be justly made lyable . and as these reasons wil allow him power in general to lay taxes according to publike occasions ; so thereupon also , to judge in particular what is the concern of these occasions ; and the charges and expence in them required : according whereunto he must have power in his levies . and they that from the instance of naboths vineyard , would conclude for the same absoluteness of proprieties under the gospel , will farther finde themselves mistaken : for that unto the jews their promises for reward of obedience ran still in a strain of this kinde , blessed shalt thou be in thy basket , in thy store , &c. but under the gospel , not a promise that way : but rather , blessed are the poor , woe to the rich , &c. and as for this reason , it was not to be in the prince his power to punish whom god hath rewarded , so again these established proprieties belonging necessarily to the support and division of the several tribes and families , their alienation from tribe to tribe , and family to family , was prohibited by him that had promised and foretold , that our saviour according to the flesh should come of the tribe of judah , and seed of david . all which considerations were the reason to keep that exactness of heraldry and genealogies amongst them : lest the knowledge and proof of both david and his family should have been confounded or lost . so that , by this means , particular mens proprieties having an end or good looking beyond the good of that jewish nation , it was the reason that neither the prince , the representative of that nation onely , nor the proprietors themselves , could , without leave from god ( the sole universal proprietor of jews and gentiles ) have power to sell and alienate their proprieties of land , more then they could change or lose ther families or names . but , after our saviors birth ( the heir of all things ) our proprieties are to be retaken in him on other conditions , and to be held but as of him or his chief ministers : not as in absolute severalty , but in such manner and measure as these his deputies shall finde fittest for supply of that general want which other our brethren under their charge shall require . all which we may observe intimated , not onely by our saviors sending for the ass before mentioned , but in the primitive selling their hereditary possessions . of lands , or houses , and laying them at the apostles feet . by which deed , they , in the name and behalf of succeeding christians , did renounce legal unconditionate propriety : and shew themselves now willing to accept of the distributions of christs ministers , to be held no otherwise from the common enjoyment of others then the common owner shall authorise . and however the apostles , during the power of heathen magistracy , could not have compelled ananias to have submitted his former title to their dispose , ( but that he might have kept it still his own ) yet was their fact that did so , left as a commendable president for christian submission to authority upon publike occasions . but now , upon all these grounds and reasons before mentioned , it will appear that polarchies must ( amongst other their defects of right government ) be faulty also in this matter of propriety . first , for that they , in their separate and unwarrantable jurisdictions , being not capable to unite and represent ( as from under god ) the whole and intire propriety of each country , cannot thereupon be able to distribute and settle legal and rightful portions to each particular person and family : but each separate person and family herein , undertaking to be possessors and sharers by authority derived from themselves onely , and not from any above them , must thereupon be unjust and partial usurpers . and again , the polarchs having distinct proprieties ( whether you respect them as divided amongst themselves by factions , or from one another singly , by that particular love which must follow the care of each mans propriety ) they can in neither consideration accompt their proprieties and the publike to be the same and convertible ; but must be supposed to proceed both partially and oppressively in their levies . and because the governors themselves consist of different interests and judgements from one another , they must also be guided in what they do upon those below , or upon one another respectfully to that self-regard : according as they can drive it on by faction ; and not out of general consideration , as before noted . and , as this will cause them to be partial and unjust , and by reason of unequal concern laying more on one part of their subjects then another , as they shall conceive them friends or enemies ( under the notion of well-affected or ill-affected ) so will this their own multitude cause them generally to be oppressive : in that they , with all their allyes and dependances , striving still to engross so large a part of the publike stock in their private hands , will hereupon be put upon continual plots to make and raise taxes ; out of which they may raise their own fortunes also : which is the reason why the taxes and levies in polarchies run so high , over they do in monarchies of proportionable bigness . chap. viii . of law , justice , equity , &c. except god almighty , who alone is omniscient , and to whom , by creation and omnipresence , the goodness , deserts , intentions , and actions of all creatures , with all their circumstances and relations are truely valued and known , there is not unto any thing else imparted such a sufficiency of comprehension , as to make a perfect and true estimate of the morality of actions , and distinguish between right and wrong , equity and iniquity . for as unto him , the rightful judge of all things , this ability was only necessary and proper , so , to men and other creatures , to whom subjection did onely belong , it is more fit we should know what , then why to obey . and indeed , the sad price of our fall hath furnished us no farther , then with a seeming knowledge herein : and to no other avail , then to prove us thereby the more blinde , because we now think we see . examine our abilities in this search , even of those things that concern most each mens particular , and we shall finde , that while cu●●om , education , or the like , prevail as the censures of good and bad , in objects and actions and that this is differing again according to each parties inclination and constitution , the knowledge of good and bad must consequently have no certain or fixed aboad . and if thus in what is so nigh unto us and concerning our own more private good , what can be expected in things or actions of more general concern ; and wherein more general approbation should concur ? will it not hence follow , that if i have no sufficient ability to judge what is good for my self , i should have much less to do it for another ? so that , experience of the different disputes hence arising , not to be satisfied and silenced by every mans own wisdom , brought men everywhere for quietness sake to refer themselves herein to custom and publike allowance : insomuch as now , justice , equity , and right , is whatsoever the lawful authority of each country says it to be . they that think that the rectitude of the laws of god and nature should correct and set right the positive constitutions of men , will finde great difficulty truely to number and state what these laws are . in which doing , and in the interpreting and applying them , so much difference and uncertainty will still arise , that we shall again ( many times ) want another light , to distinguish the beams of these lights from other lights , and also to shew when they point directly to the business in question , and when not . as for instance , in these laws known to be received from god himself , how ready are we to balk their litteral interpretation , and judge of the fitness of their execution according as they refer to publike utility : and that by rules of our own several reasons : and many times again , to trust to their letteral interpretation onely ? nay , all that acknowledge them for rules , practise sometimes one way , & sometimes another . wherupon , denying that either way is to be wholly followed , it must needs leave it doubtful , whether in our so doing in each particular , we lean not too much to one hand or other . for so , theft by them punished with restitution , is in other places capital : and on the contrary , adultery by them punished with death , is by others censured in a less degree . look we to the laws of nature ; if thereby they intend those rules and customs which are universally common to us with beasts , how shall man , which so much differs from them , pick competent rules of good , and fitting both his and their particular ? what , shall he live in herds and droves , and again destroy policy and property to enjoy their communion ? and , because we would not have them kill us , must we ( with the banians ) think it unlawful to kill them ? and , in particular , what law in nature shall we finde to found marriage upon ? and if we seclude man , to follow some rule proper to his own species , and put him for his practice and imitation to learn what is done by others , you will finde this practical direction still render him as defective in ability to determine what is just and good , and what not , as before : for here , if you take in that practice of mankinde which is most common for a rule , who shall be ●udge of that : or shall the fewer and wiser nations be governed by the more foolish ? shall idolatry and slavery be thought founded on nature , because so generally heretofore , and yet practised ? if by law of nature you mean the best reason , who shall judge of that also ? can you think that any nation , people , faction or single person , will condemn themselves of imprudence and injustice in what they do ? and since each people hath its peculiar reasons for what they act or determine , and it may be unknown to any but themselves , how shall they therin be guides to the practice of others , and their reason be found a reason every way fit for guidance of such as must necessarily differ from them ? but experience being so ready to testifie both these differences and their irreconcilableness , amidst that partial respect each people casteth to its own customs . i shall not need to instance therein : but shall here somewhat examine that rule which men have more generally concluded to be so infallibly and universally binding , as to suffice for application and direction in all particulars ; namely the rule of do as thou wouldst be done unto . this rule must in it self be acknowledged as a direction most fit and full for the steering us in our deportments and abearances one towards another ; being accompanied with such other helps and qualifications as hereafter shall be spoken of : but if taken alone , and at liberty made use of , according to each ones separate judgement , it will put us upon the same uncertainty ( almost ) we had before , for it makes the will and choice of each man the direction for good and equity : so that what i would be content another should do to me , i may do to him . and then , considering how weak and differing the judgements and wills of men are , right and wrong must have the same chance . so that he that is a fool and cannot tell what is for his own avail , may yet have hereby liberty to prejudice and impose on me . and again , he that through vitious inclination and custom cannot distinguish of good or bad , just or unjust , will have the same advantage over me too . as for example , one that is brought up , or otherwise agrees in opinion with such as allow a community of wives or other things , may he not by this rule make use of my wife , being himself before willing , i should not do the like to his ? they that seem to make this rule more pointing and express , by enlarging it , say that because i would not have any thing done to me against my liking , i should not therefore act on another against his . and then , according to this rule ; they say the taking away a mans wife against his liking is a plain wrong : ( and a sin i hope it is , although all private parties should consent ) by this turning of the rule , they conclude indeed against the first inconvenience , but avoid not the uncertainty of the direction , but onely alter it . for whereas before , i might act according to my own will and opinion of right and wrong , now is not the will and opinion of the agent , but of the patient made judge : and i am to suspend execution till the consent thereof be had and known . and then , what help to the discovery of right or wrong ; since every mans will and judgement ( as before ) is still made judge ? and besides , by its limitation , it will put a stand to all business . for if i must not act until i know anothers liking , i shall then , it is to be presumed , not act his liking but in what may be first apprehended to my own advantage : nor he so from me . and then , in case of stubbornness , how shall business be done , and who shall judge when the denyal is just , or unjust ; for nothing in the rule can do it ? again , what right hath the will of another to be a stint and direction to mine ? as though my will could not tell mine own desires , and were not as infallible in judging right and wrong as anothers . and take it which way you please , instead of giving the rules of directions for mens wills to follow in the choice of good and bad , mens wills are made directive to it . and although it be a rule certain and infallible ( as aforesaid ) in its self , as to the general stating of us just or unjust before god ( who judgeth by the heart and general inclination as hereafter shall more appear ) yet in respect of us , and the imbe●ility and partiality of our reasons in using and applying it , it comes to be but contingent and fallible in particular managery : as not having direction and plainness enough , to shew in each action whether we have done well or no. as for example , i that am to contract with another for house or land , or any commodity i want , am i to give the seller the price he asketh , because ; supposing my self the seller of any thing , i should be willing the buyer should give me the price which i should then demand ? or shall the seller be bound to let the buyer have it at the price he offers , because when himself is to buy of another , he would have it at the price he bids ? if you suppose neither of these prices to take place , how shall contracts go on ? if either of them , how will you avoid the inconveniencies of partiality , arising through each mans judging for himself ; but make it onely unnatural ; whilst they must thus wholly be prosecuting each others good , and be in danger , whilst they are thus neglecting their own wants and desires , which they do know , to be , as in a kinde of complement , reciprocally prejudicing each other , in obtruding to supply those wants and desires which they know not : unless we shall suppose all mens judgements , wants , and desires equal ? or shall we suppose that course to be taken which can make this rule alone most pointing , namely that we should neither so wholly consider our selves without others , nor others without our selves , as to be forgetful of either : but that , both parties are to be taken into equal consideration . the question will be , whether the buyer or seller shall be the judge and determiner herein ? and next upon what manner of evidence shall he proceed towards the discovery of the others wants and desires , so as to secure himself that upon a just conference thereof with his own , he hath judged impartially : and so avoided sin , by observing the rule ? the seller , it may be , through good husbandry or good fortune got his commodity very cheap ; it may be it cost him dear at first , or is grown so to him through casuality or neglect : what now shall he do ? shall he sell proportionably cheap or deer to the rate the thing stands him in , he must then prejudice himself or another ? shall he , as he knows the buyers poverty or riches , or as he findes the thing more fit and useful for him then others , encrease or abate accordingly his price ? how shall he know these things ? and how shall he be a competent judge ? and if you make the buyer judge , upon like considerations , how shall he know the others condition also ? now , as for matter of government , this rule will of it self alone be so far from estating men regular and obedient therein , that it will take off all kinde of subjection at all . for since the prince or magistrate would not be willing that i should have command over him , how can he justly have command over me ? if we give the superior leave to apply the rule otherwise and say forasmuch as he himself wronged and in distress , would be glad to be relieved by the power of another , therefore ought he also to preserve and encrease his power that he may in the like kinde be serviceable to others : then , supposing the present possession of power in the superior a just bar against the inferiors assumption of the rule , and desiring power and superiority to be doing the like to his superior , or others , we are fallen upon a right rule against revolt and insubjection towards the present higher powers : and so we will next see how this rule can alone steer us under government . if it point at equal and arithmetical justice and proceeding , making the good and liking of kings and beggers alike valuable and controleable at the arbitrary discretion of each other , then , by overthrowing distinction and proportion , it overthrows government and society . or take it to point geometrically and respectively , and so determining that beggers should do unto kings as they would if themselves were kings be done unto , and so on the contrary , how will they come to fancy ( through so different educations ) the same inclination to vertue , or ability to judge thereof ? and since experience tells us , how hard it is for us to manage aright those callings we were bred in , what hope of ability or skill in those so far removed ? for though david , as proper to his office of king , could rightly judge amongst subjects , saying , the man that hath done this shall dye the death , & shal make restitution four fold , yet when he comes to be told thou art the man , he thinks not fit to execute murther on himself : but submits to god , as having onely power of punishment over him . and from this uncertainty and diversity of appliation , it was that men first entertained polity , and more positive and express rules of decision . but here again the same hazard overtakes us . for since these rules and directions are to be expressed by words , as the current tokens of mens mindes , and words have not onely different interpretations themselves , but men also differ in the manner of expressing them , how shall it be known what the words themselves import , or whether poetical or rhetorical improprieties have not so far abused us , as not to know whether litterally taken they are to express the authors minde or no ? to remedy which , there is no way to peace but to admit a positive authority for interpretation of this authors minde , as we did before for yeilding thereunto . so that when all is done , the result of right and wrong is but the sentence of law , and the sentence of law the sentence of the present supreme judge that is , either the direct sentence of god himself , in what is undoubtedly set down by him ; or the sentence of the prince ; interpreting and judging in his stead , in all things here amongst us : unto whom the application and managery of this general rule was intrusted . for he , having in him , as universal representative , the universal will included , can be onely in all particulars directly said to do as he would be done unto , and to love his neighbour as himself : because having a common and like interest in , and with them , and subsisting by their good and benefit , it must consequently be always by him measured as his own : that is , equally and impartially so , because totally his . whereas i , in doing as i would be done unto , or doing but as any other private person would have me , the dealing must be unjust because partial : one will and understanding being onely judge of what was of concern to both . and though both should consent , yet the rule might be broken , and commonly is : because few things can be of such separate concern , as wherein directly , or by consequent or example , others besides themselves were not interessed : and so , not having full content , the rule of do as thou wouldst be done unto is broken by both of them . for our wills , in choice of good and bad , following each ones separate understanding , and that again depending on , and varying according to the several observations which each one hath made of what is most constant and usual , it will follow that the nature and sense of right and good , must in our judgements be as variable as those inductions out of which we concluded it were . and this , because we are not here put into the world to be standards of good and bad our selves , but to estimate and conclude it , either out of that tacite verdict which the harmony of effects and operations in the course of nature informs us of ( whereby constancy proves at once both god the author , and the act good ) or else implicitely to yeild to a positive command of god , determining good by his direct precepts to us himself : and in case gods own directions appears not , by referring us to princes for what he leaves , and to masters or fathers for what they both leave undetermined : lest else , our different judgements and affections , causing differing prosecutions in the attainment of more less and private good , they should lead us to lose our greatest earthly good , which is peace and agreement . and therefore , as all government was at first arbitrary , so it is not probable , until god himself by moses had given set rules for mens sociable living , any other composed or setled rule was established for knowledge of good and right , then what proceeded from the dictates of this prince or head of the family . for each father had it as well in his power as duty , ( like abraham ) to command his children and houshold to keep the way of the lord , and to do judgement and iustice. and then also , innocency of education , and natural simplicity in the use of pleasure ; as it kept them from much coveting , so from many of those strifes and injuries which our luxuries now produce . and for reconciling those differences that should yet happen , they had the ready determination of the father before mentioned . nor stood they in such need of positive edicts to keep them steady in case of change , because , through length of age , he might live to see many families , and as it were whole territories peopled out of his own loyns . then was he probably brother , or neer of kin to the great father of the next territory : and so , kept from forreign injury . whereupon , what by knowledge of their duety , and what by force of education , and remembrance of these rules and precepts themselves formerly learned , the fathers of the several inferior tribes and families had means of sociable entercourse and neighorhood . and , where maxims drawn from natural law and equity were not so plain a guide , there , usual custome and practise was their supply : and where custom was dubious , parental authority was definitive , and bore sway . and as that course of life is alwayes most pleasant to which we have been most enured , so it seemed also to them most reasonable , to continue those rules that publike consent , long use , and tacite agreement , had now made to have the force of law. and , in a manner , all laws ( especially such as are called common ) are but the customes and usages of our country . therefore , with them question was never made , whether customs should be kept or nor , but whether any such custom were ; or whether it did make for the side of plaintiff or defendant ? and the old definitive sentence being now dead , the dispersed and divided families found law , in it self , no more available to peace and unity , then the light of nature had been before . for when custom or law was alleadged , what and if the other side denyed it , or gave it a contrary interpretation ? in this case , no way to peace , but to rely on some sentence beyond appeal , for the decision and interpretation of these laws . for , to imagine a government to meerly arbitrary , as where there is no kinde of law , custom , or rule of government agreed unto or practised , is against reason : because , even the prudence of governors must , for their own ease sake , lead them to permit this course . and , it being for themselves impossible to entervene in all the emergencies of their subjects , it will be expedient to commend and enjoyn unto them , the observation of all such old usages as to them seem most expedient : which thence coming to be laws , we may call law a rule of deportment enforced by a superior : and hath with us according to its several aims , several names . that which directs us to future bliss , divine law. that which concerns us as men , and directs to the attaining the felicities of our kinde , we may call natures law , or the rule of reason . that which concerns men linkt in society . national , or civil law : which is nothing else but a publike direction for mens sociable abearances one towards another . for as peace , union , and ceasing of strife , is the main end of polity and government , so is this end , not onely to be attained by the decisive power when controversies are on foot , but by the directive power also : that prevents , as far may be , their birth and growth . and for our failing or following this rule , it is not the law it self that can or doth determine : although the judge , in his decision , take direction from thence , by way of president , how to proceed . they that think law hath in it self a power to decide controversies , let them consider that there are no where so many , as where laws do most abound . for men are there oftenest found enquiring the meaning of them : which ( with us ) is called going to law. a thing which none would do , for the loss thereby received in case he be overthrown , if he had before hand known that the law would have made against him : but each side through private passion and partiallity thinking it make for him , it would be considered , if there were not a definitive sentence in the interpretation of law , of how little availe to peace law would be in it self . so that , laws now appearing to be made chiefly for the governed , that thereby they might have directions how to attain or avoid the benefit or punishment of sociable duties , we shall therefore finde them still promulged and addressed to the people . but as for governors , having the oversight of the whole publike good unto them committed , these rules are either by them framed , or by god and nature set down as to be enforced and enjoyned to that end : and all other secluded the interpretation or application of them . to which end , namely to shew that the sentence of the judge is still made the standard and rule of judgement , we are to interpret those words of solomon , a king that sitteth on the throne of judgement scattereth away all evil with his eys : that is , which way soever his definition of judgement doth lean , evil and injustice is departed from thence : and cannot be imputed thereunto , more then injustice to one that is just . for so doth he also explain it , to punish the just is not good , nor to strike princes for equity . but the contexts of these two places do most plainly confirm justice to be positive upon authority , and not depending on the various judgement of private mens opinions : and this is done by adding the precept of right ballances and weights presently after . which things are commonly taken as the emblems of justice . for so it is said , a just weight and ballance are the lords , all the weights of the bag are his work . by which words , god owning the original of the measure of justice to be from himself , ( which we know he doth no otherwise execute and manage then by that divine sentence he put into the kings mouth ) it must follow , that as the proportion of justice in all things is rated by those standards which are by his authority appointed , so also , as his authority is uncontroleable in setting the standard for the pound , the bushel , and the like , his authority in stating and deciding other controversies and things must be uncontroleable also : even for that all things done by a different standard of justice are for the same cause unjust . for as there can be but one standard ( as by the context of the other place appeareth , saying , divers weights and divers measures are both of them alike abomination to the lord ) it is in effect to conclude as aforesaid , that at the first definition of the size of the pound , bushel , &c. were from authority , even so , the measure of justice in all things else must rest on his determination : and that , the difference from that is inequity , because departing from the rule to appointed ; and not , as out of inherent justice in the things themselves . for had authority appointed any other different weight or measure , which is now disallowable , to have been the true standard , then had the other , that is now the rule of justice against it , been the faulty one to it ; even as those faulty ones are now so to this which is by authority set down . for except there be such a positive and standing way and rule for establishment and defining righteousness and judgement , as by a king sitting in the throne of judgement , who can say ( as in the next verse follows ) i have made my heart clean , i am pure from my sin ? because , if his appointment and allowance of such callings and ways of comerce make not our gainings upon one another lawful farther then the rule do as thou wouldst be done unto hath first been reciprocally examined and assented unto by the particular dealers , then are all dealings unlawful : forasmuch as intent of separate advantage is still in each ones design , and the others benefit or suffering never openly and impartially considered therewith : of which more anon . whereupon we must say , that since laws are necessary in government , and since a publike definitive sentence in their interpretation is necessary to peace , and since in the cases and questions of misgovernment , the breach of laws is as well denyed on the part of the governors , as affirmed on the part of the governed , it is against all reason and rule of equity , for any body or order of the people to usurp this inseparable and prime mark of soveraignty : and become judge to their fellows , and to judge those that should have been their judges also . and if it be granted princes to have power to make laws , it must be presumed that themselves should best know their own meanings . and , a thing against reason it must seem , first to affirm that rulers or princes are to govern according to law , and yet deny them the power of knowing and interpreting them . what , would they have him follow a rule he understands not , how shall it be a rule then ? therefore , when men think it necessary for kings to be sworn to govern according to law , they must conclude they have liberty of interpretation allowed them ; or his oath is null and useless . and so we must conclude , that since all positive laws are to be founded on those of god and nature ( for law-makers can have no laws but these above them ) and since the meaning and measuring of these are disputable ( as hath been hitherto shewed ) reason and duty do enjoyn us to submit to the known and undenyable precept of obedience , rather then ( after the sin of breach hereof ) we should be but at the same uncertainty of interpretation as before : with this aggravation , that in the first case our excuse for failing is easie , but in this last , it is no better then pride . but they that yet think there are within the compass of natural reason such general rules and maxims of justice and equity as to enable men to judge of right and wrong in things done by superiors , let them tell me why ely ( of whom we finde nothing of ill mentioned besides ) should be so severely punished for his sons faults whom he did reprove : and why samuel should escape , that shewed greater indulgence to his that were as bad ? if , in these and other like instances they will say ( as they must ) that the judge of all the word doth right ; in respect of his equal and paramount propriety in persons and things , they must then confess , that his deputy therein which shall be amongst us , must be holden as uncontrolable judge of right in his jurisdiction also . so that , for david to take away half mephibosheths land , who was loyal , and give it to ziba his servant whom he knew had both abused his master and him , and that without any legal form of process , must yet be acknowledged as rightly done by that supreme officer , who being substituted in elohims prime right of mishpat amongst us , cannot therein be controled or censured by any else . and if any will yet say , that these former instances might have been found right even by the rules of common equity , had we been knowing of all the circumstances of them , they do thereby also confess , that since the judge hath his secret reasons proper to himself to judge by , so can there be no definitive proportion of equity but what is from his sentence proceeding : until there can be some way found to search into gods secret counsels , or the heart of the king which is unsearchable . for , as it is the glory of god to conceal a thing ( that is to keep his judgements from common apprehension ) so it is the honor of kings to search out a matter : and , by vertue of his deputation from god , to give always a divine sentence , whereby not to err in judgement : that is , not so to err , as not to be the rule of justice to those below , although it may be erronious and unjust in it self : in relation to that full and high interest and jurisdiction which god hath above him . and therefore that wise king makes understanding , wisdom , instruction , justice , iudgement and equity , depending on obedience and attention to god and our lawful superiors ; when he says , the fear of the lord is the beginning of wisdom ; but fools despise wisdom and instruction ; that is , all that are disobedient and conceitedly wise are fools : and when he next says , my son hear the instruction of thy father , and forsake not the law of thy mother : that is , learn religion , law , equity , &c. from thy ghostly and civil superiors . whereupon we may farther say , that justice and ●quity , so far as it concerns a commonwealth , is to be that way and course which is most advantageous to publike utility ; and that law is the rule set down by those that have chief authority and trust therein . and therefore is that maxim avowed as the ground of law and equity in a popular state , salus populi suprema lex : for the directest course to that end is the greatest equity : and those that have the charge of the end , have also the charge of the means , in assigning that which is most just and fit . and therefore in this case , we must reckon the society , as it is united for common good , as one person : so that then , as nature teacheth all men to benefit themselves , so doth polity direct the publike . but then again , as each man in wronging another doth wrong himself , so societies , when they practice injustice , oppression , &c. do in regard of gods punishments feared to follow thereupon , wrong themselves also : and do ( as we before observed of particular men ) prefer a less and momentany benefit , to a more high and lasting one . upon which ground there is another maxim avowed in monarchy , that the king can do no wrong . not denying he may do himself and others harm : but so long as we do ( according to our duties ) submit to that he doth command , he can do no wrong . for he can of himself have no private respect , but must judge all alike as out of common regard : except where , and when some persons or order of the people , taking on them his office of judging equity , and , in partiality to themselves , thinking and seeking more then is already allotted , make it a wrong to the other side , by having the cause decided by a private and partial judgement : for , take away justice in the fountain , you may vainly seek it in the streams . and thereupon , solomon prays to god to give him an understanding heart : to judge the people , and to discern between good and bad . and such as are not openly denying supreme authority to be obeyed , and would yet by consequent overthrow it , by allowing inferiors a liberty to judg and act beyond , or otherwise then is enjoyned , let them consider the answer that god gives to his chief magistrate that would undertake to know the way and means of honoring and serving god better then himself , and would make that solemn established law of sacrifice , defeat his present command which was but extemporary ; namely that obedience is better then sacrifice , and to hearken better then the fat of rams . for i verily believe that no subordinate magistrate or subject can have a fairer plea for disobeying his king commanding in gods stead , then saul might have had here for refusing samuel . for if it had been at all lawful for inferiors to judge of fitness and morality , or to set a former command or law against a latter , what more just and reasonable then , first to preserve innocent creatures , whose destruction ( on one hand ) could have been a benefit to none , when as ( on the other side ) they ( being thus imployed ) should have so expresly advanced gods way of service constituted so solemnly already . and we might thereunto add ( that which some would make of highest value in judging good and bad ) that the importunity and request of the people ran that way also . and as our prying into the reason of gods laws , and not obeying his direct precepts , was our original fault , and a sin in the government of nature , as shewing a mistrust of gods wisdom or care of us , so , in obedience to civil laws , to seek out another equity then they import , is not to be subject to law , but to controle it . and as god said to adam , who told thee that thou wast naked , hast thou eaten the fruit i commanded thee that thou shouldst not eat ? so princes may say to subjects , that without authority undertake to judge of publike good and bad , justice and injustice , how come you to know these things except you have transgressed the bounds i set you ? have you not proper stations of your own to walk in ? why meddle you with mine ? for if thou judge the law , thou art not a doer of the law , but a judge . so that then , all obedience to laws must be implicite : that is , to gods laws , as his ; and civil laws , as the princes . for if in either sort , i obey but what upon examination i finde reasonable , i take the law-makers part upon me : and obey not him , but my self . for law and justice being the instruments whereby governors act upon the governed , they must be at the choice and guidance of the workman and agent ; and not of the work or patient , as heretofore noted . law ( then ) is councel imposed : justice is equity executed . in laws , the subjects are to act : in justice the prince , or magistrate for him . in laws he shews how much of his will subjects shall do ; in justice how much he will do himself . so that law may be called equity taught ; and justice equity practised : and is when the judges own councels are acted by himself ; whether in pursuance of law , or not . for justice and equity may be without standing law , as in the less government of a family , but not law without them ; that is the authority of the prince . now for justice it self , it proceeding from equity , as being the sentence of the judge upon the judged , it may be blinde as to execution ; because that part concerns ministerial officers , but cannot as to the sentence and judge : for taking , seeing , for understanding , his eyes must be only open , as to stating of equity . disinterest , nor equal interest alone , cannot make men competent judges : because they may be so qualified , and yet strangers and unknowing of the cause . and therefore judges must ( besides knowledge ) have concern , equal concern , and whole concern : and the like we must say of power . for if all the matter and persons contending be not at his dispose , to what purpose his sentence ? nay , if his propriety be not the highest , and his power highest , he will in judgement proceed but faintly , for want of compleat interest and courage . for though the concern and power of the judge may be equal in , and over both , or all the subject persons , yet if be not supreme , he must so far want the perfection of a judge , as he wants interest to make him concerned to judge at all , and power to execute his sentence . and more persons then one , or not having authority from one , cannot be competent judges over others : for they must have unequal concern through unequal passions and interests : and must , through unequal power also ( as being of different strength or courage ) proceed differently and partially in their sentence . for whilst the same plea or cause is estimated by divers ballances according to that divers judgement and interest abiding in those divers persons in the seat of justice , their sentence can never be uniform to the interest of the persons and the cause they judge , however they may be in their sentence outwardly agreeing amongst themselves ; as in order to fear , or other interests of their own . nor can two or more persons judge their own causes , because of the same reasons : and also for that in this equality , none can have whole interest or power . but to make these things plainer by instance . when any two parties that are at difference shall have their cause decided by any of the ordinary judges appointed to that purpose , the failing of that judge therein , so far as to make him culpable , must happen upon the grounds before noted . for if he have not concern enough , so as to think his duty , honor , and benefit to be founded and established by the practice of his imployment of a judge , he will then wholly neglect it , or proceed so coldly therein , as for want of through examination of the full evidence of the truth of things on both sides , his judgement can be no otherwise then accidentally true and upright . and this inconvenience will not only be subject to mislead him in his first sentence and decision of causes , but farther also , in case that bribery , friendship , &c. have caused partial judgement , through want of entire and equal concern , it is the usual hindrance to all re-examination that should arise from equity by way of appeal : insomuch as , untill the oppressed party can find a way how to make the redress of his grivance appear of more availe and concern to the party appealed unto , then it is to him in the state it now stands , he can never rationally expect reparation , or furtherance from him therein . from all which it must come to pass , that none but god almighty can be held as the onely universal , ready , and upright judge : so far as to be the onely true object of appeal . because , as he hath onely omniscience sufficient to know all circumstances that are necessary to the stating of equity in each cause , so hath he alwayes such whole and high interest and concern in the good of his creatures , as to make him always ready to hear all complaints : whereas all other subordinate judges must , as they stand in degree below him , and so differenced in respect of concern , differ in their readiness to entertain appeals and make redress . by which means , the monarch , who hath highest interest , power , and trust delegated from god , and hath his honor and interest of more concern in performance of acts of justice then any other ( even in such degree that he cannot find any reward else so valuable to divert him ) must be presumed thereupon the readiest to hear and amend , when any thing in this kind shall be offered . and if the ordinary grievances of the poor or meaner sort , be not by him taken into consideration , like the more remarkable appeals from great ones , it proceeds still from the same cause of want of concern , not in him , who , if he be an entire monarch , and no wayes made obnoxious or defective in propriety , would hear poor and rich alike , as equally sub●ects ; but for want of concern in other persons of ranke and eminence , that should present it and state it unto him . which is a thing so difficult to be done , as experience tells us , that it is the great obstacle of all redress : namely for want of concern to make another take so much pains as throughly to examine the state of the grievance , and so apply himself towards redress . for we shall finde all private men to be still so full of their own business , as not to be sufficiently enclined to make any other of such equal concern , as to remit the present care thereof , to intend his , beyond respect to themselves . and although the sense of pitty and justice be in all men naturally , yet the difficulty will still lye , how , for want of concern , to make him attentive in such length of discourse as must be requisite to make my cause appear so . upon which ground it is , that fees are given to advocates , councellors , &c. by those that are appellants and suters : hereby engaging them to take their clients business into concern , and make it their own . men have hitherto thought justice in the abstract to be before it in the concrete : as though truth , or the affections or adjuncts of things could have been before the things themselves . but as divine justice is but the procession of that equity which resideth in god the supreme judge of all ( whereby the affairs of all creatures are disposed and ordered according to the known measure and equality which their respective merits in relation to the good and oeconomy of the whole doth require ) so neither was humane justice before the administrators thereof : no more then positive law was before the law-maker : who , by that did publikly determine what was fittest to be done in the vierge of his jurisdiction also . therefore , men making justice to be juris statio , or dependant on the sentence or determination of the law , could not choose but to have considered ( onward ) that that jus or law , must again have dependance on the law-maker , or him that hath juris-dictio , had not a kind of conspiracy in the flattery of private mens abilities towards the judging right and wrong , made them determine justice measurable by law , and law by themselves : that so ( onward ) publike justice might be submitted to private sense of equity : whereby at last all should resolve into opinion . in which regard , it is no wonder that subjects in general , do , in order to obtain their fancyed degree of liberty , agree amongst themselves upon such maximes as they conceive restrictive of the exercise of their princes power over them ; upon the same ground as servants use to do towards that of their masters . for so experience tells us of those measures of good and bad masters which are by servants usually entertained amongst themselvs , in order to deny all masters and their actions to be good , farther then they are respective to , or carried on towards their interests or approbations . thus the master that is most profuse for diet , apparel , &c. is called the best and most kind , by his own , and by all other servants too . whereas that master that measures these things by his own conveniencies of estate , &c. and makes restraint accordingly , is called churle and miserable . and so again , such masters as permit liberty and licentiousness , have the servants joynt applause as just and kinde unto them : whereas such as restrain and punish them for faults , are by them called cruel and unjust . for how should it be expected they should like to be straightned or punished for what they had formerly approved ? nor can men under servitude of any kind , separate themselves so far from their interests in relation that way ( that is in desiring freedom ) as to take the interest of the correlate into equal concern with their own : and not rather still to chose and fix upon such reasons and maximes as shall most confine the will of their governor to be submitted to theirs : and , in order thereunto , to fancy ( as we see it come to pass ) that there are general rules and laws whereby justice and right are as measurable by inferiors as others : yea even whilst they are inferiors . but suppose there is in every man implanted the maximes and grounds of general justice , as god to be worshiped , parents and superiors to be honoured , every man to have his own , or the like , yet since they were in several men , variously concluded from several inductions and observations in the course of humane affairs ( for they encrease and differ in men as yeers and ability do ) it must come to pass , that when they come to refer back and are to be applyed to particular occasions , they must be both different , and falible also : as not determining how to worship god , or w●erein to obey susuperiors , or what every mans due is . upon which grounds , it is no wonder that astraea was fained to leave the world about the same time when laws began most to abound ; and men undertook to fancy , that that obedience to the laws which was constitutive of magistrates and subjects justice towards one another , was also to be definitive and bounding of justice in the original . but , if we make not justice to be residing in that sentence and determination of equity which each rightful superiour imposeth , then hath it indeed no certain aboad amongst men : or , if they bound it by any other positive law then what is to be by him interpreted and enforced , then they not onely take away all justice from the golden age of the world , which was therefore chiefly called so because the publike person to whose sence of equity things were intrusted did particularly judge in emergencies , and so more exactly measure causes then can be now by standing rules and laws , but they also ( for the present ) take it from fathers , masters of families , and the like : where right and justice is depending on their arbitrary and accasional directions . and therefore , as divine justice , or the general rule of equity in government of the world , is dependent on the divine edict and determination of god , who hath the government hereof ; and as the rule of justice of the family is dependant on him that hath that charge also , so is the same to be granted in each kingdom : even to be the decision of him that hath legislative power , and trust to determine of things towards the stating political peace or happiness . to which purpose some have conceived the word jus to be the abrievation of jovis os ; which we may call the divine sentence in the lips of the king : making it the positive decree of the soveraign power . for although this synterisis ( or inward assent to the general maxims of equity ) be usefully in all men , because they must more or less have dominion , yet for inferiors or ●quals , as such , at any time to use them upon their own authority , cannot make the execution take the name of justice ; however the sentence may be in it self equal , or proportionable to the equity of the cause . and indeed , that common definition of this vertue , of giving every one his own , would have caused men necessarily to conclude this the proper vertue of the person in supreme power and propriety , ( for how else shall he have right to distribute ) had not ( as before noted ) private covetousness and arrogance of judgement , made men conclude it not to be justice , except under that notion of his own , each man had such distribution , as should not onely be directed by positive law , but by it according to their interpretation also . as though there could be private propriety against the publike , or that the prince , the master of a family , or other publike superior , were to regard the good and propriety of the contenders , or any other separate private persons , without regard to the whole propriety and good : and not rather make his distributions of the publike stock of honor , riches , &c. to private persons with repsective care to the whole . in which respect , we may again call publike justice the exercise of authority proceeding from each rightful superior , as his sense of equity in particular distributions shall lead them , with regard to publike advantage . so that , he judging according to sense of equity , as between two , both the parties contending are to be taken as one : and decission is to be so made between them , that the other more worthy party , the commonwealth , be geometrically considered . and this , although the whole present people be present contenders in the two parties : yet is the succeeding community or their own future inconveniencies to be considered . from whence we may conclude a just man and a governor to be convertible : as also is the notion of justice with that of government : having both issue from his authority and determination . saving that under the notion of government ( as more general ) we usually comprehend both equity and justice : that is both the directive and coercive parts : but by justice , we commonly conceive but the bare vindicative part to be acted , separate from the legislative . if in this his sentence , he bear such particular eye to the parties in competition as to forget or neglect common interest , he is unjust to god his superior ; as failling in his general trust : however , to his inferiors he must alwayes , upon the same reason , be acknowledged just . we are also accustomed to apprehend the notion of justice to have ( in reference to the persons subjected ) a more particular regard then that of government : namely when then the justiciar shall more expresly respect the comparative fitness or interest of any two separate parties : at which time , the governor being more remarkable by an explicite determination , it may thence be called particular government , as government it self may be called general and implicite justice : both of them being stated and defined by the due exercise and receit of that power which caused their relations , that is of the governor or justiciar as agent , upon the governed or justified as patient . in which case , the agent and patient standing reciprocally constituting each other , according to their relations , to impose and receive , it follows that where the governor is not endued with his proper power to impose on the governed , according to his vertue of agency , and the governed , on the other hand , endued with the vertue of receit and patibillity , there cannot be government . but , in proportion , as the inferior invades the power of agency , or is insusceptible of the others agency , so far the political harmony and order is broken and inverted , and approach is made unto anarchy . and many times also we difference justice from government by its object : as making it conversant about the government of our proprieties , and apprehending the notion of the government to have most particular reward to the subjects personall liberties : and this way that definition of giving every man his own , and of the division of justice into distributive and commutative may seem to look . philosophers , in their usual scholy , desiring to make it a vulgar and common vertue , for their own applause sake amongst their scholars , have fought to define and defference it from other vertues by its object or effect , without assigning unto it a proper subject ( by inherence whereunto , it might , like all other abstracted notions , stand formally differenced , ) have thereupon made it to import as large as vertue it self : of which they would have it understood to be a kind . for so in our apprehensions , a just mans imports as large a commendation as a good man , or a vertuous man. but it is to be considered , as before noted , that this vertue can no otherwise be supposed common to all men , or every man , then as that man may at the same time be supposed a full superior or proprietor , in the distributions or commutations he is to make and that thereupon , it is not a vertue proper to him as a man , but as such a man : that is , as relating to him in his present power and superiority in what he is to distribute , and his full propriety in the thing he doth exchange . and from thence it will still follow , that as this occassonal relation of superiority did make the notion of justice assignable as aforesaid , so , to make it capable of a constant specifical difference , there is no way but to affix it to him that is by office a constant superior . for they should have considered , that although this vertue cannot be without the others , namely without prudence preceding , and temperance and fortitude accompanying its execution , yet it having its objects wholly foraign , and respecting such persons onely as stand relating to other men in superiority , and not as each man hath power and government over himself ( as the other vertues do ) it must thereupon have its different definition accordingly . as for example , temperance , that wholly relates to each one as having jurisdiction in himself for government of his own appetites and affections , must therefore belong to all men , because all men have such things to govern : and can have foraign jurisdiction onely as accompaning the justice of a superior . and so must prudence and fortitude , that partly relate to others good and partly to our own guidance , be communicable to all men likewise ; because of the daily and general use of both , for the benefit of others , and their own separate good . whereas justice , that hath its object wholly in the good of others , and doth thereupon suppose the party quallified with abillity proportionable , must be appropriate to such onely as have by their relations power to act accordingly . and then it will come to pass , that although justcie may have perfection of degrees , and be more or less a vertue as this governor is more or less prudent , temperate , or magnanimous , yet must the notion of justice be alwayes assigned to the actings of superiors upon inferiors , as such , notwithstanding occasional deviations . for as to be a reasonable creature remaines the definition of all men , as men , yea though they be most foolish , so cannot the violent actions of some , deprive men in supreme authority from having the notion of justice appropriate to that sort of men onely . and this , because a man in supreme authority being the subject wherein justice can onely reside , even as mankind in general is the subject of reason , it is not therefore the pravity of some monarch , or other occasional deviations in some acts , can deprive them of the definition of just , more then the unreasonableness or imprudence of some men , or of some actions of any man , can take from them or him that definition of a reasonable creature . for the question being not concerning the perfection of the predicate , but of its propriety of inherence , therefore , as mankinde is amongst sublunary creatures the proper subject of reason , because none else can so truly or perfectly have it , so doth justice remain proper to men in supreme authority : although they may be in degree much inferior , or defective one to another . and this truth we shall finde asserted by one that was incomparably wiser and more knowing in these things then any of the philosophers ; even by solomon himself : also to punish the just is not good , nor to strike princes for equity . in which words the just man and the superior stand plainly convertible : as also they do in that saying of saint john , my little children let no man deceive you , he that doth righteousness is righteous , even as he is righteous : that is , since god the fountain of justice gave them power to be doers , they are in their deeds alwayes just in relation to those below them : of all which more hereafter . and therefore , lastly , as the abuse of this prerogative and advantage of reason , prevailes not with god to take it from mankinde , because of that general good which the use of it doth ordinarily afford , ( both in mens deportments toward one another , and other creatures also ) no more are the accidental abuses in the seat of justice , of availe to take off , and defeat that continual benefit arising to mankinde by the general exercise thereof . for in these cases , wisdom grounding her self upon an infallible rule of comparison , raises this her maxim , better to suffer a misc●ief then an inconvenience● : better that the common benefit of justice should be kept up , notwithstanding its occasional mischiefs , then the avoiding of those occasional mischiefs , should defeat the common benefit of justice . and indeed , the two extreams of this vertue mi●ht have denoted the proper subject thereof , had men had as great readiness to have acknowledged their princes vertues , as to mark their vices . for as unto none but men of power it can be a fault to neglect justice , or extend it to tyranny or rigor , so can the vertue it self be formally agreeing to none , but such neither . so that then , we may plainly finde that they that have hitherto defined justice to be a vertue giving every one his own , by their not setting down certain rules to judge what these proprieties were , and how to be known , and ont determining the persons that shall have this power of distribution , they have made justice , that was ordained to be the great instrument of publike peace and quiet , to be the occasion of civil war. they that think they have come neerer the mark , by determining justice to be juris statio , meaning the sentence of law , they have thereby indeed found out a good remedy to bridle the exorbitance or magistrates , and also to direct them in each particular execution of their charge ; but then , since justice is not a contemplative vertue , as depending upon the knowledge of the law , but upon the due execution thereof , it will still follow , that as juris statio doth depend on juris dictio , and the execution of the law is not otherwise justice then as the person executing the same hath above others power therein derived from that person that is law-maker , even so also , justice it self must be acknowledged more or less such to inferiors , as it is more or less in its execution approaching and derived from its originall . whereupon we must say that when the tearm of justice is given to inferiors , as denoting their upright dealing in the discharge of any trust , it is then ( as before noted ) confounded with the vertue or honesty : for honesty is the proper commendation of any in that case , even as denoting trust and inferiority . whereas , to do justice , or justly , supposeth a power to impose and distribute . but when we do suppose any inferior person ( as such ) to be capable of justice , so far as he hath been equal to the rule and proportion of his trust , we do thereby grant justice not to be any wayes originally in him , but to be properly onely assignable where the rule is ; that is , to the party that holds the ballances , as being possessed of power : and therefore is justice painted with a sword in the right hand , and scales in the lest , as betokening that the estimation and decision of causes and controversies is the proper office of him that is in the supreme seat of authority and power , who is to be conceived the trustor , and not on the judgement or censure of such as are inferior , or trusted . and this , because the trusted's justice or equal dealing being to be measured by the trustor or superior , he can no otherwise be just then by him justified : which is not to be actively or formally just , but proportionably so . for although he might have been upright or honest in his return , as having herein done to the utmost of his abillity or conscience , yet cannot he be therefore truely called just : because the superior in his trust , might have had other ends or intentions in the assignment of the trust , then hath been , or could be by him adequately returned : in which case , falling short of the rule , he failes in point of justice also . and to manifest these things more clearly , namely that the justice of superiors is not dependent on the judgement and sentence of men below , and that againe , our own conscience cannot justifie alone , we shall finde saint paul saying with me it is a very small thing to be judged of you , or mans judgement : yea i judge not mine own self , for i know nothing by my self , yet am i not thereby justified , but he that justifieth me is the lord. from whence we may truly infer , that no man can be just before god in this life : not onely , because not fully knowing his will , but also in respect of inabillity ; in coming short thereof , even when we are most conscientious . and so again , taking injustice to import negatively ( that is , absence of justice ) we may call all inferiors more or less unjust : and that also , whilst to their utmost they are most honest . even as on the contrary , we may say all inferiors are more or less just , as more or less justified . upon which ground , the publican , a neglecter of the law , went away rather justified then the pharisee , a most exact keeper thereof . in which regard , justification being according to supremacy in power , it follows that any man may be called just , when justified before god the fountain of all rule and power , although to his prince or parents he may in some particulars fall short of his trust : like as , upon the same rule again , the justification of the prince may include justice to any subject , notwithstanding his failing in any inferior charge . so that now , the attribute of justice being formally proper onely to supreme power , hence it comes that the acts of no superior but god can be universally and strictly called just . for princes being , as his chief magistrates , in some things restrained , and to be directed by his laws , they can in those things be no farther esteemed just in execution , then as they are observant of them : whereas in other things , by god referred to them as to his next entrusted deputies , the stating of right or law must be dependant again on their sentence . in which case , as those magistrates by them entrusted with execution of their laws , must have above other subjects power to interpret , and act according to their own sense of equity and right , which is to be obeyed as justice by all others , even so again , the actions of princes , as gods supreme magistrates , must , as in duty to god , be submitted unto by subjects in general . and we must farther also say , that as gods universal power and interest makes his actions to be alwayes equal and just , even because they are his , even so ( in proportion ) princes must be held in their actions more or less just , as they are more or less powerful or whole proprietors in what they judge . and farther , that as no man can be the proper and formal subject of justice but he that stands in relation a superior , so none unjust , but as he stands by relation an inferior : even as failing of , or exceeding in , the execution of that trust of power and propriety received from such as were herein above him . and , from the premises , we may farther say , that as the true stating and observance of the relations of governing and governed makes government , and the execution of this government makes justice , so , in republicks , where these relations are not fixed and certain , but that the governed as agents do sometimes act on the governing as patients , there justice must be proportionably wanting or uncertain . out of all hitherto spoken it will ( i hope ) appear to be each mans duty now , as he would be freed of the guilt of doing ill , aswell as that of stubborness and disobedience , not to take upon him to judge of the morality of laws and institutions , above , or without the leave of his superior . for as sin in the wil must proceed from error in the understanding , if i respite my particular inquisitivenes , and suffer my self to be guided by the general perswasion that right and wrong are better known to these i am bound to obey then to my self , the result of my actions , whether they did what was good or no , must yet be safer to me that perform them by implicite obedience , then they can be otherwise . for if they be right and good , the merit of that obedience by which they were done will encrease their good : and if otherwise , it will abate it , as being therein my just excuse . for the less will i had therein , the less sin i must also have : as shall be more fully discoursed of when we treat of religion . and bootless it is , to say that obedience to humane authority is to be given in things indifferent : for if the doing or not doing be indifferent for legality or benefit in my conceit , i yeild to authority , not as out of duty as such , but as doing what i should have done to any ordinary request . or if , besides the sense of duty , i go to set my self a rule how far , and how far n●t , my own reason and conscience is to submit ; so far as i take on me to ju●ge of the equity of the precept and the measure of my obedience , so far the vertue and merit of obedience must cease . so that now , to conclude this discou●●● of law and justice , we are to esteem them the proper right and honor of him that hath the soveraignty : who , being to judge his subjects and fight their battailes , is to have this prime and inseparable mark of his office preserved inviolable . for , unless we will be again content to be let loose to our first natural liberty of having no certain proprieties , but make dominion again fleeting , and dependant on the issue of each mans occasional strength , to hold or acquire , and , in pursuance thereof , to his own censure of right and wrong to possess , there is no remedy but we must submit in matters of judgement and sense of legality and morality , to the same person we now publikely submit our bodily force : unless we should fondly think , that it were fit men should be put by rules of true policy in such a wretched condition , as to be left free to judge of right and wrong , that , to their greater torment , they may be by force deprived . or , unless we shall farther suppose , that use of force and resistance was in these cases remitted also ; and so , absurdly make each subject a superior ; by being his own judge and magistrate . chap. ix . of the publike good , common good , or commonweal . what hath been hitherto spoken of the necessity of self-seeking , as to the preservation of that whole species which must consist of those particulars , must , upon like reason , be now considered in the justification of wha● each kingdom doth for its separate good apart , without equal regard to ●e good of one another . for although the good of the whole race of mankinde be in common reason preferable to that of any kingdom , yet since neither men themselves , nor all countries in general , can be so reduced or associated under one entire government and care as to call any man father or master on earth ; it must therefore fall out that this general good , subsisting by , and arising according to that of particulars , the necessity of each kingdoms having separate propriety and interest , and of an understanding and will proper to it self , will to it be the same ( i mean to the preservation of each kingdom ) as the having proprieties distinct to the particular subjects of the same kingdom , is to the saubsistance and advancement of the general propriety of the whole kingdome : or as having distinct understanding and will , is necessary to constitute each single person . and as god , who is , and can onely be the universal monarch of all mankinde , doth so fasten mans specifical being and preservation , by pleasurable objects accompanying his generation and food , or the contrary on things contrary ( in such sort as we are thereby preserved from danger of total decay ) so are particular parcels hereof left to the particular guidance of stewards and officers of his own appointing : who , having their distinct allotments for improvement , are through the natural sense of honor and greatness provoked to look to the encreasing thereof as their proper duties : and that , although , in their exchange or usury of these talents , other kingdoms be proportionable or greater losers . from all which , gathering how each kingdome is to be justified in prosecuting their own good apart , we are next to consider what this good is . in this case also , we must , as conceiving these notions of kingdom or commonwealth to include a distinct multitude of mankind there associated by union of a common head , attribute unto them the same end we did unto men in general before : namely the prosecution of pleasure ; although under another name , to wit that of plenty : which do●h suppose and imply that stock or store of things pleasurable , which each kingdome is to have for the use and benefit thereof . but because the care and charge for acquisition and preservation of the particulars that serve to promote and make up this plenty or pleasure doth belong to the prince , we shall not here speak thereof . in the mean time , considering all political happiness united , and that under the general notion of pleasure , we must say , that as other pleasures of privat persons , so the different pleasures of one kingdome or common-wealth above another , is in vigor and sincerity of fruition , or in continuance and extent thereof . for if a people should be pleased with appearing contents , or with riches and its appurtenances onely : as ease , dainty fair , fine cloaths , houses , or the like ; these , as they came short of what might have been added in the same kinds , and as they stood unaccompanied of other political benefits , as religion , fertility , arts , militia , &c. and as again they wanted certainty for continuing in their possession or esteem , they wanted also of degree for compleating their political happiness . nay farther , collecting the happiness of each kingdom into a total , it is not onely needful that all and every member thereof be , so far as may be , made sensible thereof , but , because goodness and benefit is more or less , as it is extended , each kingdom is also more or less happy , as it hath more or fewer to participate thereof . for as the happiness of a whole kingdome must ( collectively considered ) be greater then the happiness of any single person or order in the same , so must the happiness of one kingdom increase above that of another in proportion , as the persons by them made happy do differ in number . and therefore we must also say , that by happiness of a kingdom , we understand that whole stock of pleasures and benefits of all sorts wherewith each kingdom is furnished : and withal , the fit application and distribution thereof , according to the general capacities and numbers of the subjects . as for example , if one party of the kingdom , being too strong to be awed by the supreme power , do enrich themselves by the spoile and plunder of other subjects , it is not their taking upon them the shew of the whole people or commonwealth , that can make their particular gain the gain of the whole kingdom : but it is rather really the loss : whilst , besides what is truely spoiled by fire , rapine , other mischiefs accompanying civil war so many men as must be imployed for souldiers , are kept not only from agriculture , manifacture , and other necessary imployments for publike encrease ; but also to live luxuriously upon the labor of others : to their disheartening , and decay of the publike stock : as famine , the consequent of civil war , doth well declare . but all this , is little to the most considerable loss of so many mens lives : which , as man is more valuable then any thing else , is the greatest loss can befal any kingdom : not onely as in its self , but as it is wholly irreparable . no , when we see the ploughman , the shepherd , the spinster , or the like ; to be intent in their labors and providing food and clothing for us . these we may truely call commonwealths-men : forasmuch as they do by their occupations make real improvement without the loss of others . whereas he that through publike disturbance , hath seated himself as high in office and power as his ambitious heart can desire , cannot at all be called a commonwealths-man in what he hath done : nor in what he shal do in this his imployment and power , otherwise then as directed and warranted by his soveraign . even because in all distributions and disposals made by any magistrate of any of the kingdoms stock already gained , a consequential loss must light on them that were before possessed : when as they that make an encrease from nature or art , as they do thereby empoverish none , so are they alwayes to be held publikely beneficial , whilst they manage their proper imployments . and as publike good may be thus damnified by private actings of subjects one upon another by force , so may it by commerce also . for if some persons or degrees of subjects , do encrease their happiness or riches onely by consequent affliction or poverty of others , none can call this an addition of happiness to the commonwealth or kingdome in general . but if this be effected by lawful and usual wayes of contract , commerce , and traffick of subjects amongst themselves , then ( at the worst ) what one looseth another gets : and so the whole kingdom neither gets nor loses in the general , or whole stock thereof . but , if this way of acquiring from one another be without publike leave , then , by destruction and neglect of so much of that kingdomes stock and improvement , as great lots must follow to the whole thereupon . for since to the whole kingdom there can be no improvement but what is acquired either from nature , or husbandry , or invention of arts ; or from other kingdoms ; as by merchants , arms , or the like , so can nothing be lost to the whole but by neglect of these , through diversion of endeavor , or by actual destruction of what hath been so gained . we may therefore well compare those distributions and partitions of honors , lands , &c. made amongst subjects by the prince , unto that dole of bread , or the like , which , upon pre-regard had to each parties wants , is distinctly and orderly given according to the direction of authority ; and so nothing comes to be lost . whereas we may compare that way of partition which subjects do factiously and partially take one them to make amongst themselves , to a kind of scrambling : wherein , while each party or person is confusedly endeavouring to engross to himself , without considering the wants of others , a great part comes to be spoiled in the contest , and by neglect : besides that danger of quarrelling , which must follow thereupon . upon consideration of all which , it will appear , that as the publike or whole good of the kingdom is not to be estimated by every private possession , but by all in general ; so can it have no competent judge of its reality and extent , but that publik person that hath universal share therein : and so ( farther , ) that none but he that hath common interest in all the persons of his subjects , can be well able impartially to minde their universal contents , and provide against the covetous engrossements of publike and common benefits . and this , not only for deviding the present stocks of riches , honors , offices , & arms , amongst subjects , but also in differencing and setting the true value and proportions of each of them according to publike benefits , one in comparison of another . else may his subjects place all their delight in riches , and so neglect religion and gods service : or , growing thereby secure , neglect the means of their preservation , and acknowledge of arms . or they may set their mindes wholly on honour : so as , through emulation , to fall into faction and civil war. for , as in our natural bodies , although the humors themselves be necessary for our preservation , yet if they exceed in quantity , so as to defeat and interupt one anothers workings , or be not in that proportion as the state of that body requires , they then destroy the body : so , in politick bodies , although the having of all politicke benefits be useful therein , yet may the unequal and immoderate possession of some so them , destroy ( without good care ) the enjoyment and good of the whole . and thereforefore , as the proper will and appetite of each person is in him supreme and uncontrolable judge against all other foraign wills , and also over the private and single appetites of his own particular members , so is the will of the publike person , in the same kingdom , uncontrolable judge of that kingdoms benefit : both against the publike judgement of other kingdoms , and also against the judgement of any of its own private members : or else there will ( at last ) be no such thing as publike good at all . for when one faction doth prevail on another , or one community or corporation upon another , so far as to encrease in riches or other necessary appurtenances of pleasure ; since what is by one order of subjects gained is in the same proportion lost to another order , the gain of the kingdom can be no otherwise conceited to encrease in the whole , then as these tradings and gainings one upon another had licence and direction from publike reason : even therein foreseeing how that kingdoms publike stock might be therein encreased by forraign supply , or kept undiminished by avoiding home neglect . in the first case prevailing by way of acquisition and gain , in the other by way of parsimony and thrift . no , it is not the assuming to themselves the name and notion of the commonwealth , and so , by reason of their present supreme and uncontroleable power , commanding without general agreement or leave of the common head , that can make the actings of any prevailing party or faction to be rightly and justly called the government of that commonwealth : much less can it be conceiveable , how the particular gain of this powerful ruling faction , and that separate and distinct encrease which is thereby raised to themselves and their party , by the consequential loss of a greater number of the people and inhabitants of the same place ( by them kept in subjection ) can in any true sence , be called the gain of the commonwealth : let their pretensions of acting for , and in name of the commonwealth or people , be as fair and plausible as they will. chap. x. of paction and commerce· vnder god almighty who alone is omnipotent , and in himself all-sufficient , there is no sensitive agent but stands in need of security and advantage to be obtained elsewhere : and which ( according to the sence and knowledge thereof ) doth not , to the utmost of its power , finde out means of trust , for avoiding the objects of its fear , or attaining those of its hopes . thus , the lion hath his teeth and tallons as his confidence to defend himself , and also to obtain his prey . the fox trusts to his craft for both . but generally , all beasts , fishes , and birds , seek to shun their present fears , by the nimbleness of their legs , fins , and wings : their food being usually so ready , to all that live not on prey , that little provision or care need to be taken . in men , the weapons offensive and defensive are chiefly their reason : for as their fears and hopes encrease above other creatures , both through the knowledge of what truely is , or may be hurtful or good unto them ( which beasts do not ) or through the variety of those objects of harm or delight ( which beasts have not ) so they have accordingly made larger provision for their securities and advantages . for supply of our continual wants , so far as they refer to nature or god-ward , we , like other creatures , have no cause of fear or mistrust , that the covenant of seed-time or harvest , summer and winter , day and night , with the continuation of other influences and affordments of the creatures , should ever quite fail : because in him that appointed them , as there is no self-want to divert , so there is no variableness or shadow of change . whereas , in those supplies that are necessary for our use , and yet are in the power of others that have like use with our selves , the acquiring or possession of them cannot reasonably be expected , without a voluntary and free resignation . to suppose it voluntary , is first to suppose it reasonable in the opinion of the party from whom the curtesie is expected . and reasonable it cannot be , till something equivalent , in the eye of the proprietor , be granted in satisfaction and lieu thereof : whither it be in equal-goods , or curtesie , or onely in thanks , as a free gift . in which latter case onely , no pledge or contract useth to pass : though , to a generous minde , it be the straightest obligation that may be . but , in the other cases , the kinde of return or requital , with the weight , measure , number , or other estimation thereof is always agreed upon . for although it might be alleadged , that since in nature there is no propriety , why should not he that had store of corn , cattel , &c. share with him that wants , who is both his equal and hath like interest . and what more noble then in this case freely to give . all which is true : but since these are things which each one cannot want , who shall have power to see this distribution made , or force one man to drudge for another ? and since it is not to be presumed that he which plows and soweth , will be so far delighted in that expence and labour , as to do it for such as from whom ( it may be ) not so much as thanks is to be expected ; therefore there will be danger , that either he that expected bread from him will want it , or else , bestowing his whole labor in getting bread for himself and others , he should , for want of time to imploy in other things , want all other food , and apparel also . and therefore , as the setling of propriety encreased tillage and other sorts of husbandry ( which otherwise would have lain still ) so trade and commerce make propriety useful , to the improvement both of the goods of nature and art. for hereby the husbandman , the grasier , the shoomaker , the tayler , &c. have mutually to supply each others wants : and he that hath more food then he needs , may exchange the overplus for apparel or what else he wants . and so , whilst mens abilities are not diverted , but wholly imployed in one trade , each one ( to the common improvement ) will grow of greater excellency therein . and thereby also , mens several gifts and endowments come to be alternatively and publikely useful and beneficial . for the strong and able bodied man , who ( perhaps ( hath not equal judgement to him that is weak , is fittest for execution and labour in those things which the invention of the other hath by his art and study made more easie : each ability finding an imployment proper . and although , at the first , while families were great , they were like little commonweales or cities in themselves , and so might , through their many hands , and unity of command and applycation , be in all things well furnished , according to such proportion as their simplicity then required ; yet less families , being now collected in narrow bounds within cities and commonweals , as they could not otherwise subsist , so they are hereby served with greater ease and variety . but , necessity , the mother of invention , saw yet a defect . for he that imployed himself in shoe-making , &c. might want food or other necessaries , at such a time as they in whose hands these things were had no need of his shoes : but it may be of such other things as were not in his power . in this case there was no way , but to agree to some one or few things , that should serve as common values and exchanges for all others : which at first ( it is like ) was of leather , iron , or what was generally most useful . but this not serving to all wants and occasions , and through its plenty being subject to deceit , mettals of greatest scarcity come to be politickly brought in , and stampt by authority , to give it denomination and value : so that , where anciently estates were reckoned by cattel or goods , it is now computed by mony . but let us go on to discover what is just and not in matters of commerce , ( supposing men as under rules of religion ) : a man comes to buy or bargain with another for any thing he wants , what gain shall we allow the seller ? shall it be twenty in the hundred , a double , or treble value : or else what can he get ? where shall conscience stint it self ? shall the law appoint the proportion ? why so ? is not the seller a subject as well as the buyer ? and if then the law rate and stint not all commodities and dealings , it is partial : if it do , to what use ; since the gain might as well have gone round ; by my enhansing proportionably my commodities to him or others , as now our losses do , as being all of us low rated ? but what if the buyer have not commodities , for all men cannot be stored alike ? why then commonly you discourage trade : and so , through a general dearth of things , prejudice all men . therefore authority interposeth but in few cases with success : and , in my judgement , in the silence of authority , they are under no rule but of their own consciences : namely of the rule of doe as thou wouldest be done unto . for the buyer and seller , trusting to their own judgements and skill in their bargains , may advantage themselves as they shall see good . for where is no trust to be understood , there is no cozenage : otherwise all trades would be unlawful . for if you measure unlawfulness by proportion of gain , the least again is unlawful also . but for this partial respect to generally sheyed towards the buyer against the seller , there is the same reason to be given as was formerly for these many declamations against the atbitrary power of princes , and for the many inventions of bounding their single powers more then the powers of the many superiors in aristocracies and democracies : namely , that as subjects and parties are onely writers of those things , so few writers of moral or political duties are tradesmen or sellers , but all buyers : and so , for their own interest sake , having not regard to the equal justice of the thing it self , would have them bounded , and not themselves . and as it thus fareth at the market or tradesmans shop ( namely that the buyer is at the sellers choice for the proportion of mony or other exchange to be given him in satisfaction for what he takes ) the like it is with officers , artificers , or other persons , from whom any thing belonging to their offices or labor of minde is desired . to wit , that , where the rate of their pains and imployment is not stinted by a superior , there , he , being an equal subject with the other that hath need of his imployment , is not , like his slave or drudge , to be made to serve him without such requital as himself shall judge reasonable . and so also it is in the case of that great publike officer the king : for , he having none on earth above him , who shall set any stint upon him : so far that if any will make use of his protection , he shall not again have liberty to encrease the rate thereof , according to occasion : as merchants do of their wares , or other officers or artificers do of their skill ? and upon the same reason that he may make rich and great men pay him greater rates and taxes for their protections , as having greater shares therein , why may he not generally upon occasion , encrease or diminish these rates from all or any of his subjects , as he findes this his office of protecting them to be more or less dangerous to himself , as well as difficult and expensive ? for where god ( his superior ) hath not bounded him , i see not why he should be rated by any others : much less by the parties themselves , for that great hazard of his person he undergoes , in that security of person and estate which he gives unto them . let us look neerer to this in pactions , where performance on both sides is not present , as in contracts before mentioned , but that both are future , or one party must perform before another . this paction , and the security thereupon will be found void , without a common authority to hold the obliged party to performance : for else the first cannot in reason begin . therefore , since all trust doth require due return and discharge , men , for their mutual securities herein , do not relye upon the single assurances of one anothers bare promises , but either engage witnesses therein , or trust to some such deed under hand & seal , as may be available to call in publike justice to their assistance , in case that breach of covenant should be offered . in which case , as neither side hath right to determine for it self , so can they not refuse the appeal and umperage of the superior authority therewith intrusted . for so , in all commonweals there is law , and , by a just subordination , there is a superior for decision of all things ; till we come therein to the supreme of all : beyond whom , no appeal on earth is to be had . for that , if i should appeal from the prince to any on earth , i change the government : placing the soveraignty where the last appeal is . and because in these things we must come to some pawse , therefore if we place a supreme above a supreme , we make all controversies undecideable : and lose our selves as in a circle of giddyness . so then , the difference between a contract and a pact is , that , the one being a present exchange of property , the alternative possession gives and secures their rights , without supposition of superior civil power to the new proprietors , as firmly as it did to the old . whereas in pactions , the possession of the new property being not yet had , he that performs last hath for his future possession no assurance but what ariseth from a power superior and common to them both : into whose hands the whole propriety must thereupon be supposed to be put ; ( as is usually done by deed in his name attested by witness ) and that , according to the degree that this third power stands therein presently concerned and powerful , the trusting party hath his security . and therefore , to make pactions and contracts the same in reason and equity , the superior must have whole propriety in the thing pacted for , and equal and supreme power over the pacting parties : or else they contract for contingencies instead of certainties . but then they agree , that either party , being a voluntary agent , may gain on the other to his utmost . for in case the superior person do mittigate or alter , he doth it as in relation to his own common and supreme propriety : because in those pacts which he personally and expresly doth not ratifie , but onely by general rules , he may vary as he shall finde those general rules mistaken or wrested : otherwise you both ingage and dis-impropriate him against his consent . for since each superior , being to be supposed with many in subordinate relation under him , cannot personally and particularly preside in all bargains , but must for direction of his pleasure in these things give and make laws , it stands with no reason that for his good intention herein ( that is for dispatch of the business of others ) he should be by them disadvantaged himself . now , imagining a paction between king and people ( as is by some done , ) this difference will arise between the ties and securities which subiects make one with another , and those they make with their king. first , subjects bargains are expressed , and that usually under hand and seal before witness : and then have they a person , and way of decision ready to reconcile their differences . whereas , between prince and people , nothing like paction appears : but is onely supposed . again , the prince having onely god above him , the subjects have no appeal but thither ; who onely is king of kings : for how should the subjects judge , they are parties , and beneath the prince ? how shall the law judge ; for that must be under its maker also ? again , in pactions one is performing before another : between prince and people it is not known which is to begin , or which is to end : for their ties are continual , and reciprocal : the prince is continually to protect them , and they continually to obey him . is he sworn to keep the laws and do justice ; they are sworn and obliged to obey the laws , and him in execution of them . therefore when monarchs take oaths for maintenance of the laws made , or for doing of justice or other things , having none but god to judge hereof above him , he can be to him onely accomptable , as to a superior , for any breach : and if he be , he is no soveraign . and if oaths do but what humane law or polity can do or secure without them , the attestation of gods name and presence is but taking his name in vain : the obligation of an oath being in value as far above law , as god is above the prince . and when the oath of allegeance passeth from subjects to princes , it is for farther securing him against opposition and revolt : because if sence of duty to god do not , it is not possible for the fear of one man to keep all in subjection . they that imagine kingly government is grounded on paction with people , as deriving from them his power over them , will appear in a farther mistake herein , from consideration of the nature of paction it self : which we shall a little more particularly examine . for first , they supposing that the community is at that time associated by mutual paction so as to act in the capacity of one person , do fail , in that neither express articles to that purpose could ever be made or produced , nor could there be any witness , nor a third present obliging superior party supposed . for , witness there can be none , but such as are parties : and third common obliging and powerful party there cannot be , but god. for if another on earth , he is their prince already : and it is he , not they , must give content . so that god not being present , as to manifestation of express consent in what they do , otherwise then by his will already known by his laws ; the people having none but themselves ( equal parties ) to judge how far their pactions are consonant to these laws , must , as wanting present power to hold them obliged to one another , want also power to grant any thing one to another . and therefore , they failing to think that such a body can be at all , or that a body without a head can perform the offices of discourse , will , and understanding , which is to the making pactions requisite , we will next see what likeness of paction there is in any thing that appears between prince and people , supposing them as pactors ; which some do fancie for making subjects submission ( as they think ) lawful , because voluntary . in this , the first great difficulty will be , how to bring the people into a capacity of appearance for making this stipulation . for if by their mutual and reciprocal pactions amongst one another , they have but , ( as is usually supposed to make them one body ) transferred each others power , they are as far from being one body as before : because , as they were before separate in having their own distinct personal powers , so are still as distinct in possession of the powers of each other . for , if john have given his power to thomas , it must be ( i suppose ) that thomas should also give his own power to willsam : and then , as william may be supposed to have a treble power ( that is his own and the two resigned ) to at last , by his transferring these resigned powers onward , they will come into one hand . but this will be a long work , and much trouble there will be with whom to begin , and in what order to follow therein ; and who shall be the supreme obliging party , to see performance of these many pactions . but if they be supposed to pact all at once , how shall we in this confusion be able to finde out and distinguish the pacting persons from one another ; and the third obliging party and witnesses from both ? for if john say to thomas , i give you all my right in governing my self , upon condition that you give the same and all yours to such and such , and this we mutually oblige our selves by oaths to do , then , taking these pactors by pairs , here will be a long work again , and to no purpose : unless the third person to be impowered with all power , do severally stipulate with these pares : and then he will have as many kingdomes as pairs of subjects . and to suppose each party pacting with the whole community , and saying i give all my power to this community , that they again may give it unto such a man ; then must each man singly come to do to . which done , each man will come but to have the same power he had at the first : forasmuch as every one being a member of the community , hath also his equal share therein still . and therefore each one , as sharer in the power of the community , must anew consent , or we are never the neerer of having a political person to pact with ; or of having made any community or corporation . and as this cannot be without a present superior authority for so doing neither , ( by force of whose law the same must be done ) so will much more follow , that as they could not by paction have become a community without some superior law and power ; so , beyond the leave of that superior law or power , cannot they , as a community , act any thing of force : much less can they set a superior above what is superior to them already . again , it would be considered what they pact for in these their supposed pactions with princes , because all rational creatures must have an aym . in this case we must still continue supposing ( for matter of fact will never appear ) : either then they pact for their right to govern others , or for their right to govern themselves : if the latter , it must be meant onely so far as their separate deportments come to be publikely useful , for still i suppose each one must have power to manage his proper business . then , question being what shall be publike , what not , the supposed paction must be invalid : because , expressing it not , it saves not , nor remedies not one pacting party from the power of the other : that is , the subject from the superior ; to whom it belongs to have power to judge in all , or else he can judge in none . if it be meant of the first ( that is ; of his share of government of others ) then must each person singly pact : to the end that the community ( including all ) may have joynt right to govern . but then , how can they give what they have not ? for since ( as formerly shewed ) none have by nature , and as men , rule over one another , but what is derived the natural way from constraint , how shall force or fear be reconciled with the supposed voluntary paction ? again , if precedent paction must be supposed to make government lawful , how shall we do for establishment of democracies ? do the people of such a place covenant with themselves , both to transfer to themselves , and retain to themselves the government of such a place ? do they thus derive power from one to another , to no other purpose then to do every one as they like still , and to be just as much , and no more powerful , then before ? here is a mad work indeed . or if it be not done , then by their argument these governments are but anarchies ; which is true indeed . but if we should ( to avoid some of the passed absurdities ) suppose no paction to pass between prince and people , then , ( grounding justice and injury on the observation or violation of pactions ) we make them uncapable ( by that supposition ) of doing justice to , or receiving injury from his subjects : and so destroy government , for want of mutual obligation and sense of duty . lastly , these considerations will much puzzle us on what to ground the duty of those in the family towards the master . if he need not derive his authority from paction , but as due by office , then is power of office , and founded on gods precepts : not on consent below . if children and servants must pact with one another to impower their father or master , then must he get them and take them in all at once : or else , upon the birth and admission of every new childe and servant , they must all pact anew , for fear that these new ones , for want of being covenanters , should be injured when any thing is by their father or master done against their liking , and then , what shall we say of the wifes subjection ? must the husband have many wives , that one may pact with another to empower him ? can he not also have fatherly or masterly power while he hath but one childe or one servant for the like reason ? at what yeers must children be supposed able to pact ? and by what authority must the father command in the mean time ? some , that first founded government and power on this supposed way of pacting , have reckoned amongst sociable creatures bees , pismires , &c. which being bred all at once , do romain as it were but one litter : and again , they being of equality for wit , courage , size , strength , &c. must have , according to their agreement in these things and shortness of life , their particular sense of good undistinguished from that which is common : and are therefore onely instances , amongst sensitive agents , for an independent community , as heretofore shewed . but how shall these things be fancied amongst men ? what are our supposed pactions no more then theirs ? it is like indeed . but how shall we contrive men to be so contemtemporary : or in such equality o● birth , appetite , &c. to resemble them ? suppose a collony of men agree to go to a new plantation , their agreement to future government will have example and reason from former sense and education in governments whereupon to found it self . and although , with them , force prevailes not for the present establishing one man above another , yet riches or craft will : so as , by the unequal power thereof , to destroy that supposed equal paction , upon their coming to this new colony , and also in receiving others to them : towards whom , if they proceed not by open force , yet in their new agreements ( as formerly amongst themselves ) they prevail on one another by opinion of power and force : which must consequently overthrow supposition of equal community . for the share of power cannot be equal amongst such as have it in degree one more then another : and where then is their formal consenting to set up others in power above them , since it arose but from the considerations they could not avoid it ? and men may make suppositions this way while they please , yet it is in truth no more possible for men in a perfect state of freedom to consent to any degree of subjection , then to consent to endure any other evil . for when men in this new collony or in any other condition do submit to another , as in discretion , and out of choice of two evils to choose the less , it is but the same thing as to submit to a conquering monarch . in which case , as the feared evil is more plain , so will it more prudentially justifie their submission . the benefit and design of this prudential choice of subjection , is lively set down by jacob in issacars blessing : viz. he saw that rest was good , and the land that it was pleasant , and bowed his shoulder to bear , and became a servant to tribute . that is , he finding that it was not to probable that he should gain perfect freedom or dominion by resistance , as it was apparent that he should thereby hazard and lose the benefits arising by subjection , he therefore of two evils chose the less : and since he could not avoid the choice of subjection it self , he discreetly chose that kinde of submission therein as should render him most happy . and this kinde of prudential freedom is not onely all that humane condition is capable of in matters of subjection , but in all things else . for absolute freedom , that is , not to be liable to inconvenencies in the entertainment of the objects of choice ( so far as that which shall be in it self most pleasing , shall not upon other consequential and unavoidable inconveniences be often subject to be past by ) is a prerogative of him that is omnipotent onely : as having his power in all things equal to his will : and not of mankind ; who , as bounded by the laws of god , nature and other his superiors , hath his power alwayes so stinted by his own imbecillity and the will of others , that the objects of his liking can be none other free to him , then as quallified and accompanied with such continual difficulties and hazards , as must render it inconsideration thereof , the object of deliberation whether to take or leave , and not of absolute freedom whether to take or leave that particular object , simply and in it self alone considered . if sense of tast or honor prompt us to the enjoyment of any particular food or place of preferment , these objects in themselves desirable , do through those abatements of dangers and inconveniencies arising in their acquisition or possession , become so far still the object of deliberation , that we many times decline as evil , the prosecution of what we apprehend or know to be good : and whether we choose or leave , our freedom is not higher then of two evils to choose the less : that is , the evil of want of the object we desire , or the evil of presence of it with its inconveniencies : our liberty being never higher nor lower in any thing then absence of constraint in taking or leaving . nay more , he that in the highest objects of his delight is not bounded by laws of superiors ( as not being under government ) yet since these usually are by others desireable aswel as himself , he will have the consideration of feared prejudice of his equals , still make it the object of deliberation : whereas the same liberty of choice and deliberation , cannot be so taken off by the highest and most severe law and penalty set down by authority , but that there will still be absence from constraint and place left for deliberation , and consequently for volition either way . for as god alone is onely altogether unsubjected to the will of others , so inanimates and creatures below us , that wholly want will of their own , can be onely wholly subjected to the will of others . and therefore , to return to farther examination of the princes power as grounded on the content of the community and particularly by oaths , we say , that if things be duely searcht , the princes oath is only voluntary and subjects to be enforced by law of the country , or law of nature , in prudence to his security . and oaths proceed not from mutual trust , but distrust . if either of them break these oaths , they are so far only punishable by god. for the prince punisheth his rebellious subjects , not as perjured , but as they are offenders ; and subject to the laws : and therefore those that take not these oaths are for such offences equally punishable herein to those that do . and the truth is , that without these oaths , both king and people stood obliged to all reciprocal duties belonging to their offices : and if oaths should be taken to disable them in due performance of their offices , or enjoyn them to unlawful or unfit actions beyond their respective relative duties , they are invalid . but although these oaths cannot amount to a paction , yet is their use good . for first , the solemn manner and place of delivery ( being at the alter ) cannot but deeply imprint in kings their duty to god , to whom , and his laws they are to be obedient , aswell as the meanest subject : then , by promising to govern according to law , justice , or the like , they are put in minde , that since their office is chiefly for their subjects good , they are to apply these rules to that purpose : at least so far as they see them thereto available . and so again , subjects by these oaths come to know that god , aswell as the law enjoyns them obedience . in aristocraties and democraties , the capitulation is supposed between the whole state and each member : but in a monarch , between the whole community and the monarch . subjects in polarchies have no oaths from the collective body , nor do the particular members of the state give any to the whole , as the subjects in monarchies do to the prince . and this , because each member in the state , as having a share in the state , and the state being not the whole state or soveraignty without him , he is neither in reason obliged to do it to them , nor much less they to him . for as in the first case ( his share being something ) it were absurd to demand of himself security for himself , so in the second , to give security where none is taken seems unreasonable . so that the maine security which polarchies have against the revolt of the people is in their own forces and numbers : making so great a share of them , that , with themselves and dependants , they are commonly the greater party of such as have arms . and therefore subjects can never ease themselves of the oppression of polarchies without foraign help , or of some of the states against the rest : or else , when war hath so far wasted these heads themselves and their forces , as the subjects may have strength enough to revolt . but the single persons of monarchs , being disabled to prevail altogether by force , must relye also upon oaths : and such obligations as may prevaile more by love then fear . now , to come to the example of kings covenanting with their people , it is oftenest urged in david . who , as first of his family , and one that god intended to have firmely settled in that office , was thereupon to have the more solemn and notified entrance : and , for the peoples stronger obligation to acknowledge and serve him , he was to receive his annointings again as by their appointment and consent ; and they also , to that purpose , to promise him obedience and service . for surely , none can think it was in judahs or israels power , whether or no he should have been their king : being before annointed by gods direction , without consent of either of them . so that their former king being now dead , we must suppose that in justice they could do no otherwise : secondly nor in prudence , he being of such merit in himself , and having besides a great host like the host of god. although these considerations , as also his gifts , made the elders of iudah first anoint him , yet i finde no expression of the peoples doing it : or that the people or elders made any covenant with him . and as for israel , the covenant spoken of must be understood in pursuance of that made with abner : who , as in the chief command , had made ishbosheth , sauls son , king before : to whose face he threatens to give the kingdom to david . and therefore , when in pursuance thereof , he makes a league with david to bring all israel to him ; it is to be understood of a league with abner first made : for after the league between them abner now calleth david , lord and king : and saith , he will gather all israel to david to make a league with him , that he might raign over all that his heart desired . here is indeed obedience and subjection promised on the peoples part when they should make this league with him ; but what was the engagement from this or any other king to subjects , by way of covenant , i finde not . but to proceed on this enquiry concerning davids covenanting , that which was probably abners aime ( besides his thirst of treacherous revenge was ) indemnity for his past act against david : and therefore he durst not come till he had sent messengers on his own behalf . which david accepts upon condition that he should bring his wife michal with him : or else no forgiveness : expressed in that phrase of anger , thou shalt not see my face except , &c. and likely it is abner was taken into favor also : which might appear by davids feasting him , and ioabs envious killing him , and by davids mourning for him afterwards . and therefore his covenanting with israel afterwards can be interpreted ( as before noted ) but a promise of indempnity from him , according to , and in pursuance of the promise formerly made to abner : who had before undertook and prevailed , to bring israel and benjamin to him . so that , after abners death and their kings , it was much more reason they should come to david for this covenant then he to them . and it is to be noted , that they send to him , he comes not to them : as he did formerly to iudah , with whom it was more likely he should have made a covenant , if it had been necessary that kingly right and power had depended on paction and consent of people . therefore this covenant could not imply equal stipulation or resignation of any royal power : because then , iudah had more reason to have pressed it , as having more power to stand on their tearms with david . for they , being not in like trouble and confusion , might have also joyned with israel against him : nor was his strength then so great and formidable , as afterwards . but their not doing it ( as not having offended by resisting david as israel had done seven yeers together ) makes it evident that this covenant imported nothing but an act of oblivion , or the like : and that it was not at davids suite , as summoning them to settle him in his throne , but at theirs , to be settled by him in their liberties , which were probably to be the same that their brethren of iudah already had : and therefore they say unto him , we are thy bone and thy flesh : because those of iudah might else presume to much as being his kin : acknowledging also to him ( before they speak of covenant ) that god had appointed and said unto him thou shalt be ruler over my people israel . and their annointing is not ascribed to freedom in them to have refused , but it is said , they annointed david king over israel , according to the word of the lord by samuel : that is , acknowledged him king as god had appointed . and to shew that this league or covenant imported but some promises of grace , or the like from the king to the people , and did not imply equal stipulation , we may observe that he is alwayes set down as the free author and agent hereof : and that both to abner and the people it is thrice called his league . in answer to which promise of indemnity or the like , we find that when the league is set down to be made from the people to david , it is added ( to denote their promise of fealty on the other side ) that thou mayest raign over all that thy soul desireth . upon which ground also , when ioash is to be acknowledged king ( being so young that he could not promise to the people so as to be binding ) the covenant goes in the peoples name , as their covenant . and this covenanting with david could not truely be supposed to import any greater freedom to israel then formerly they had under the government of saul and his son ; for this had been to have given david less soveraignity then saul : and to have made israel more free then iudah . which ( if so ) makes against the whole drift of the argument : namely that princes have their power by paction from their subjects , when the example proves rather he thereby loseth it : and so comes at last to confess that kings have all civil power by god given as of right to their office , and that as gods vicegerent , he may grant , by oath and promise , to his subjects such exemptions and immunities as he shall think good : not derogating from his honor , or disabling him in his publike trust . which promises , when they come to be publikely and solemnly made , as at coronations or the like , are usually taken for pactions : and the subjects thought givers , even in what they are but receivers . but this matter of covenanting between king and people , will be best conceived , as to the intention thereof ( which as before noted was chiefly to acknowledge and confirme subjection and obedience to a new questionable prince ) by that covenant which iehoida the high priest caused to be made with young ioash : where , at the time of his making , it is said , and all the congregation made a covenant with the king in the house of god , and , to shew what the covenant was , it follows , he said unto them behold the kings son shall raign as the lord hath said of the sons of david . then iehoida appoints them particular services to do for the king : but for making any promise on the kings part to the people , not a word there , nor no where else . again , this covenanting in the house of god must imply their solemn oaths of fealty and obedience : the which are expresly set down as implicitly and unconditionately given him . and the seaventh yeer iehoida sent and fet the rulers over hundreds with the captaines and the guards , and brought them unto him into the house of the lord , and made a covenant with them , and took an oath of them in the house of the lord , and shewed them the kings son . the people here swearing , and that to a king of seven yeers old ( that therefore could not be supposed to capitulate with them , ) and their doing it in the house of the lord , clearly interprets what was meant by renewing sauls kingdom before the lord in gilgall , and of davids covenantings formerly mentioned : namely , by oaths solemnly taken , to establish obedience to a new race more strongly in the people : and not to crave their authority for impowring his office. in like manner are we to understand , chron. . . where it is said , and iehoida made a covenant between him and between all the people , and between the king : that is , he promised obedience to the king , both in his own and the peoples behalf , that they should be the lords people : and walk as obedient children to his minister . which last words do denote to us , that it was the custome of those people , at these conventions to make promise of obedience to god also : the state of theocrity still continuing , whilst god had a prophet amongst them . which will yet be more likely to be the sense thereof , if we compare it with a paralel text and expression used at the making of solomon king. where david , as gods chief minister , commands the people to make their acknowledgement to god ( as here the chief priest doth in the kings minority ) saying , now bless the lord your god , after which it follows , and all the congregation blessed the lord god of their fathers , and bowed down their heads and worshipped the lord and the king. in which words we must not think the king is idolatrously joyned with god in matter of divine worship , but as having obedience promised to him also , after they had promised it to god. from which we may also infer , that this covenanting was no more needful to kingly power , then it was to make gods : but since upon these solemn occasions they were to be assembled to make acknowledgement of these his deputies , it was fit the author and fountain of all should be acknowledged in the first place . nay this young joash , though ( as other kings ) said to be made by the people , yet was it not to be understood as if his right had depended on their consent . for he was to raign as in right of inheritance from his father david : who had also all his right and authority from god : and the people had no more rightful power to reject those individual persons , then they had power to refuse the keeping of gods other commands ; for all power ( as heretofore noted ) must come from above : that is from god to kings , and from god or kings to people : and not from inferiors to superiors . for none can , as from themselves alone , make others more powerful then themselves , more then they can make themselves other , or more then themselves . and when god himself is often mentioned in holy writ as covenanting with people , he is never to be understood as if done for increasing his authority by this means : but , whether he express the return of general obedience to his laws ( which thereupon come to be called covenant also ) or not , he is in both respects so far from acknowledging any derivative power from them to accrew by their consents , that , on the other side , what they receive is of free-grace and goodness from him . for though this obedience , as due for the receit of more extraordinary and remarkable favors , come to claim a greater willingness , as carrying a token of more high obligation ( through such expressions of goodness ) to certain people and persons , yet ( as god ) he had right to the same obedience and measure of gratitude , from those and all other his creatures : and must be presumed , as herein only applying himself to help our backwardness in this due return , by this repetition of extraordinary mercies . for however it be in peoples power to be more or less willing in obedience and gratitude , yet the duty thereof can never cease : nor the duty of willingness herein neither : whether god be more particularly beneficient or no. even so ( in measure ) it is with kings , and parents also : who cannot be in any thing empowered from below , but must also , in the expressions of such covenants and leagues , nor to be thought as equal pactors . but so far as they , and those under them , can be according to their relations mutual covenanters , it can be in no wise understood of such things as were formally constitutive of them in these relations : as for the inferior to give power of government , or the superior to give the other power of obedience . for this had been to have supposed them to have been before stated towards each other in a contrary respect : as the superior to have been an inferior , and the inferior a superior : and that they were now but exchangers . it is indeed many times practised , for superiors to promise protection , justice , and such like things as are proper for them that have power , and for inferiors ( on the other side ) to promise fidelity , obedience , and the like . and these things have their use : because they both , as voluntary agents , might be by this means reciprocally the better minded of the discharge of their mutual obligations . but since the same things had been due from each to other ; had they not been expressed , they cannot therefore be reasonably thought constitutive of that separate power and vertue whereby the relatives act . hereupon as gods particular benefits promised unto men are sometimes called covenants , so mens solemn promises of obedience to god are called covenants also : but whether we vow to him , or he promiseth to us , yet , as long as there is not at the same time any mutual express consent of both parties for acceptance of conditions , i see not how they can properly be counted stipulations or pactions ; in any sense to be applied to the intended purpose . nor do i also know how to admit the like phrase of what passeth between prince and people : where the conditions or breach are not set down ; but are onely implicite promises : and that commonly but on one side . and if we look to scripture phrase , we shall finde covenant and promise to import the same thing : as in that promise to noah of not drowning the world any more : god calls it making his covenant ( not onely ) with noah and his seed , but with fowl , cattel , and every beast of the earth . here the name of covenant is seven times mentioned : sure it could not import any stipulation : for we find nothing expresly required back from them : nor could irrational creatures be capable of bargaining in this kind . and as the rainbow was a sign of this covenant or general promise , so was circumcision a sign of that particular covenant or promise to abraham , for performance in due time of the promised land and promised seed : they were not stipulations ; as if the parties were equal : or as if god wanted , or men had something in their powers , which otherwise then by voluntary bargains could not be granted . so that whether gods gracious promises to men , or mens promises of obedience to god come to be stiled covenants , it is not to be thought that god and man can come to such terms of equality as thus to stipulate : or as though god must entreat first : and therefore both are never promising reciprocally at the same time . but however that these covenants or promises of obedience from us served not to estate god in a right of power over us , yet they have great availe to minde us ( under this notion ) more strictly of our duty and obedience to him : as also have these signes of unction , coronation , &c , towards the settling our obedience to princes . all which ( well considered ) may instruct us what to think of those condiscending phrases used by david and others in scripture , when they would by this adulatory means win their subjects , or some eminent persons amongst them to some extraordinary performance : as when the arke is to be brought back , or the revolted israelites to be won to obedience by abner or amasa . in which , and such like cases , when subjects have by force taken upon them to be more powerful then they should , it is no wonder that princes must , as in discretion , be forced to appear so much less then they ought . but yet , even in this condition , they can ( for all that ) be no more truely said to derive the power of their office from paction , although they should in those cases pact with their subjects , then the father or master can be said ●o derive their authorities from those of their houshold . for these , for the like ends , may likewise entreat where they might rightfully command : even in case they should be by stubborn or rebellious children or servants awed , or kept in durance : and so forced , for their release or security sake , or for fear of their running from them and betraying them , to use the fairest speeches they can , and also to make such promises as the other will demand . for in these cases , the power of their offices being indivisible , and so they having the same right from god to all as any , this forceable deprivation can yeild to subjects , sons , or servants , no higher propriety in what they thus bereave them of , then the robber hath to what he takes from the owner : who may have as good reason as subjects , children , or servants , to say hereupon , that he gave the owner what is left ; even because he took not all away , aswell as the other . and therefore , the name of paction cannot be proper where all the thing promised or mentioned is onely in the rightful power of one , and where none is superior to that one , as in cases between god and man. and therefore is god said to swear by himself as having none greater . for he , as superior to all both in power and concern , is both judge and party : so far , that ●e hath not onely power to judge of his own performance , because none above him , or knowing thereof but himself , but also of the obedience and willingness of people , because he is the onely supreme judge thereof too ; though not as covenanter , yet as god. so that when saul , david , abraham , samuel , &c. have been in our sense deprived of those promises that seem made to them and their seed for ever , we are herein to consider , that as god could not give away his power more then deny himself , so not cease to be judge of his own meaning in making the covenant , or of theirs or his performance . even so also ( in proportion ) it befalleth kings : who , having none but god above them , they cannot be obliged by paction from their people ; farther then either conscience and sense of honor shall lead : and as god in his attestations is said to swear by himself as having none greater , so is their royall words the highest assurance that subjects can have . and therefore , though kings as promisers and covenanters be hound as men , yet , as kings , they have onely power on earth to be judges of their own or the peoples performance . for though kings extreamly differ from god in degree of superioriry , yet ( as superiors ) they have both the same reason for exercise thereof . and ( on the behalf of both of them ) it must seem a thing aswell unreasonable as ungrateful , for inferiors and receivers to make the good deeds of those above them in power and office , to serve as a means of their deprivation . nor can that paction but be invallid , where superior and inferior treating , as such should , covenant to destroy those relations , whilst they yet pretend thereby to estate and settle them . so if a man in his wooing , promise the wife freedom of restraint or command other then what shall be to her liking , or to have power to execute or manage her own or the affairs of the family independent of him , this , though it might induce her marriage or putting her self into his power , yet , it cannot take away any power necessarily belonging to his office for the good and quiet of the family : but rather , as the promise shewed an extraordinary affection towards her , it should the more obliege her to obedience . nor can she , or children , or servants , have any freedom against him , but what a power superior to him allows : for so far as law restrains his arbitrary power , and doth ( for instance ) design in what cases joyntures , portions , and degrees of servitude shall rest in compact with him , this must be derived from power of a superior , and not from a power below , and in themselves . for they being appellants to law and a higher power , shew they can have no power above him ; and that this superior power , and not themselves alone can restrain him . no more can after pactions between prince and people , given by his free grant and promise , or forced by their rebellions , prevaile more to the disinvesting him of any just power , then the after indulgent promises to wife , children , or servants for non-restraint , can deprive the master of what power is by law left him , and useful in the execution of his office : because as their power is given from above , so can it be onely restrained from above . the master cannot give away the power that makes the office and yet continue the office : nor they assume power beyond the degree of children and servants , and yet continue such . for when wife , children , or servants , refuse any command of the master , they do it not as they stand in these relalations to him , but as they are joynt subjects to a command superior : and so this is not liberty from his power , otherwise then as thraldome to anothers . so when princes command any thing contrary to gods law , the subjects suspension to do it is not to disobey him , but to obey god : unto whom both stand subject : who , if he shall own and protect them therein , they are so far discharged of their obedience , otherwise not . whereupon , in all capitulations between prince and people , the case will have great difference from that wherein wives or servants ( before they are such ) do stand considered as pactors with their husbands or masters : because these alwayes have a present immediate superior to them both ; namely the prince or his magistrate : unto whom they joyntly relating as subjects , have a ready means for decision of any differences that shall arise between them about breach of articles , if they had not the law it self . else their stipulations would prove but the ready disturbers of that peace and charity which they intended to establish : even by adding those new occasions of quarrels that should arise to them hereabouts , to those formerly incident to them as men . even as we finde , that amongst such as do not acknowledge god to have any present magistrate settled here above themselves to decide differences and demand obedience , the like continual breaches daily to arise about the meaning of his laws . but it will plainly appear that this plot of paction was but of late times devised by sons of beliall ( or such as would not be under restraint ) to serve their own ends , and not truths , if we consider that we finde not any one urging for the jews right in chosing and impowering of their judges . and all because men , being not now under the authority of such temporary officers , are not so careful to devise wayes and maxims for taking to themselves power to set them up , and make their restrictions by . but that which is the truth herein is , that since it is never urged that the jews did challenge a right of setting up these lesser powers , it proves that their meaning is mistaken by those that think they had right to set up the greater . for if they could not set over them moses , joshua , and the rest , why should they have power to confer the office of kingship ? if they could not , or did not make moses king of jesurun , how came they to have right to make david ? and therefore , to sum up all , kingly office being by divine institution , the power necessary for execution thereof is not by paction from inferiors , but by gift from god above . when princes upon occasion promise the imparting of any power to magistrates or others of his people , this , as coming from a rightful superior , is on them bestowed as of grace and gift ; and not any way arguing , that the power remaining is from inferiors to superiors by capitulation . for though those monarchical judges and high-priests that ruled while kings came , had not so much power as kings , yet because they were straightned from above onely ( by gods continuing king upon great and extraordinary occasions ) that government was a monarchy : no otherwise then those still continue families , where laws of superiors streighten the power of the master most : by taking the cognizance and judgement of those under him , as in the relation of subjects . therefore when government ( as in neither of these cases ) is not straitned by power from below , it continues right government ; because nothing of subjection is remitted . for that power the father exerciseth not , the prince doth : and what the prince doth not , nor cannot , is done by god : who is onely above him . and again , although the governeds obedience be to more then one , ( as touching their general subjection ) yet since in each particular command they have but one determinate commander , and have but one in chief to appeal to , their government is still right and monarchical . chap. xi . of magistrates , councellors , &c. as we have hitherto declared the necessity of government , and confined it to one person , so it must be supposed , that so great a charge cannot be managed by any single man without the assistance of others . whereupon , these assistants being in many thing the immediate executioners of power and commands , in , and upon the subjects , it comes many times to pass that the original of power is forgotten , and the very right of soveraignty it self usurped by , and imputed to these subordinate ministers . this chiefly appears in those useful ministers in each kingdom , to wit , councellors and magistrates ; by whose help the single eys and hands of the prince do receive information and execution elsewhere ; and are thereby enabled to contrive and act what other ways in his proper person he could not . the which inconvenience is not so incident to the master of the family : because in his less charge , he is able personally to look into his affairs , & to direct according to occasion himself : and so needs but seldom to ask counsel , or to appoint standing laws or officers for execution therein . for magistrates are but the executioners of laws , and laws are but the processions of councel , and councel again , is but the result of particulars debated : we shall therefore speak of it in the first place , as the gound to the rest . the excellency of man above other creatures , and of one man above another , is in wisdom , discourse , reason , councel , &c. which is imployed either in aiming at the best ends , or chusing the best means for attaining them : either in the knowledge and discovery of good and bad , or in knowledge of prosecution or avoidance thereof . mans end we said ( before ) to be pleasure : which being of different sorts and degrees , according to the supply of the object , and capacity of the receiver ; it will produce two differences of pleasure : that is , the difference in degree , vigor , and reality of fruition ; and difference of the time of its lasting and continuance . the knowledge of the first of these belongs to each sensitive agent , even as it is such : the other must depend upon discourse : as must also the difficulties and expediences in attaining it . in all these things , if we consider men in nature , that is , separate and unsubordinate , they will depend upon his own sense and reason : but as he stands in relation or subjection to others , it must have measure and approbation from them accordingly . wherefore now , being to consider men as linked in society , where private good is to give place to general , and the judgement of what is general belongs to those that have general trust , the discourse both of the lastingness of the possession , and the way to acquire it , must belong to others also . nay , as the prince hath charge of all in general , so hath he over each one in particular : and as fewer persons are not to be pleasured to the harm of more , so is no one , or many , to harm themselves unavoidably . therefore if the whole people , deceived with a false appearance of things ( occasioned by their own weakness , or through fraudulent disguise of others ) should request any thing which he foresaw would not be pleasant in possession , or would be overvalued in consequential inconveniences , he may justly deny . for it is his part , as to seek the subjects continual pleasure and good , so to avoid and divert what may produce their harm and affliction . and the same we may say of single persons , or few : which if they shal choose to act without experience , and deceive themselves in the true estimation of pleasure , though herein they think they cross not others , yet , they are to be by him debarred : as having the charge of each ones good . for the same reason that forbids the pleasure of few to the damage of more , in regard of the equal relations they all have to him as subjects , forbids his permission in harming any one solitarily considered in the same relation . and as , when subjects are comparatively considered , the pleasure of more is to be preferred to that of few , and the harme of more to be diverted to that of few ( in things equally prejudicial and unavoidable ) so the pleasure or harm of all , many , or one , is , in the absence of such comparison and modification , to be absolutely granted or denyed . so that then , all that subjects ( as such ) can have implicite trust to be judges of , is , in the vigor and reality of the pleasure of what they desire : and this each one can have but for himself neither . for if it be of a pleasurable object which he hath not tried , he may over or under conceit it : as also , he is less able to judge or apprehend what will be the fruition of another therein . therefore now , to come to application , the good of the whole kingdom being the object councel , and the good of the whole arising from that of particulars , the first enquiry must be what truely are those several desires and aims of the subjects ? the next must be , whether they have not deceived themselves , as to the valuing of their fruitions , or to the consequents attending them ? and then , whether the possession or means of attaining them ? be feasible and lawful : that is to say , unprejudicial to others . all these things have their degrees of comparison to make them capable of choice or refusal , according to the general maxims of a less evil to be endured before a greater , and a greater good to be chosen before a less : else , if many subjects , in a kinde of wantonness : should desire a pleasure which would highly and necessarily prejudice a fewer number , it is not to be granted : for that the prince having equal interest and relation , the more in number would be the less in value : as would be the death or ruine of one subject , to satisfie the anger or avarice of many . in this case therefore , the rule of comparison still stands true ; the less evil of displeasing many : to be preferred to the greater evil of undoing few : & these things depend on particulars , which are infinite . as these considerations may give us light to judge of things debated in those more general councels which are called parliaments , where the desires and grievances of particular subjects go upward , and are by degrees collected and represented unto the prince , the general and common sense of good and bad , to the end suitable accommodations and remedies may be granted , so when this common sensory and judge of good and bad , gathering ground from hence , or by information elsewhere gotten , shall act downwards by those magistrates neerest him , and , according to the fitness of any thing to be done or avoided , make any edict or law to that purpose , these comparative values must be acknowledged the prime guide of what is to be done both ways : and thereupon , that none but he hath power to admit and conclude of debates . and this , because if any councel have power to admit and receive what they like , and to make what conclusions thereupon they like too , what shall hinder them of absolute soveraignty ? for implicitly to follow councel , is all one as to follow command . and therefore , this peremptoriness of councel being proper onely to such as have the highest power , because it is to be supposed the guide to power , it is the reason why christ takes it as an honorable and powerful name to be called wonderful councellor . and in the scripture sense , my son i counsel thee , is the same as if it should have been said , my son i command thee : all of them shewing , that such as are under subjection in things that are commanded , must be under subjection for that counsel also whereupon those commands are grounded : or else it will be to be really superior , and to be under but in shew onely . for if the prince , like an ordinary subject , must submit his will to the guidance of a superior understanding , he is himself a subject : and if you take away his negative voice , you take away his soveraignty . which thing you also do , when you deprive him of his rightful power either to chose publick councellors , or to admit of things councelable ; and to limit proceedings in debates . for as no man can command in what he is not himself free , or with justice demand obedience from another , to what he hath not yet approved as just in himself : so ought princes to have their understandings and consciences satisfied and free in themselves , before they should impose on their subjects . therefore , i should think that those which meet in parliaments to represent the desires of such and such particular places and people , can neither of right assemble without leave , from the prince , whose authority can onely make them a publike and lawful convention , nor debate or councel remedies further then they have leave and direction from him too : or else , they shall become both parties and judges . because , in these expedients , the whole kingdom , or a greater part then themselves and those they stand for , coming many times to be involved , their private interest and judgement must in reason and duty submit to that which is impartial and common . nay if the prince should give them leave to debate and vote , and they , by joyning many private interests , should , by a kinde of confederacy , make a joint claim to the effecting any thing to the ruine of a few , all were yet free for the prince , out of his common and impartial relation to them all , to approve or deny , as shall stand most valuable by generality or neerness of concern , according to the rules before spoken of . but when persons representing particular places , shall so far be suffered to proceed in debates of remedies , as to come to vote , conclude , and councel what is to be done , and have for their so doing no authority but what was issuing from themselves ; there can be nothing more destructive to the good government of a kingdom then it , for it quite subverts the whole frame of monarchy ; and runs that nation into the mischiefs of anarchy , whose absurdities have been formerly spoken off . and this is none other then if a single induction , or else some single appetite or affection , should of it self , and by its own presure upon us , prevail to the determination or execution of any thing we do , without taking notice of that general appetite and affection in us , called will : which , by reason it hath been founded upon the continual experience of the different concerns and issues of these lesser appetites can be onely able to say which , and how far any of them should prevail . for subjects are to be taken onely as competent judges of pleasant and unpleasant : but it is the prince his prerogative from god , to judge of good and bad . and again , although a negative voice of soveraignty should be allowed to restrain execution in these debates , yet the inconvenience of the subjects discontent will necessarily follow : inasmuch as they shall finde their desires now ackowledged fit in the resolutions of so many , and onely crossed by one : which shall never fail to be construed out of some private interest of his own , or of some neer about him . therefore , as these assemblies of parliaments are necessary , that thereby the wants and grievances of subjects may be known , so do some kingdoms wisely order to have many of them ; that is in every province or shire one : by which means the peoples desires might be more particularly and distinctly known ; and accordingly represented to the prince in a more general councel to be considered of . whereupon , these assemblies of several provinces meeting in several places , cannot at the same time joyn in the same vote ( as out of plot ) in their desires and remedies ; but their several requests and opinions being referred to a superior common censure and determination , each one will conclude that their private desires were denyed or delayed out of publike regard . and then the prince , truely knowing the general desire and grievance of his subjects , may accordingly provide for them , without endangering publike discontent : which is like to fall out , when people shall be pu● in minde of any new suit by knowledge of their representatives votes , which they will be always thinking the most equal and just rule to follow : especially while they are consonant to their own desires : and yet in truth , nothing more unreasonable . for suppose the major number wise and unprejudiced , yet when the number of dissenters are taken out of them , the over number can be onely taken as concluding that way : who cannot avail in credit against the prince , the representative whole . and therefore he , for that very cause , and for that general account and trust sake , he is put into , he ought in all reason to have his conscience and judgement left free : and to be first satisfied , whether these proposals are correspondent to the laws of god and nature , and truely conducent to publike benefit . but partiality and interest doth so commonly cloud and byass subjects in these kinde of determinations , that we may observe that in those places , and those very men that do most enveigh against this negative voice in the king , as leaving too arbitrary a power in him that is to rule , are all that while , assuming to themselves , that should be ruled , an indisputable power of suspention or refusal in any law or precept of his , in case they in their judgements finde them contrary to the rules of religion or publike justice . and since all the reason which private persons can give for this their denyal , is but for some particular danger and hazard to themselves , they must thereupon grant , that he that is to answer for the welfare and safeties of others ought much more to have this liberty allowed him . but certainly , had not scripture and antiquity acknowledged the prince to have an indisputable right unto a negative voice , and to be himself so supreme in all councels and debates , as that their chief value and reputation should depend on him , and not on them , i see not how the frequent threats of giving children , babes , and women to be kings and princes , could be taken as a true woe or malediction , but rather otherwise . for that , in such places where their kings were restrained from personal medling by such disability , it must follow that the councellors proceeding with greater freedom in the deliberations and conclusions , they shall proportionably also cause the happiness of that state or kingdom to encrease : by that encrease of uncontrolable authority they shall by this means have . by all which we may finde , that it is so far from being tyranny or oppression , that it is true prudence and duty in princes , as to admit of no councels or councellors of whose sufficiency and integrity themselves are not satisfied , so never to grant them general and arbitrary power to conclude or vote : thereby to have their sense of things published till they shall be his too . for as it is distastful to do things without councel , so much more against it . and it will be prudence in him too , by no means to add their authority to his acts , or very seldom to do it : because it will in time eat out his power by its growing reputation , or cause rebellion when he shall withdraw . and again the nature of the thing it self will require this superintendency , for nothing more incident to councels then partiality and siding , according to interest , either of bribes , kindred , or friendship in debates that concern parties and affairs in the same kingdom : or if it concern other kingdoms or states , there is nothing more usual then to have them pensioners to forraigners . all which the prince is in reason free from . for as he hath alike interest to all within his own kingdom , so can he not have an equal wish to the welfare of himself and another prince : which the councellors may have , through ambition , bribery , or revenge to him or others : as ahitophel and abner , and other examples do declare . again , as in all other meetings of equals , councels cannot be without faction : where some one mans reputation wins many after him , like flocks of sheep , which way he shall encline . in which case , i see not how poling and numbring of the persons voting , can justly estimate right and wrong , or the result of the councel either : for that these cannot be reckoned in the number of counsellors to the prince , but as servants to others . add to this , that usual height of arrogance which men ordinarily take to themselves in presumption of their abilities in this kinde ; insomuch as truth is not so much desired , as victory . all which passions , as they shall come to be by the prince discovered , it were strange if an odds of two or three in a number , should be thought sufficient to conclude against the stronger integrity and reason that shall appear to him to be in a less number of persons : as though the whole number of any councel could be for wisdom and honesty equal , or that these things must ever follow the greater number . but , in these last discourses , i would not be again understood as teaching princes in this place what to do , otherwise then may serve to let subjects know what they are to obey . now concerning magistrates , and the reasons both for institution and limitation of their offices , it may well appear out of what hath been hitherto spoken of councellors . for as the one being chosen or admitted to be helpers to the prince in the farther information of his understanding , are not thereupon to be so far consultative or deliberative as by their peremptoriness therein to overthrow and exclude that very end for which they were ordained , even so also magistrates , being by him chosen or admitted as helpers to his will in the better execution of what shall be by him decreed and appointed are not thereupon to proceed upon their own decrees without leave of him that authorized them . else it may happen , that councellors determining as in their own rights , and magistrates acting so too , they should ( as too often it cometh to pass ) thrust out and seclude that soveraignty that set them up , and engross it to themselves . so that we may call the magistrate a publike officer appointed and authorized by his superior power for the oversight and execution of so much of his authority as he shall command and entrust unto him . from whence , the magistrates may be apprehended to be of divers sorts ; according to the nature of those trusts which that superior power shall commit unto them . for as he shall delegate them as chief judges and disposers of things , either in ecclesiastical , civil , or martial affairs , so may they come to differ in denominations , as bishops , judges , commissioners , ambassadors , and such like . but , as , by the words appointed and authorised , he must be presumed under the soveraign ( especially when he is present ) so , by the word oversight , he must be taken as of absolute power in his absence : or else his deputation and power is useless . and therefore when some are saying magistrates are bound to the laws , so as to rule according to them ; this is true , as far as concerns their trust and charge received from those above them , but as for such as are to be ruled by them , they must be ( in the soveraigns stead ) absolutely above them : and the whole interpretation and enforcement of the law must depend on them also . so that from hence it will appear , that none but god almighty is an absolute soveraign : because princes , being by him intrusted with divine and natural laws , are but as magistrates under him . for when he shall immediately appear in any thing , by voice from himself , or by extraordinary direction from some prophet , ( which for our belief he attests by miracle ) their power is to cease ; upon the same reason that the power of their own magistrates ceases , or alters when themselves appear , or give to others more late or extraordinary commission under their hands and seals . but although it be true , that , in respect of god above , they be but magistrates , yet the usual calling them magistrates , as thereby making them but of equal rank and power with others , hath bred the fame misapprehension to abate their just power , as the calling subjects people , hath prevailed towards the belief of the encrease of theirs . for as magistrates and people are republike compellations , which , subsisting by , and aiming at equality , do by their expressions signifie as much , so prince and subjects are onely proper in a kingdom , where greater disparity is the foundation thereof . but , while the king hath the title of supreme magistrate given him , as importing his more large power from god , he is still in his true seat of power : for while he is such , he must in all gods laws , and where god presides not himself , be obeyed as in his stead : as that statute and setled officer for execution of his will according to all laws already received . but if god send any ambassador , or commissioner , or prophet , or apostle , with an extraordinary message of his pleasure ( as before shewed ) then is he to be obeyed upon our knowledge thereof : as having neerer instructions from the fountain of power . for as it would be unreasonable for the axe to boast it self against him that heweth therewith , . &c. in like manner would it also be , if magistrates made by princes should arrogate against them . but now , as for such who doe acknowledge it unreasonable for the magistrate or subordinate officer to resist or rise up against that power that gave it essence to be such , and would yet countenance disobedience against princes , by affirming magistrates and officers in their kingdomes to be in some employments and cases so far from being subordinate , and his magistrates , that they may , as having power therein from god , both refuse his commands , and also subject him to the obedience of their own authorities and offices , they should doe well to consider that god can have but one supreme magistrate , namely , the king : and that all others can have power but as sent of him . they should consider that god hath made him keeper of both tables , so as to preside over us in all things , as well of religious as civill cognisance . in which respects , we can no more divide him in his entire trust and delegation in these things , then we can divide the author of these trusts in his sole power therein also . now it might be demanded of these men , that since these magistrates and intrusted officers had their places from the prince onely , and since without commission and power from him they could not have had power in any thing outwardly to be exercised , more then other ordinary subjects , how should it therefore come to pass that by vertue of a deputation to serve , and be subordinately assisting unto him , they can claim right and power to be unsubjected , and in any thing above him ? but we shall here somewhat examine the usuall ground of this stubbornness : which is by distinguishing ( at their pleasures ) religious and civil duties , one from another , and then making men obliged to obedience in the first sort to gods precepts onely ; with this farther supposition , that themselves , or such are they fancy are to be obeyed as his magistrates therein . and they then stint the princes power to be onely exercised in what they refuse , and shall call civil matters : of which distinction of duties we shall speak more fully anon . in the mean time , because the conceit of magistrates distinct and unsubordinate power , hath arisen from belief of this distinction of duties , we are to consider in brief , that being now christians , we cannot at our private pleasures renounce and take off that general relation , and say that in such and such particulars we act as natural men , in such as civil men , and in such onely as christians : but since now , all unrighteousness is sin , and a sin against god too , even to the degree of an idle word ; so hath god united the high trust and oversight of all these things to this his onely supreme magistrate : and this in so neer a tye of obedience , as where he is not divided in himself , that is to say , differenced from us in religion ( but is a christian as well as we ) there we cannot more divide from his authority in our christian obedience , then we can in our civil : without dividing christ that gave him this office , and separating him likewise from his right of kingship over us : and so affirm that we are to obey kings as gods deputies in the state , but not as christs in the church . for albeit in some assemblies of christian subjects , where persons in holy orders do more particularly appear and preside , ( as being an assembly by the prince constituted for more neer examination and stating what in the scripture is more particularly contayned , or what is more expresly tending to gods worship and service ) princes may be thought thereupon secluded , yet since they are still christians subjects as others , and have ( as we said ) their whole assembly and their particular powers therein authorized from the same head that other assemblies have , we may conclude that each kingdom is as well such a church as such a kingdom : and as christ is head of the church , and king of kings too , so is each king , under him , head of both also : and , while he continues a christian magistrate , he must be always so obeyed and acknowledged . and although , where the prince or supreme magistrate is no christian ( as in the infancie of christianity it fared ) the saying is useful of giving to caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods , and of obeying god rather then man : because , in that case , the magistrate not undertaking to be gods or christs vicegerent at all , ( so as to promote their honor and worship , but it may be the contrary ) it were strange to give him the power of the church which he will not own , but rather refuseth . therefore he refusing to act as a christian magistrate in matters of divine precept , we must have recourse to gods command our selves : or to such representation as any assembly of the church at that time can have . but where the supreme magistrate is a christian , there , as in all his relations , he is supreme to the rest of his subjects , so is he in all his commands to be obeyed as a christian magistrate . for if that rule of giving to caesar , &c. be taken litterally and expresly , so as to exclude kings ( as kings ) from being gods ministers and magistrates in church matters , it must again exclude god from medling in secular affairs or matters of the commonwealth : doing thereby not so much wrong to kings , as to god himself . for since without a magistrate nothing can be done in the law-makers absence , all laws of religion must then remain arbitrary and useless : and god would ( by consequent ) be as well thrust out of religious power , as directly hereby excluded out of the civil . so that , when that , or the precept of obeying god rather then man is to be taken of direct use and force , it must be when subjects stand subjected as aforesaid : or else ( as we said ) in the case of new express command from god or christ himself received : who , as the higher power , must then be obeyed ; as in that particular case wherein this sentence was spoken may appear . for christ having himself particularly and expresly said to his apostles , go teach all nations , for them to have obeyed magistrates forbidding them to teach any more in his name , had been expresly to have obeyed man rather then god : and to have put them in danger of woe if they preach not . even as , on the other side , to hearken to such precepts as come to be invented and pressed by private men , contrary to the sense of gods publike minister , and without express revelation therein from god ( which he is evidently to prove ) is , as done against gods command , to obey man rather then god also . and this , not onely , whether the doers be private persons , or else subordinate magistrates . for all power being in the king , and they deriving theirs as sent of him , as they cannot claim obedience from others but by authority from him , so they must , as private persons in respect of him , give obedience to him , by whose power ( under god ) they had this their jurisdiction . chap. xii . of the right of dominion . having hitherto spoken of the duty of subjection , and particularly to kings , it will farther be necessary to say something in designation of the persons : that so the stubborn may be without excuse , and the consciencious have direction and satisfaction ( as far as may be ) what to follow . we must now again therefore consider , that as mans obligation of praise and thanks to god above other creatures , arose from his different receit of things beneficial and pleasurable , so the use of these things standing necessary , some way for possession of them stood necessary also : else , while god had been so bountiful in giving , we might yet lose the benefit of enjoying them . for mankinde to make good his content against the molestation of other creatures is not hard ; because of his great skill and ability above them : but then , how to enjoy them from the disturbance of one another , we have no other way then that natural one , common to them also : which is by the decision of force ; or by that other way , proper almost to man , which is by craft . for if such decision were not , but that every one , as having a like appetite and equal natural right , should have equal force also , one man would be a continual hinderance to another : which now , by the decision of victory , or the fear thereof , comes to be possessed by all : that is , by the victor first , and by the weaker afterwards . when two beasts have their prey or love the same , if the issue of their contest were as equal as their right , their enjoyment would be none : and therefore , the same law that gives them right to the thing , gives them also right in remove of opposition . but then again , as they want discourse so far as to make them provident for the future , so , having secured themselves of their present enjoyments , when that is over , the fear of dispossession is over also . but man , having as well his future as present wants in his care , by the same reasons that he provides for the one , he may likewise do it for the other : and as then ( like them ) i use means not to be disturbed in what i presently did , even so also ( beyond them ) i should take care not to be disturbed hereafter . whereupon , we may gather that propriety of command and propriety of possession arose from the same root . for beasts , that looked onely at present possession of things , looked no farther also then security against present disturbance . but men , that aim at continual possession , must also provide against future inconvenience , and may , by the same reason that beasts beat or scare away one another now , so subject those that are in their present power , that they be not able to do the like for the future . so that then , propriety is but continued possession : and possession but present propriety . and force is but present government : as government is but continued force . as beasts and men differ thus in continuance of their power over one another , so also in managery thereof . for when one beast hath been victorious over another , he hath not onely disabled him against future opposition , by fear , but as many others also as were present , at least such as held themselves weaker then that which they saw subdued . for they , having not ability so far to discourse as to engage others to their assistance ( to the end that what cannot singly may be joyntly mastered ) therefore , present and future subjection is to them the same . but because men can both watch advantages , whereby they may be singly able to recover , and can contrive association , in case they cannot , it remains reasonable for the present possessor , if he sees his fear of any thing in these kinds to be just ( while the persons are or may be gotten into his power ) to provide for his security : and that not only against single persons , but against associations also ; as of more danger . which subjection and government comes , by continuance , to establish as great a right over mens personal liberties and actions , as continuance of possession doth in other proprieties : for it is founded thereupon . to remedy which inconveniencies amongst mankinde , we shall find the positive and statute right of dominion in the elder brother to be declared upon the first mention of propriety : even to avoid those continual contests for mastery amongst brethren , which else the natural trial of right by meer force after the example of other creatures might continually endanger : and so makes mans propriety , by its uncertain issue , to be on the one side more coveted through hope , and on the other side never possessed through fear . for so we find the birthright given to cain , presently upon the mention of his and abels several callings and interests . and so much may easily be conceived to be implyed under those very names of theirs , given them at that time by their parents , which knew how to do it most properly : cain signifying possession or inheritance , whereas abel signified vanity or emptiness . and although they could not as yet , and during the life of their father , have absolute proprieties , yet the nature of their several imployments may seem to foreshew the same thing : the elder being hereby put into a neerer possession of the soile ; and so made as it were a landlord unto the other . that this unction or donation of the power of dominion in the definite office of father of the family , or elder brother ( which was to succeed theretherein ) was both institutive and also grounded upon the former natural right , appears by that speech which jacob useth to reuben while he is blessing his sons . reuben thou art my first born , my might , and the beginning of my strength : the excellency of dignity , and the excellency of power . by all which phrases it may appear , that although god did , for the general good and peace of men , determine the right of dominion on the elder ( because one must have it ) yet is natural right preserved all that may be : in that he was of all other to be presumed the strongest and ablest , for the reasons aforesaid . so that the foregoing discourse is but to shew how government in general stands pointed out by nature , left alone to her self : and how that it is monarchical in particular amongst men , even as among other creatures . for they , for the time they obey , it is ever to one in chief : and we may observe , that amongst them , there is no such thing as a parity in command : but , by continued subordination , they are one under another , in the same heard and circuit of power , from the highest to the lowest . from whence it may appear , this government of one amongst men was but the dictate of nature also : and that it is aswell against natural practise as reason , either for many equally to command many , or many equally to obey many . notwithstanding which , we do not therefore affirm that this way before spoken of was the onely rise to government at first ; for we elsewhere shewed , that god , by establishing obedience first to parents , and then , for succession , to primogeniture , he left men in so settled a condition for mutual peace and agreement , as the blessing thereof could not have been lost , unless forfeited by rebellion and anarchical confusion . but when these rules shall be broken and interrupted , and the laws of god for obedience to this present lawful prince so far slighted as by force to subvert the government , and , for the present , to bring our selves into such confusion as what or who to obey is uncertain , then onely ( i suppose ) enquiry is to be made , what direction for well settled obedience can follow this disorder . in which case , as men must be first presumed to have forsaken the command of god and king , and all that hath power above them , so being now to be supposed to have no other then the guide of nature and self-interest to follow , it might be by some thought that what was before shewed as allowable in nature in the dealings of each man towards other , in order to self-defence and security , should be warrantable to each faction during their contest : as supposing them to be as so many single men , united by their distinct interests . whereupon they might argue that as each one is by nature or reason directed and warranted to secure it self to the utmost against fear , and the quantity of that fear , and the security thereupon to be taken , being left to his judgement also , it will follow that any faction may herein proceed , even to the death or other overthrow of its opposers and enemies ; if in its judgement his own preservation so require . for in doing otherwise , and out of pitty onely sparing , it would be to transgress the law of nature and reason , and to prefer the sence of anothers preservation before its own . therefore each party being diversly affected , and so looking upon each other as enemies , they must consequently be each of them intent to provide for their own securities : and whether they put it to the issue of war or not , the weaker is necessarily at the discretion of the stronger : even so , that what of liberty or property is remaining , he is bound in gratitude to the other , as of a free gift . but in this case there is great disparity : for the single man had a separate will and understanding by nature implanted for his own guide and security even as all other natural agents : but we cannot say that nature hath so united a multitude of any sort : nor can we pick out any example amongst creatures , where , by joynt understanding and will , multitudes did command multitudes : nor can they so do with any colour of right , otherwise then as they are now monarchical , and under one man : or were made an independent community by their prince . and therefore i should rather think , that the most rational course that in this case can be taken to recover their former happiness and peace ( i am sure that most religious and conscientious it is ) that they return to the same form of government and obedience under which they formerly enjoyed them . for although it might seem ( for the present ) tollerable , for each faction to stand upon tearms of safety and defence against the other , yet since the destruction of their former government must be acknowledged unlawful , they are to consider that till they return to that form again they are in no true political way , but do altogether depend upon the natural way of continual force . and that , though for the present what they do as men , and in order to their securities might be allowable , yet looking on themselves as christians , they must make what hast they can to be settled in the onely commended and right form again : as knowing their present actions have no ground in true religion . for though it might be , in meer nature , allowable for their whole body ( supposed as one man as aforesaid ) to impose on the other , yet since they can never be truely one in interest whilst not acting by one mans command , it will still fall out that several parties of them will impose too : then which nothing more unreasonable . no nor unjust : it being plain partiality thus to prosecute the designs and interest of one party to the overthrow of another . for although self-love be natural and just , as heretofore noted , in which regard any one man on either side might warrantably act his designs to the prejudice of any one on the other , yet since none of the particular parties can have an entire interest , it must therefore follow , that in acting all the other interests of the rest of the faction to the overthrow of others equally his neighbor , he is partial and unjust : having in nature no warrant to love one man better then another . this injustice being onely avoided in that party that adheres to a monarch or prince , and so joyning with him in his entire interest and claim , do all of them act but as one person . whereas else , that different degree of love , or hatred , or interest , which each person on the one side bears to each one on the other , must make them unequal and unjust prosecuters . so that although in case of self-defence against an unlawful invasion , or in some cases of acquisition and gain , it may be for the present allowable for men in this sort to unite and act without a joynt supreme authority , especially where it cannot for the present be had , yet in case of government , wherein a constant and settled way of managery of this common security and stock of riches is required , the case will be otherwise . for in the first condition , each one may be supposed firmly and uniformly united , and equally acting his own interest both in relation to self-defence and gain , even because each one seeking these things in the highest measure he can , doth thereupon equally consider each one on the opposing side as an enemy to himself ; nor doth look on those of his fellows but as equally his friends . whereas , on the other side , when places of honor and command ( tending to common security or the common revenew and stock of a nation ) come to be divided or assertained amongst the subjects themselves in these cases , there being a differing enmity and competition necessarily to arise about the distribution and managery of these offices and proprieties between party and party in the same association , it cannot be avoided but that the unequal ambition and covetousness , residing in the several persons must make them ( without a common united head ) unequal and unjust guides and distributors of those things wherein they must constantly have such partial and unequal respect to one another . therefore , i conclude that true natural reason or justice no more warrants them to continue and exercise this kinde of authority in shew of a lawful government , then scripture and nature warranted them in remove of their old . so that now , out of a conscientious prudence , they should have a fellow feeling of each others sufferings : and not continue perpetual judges over such as they can have no jurisdiction upon . they are not now to think they have right to continue this their present tyranny over their fellows . for none other it is , when government is exercised by any persons or orders of men but such as have by their offices power from god : which since these cannot have , as heretofore noted , it is not their specious and formal way of proceeding can make their actings to the prejudices of others just ; more then can the actings by other robbers do the like . for as he that takes a purse by force upon the high way , is as culpable as he that steals it , and as theeves that shall come so armed and accompanied as to beat off guards and watch , are as much robbers as others , so is it not publication of the act , which can but denote their present power , that can make democratick censures lawful : more then if thieves , before they kill or spoil a man , should first hold a formal court of judicature amongst themselves , and there sentence him . for , in neither case , it takes off the guilt or illegallity of the fact , where parties become judges over their equals : but aggravates it rather , through imprudence and impunity . and therefore , although what was before alledged in justification of the dealings of one faction towards another , might be allowable as in order to self-defence , and for security of the invaded party against the others force as beforesaid , yet can it not establish them in a right to continue doing wrong to others , for it was onely allowable as a course that should have prevented it . it is also to be understood , that in christian policy , it is onely practicable in the absence of monarchy : as a temporary way to safety : and that neither numbers nor prescription , can ever make it a lawful government . for if there be a monarch , then is that party that obeys and acts in his name not to be called a faction but subjects : and those that appose them oppose him , and are rebells . in which case , prevalence of number or power , nor all the specious pretences of leaglity , can no more make attempts against their fellows lawful , then can the like pretences warrant any association of the servants of a family to attempt the like against such of their fellows as are put into office and authority by their master . for , in that case , the loyal and faithful subjects and servants while their prince or master continue in their offices , and while they pursue their quarrel , and stand up against their enemies , are to be presumed as lawfully acting : because acting by an authority from god derived . and unto them , being so united in the interest and cause of one supreme person , is the dealing of one party against another warrantable and allowable . for they , in pursuance of the loyal quarrel or their own safeties , may deal with the other as lawful enemies : but the other party cannot do so towards them : for that they not onely want a supreme joynt authority amongst themselves , whereby to difference subjects from enemies , but do also still oppose him they have , in opposing their fellow subjects that take his part . whereupon it will follow , that in case the revolted party have overthrown the other , they are now to count all their actions unlawful farther then they can derive them from an officer authorized by god almighty ; who is onely superior to them both . in conscience whereof , when they shall return to their old form again under one head , nature and policy come to be satisfied in all their claims . for first , the subdued faction or party will by this means be freed from the partiallity of dominion under so many professed adversaries , and have one indifferent judge to them both : and so it must be reckoned as done with their consents . then , the prevailing faction must be supposed to do it willingly ; as it is likely to a common favorite , and as being singly weary of each others precessure . and then lastly , supposing himself willing to undertake it , there comes consent all along . and then , because as men , we cannot quite shake off the natural way of gaining power by force , we are next to consider how these prevailing factions were again prevailed over by their own chief head . in which last deed , we must remember what was formerly allowed to man , as one of his proper wayes of conquest ; namely craft . for how else shall one man conquer and keep under so many ; be it by money , flattery , or the like , it skilleth not . but he being now in power , as the conquering party had before taken security of others against their fears , so much more may he , being but one , and having so many that have natural power to hurt also , use it if he see danger . of which securities the most usual is the force of guards for his person , after the example of the best of kings , david himself . which , if not done when occasion of just fear requires , the former prevailing faction may at liberty oppress the other still ; and themselves also be still in danger of mutual mischief , for want of restraint from injuring one another . and to speak truely , this is so far from force , that there is but this way to make known the strength or desires of a people , and to know whether they have any , or no. for as their strength and desires must be known by such as appear therein , and not by polling the whole , so the strength and desires of these appearers , must , in what they act , be taken for the deed of all . and as when an army of one country conquers another , although they be far the less number , and not elected by the people , yet we usually phrase it that such a nation have overcome such a nation ; even so , things properly concerning action being to be measured by the active part onely , it follows that what is done by the active and prevailing parts of the people , must be reckoned the act of the whole people : especially if the other do acquiess , or else they can have no action attributed to them at all . and upon no other ground then extraordinary eminence and appearance , are the actions of princes made the actions of the whole people . for as all vertue gathers strength by union , so are the fewer united herein , to be reckoned to have both the vertue and appearance of the whole . for , in this regard , it fareth with those associations made by the more active people of any place or country , as it doth with those more active and pressing affections and passions whereby every particular man is provoked unto action : to wit , that as the will in each person could never be brought to any determinate design and execution , if those differing passions and affections , which are in every single man naturally abiding , should be severally and continually pressing upon him with equal importunity and vigor ; so neither , could any nation or people be brought to any attempt at all , or conceived to be such or such a dictinst company of men , united and associated in a commonwealth , did not the sence of honor , popularity , ambition , covetousness , or the like , finde so great and continual a prevalence in some , as to unite and provoke them to publike undertakings : whilst the rest , again , being of a more dull and fearful temper , are content to sit still and enioy with quietness their present fortunes , or to move onely in the condition of followers to that party that promiseth greatest advantage and security . and as thus , the more vigorous and appearing party of any nation or people is to carry with it the reputation of the whole people , so also , is the more eminent and active person of each faction and party to carry with him the reputation thereof also , as having as much more courage then the rest , as they had above others of the nation . even as , when in any man there is such a prevalent compliance and association of several vertuous inclinations and affections as to make him to be deemed just , honest , valiant , temperate , or the like , yet , the merit and force thereof can never be equally ascribed to those several considerations and affections by which these vertuous acts or habits were performed or acquired , but the same is still , eminently and chiefly to be applyed to the prevalence of some one more natural inclination of that particular party : as to sense of honor , conscience , reputation , frugallity , &c. which in each of those acts did most from strongly operate . and now comes policy to its perfection : other governments without a king , looking like a pyramis without a vertical point . for the people , diffusedly considered , and contradistinguished , are of no force or availe to others or themselves : but serve onely for the foundation . when they associate , they make some appearance above ground . as the heads of factions grew fewer and fewer , so the work riseth in beauty : till it come to its vertical point of unity . but then , though government is founded on force , yet it is not so often on inbred force as foraign . for albeit , dominions have usually natural bounds , as seas , rivers , mountains , &c. or artificial , as walls , forts , &c. to keep them from mutual invasion , yet since ( as to the generality of mankind ) these are but particular associations for self-ends , it is also warrantable for any of these foraigners , as hope of gain or fear of damage shall direct ( if divine law or particular contract hinder not ) to use such force , and to take such caution of others , as shall serve for their content and security . and as this is most usual , so more reasonable then the other . for first here was no precedent common government over them both , to whose decision they stood bound . then , there is seldom such enmity as in homebred factions : whereby the prosecution comes to be more milde from the victor , and more tollerable in the vanquished : both for that , and also because the insolence of fellow subjects seems usually more heavy then of strangers . then again , homebred factions divide unity already settled : but this makes unity , by joyning two dominions . so then there is no remedy , but that in all matters of civil subjection and interest , we are to submit to that politick governor we are born under : though we had no more hand in the choice of him then of our own fathers : yet , as to a person of more general concern , by duty and interest we stand much more bound to his authority . and as we have nothing , but the credit of our mother to assure us our right father , so nothing but the ordinary rule of providence to set up our right king : & therefore , possession doth as strongly binde us to our reputed prince , as reputed father . for as christ was obedient to his parents in all things , though he knew his father was not indeed so , so ( like him ) we must be to our present prince ; although a foraginer , and having no right but conquest : it being indeed the onely rule of providence in this kinde : succession depending thereon , and election having been never general and free ; but onely sometimes made semblance of , for flattery and engagement of the people . and the same we may say of their expulsion also : it being usually done on a suddain , and not upon deliberate and full consent , but only by a prevailing party or faction . and yet , all kings conquering and governing by fear , must be supposed the voluntary head of his own party whereby he prevails and rules , which ( it is probable ) is as great as any that elects or deposeth kings . and as general willingness is not necessary to make the entrance into government lawful ; so neither is continued general willingness more necessary to make the exercise lawful in general , then is particular willingness to obey him in every particular : for that general willingness must arise from particulars , and these may vary according to occasion . and if any yet think strange that force onely should have been at first the usual distinguisher of this property and right , as thinking that by gods particular precepts peaceable division might have been made , they are to consider that after the time that god was more immediately conversant amongst men in the disposal of their worldly affairs and government , ( at which time the lord at first divided the earth amongst the nations ) he is not in his recess , to be again expected as apparently and immediately intermedling , in rectifying those confusions which our stubbornness and rebellions have brought . and this , both for the reasons heretofore mentioned for this recess from government , and also because , if god should have immediately appeared in sharing proprieties , how should his justice and more true knowledge of our differing deserts have been able , through each ones covetousness and pride , to have past to our liking ? whereas now , we may complain of fortune or our own weakness , but not of his partiality . and yet , we must not imagine him as an idle spectator . for though governments , by the appearing uncertainty of victory and conquest , seem thus cast into the lap of fortune , yet the disposition is gods. and he it is , that as surely sets up kings now , as he did nebuchadnezzar , cyrus , darius , and others of old . and conquest , or fear thereof , ( the usual ways for disposing kingdoms ) he by his providence as particularly now disposes , as of that lot which the children of israel cast at their formal election of saul . for as we formerly mentioned , that the positive right of dominion in the elder brother was at first grafted upon the natural stock of force , as supposing him ordinarily most able , so we are now to consider , that the right of dominion being transferred again to the elective primogeniture of kingship , which is not amongst christians openly by god determined to any line or person under the gospel , as formerly to saul and david , it must therefore fall out , that it is to be determined the secret way of divine election and providence , manifested by the common and meer natural rule of force and strength of body : which must now make known and decide that personal or lyneal right unto this office amongst men , which is by divine providence appointed . and it must therewithal follow , that the person so gaining possession , is to have rightful claim unto all those prerogatives which conquest can afford : being not otherwise to be limited then by the laws of god , his own conscience , and sense of honor . for as the decision of right and justice between two contending subjects depends ( as to them ) on the determination of the prince , so is the right and justice of dominion , between two contending princes , to depend ( as to manifestation thereof to subjects ) on the determination of the lord of hosts , manifested by victory . the which , undoubtedly , in order to humane preservation and establishment of the peace of kingdoms , may satisfie the consciences of subjects so far , as to claim a just right to their submission and obedience : however the conquerer himself , cannot farther expect peace in his own conscience , nor a blessing to himself or posterity from god , then as he hath been just and consciencious in his claim and conquest . it faring in this case , with subjects in general , towards their prince , as with the tenants of any particular landlord . for as these are to pay their rents and acknowledgements to him that by the present judiciary power is put into possession , without being bound to examine whether he be a deseisor or not ; or did by bribery , or other fraud thrust out the former owner ; even so , subjects , being to pay their obedience and acknowledgements to their prince , as gods minister , must likewise acknowledge him for such , whom they finde by the usual way of providence put into possession . and further also , as the tenant hath no avoidance against encrease of rent or service at the will of his present lord , but by leaving his land and quitting his tenancy ; even so , is each subject lyable to such encrease of taxes and personal duties , as his present prince shall impose , whilst he is remaining within his territories and protection . and as natural reason will thus finde cause to submit to gods rule of providence now used for the establishment of the person of the conquering king , so will the same reason lead them to suffer it to descend to his heir : left they should again subject themselves to new civil wars ; which is ever incident to elective monarchies . and therefore this ought to be avoided by the observation of the law of primogeniture , in these offices now succeeding in paternal right of power ; upon the same consideration that this fixed law of birth-right was instituted : namely to avoid the like diffention and quarrel in succession to the heirship of the family , while this power was formerly seated in the natural father thereof . nay this right of inheritance not onely follows in reason , but as graffed also and comprised in the right of meer natural possession . for as the elder brother ( as aforesaid ) was to be presumed most natural heir to the fathers dominion in regard of his more probable degree of strength , so also it is to be presumed that , as being born , he will have advantage of the natural way of right , which is first seisure . upon which score , if there were no precepts for hereditary monarchy , natural right , as well as reason , would settle it in the possessors issue , and particularly on the elder brother , as heir to his fathers acquisitions . the which rule we shall finde approved by saint paul : and upon the like words as god gave cain the power of eldership , he confirms this right to the man over the woman : saying , adam was first formed , and then eve. upon which grounds , the lawfulness to elect monarchs , or institute poliarchies will be taken away : inasmuch as the office and possession of kingship in right of the father and elder brother , having first seisure before any other , it must follow , that none can have just right but god against him or his heir . and if the beginnings and first rises of kings be examined , towards the proof of settlement by conquest , they will come so far short of deriving themselves from adam in a natural line , as it will appear how their ancestors , from a small stock , have by success and encrease of force , risen to that present height . and even by this scale of providence did david himself climbe ; although god had determined him the kingdom : that is , first by some magnanimous act to gain reputation , and thereby some few friends and followers to assist upon occasion : with these to encrease by degrees , till he become so formidable , that people had rather submit to his government , then adventure their lives in opposition . in which case , their power of election is not so large as to choose him or not , or him or another , but whether they will take him on such terms as he proposeth , or put lives , liberties , and all to the hazard of war. in which condition , since fear was their guide , how are people more free before election then afterwards : when princes , for fear of punishment , are obeyed in then governments and commands ? and why should not fear be a wiser passion then love ? for they that are governed in their choice by love , consult not of dangers or inconveniences that may happen ; for this fear is against the nature of love : and therfore the loved hath always power over the loving , and not on the contrary . and none do so usually curb the people , as those that through flattery of the noise of liberty have gotten to be their darlings ; and so come to have sole trust and power : at which time , discretion bids him hold the streight reins of power upon their wavering affections , lest , by another , using his policy , he should be again supplanted . when as , all princes entrances which are made through fear , are made with as great deliberation and policy as may be ; at least with as much as the adverse faction hath present power to use . and it is probable , that he that findes himself afterwards thus streightned , through the peoples fearing him in his entrance , will , as in order to his own honor and release of fear , seek as far as he may to gain their love . and the truth is , princes cannot well rule without both : the great difficulty resting , when to use one , when another . and if any prince should be by people elected into a government hereditary , out of particular love and affection to his person , yet , since his person and those electors could not always have it alike , or were sure ( at least ) to have sufficient degree of power and respect , there might be occasion for him ( but much more for his successor ) to have power and force in readiness to make use of , if reason should offer . for as there might be reasons of mutual trust between the first prince and people , so of distrust in the other : because nothing is more giddy or uncertain then popular liking . so that , although the present prince his vertues were equal , or alike , to the others at first setled by them , yet they being not the same people , or having changed their mindes , it is not reason he should be so much their enemy , as not by force to keep them from forcible alteration , and injuring themselves by civil war. and as for such princes as come in by conquest , i see not why force in the continuance should not be as lawful as in acquisition : more necessary to him ( i am sure ) it is ; at least to have it in readiness . and this , not onely in respect of custody ( answerable to that common rational maxim , that all things are best preserved by the same means they were acquired ) but also in respect of recovery : inasmuch as , government and soveraignty never continuing at the same just height , it must at last come to nothing ; without some active and able prince set himself again upon an equal recovery of those prerogatives which his predecessors have lost : which necessarily causing the subjects aversion , as judging it a new conquest , he must first be master of a good force , or else look to be quite overthrown . and if we consider all governments and governors in their stories , we shall finde nothing so remarkable as this their variation in power ; and the different carriages of several princes in their designs and ways of acquiring , losing , or recovering it . and both reasonable and necessary it must be , that as the prince hath his civil magistrates for government of properties , and his ecclesiastical for guide of religious duties , so must he upon occasion have his military officers for government of the subjects persons : or else in case of resistance , the other governments will fall to nothing . but now , having only hitherto determined obedience to the present prince , without differencing whether he be an usurper or not , it will be expected as necessary that i give my opinion what prescription of time is requisite to constitute a ●ight in the peoples obedience . truely i know not what time to set , amidst such variety of circumstances as may make difference : but believe , if there be equal competition of title , present obedience is due to the present higher power : and , without doubt , if any prince have now made his laws generally obeyed , taken oaths of his subjects , and they have served him in the field , he is their true soveraign against all others . but although i suppose these three ways of confirmation will establish a right to any prince , yet i conclude not that all are necessary at once . for the last of them may not come to be used in a long time after his entrance : and both it and the next , it may be practised but by few of his subjects . yet , till he have been acknowledged in the seat of justice , i know not how he can be acknowledged as setled in the throne of his kingdom . as for subjects that have deposed or thrust out their king , to make themselves free-states ( as they call them ) they can never have right against him and his heirs : because his property cannot be altered but by new possession . for , the former soveraignty of one being not to be possessed by many , that property cannot be lost to that line for present right , or , in defailance thereof to any other for future right ; to be established by possession also : because he comes to be as rightly estated herein , as in any other of gods blessings that are now let loose without proprietor or owner . now the reasons why these things do fully estate a right to persons for government , is , because they contain all the tokens that the subjects ( as subjects ) can give of their joynt consents and willingness : and if such a thing as paction must be implyed between prince and people , whereby each may stand reciprocally obliged ( as on soveraignty voluntarily assumed , and subjection voluntarily undergone ) it must be herein , how the prince his assumption of the soveraignty appears voluntary , needs no proof beyond his search thereafter : and to have subjection to the person of any prince known to be voluntary , there is no proof beyond fact it self : that is , their voluntary continuance under it , and submission thereunto . for if he continue to live under his laws and government , and might yet depart , he cleerly evinceth his choice and approbation thereof . if he have taken an oath of obedience and fealty unto him , he stands obliged in conscience also : for an unlawful oath he was not to take , and a lawful one he must keep . but above all , if he have not onely acknowledged his willingness by obedience , but by activity also , so as to have fought for him , he must be more expresly presumed as approving him . for though he may be pressed to war , yet the continuance therein for any time , as under his government also , being necessarily to afford many opportunities of departure , the not doing it , maketh the submission and approbation voluntary : i mean , as to general approbation of him and his right . for that , as no government , as government , can be without constraint ; so many particulars of obedience must be unpleasant . and however strange it may seem , that there should be in humane appearance no other right then that of force and conquest unto the estating the first person of each kingly race , yet if we will diligently observe the predictions of the new testament pointing at the government of the church , we shall finde them still declaratory as to the same effect . one of which we will explain in this place : setting this very thing forth in most open terms : and that shall be the speech of our saviour made to the jewish multitude , concerning the government of the kingdom of heaven , or the church . for these his auditors , having heard the message sent from john to him , demanding an answer whether our saviour were he that should come , or that they should look for another ; and being ready to expect a temporal kingdom to be presently undertaken by our saviour , it caused him ( after the declaration of johns office to be the elias to this messiah ) to give them satisfaction why it was inconvenient for him personally to undertaken . and this he doth , upon the ground of the different manner of the entrance and possession of government under the gospel , over it was under the law. for under the law , as there was both a rule for peaceable entry ( the persons being by god appointed that were to have the crown setled on their race ) so was there both priests and prophets who had a part of monarchical jurisdiction in some things allowed them : thereby also keeping monarchical power from that absoluteness it should arrive at after the days of john. in whom the law and the prophets ceasing ( meaning amongst other things ) that separate power of priestly and prophetick jurisdiction , so far as they shared in the soveraignty ) it is the reason why our saviour frames an answer which did both imply this difference , and shew the reason why himself could not take this charge upon him . so that we may conceive , that that limitation until now , was added onely to give the jews satisfaction why he then undertook not this charge himself : namely , that it was contrary to his minde and quiet way of demeanor amongst them , to enter into a charge wherein so great force and violence must be used , both to acquire and possess : and not as determining that this forceable way of entry should then cease . for if we shall compare it with the paralel text of saint luke ; where gods own inward kingdom in our hearts is spoken of , we may interpret the expressions here of violent entry and possession of the outward government in the church , to be prophetick also . for it being there said , that the kingdom of god is preached , and every man presseth into it : we cannot conceive it of any present pressing into the church ; but as spoken of what should follow in the churches encrease and splendor : at which time there should follow the most frequent use of violence for possessing of christian kingship also . and that , by this kingdom of god in this place spoken of , is intended gods own inward immediate rule he should have in our hearts , & was different from that outward exercise of outward jurisdiction which he should give to others in his church ( called there the kingdom of heaven ) appears plainly in the occasion of delivery therof . because it was spoken to convince them , that , by reason of their own covetous humors , had derided our savior for saying , no man can serve two masters ; but went about to justifie themselves before men , by shews of legal or moral righteousness : and could not yet well conceive how god should judge men according to their hearts : such that could not believe that the single eye and light of love , was the fullfilling of the law : even of every tittle thereof : for the letter thereof was to last till john ; and after that time , gods kingdom to be preached . that is , men were to be won thereunto by the milde and still voice of the gospel : whereas his outward kingdom over mens persons , was to be acquired and managed by the help of natural reason and force ; together with such divine light as god should furnish the prince with . for although , as the god of nature and great preserver of men , he do by the rule of reason , and by precepts and examples of scripture , plainly determine obedience and monarchical government ( as heretofore shewed ) , yet doth he reserve to himself ( as lord of hosts ) the secret approbation and disposal of those particular persons and families that shal from time to time rule amongst us here as his deputies . and hence it is that all kings and free princes write themselves dei gratia , not electione populi : for although prudence may many times lead princes to make semblance of their having , and relyance on the free consent or choice of the people ; ( even that they may be the more endeered towards him by this his professed acknowledgment and dependance on their favors ; ) yet that this election was never but by some party onely , and a thing in it self not to be relyed upon , will appear in that no monarch , being fully possessed , was ever yet known to resign his other holds , and wholly to submit thereunto , for lawful title to be setled to him or his . nor looks it but with a plain face of partiality and injustice , when we allow the gentry and nobility ( amongst our selves ) to be derived from the arms and ensigns of war , and yet allow not unto conquest it self the like force to estate kingly right . as though the same military art or vertue did not adorn the leader , as well as the follower : or that viriatus were not vertus in the chieftain , more then in the ordinary souldier . whereupon , fortitude being so much all other vertues , as to be the hand or instrument wherby they are ( as to society ) made useful , and to be conveyor of them to the notice of others , it hath made the world unanimously to submit to the plain eminence of this vertue , as the steadiest rule for judging the hidden aboad of the rest . but although our savior make that additional expression of until now , the onely reason for the answering the jews why he undertook not this kingdom himself , yet were there many other important reasons for it besides . as first , the assumption of any such like state was not congruous to him that was in his own person so ignominiously to suffer . then , if he had sat down in davids right onely , as the jews expected , he had lost right unto the gentile church . then again , wanting lyneal race of his own to succeed after him , he could not have stayed but encreased the churches division . to prevent which , should he have set down rules to any other for succession , it would have been called partiality by the persons neglected : especially in the disposition of christian kingdoms ; where he could not , as son of david , claim power at all : and wherein , until his gospel had been entertained , he could not expect obedience as christ neither . in regard of which , it chiefly may be understood why our saviour should so often be found saying , i came not to send peace but sword : and such like prophesies of the necessary following wars and contentions which should arise for the obtaining those governments amongst men . so that we must say , that as the prince of each country sits down in the natural right of strength and first possessor , and thereby in the positive right of elder brother , so doth he thereby also , silence and extinguish all right in the use of force to any other under his jurisdiction and obeysance : even because their proprieties have their separation and assurance from his . for , as we formerly noted in right of that part of his office over his subjects , namely to judge them , he was to be indisputably submitted unto in matters of legality and morality , so is he in the other part also , namely for fighting their battails ; and that of both sorts : as well that of publike protection , whereby the whole kingdoms proprieties are defended from forraign invasion , as that of separate protection , whereby each particular subject is defended from the force of each other . for since none of the subjects in each kingdom , can say of his lands and possessions that they were gotten by any independent force and manner of acquisition , but were both gained and held by him in the relation of a subject , and that by such ways and courses as were by the laws of that country prescribed or allowed , there can be no reason why unto subjects ( as such ) there should be any such absoluteness of propriety granted , nor other way of gain from one another allowed , then what the publike laws for commerce do set down . for although one prince to another be left to the natural way of force for decision of propriety , where religion bindes not , yet have their subjects no right to encroach or possess the proprieties of one another , by other way of acquisition then that of allowable commerce : as heretofore declared . but , be these things as cleer and apparent in scripture or reason as they will , it is not to be presumed , but that those different interests which will be still arising from those daily changings of governments and governors , will , through that different hope of advantage to be gained by one form of government , or person governing , more then another , be continually prompting them with arguments of contradiction , at such time as they shall apprehend that person in whom their hopes do lye , and whom they would have seated in the soveraignty , to be by any of these discourses disadvantaged in his claim . in which regard large declamations are from them to be expected for taking away the right by conquest ; and for branding and enfeebling it with the odious terms of tyranny and usurpation : whilst others , although not so personally interessed , yet , being discontented with that share of riches or preferment which the present settlement hath allotted them , are willing to call out for the peoples right to choose ; and to joyn with , and accompany them in any thing of change and alteration in the government : in hope that , from that new shuffling of fortunes and interest which must hence arise , they shall have a better game dealt them then before : not at all regarding that general mischief and confusion which must follow hereupon . for will they say that it is fit this power should follow publike and free election , then , to bring any prince this way into power , without danger of civil war , they must first imagine that that whole nation out of which he is to be chosen hath but one person fit for this employment ; and also that that person hath so publikely and equally demeaned himself in his merits and favors , that they should be always so equally known , and equally beneficial , as to engage each one in an unanimous consent and agreement in his election . will they ( for peace-sake ) put it to the major vote ; how shall it be known , except voices and consent be taken viritim ? and how shall it be done but under government ; where some must be imagined with general authority to give direction herein ? in which case , how shall those in present power be thought willing to submit to the suffrages of such as have none , whether they shall continue in it or no , or have their enemies ( it may be ) chosen in their rooms ? if the major or stronger party do elect , and by force ( or fear of it ) prevail against the other , then what differs this from the course before spoken of ; where the conquering faction sets up its own chief in supreme power ? will they say , that since princes are to be chosen more for eminence in wisdom , then in valor and prowess , that therefore his election for fitness , is to be tryed out by force of argument , and not by force of hands , then , what hopes in this case to have an end of the controversie ; since the minor party will no more conceive it self justly overcome this way then the other ? for when do we see any person yeild to another in any argument that is to be tryed out by discourse ? whereas victory will presently decide the contest of two combatants . besides , what greater assurance and demonstration of wisdom , then those effects thereof , whereby this greatness was acquired ? unless they would have it judged by talk onely , and not by action . for mine own part , i do not believe there hath been any more studious then my self to finde out a way how subjects might free themselves from these kinde of inconveniences , as of tyranny , usurpation , &c. and yet , all that while maintain publike peace : but , when i had throughly considered all those ways of redress that in this case i could think upon , and compared their probable benefit with those more certain consequents of civil war which would attend them , i was at last forced to reckon these chances amongst those irremediable miseries which humane condition stood subject unto , and which god , as in his more secret justice , had to himself reserved for punishment of our sins : even in this very case , making us sensible of that our original pride and insubjection to him , which had now brought us from his more immediate care and rule over us , to be thus made subject to the oppression of such as are in nature our equals ; and thereupon to resolve , that no way could so assuredly prevent those torrents of civil war , which upon these pretences would be continually let in , then by making a stop at that first gap made for entrance . for experience doth tell us , that , under pretence of the unlawfulness of the first seisure by conquest and usurpation , princes of a long continued race have been opposed , and by civil war dispossessed , as usurpers : thereby plainly shewing , that no government or governor can be in security , or publike peace kept up , if a discontented party may be still hearkened unto . for if we admit usurpation a just excuse for disobedience to a present prince , and any party or order of the subjects to be judge thereof , there will never want a party who will make all conquest to be the same : inasmuch as none can usurp regal authority to the dispossession of another , who were not by conquest holpen in . and if it were unlawful for the first to command and govern by that claim , then is it so to all that succeed to govern , as upon his right . i considered that usurpation and tyranny were usually the expressions of passion and interest : many times laid without desert ; and that by the fewer in number also : for had not the greatest part thought them otherwise they could never have got in . and hence it grew , that the old prince was over called tyrant , and the new one usurper , by those parties that were their enemies . and whilst some , out of their interests against monarchy would reject all government ; as denying either the ways of conquest or usurpation to have lawfulness of title , there are others again , that are ready to yield to the right of conquest made by a forraign prince , but strongly urge against usurpation of a subject : whilst those on the side of the usurper , say , that all conquest is not onely usurpation , but with this aggravation , that thereby a forraigner makes entrance , and rules in despight of a whole nation : whereas the other cannot come in without the assistance and consent of the major part ; and being a native is not so like to alter their laws and religion as the other : and they are ready to give instances for it amongst the jews . when i foresaw , that , when all was done , subjects were ( upon their removal ) still to run the same hazard from the next possessor ; when i foresaw that there was no other remedy against usurpation and tyranny , then what was certainly accompanyed with a greater evil then the disease it self , and yet , all that while , no certainty of cure , i then concluded that i could not go lower then i have done , in asserting submission to the present prince in possession ; unless i should have been false to my main design of publike peace and good . nay , truely , i looked upon loyalty and subjection , as the onely sure remedy to defend people against usurpation : inasmuch as none being able to dispossess another , already in power , but by the help of his own subjects , disloyalty must precede , and be a cause of usurpation : and therefore , if nothing but civil war will remedy it , better to be loyal , then , by it , cure one usurpation by another . and i shall ingenuously say , that could any yet inform me how it may be done , i shall more heartily recant and withdraw my former tenents , then i did propose them : looking upon it as an evil in it self , onely tolerable to avoid a greater : insomuch as , if right to command should depend on general approbation there is no prince but must come to be disobeyed : and in that case we shall be much troubled who there shall be to state it , and to appoint what number or quality of subjects may be thought fit to be hearkened unto herein . but since i cannot finde how any in the condition of a subject stands answerable for the guilt thereof , if he have been passive onely , or that he is obliged to search into his soveraigns right , or break his allegeance upon any jealousie of his title ( who being to rule over others besides himself , there is no appearing reason his single judgement or conscience should bear sway against theirs ) , i therefore saw no lawful way of prevention or redress but what must come from god. he , he , if we will at all conceive him to be , or to be regardful of humane affairs , must with submission be lookt upon as a setter up and guider of persons and affairs of so great import , which have the good or ill of so many depending on them . when any prince , by force or craft , shall ascend the throne , although the several victories by him gained , and plots by him laid , as also all those ways and contrivances by which they were brought to pass , be to us fully discovered , and they do thereupon look but like things of ordinary production and hazard ; what , shall we thereupon acknowledge no deity but that of fortune ? or , that which is worse , shall we acknowledge his power and government , and yet so far mistrust his wisdom or goodness , as to think he hath not done it with due respect to his own glory and our deserts ? in which case , how can disobedience become us , who cannot at all be knowing of gods intentions herein , and therefore ought with patience to expect the event ? for many times , he that subjects may for the present look upon as an usurper , may be by him that can onely search kings hearts sent as a blessing , in the place of him that in ordinary humane judgement had a greater right thereunto . but when i say this may so happen , it is not to grant subjects any liberty to assist any one against their present prince , under hopes or colour of any such blessing , or to excuse them that did so : for this were to overthrow what was said before towards publike peace , and of submission to the present soveraign . that which i would have men in this case seriously to consider of , is , that if they will not admit possession to have right in those changes , then they must conceive the government of each christian nation to be for perpetuity impropriate to one single family by god almighty , as that of the jews was to the lyneage of david : so as , notwithstanding any irreligious , unjust , or oppressive acts in them , no alteration from heaven should be expected , either for abdication of that lyneage , or dispossession of the right heir by any other of the same family . but if there be neither president or hope , that such an establishment hath ever anywhere been , or can reasonably be looked for , then it must fall out that all bonds of government and allegeance stand now dissolved upon failance of just title , or else it is to be justly claimed by possession . for certainly , the heirs of conquerers and usurpers can reign by no higher right then was that of their predecessors , from whom their title was derived ; but it may be often lower , as failing of the vertue of their first founder . and i do ( for my part ) believe , that caesar had a greater right to the soveraignty of rome then any of his posterity : not because he conquered more forraign nations , or added more to the roman territory then they ( for that he did not ) but for such like crafts and policies , whereby he purchased that his perpetual dictatorship , and for those very conquests he made at home : by all which he became enabled to assume ( which others may interpret usurp ) the soveraignty to himself . for having hereby power to keep those his warlike country-men at peace and agreement amongst themselves , and restore them to their general liberty from the tyranny of all those factious heads , who , like true usurpers indeed , had engrossed all liberty and power to themselves , by pretence of being keeepers of the liberties of the people , and were so continually ready to engage their nation in civil war through their own sidings : he might ( i say ) more truely in that case be called his countries preserver , then where a forraign enemy is onely resisted ; by how much civil war is more destructive and dangerous then any other ; and by how much the establishment of good government and order in our native country , is more heroick then to do it abroad . in which respect also , caesar may worthily have precedence in his parallel with alexander : who on the other side quietly at home succeeded in a monarchy already setled by his victorious father ; and his conquests over other nations were but victories to his own honor and benefit , and not to their encrease of liberty , being under monarchs before . and although caesars victories are usually thought more honorable , as being more dangerous and difficult , yet , it is not hardness alone in the means , but goodness of the end that must compleat true honor . in consideration of all which , as i see not how the imputation of an usurper , or the like , can in conscience make any good excuse for subjects resistance or insubjection to that present soveraign which is now by divine providence set over them , and who is thereupon to be taken as the ordinance of god ; so not in prudence neither : inasmuch as their opposing or repining at him is but the likely way to make him , that was an usurper before against the right of another , to become hereby also a tyrant against them ; as fearing their insurrections . whereas else , it is like , he will , by milde and meritorious usages towards them , strive to gain by vertue , what he wants in title . more safe therefore ( no doubt ) it is for subjects to acquiesce , and in this case , to testifie their obedience and submission to god , by submission to this higher power by his providence set over them : who , as his vicegerent , and by reason of that present office he is by him put in , is ( as it were ) espoused into part of his power : and cannot from thenceforth , and whilst he continues their soveraign , be any more charged with any personal faults and failings then a married wife can , by those of the family , be taxed with any former dishonest act , whereby that respect due to her as mistress of the family should be taken off : nay although formerly she had been but one of their own fellow servants : because this duty is not due to her as such a woman , seperately considered , but according to her present relation , as being such a mans wife : and so comes to be part of that duty they owe to their master . nor do i believe but those that through interest and partiality would decline obedience to the present prince , would yet , on their parts , expect his protection in case any violence should be offered . but men are led to misconceive of actions of this nature , for want of due regard how the same person stands accountable for what he doth herein , according to that different condition he stood in at the time of doing . whosoever shall oppose , or make insurrection against that prince that is in present possession , and under whose protection he lives , he , and all that side with him , are , all that while , not onely guilty of the sin of rebellion before the divine tribunal , but before that political tribunal also , wherein this prince doth preside . whereas all those that do assist this their present soveraign , are to be counted loyal , both by law of god and man. but if divine providence or permission , have given such success to any subject , as to deprive the present prince , and to seat himself in the regal throne , from that time , both he , and those that took his part cease to be rebels , as to the political tribunal , for any thing they shall act afterwards : but both of them stand criminals before god as for their rebellion past . and he also , so far as he is an usurper , stands accountable , both there , and in his own conscience , for al those injuries which are or shall be committed in his present usurpation ; as wel by himself as those that obey him . whereas they again , that were by the laws of god and man , to be accounted loyal to the former prince , in respect of that obedience they then gave him as their present higher power , shall become now rebels to this , if , while they live under his government and jurisdiction , they pay not that respect and obedience which is to soveraignty due : and they do ( therein ) stand accountable as criminals , aswel before the divine throne , as that of their present soveraign . to the present soveraign ( i say ) this subjection must be given , if ( at all ) we will allow subjection as a duty to be acted , and not as a bare contemplative vertue onely . for in this case , as obedience is due to the higher power , even because it is so , so must it be actually given to him that is actually seised thereof : who onely , having present power to command , and also to punish in case of refusal , must be understood to be the true object of obedience and subjection , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake : ●nd whose resistance , as the resistance of the ordinance of god , makes that party a criminal , not onely in respect of judgement hereafter , but also in respect of that present judiciary power wherein the prince is now seated . for this tribute of subjection must be held as legally due to that person in whose name the laws are enforced and executed , as the payment of other tribute doth belong to that image and circumscription which is stampt upon the coyn ; which was enjoyned to caesar : a stranger by birth and religion , and one that had not so much as legal title at home ; and yet being acknowledged by him that had all title , it will thereupon make the duty of subjection to the present power much more apparent . but then again , although those that now take part with the present power are to be accounted loyal in all thy do in his obeisance , whilst he continues their soveraign , and , on the contrary , those that were formerly loyal , are now to be held for criminals for what they act contrary to their present supremacy , yet are they to be lookt upon with this difference in relation to their actings past . those that were loyal cannot justly be punished by him that succeeds , for any opposition against him before he was possessed : for that were to discourage and punish loyalty . whereas those that took part for setting up a new power , having all that while no lawful authority for what they did , are for all those acts legally punishable by the deposed prince ; in case he shall be restored : none but he having power to pardon what was done against his jurisdiction onely . for certainly , as caths of alleageance and other ties of duty , were given to princes by subjects , with respect , and in relation to that power they then held , even so must subj●●●s be held criminals to that power , for all disloyal acts done while that power was up : even as they must also be criminals when they do oppose that which succeeds . and it will concern every new prince ( even in point of prudence ) to be careful hereof . and although he cannot , in discretion and good nature , but be exemplar in depressing and rewarding some few that have more eminently opposed or assisted him , yet generally to punish or discourage such as have been true to the former established government , onely because they have been so , and to reward such as sided for alteration , onely because they did so , will be found of most dangerous consequence , not onely to himself , but to the publike peace also : by leaving a president for necessitous and discontented persons to attempt the like innovations for the future , upon the like incouragements and hopes of reward . upon due regard of the necessary rendring this obedience to the present prince , in order to duety and maintainance of publike peace , and in tenderness of the indemnity of subjects for so doing , was that most gracious and beneficial law made , by that most prudent and politick prince of our nation henry the seventh : enacting that none should be questioned as traytors , for any thing done in obedience to the present king. this most wise prince had well considered how often the subjects of this land had been punished , even for being true subjects , by such as , being wholly swayed by sense of self-interest and revenge , did herein deal otherwise by them , then themselves would in like case be dealt by . for they would not themselves have been content that their followers should , for their loyalty to them , be so used by such as should again succeed in this power : and much less would they be content , that any should withdraw their subjection from themselves , now in present power , under colour of the better title of another . and much less yet would they have been content , if themselves had been in the condition of subjection to any prince , and had therein been constantly loyal ; that this former prince , having now neither occasion to imploy or means to maintain them elsewhere , should ingratefully stomack and reckon as a fault , that necessary livelihood he were now forced to seek in his native country , under the protection and obeisance of another . he foresaw that while that way of claim by title was pleadable amongst the subjects themselves , that they were not onely still at a loss for want of true evidence herein , but the whole kingdom perpetually infested with civil war ; by that disagreement that must happen thereabout : whilst subjects might , upon this pretence , be no subjects ; by withdrawing obedience from the present subjector , to whom it is naturally , apparently , and presently due , to give it to such as were now but equals in soveraignty : and so , being not able for the present to command it as a duty , what is to them herein done , can carry no other interpretation then as acts of love , friendship , respect , or the like ▪ and not of loyalty and subjection . which duty , obliging us to actual performance , the question is not who should be , but who is in the feat of authority . he foresaw , that , under colour of setling obedience by evidence of right and title , friendship and interest were still put into the scale , in the preferment of one person before another ; to the perpetual disturbance of the subjects by their disagreements herein . whereas , if right to possession had still followed possession , all civil war should be avoided : because , being then guided by a thing so apparent to each ones sense , there could be none found to oppose or disturb him whom all did obey . wheras those that withdrew their obedience from him that was actually possessed , under colour of that right which any other had to possess , as they must thereby confess it due in respect of that office he hath right unto , so ( if they should separate themselves from their own interests and passions ) they must acknowledge it , by the same rule , to be for the present , due to this present possessor . else , by a strange and unnatural contradiction , he that is actually possessed , as king , should be , at the same time , actually dispossessed , and no king ; by this absurd diversion and application of obedience unto a power which is not in being . sense and experience of his own former condition had rightly told him , that as this belief or opinion of the right of him that is dispossessed , can , during that his private condition , claim from his former subjects a willingness & propension only to perform actual subjection when he shall be again possessed and restored to a capacity of actual command , so , in the mean time , the actual possession of this other , must , by the same rule , claim actual subjection and obedience unto him , from all that live under his obedience and jurisdiction : unless ( as we said ) we should make that precept for subjection to the higher power vainly given ; when such as should be subject , should have a liberty hereby left them whether they will at any time be so or no ; by making some pretence or other , that it is not rightly due to him that hath now onely power to command it . and therefore although this prince , like others , did wisely cause such of his subjects as were eminent , or to be suspected , to take oaths of allegeance and fidelity to himself and posterity , yet , by that truely self-denying ordinance before mentioned , he may well be thought more considerative of that future establishment of publike peace and benefit , then so peevishly respective to the setling his race alone , as , upon any turn , to involve all men in the hazard of guilt and blood : by making that oath , which was made to preserve and encourage loyalty , a continual snare and punishment to all that had been so : and to such onely , who , in conscience and friendship , stand enclined to his side . but now , for conclusion of this discourse , we shall say something in answer to such scruples as may arise concerning those that are cast into that unhappy condition as to be under any of these polarchies : because ( else ) it might be supposed , from what hath hitherto been spoken , or may hereafter , that i did conclude that no man could live honestly or conscienciously but under a monarch . it is therefore to be considered ( as we have formerly hinted ) that as all these polarchies have been formerly monarchies , so are their laws and constitutions , for the most part , onely such as have been before setled and authorized by a monarch . in which case it will fall out , that the subject living in any imployment and calling allowed by the former laws , is to be concluded lawfully authorized in his deportments : as obeying and submitting to the ancient and right authority still . but in all new constitutions and commands on him imposed by these unauthorized guides , by which he shall be put to act any thing that may have relation beyond himself , he is , in that case , for want of warrant from christs direct deputy , to secure his innocence the best he may , by assuming to himself the power of judging of morality ; and to act no farther then the conscientious rule of do as thou wouldest be done unto shall give leave . and , in that condition , is he to make use of that distiction of obedience into active and passive : and of obeying god rather then man. so that , by his patience and willingness to suffer in his own person , rather then wrong another , he shall acquit himself of the guilt of that suffering he might bring on another , through want of a justly derived power . for when it shall be any mans unhappiness , not to have christ , by his proper deputy , outwardly directing him how to love his neighbour as himself , as well as , by his spirit and gospel , inwardly fitting him thereunto , he is then , by his consciencious abstenance from all appearance of evil , and by his readiness to be assisting unto him in all that shall be in his power ; and which according to his wants , shall be justly or reasonably demanded of him , to make up that measure of bounden good to his neighbour , which he cannot actively undertake and perform . in this last chapter i have again raised up and united the former fabrick of monarchy , which in all those precedent , seemed to be buried in the rubbish of popular mistake and confusion . and as in the first book , the foundation thereof was laid on that stock of discourse which divine edict , and the rules of humane nature or reason would afford , here i have again added , to the strengthening and establishing of the work , such farther supply as the presidents of other meer naturall agents would readily contribute ; although men ( like them ) should be supposed put into the world at randome , and without other direction or law then what their owne senses could frame . it seems now therefore seasonable , that for confimation of all , we should have our recourse to religion ; so called , because it is the tye of all politie and commerce ; to see how all these things stand therein warranted ; and are both allowed and commanded by that great guide and preserver of man kinde : all which , by divine assistance , the following book shall declare . the third book of government and of the obedience thereunto due , according to arguments more particularly drawn from scripture . the introduction . how long since , or who it was that first made that distinction of the decalogue into two tables as now received , i know not : but sure i am , that that common liberty every day taken of dividing mens duties and obedience into religious and civil , hath been the cause of much distraction and division amongst men . for whilst some are ranking under the classis of gods particular service what share of humane actions they please , they have on the one hand almost taken peace from the earth , by substracting that our bounden obedience from his immediate vicegerent , which should have been the tye thereof : whilst others again , out of a desire to make themselves absolute in the managery of state affairs , have come to seclude god , and the rules of religigion from having any immediate influence and authority therein ; which are in these things , and to the support of that obedience which is on their behalf necessary , the chiefe securities and directions . against some inconveniencies arising from the practise and opinions of those of the last sort , i have framed much of my discourse in the two precedent books ; in which , by reason as well as scripture , i have plainly shewn the necessary tye and dependance of political good and peace on religion and its precepts ; and how it is , not onely injurious to god , but wrong to our selves , to deprive him of superintendant dominion and administration , either in the government of our persons , or estates . and indeed to deny gods care and superintendency over moral agents and actions as well as natural ones , is an opinion bordering not only on atheism , but on absurdity also ; when as men shall be hereby thought not so valuable in the eye of divine care and providence as beasts ; nay as stocks and stones . in this present work , my intention is to set forth the inconveniences that arise from the sole undertakings of those of the other sort ; that is , such as oppose this power upon the score of religion . and more particularly those of the romish party , who first made use of , and applyed that notion of civil magistrate unto the christian prince ; that thereby he might , under that distinction of civil , be not only separated & secluded from any farther intermedling in the church then as if he had still been a pagan , but also that , under the appellation of magistrate ( instead of that of king ) he might be but thought subordinate herein neither ; even to that their own supream head , as well as were the bishops and other church guides and officers ; whom certainly they intend should be opposed unto him in this his civil relation : and be not onely absolute in ecclesiastical jurisdiction and government of the church , but to be super-eminent in the state also . and although , amongst protestants , this sole superintendency is not given to any ecclesiastical person , yet when we find those that pretend greatest reformation & departure from rome , stil retaining this notion of civil magistrate , and applying it to the prince , we may conceive it purposely also so done , that thereupon another independent magistracy , even themselves , might be closely insinuated , and also acknowledged and obeyed in church affairs . which done , and having hereby made themselves the next and more immediate ministers to god and christ , their next work is to stretch and draw out religious cognizance as far as they can , & to leave unto kings , as persons in a sphere below them , the managery of such other duties and vertues as they are pleased to list under the notion of moral ; calling the greatest proficients in vertue , ( in a kinde of scorne ) moral men , or men civilly honest . as though the very decalogue , and the whole jewish law given from god himself , carried not moral consideration with them ; and were any otherwise binding then as moral precepts to us now . in farther evidence whereof , i shall also shew how the very gospel-precepts do make moral duties their subject also , even as our saviour ordinarily made mans body the subject of his miracles : and that the substance of the former more large moral direction is abreviated and fulfilled in the gospel precept of love : and how again , love is made useful by the tye and effects thereof , obedience , humility , patience , &c. in such sort , that civil good and society is by gospel-directions more neerly and directly pointed to , and maintained then before . of all which , by gods assistance , in that which follows . chap. i. of religion in its true ground . our discourse hitherto hath been to manifest that the end of all divine , natura , and positive laws , are both for the preservation of the whole world , and of man in particular . in which doing , we are not to consider god almighty , ( like our selves in our sports ) as taking delight in the action it self , and entertaining it by way of pastime , as having nothing else to do : but as an understanding , free , and voluntary agent ; and having an end in all things he doth . for otherwise would not his works be regulated and stinted as now they are : but , there being no end of doing , the deeds would be also infinite as the author . end he could have none , above , or without respect to himself : because this must be the necessary consequent of choice also : for to do , or not to do anything , wherein self-good , interest , or liking is no wayes concerned , is not imaginable ; but , in all knowing and voluntary agents , must be presupposed . therefore now , to come to examine what this end of god is , and how it is both true that all things were made for his own sake , & again , how all was made for the use of man ; we must take care that , in no consideration , we entrench upon gods alsufficiency in himself , and think him hereby , or from the creature , ( as in a kinde of supply ) any way advantaged . for when we eat or drink , or make use of any thing , it is in us a contribution towards some necessary want and sustentation of our being : but , when god keeps on the course of his providence , and hereby enables all creatures to do him that service he requires , we must not imagine any indigence in him to be the cause thereof : for he , having none his superiour or equal , nor any thing without the verge of his power , how should fear or want approach his almightiness ? therefore he , not being like other creatures , who have their being and wel-being dependent on him ; but , being truly independent of any but himself , his operations outward , ( that can have no end higher or better then himself ) must have it onely by reflection and return . whereupon , he being all good , and it being proper to the nature of goodness to be extensive and communicable , he did , according to his good pleasure , confer on other creatures those different resemblances , and the participation of those beatitudes and perfections , which were before solitary and in himself confined . all which proceeding from him without substraction , he is so far from suffering diminution herein , that , by a kind of multiplication , he hath the goodness and content of his owne now encreased by that of others : even by their just and grateful acknowledgements of so much from him received . so that from hence we may conclude , the reason how all things come to be said made for his owne sake ; namely , to express his honour and glory : which return of praise and glory being justly expected of each creature as a duty , is , by gods acceptance , reckoned as a service . but , because returnes of gratitude are , as neer as may be , to be proportioned to the measure of benefits received ; and because ( amongst sublunary creatures ) man had the largest measure imparted ; it will follow that from him , as from a creature most bounden for receipt , and best enabled for return , this duty of praise and thanksgiving should be chiefly expected : nay , in a manner , from him onely it can be had . for although the heavens may declare the glory of god , and the firmament shew his handy work ; yet because those beauties and excellencies , which by the wisdom and power of god are bestowed on them and other irrational creatures , are not at all apprehended by themselves , and are , for the most part , but subservient to others , how should such return of praise or acknowledgement be expected from them , or any but man ? who alone , ( in these endowments and perfections received ) appeares , of all creatures , least tyed in a subservient relation : but on the contrary , having all the vertues and benefits of other things directed and made appliable towards him , and his own abilities again standing directly pointing at the service and honour of his maker , it may thereupon be fitly said , that all things were made for man : as the most able creature in regard of his reason to apprehend his owne interest and obligations , and to make suitable expression of thanks to gods glory . by all which , it appears that the end of all our whole religion and endeavours should be to the glory of god : even such a god , that , being so infinite in power above us , is yet so particularly extensive of his goodness towards us , that whosoever shall but considerately weigh the measure thereof , must ever think himself to high a debtor , that with an holy extasie he may cry out , what shall i render unto the lord for all his benefits towards me ? what can be more proportionable , and becoming both our duty and benefit , then , in immitation of that ( thereby ) most pleasing person , to have his praises alwaies in our mouths : nay not in our mouths alone , but in our actions also : these must so shine before men , that they seeing our good works , may glorifie our father which is in heaven . when birds or beasts sing , or play , in the sense and exultation of benefits received from this universal author of plentiousness to all things living , they , in their kind , praise him : but unto us , as he hath given understanding , so it is therewith to praise him : and if with reason we do it not , we do it not as men , nor with all our might , nor with all our strength . and this reason of ours , we must , in so needful a work , strengthen with all the help we can ; especially out of , that portion of his owne unerring wisdome , revealed in the holy scripture . and , for farther fear that their meaning herein should be mistaken , we are not to trust our single , and private judgements for their interpretation : but take direction from those that have rule over us , whose faith we are to follow . by which means , we shall also most assuredly keep up , and preserve our other duty , ( the chiefe means of his praise on earth ) namely the good of our neighbour . for , as god keeps on the whole creation and our particular preservations , for a means to express his glory by ; so we , by observing his commands of charity , beneficence , peace , and love to one another , must make that , ( as having most necessary and direct tendency to this preservation ) the onely alowable means to give him that praise and glory . by this means it will come to pass , that although , when we sin or multiply our transgressions , we do nothing against him , nor that he , ( as directly in himself ) doth receive gaine or advantage by our righteousness ; yet , since these our wickednesses may hurt men as we are , and our righteousness ( on the other side ) may profit them ; therefore comes our good or ill deeds towards them , to be reckoned as so to god : and vertue and morality ( when truly such ) to be the same with piety and religion ; probity being the same with righteousness , and vice the same with sin . and as this is the end of religion , so of nature also : for as both of them proceeded from him , so both of them point at the same end , the glory of god : but in the means thereunto they somewhat differ . for because , in nature , god stands as the most supream and remote cause , and therefore ( the exigence of his manifestation so requiring ) is sometimes , by miracles , forced to make himself known to us , by being the immediat cause of some extraordinary production , ( it being else very difficult for the wit of man , ( through so many intermediate causes , and such long circuits of effects depending one upon another ) to pass in order through all the links of this golden chaine , till they come at last to that which ( according to the fable ) is fastned to jupiters toe ) therefore god is by precepts of religion , brought to an easie , plaine , and immediate appearance in our conceits . whereupon , having our duties of praises and acknowledgments unto him manifested , even for the least good we receive , we are hereby ( as by most plain direction ) fixed and taught , both in the duty it self , and manner of our return of gratitude : which is , by this means , made intelligible to all in general , and each one in particular . whereas , if the light and direction of nature had been therein alone entrusted , this supream cause and end of our being , either , through its intricacy and our weakness , could not ; or , through the hasty pursuits of our desires , would not in such due manner have been discovered , as to fix our selves on the creator : and nor , by a kinde of idolatry , on the creature it self . and as it had thus fared in the great end of all things , gods glory ; so , in the chief appointed means to it , mans preservation , it would have come to pass that the knowledge and practice of our duty ( without precepts of religion ) would have been , in many things , at a loss . for example , although , by long circuit of reason and such discourses as heretofore spoken of , some men might come to have found , that obedience should be given to the prince or chief magistrate , even in order to that we owe to god ; yet , considering the great number of the ignorant , and the differences of others about the measure and manner of affording it , ( without direct precepts of religion commanding and determining it ) nothing but civil war and slaughter would follow . in which war , as my person must be equally hazarded with others , so , in lessening the number of mankinde , the lessening of gods praises , in the instrument thereof , would ensue . therefore , as well out of care of gods glory as my owne good , my submission to government and a publique desinitive sentence was necessary : but the ability to apprehend it by discourse hapning to few , and yet the end of it being the duty of all ; it was behoofful that obedience should peremtorily be appointed by precepts of religion : whether unto kings as supreum , or unto others as sent of him . as thus , in many matters of charity , divine direction was usefull , so , to the particular direction of our christian faith , ( on which as a ground-work ) our charity was to be built ) this direction was much more necessary . for since none could come to god except he first know that god is , and that he is a rewarder of them that seek him ; so , the stating our faith standing necessary as to the stating our obedience , we we may see cause for the frequent commendation and injunctions thereof in the new testament : where it is expresly said , that without it t is impossible to please god : that is , without confidence of his being , and of his rewards and punishments following our good or bad actions , we shall not be zealous of good works or duties of charity . and having so far shewed what the ground of religion should be , we will next shew what it usually is , both in ground and practice . chap. ii. of religion as commonly received . before the knowledge of good and evil entred into man , nature was his religion : and what was by her law done , was also thereby justified . but being once possessed with the apprehension of this discovery , all our thoughts and actions were so involved herein , that nothing we said or did , could escape censure on one side or other : and so consequently , for well or ill doing , we could not but expect reward or punishment . but because ( on the one hand ) the natural pride and arrogancy of each man , was ready to put a greater rate and desert upon his intents and doings , then he saw them rewarded with in this life ; and ( on the other side ) knowing the great and many faults that had escaped him or others , not at all espied by men , or by law so throughly punished as he thought their gift required ; the two main guides of our nature , hope and fear ; led on our expectations to a future reckoning ; in such a sort , that , where the souls immortallity and our resurrection are not by special revelation manifested , men are yet generally found believing thereof ; the craft of persons in authority ( many times ) helping on , and biassing these superstitions of inferiours to sociable advantages , or self respects . now the wayes men take for the obtaining of this future reward , or a voiding the like punishment , is their religion . and then , religion having its ground from conscience , and each mans conscience following the light of his understanding , in judging good and bad and their degree , from the diversity of understanding , followeth the diversity of religions : which , as they had their first rise and fashion from their several authours , so each one yeilds himself a disciple , as he findes his hopes , or the fears of his owne conscience therewith satisfied . therefore now , concluding mens religion and conscience to be according to their understanding , and their understandings being not onely differing but altogether imperfect , it is impossible that any religion should be true , but what is from god himself received . but then again , because truth doth not move by being , but by being apparent ; and because there is no way for this apparency till it be made conceivable to my understanding , will it not follow , that therein also , we must be subject to much difference & uncertainty ? so that men generally acknowledging a deity , & that no religion can be true but what shal be from him received , they do , by means of this fallible guide , so usually mistake in their choice . for knowledg in this kinde is not innate , but acquired : for why else are not children , and innocents , as well as men of riper capacity , ( by priviledge of birth and species ) without more ado ) instructed ? why is that long stay made , until , ( by natural course ) the sences and organs of the body receiving their due growth and perfection , the understanding ( together therewith ) arrive also at a sufficient capacity for the same reason to work by ? so that then , the priority , and worth of divine truths , being not able of themselves to enter our capacities , otherwise then as let in by the senses , or else made familiar by such things as formerly were so , as types , parables , similitudes , and the like ; it comes to pass , that , according to the several prepossessions of men , and their several fashions in entertaining them , our several beliefes and opinions do arise . and although we are seldome able to remember those sensible inductions out of which they grew , yet from such they must needs at first grow ; inasmuch as , had they come in without mixture , they would ( like truths ) have remained to all men the same , and alike : whereas now , their variety , shews the variety of their entertainment and admittance . and therefore , although naturally as men , and for satisfaction of our hope and fears sake , we generally adhere to one sort of religion or another , yet , when we come to entertain the kindes , we stand not onely disabled in our election , but for the most part use no election at all : depending rather on chance , then choice . for what one is there of a thousand , that ever doubts of , or alters the religion he was brought up in ? for do we not scholly , and catechise our children in the same opinion with our selves ? do we not carry and send them , ( with directions for beliefe and attention ) unto such churches and preachers , where we are sure the truth and benefit of this , and the falsehood and dangers of all others shall be exemplified to the height ? what probability then , that he should prefer an opinion unknown , at least alwayes discommended before one he doth know , and hears alwaies praised ? whereupon , we shall finde preoccupation of judgement of such force , that , whether they be christian , jew , mahumetan , heathen , or a distinct sect under any of these generals , yet all of them to resolute to their owne side , that they will embrace martyrdom rather then a recantation . not that all in any kinde will do so ; ( for all men stand differenced between perfect atheism and height of belief ; ) but where such tenderness of conscience and disposition is met withall , as can be subdued to entertain myrterdome on one side , the same party would also have entertained it on another , had education and other fore-stalling arguments been applyed unto him . and even as in christianity it self , and the sects thereof , we may find both martyrs and renegates , as strength of belief leades them , so in other religions also , ( upon tryal ) these kindes have been apparent . for as the magitians feigned miracles found greater belief with the egyptians then the true ones of moses , so a false information , having nothing to contradict it , or education having forestalled our judgements , prevailes as true with us , and the contradictory thereof as false . for all men thinking it reasonable , that the proof of divine authority should be evinced by something more then humane ; and that supernatural truths , otherwaies not conceiveable by sense , ( and so demonstrable ) should be ascertained and illustrated by such as were , it made the founders of all religions pretend miracles ; as thinking their endeavours vain without them . therefore , as the miracles of the old testament were occasioned for confirmation of all , or part of the law , and the maker thereof ; so , when alteration in that , and confirmation of the gospel was required , it was requisite as great , or greater should be shewed . till these things were done , it was impossible for natural discourse to assent to misteries so much above its reach : nay an infidelity it had been , to have departed from truths already so firmly established , without higher ground . therefore our saviour saith , if i had not done amongst them those works that never any man did , they had not had sin . but if when custome and education , ( as in the other example , and these of our saviour to the jewes ) was so prevalent as not to give sense ( the greatest assurance we have ) leave to discern between truth and falsehood ; what can be expected from men now living ; that have onely an historical faith in that case to relye upon ? for although , in each religion , the proof of miracles be brought in as a divine and infalible evidence of its truth , yet the truth of their story depending upon the truth of that traditional doctrine , or that scripture out of which the relation it self is framed , it must follow that , where difference in these things is not made by reason , religion ( ordinarily ) must have its ground and rise from meer education . and so , however the founders of each religion have left unto their disciples some set or standing record or written direction , both for guidance of their belief and actions , yet when the same comes to be taken into credit onely upon the score of tradition and humane authority , it will follow that the proof thereof can have ( in our belief ) no higher certainty then the evidence of education and authority will bear : which was all the premises we made use of to frame this conclusion by . but , by this means , having entertained a ground work in our phancy , for beliefe of some principle for our direction and guidance in all things else , hence comes the bible with christians , the talmud with the jewes , and alcoran with the turks to be had in such esteem , that what is in them asserted is firmly believed . for although to some men there may happen such freedom and ability as sometimes to e●quire the foundations of things ; yet then , as it must , on the one hand , distaste through a plain affront to their judgement setled the other way already , so cannot it , on the other hand , be naturally of avail , farther then as true reason can ( without prejudice ) be brought to assist in the discovery . for ( without it ) pretence of divine attestation to be gathered from that particular majesty and elegancy of stile , ( which mahomet himself and his followers do so much brag of ) to be found in their alcoran , as an infalible signe that it was delivered by the holy ghost ) will be far from carrying the force of demonstration to persons unprejudiced . it being most apparent that , since thousands have , and do dayly read it without any such discovery , that this assent of theirs , going alwayes along with such , and none but such as have , in their education , had it perpetually inculcated unto them that it was indeed so written , can proceed from nothing else but prejudice and prepossession of judgement . for they cannot but conceive that if god had intended conviction that way , he could have so plainly and efficaciously have done it , as that those miracles they put upon him might well have been spared . but it is to be considered , that although from reading of books containing new argumentations and reasonings men may be altered in their judgement from what they were , yet in things delivered magistrally , and by way of authority onely , the assent must arise from prepossession . for i read not of any proselites made , amongst the egyptians or others , from those translations of the books of several religions , wherewith ptolomies library was furnished . so that now tradition and authority being the chief evidence , it will rest the chief object of enquiry : even from the universality , soundness , and other strength thereof , for reason to lay her grounds for future certainty and belief . and that , not onely in preferring the sacred scriptures in general above the records of other religions , but also in discovery and distinction of the true cannon thereof from other counterfeit or apocriphal writings . for how else shall he satisfie himself , ( amidst those many disputes that have been from time to time raised in the church it self , and by the prime members thereof ) what books were true , and what forged ( as well in the old as in the new testament ) which for so great a part of them have been controverted ; and , whilst some of those received have been disputed of , how shall he know that those refused , might not with more reason have been brought in in their rooms ? and so again , of the particular chapters and texts in these books ; how shall he finde any assurance , that , amidst those many heresies that have from time to time gotten such strength in the church , some of them have not been corrupted to serve their turns ? which , happening but to some , will cause all to be suspected : for , unless those places could be distinguished , it may ( for ought i know ) happen to be that book , or place of scripture which i am most to relye upon . in which doubts , scripture alone cannot satisfie me . for ( besides that nothing can be an evidence to it self ) if one book should undertake for attesting the rest , that book must still want his attestation : it being impossible to be higher , or other to us , that stand so far removed from evidence of the miracles brought to confirm it , then is our confidence of the ability and sincerity of the tradition ; or those several hands and conveyances , by which the record and report hereof hath come unto our hand . on which if we will not altogether implicitly rest , and take the truth of our religion on the hazard of our births and education , we must then ( as in a matter of so great weight and concern ) make use of that stock of reason and discourse god hath blessed us withall , to discover and direct us in the way we are to go . which , when done with humble petition for divine assistance , it usually follows that the same grace of ingenuity , that made us thus able to reach above ordinary , is usually accompanied with ability thus prudentially to be advised . that since the light of nature and reason discover to them a deity , and also a necessity of his worship ; although herein they can settle themselves on no demonstration ; yet , for satisfaction of their fears and hopes ( which in atheism could never be ) they shall finde it more reasonable to rest on the highest probability they can get , then have no rest at all . nor can this prudent course be yet left off . for , unless we will be altogether implicite in our beliefs , and rest wholly on education for the sense and meaning of these scriptures , our reason againe must be taken up ; to unfold and distinguish the truth of the texts themselves . for when ( as christians ) we are fully brought to consent unto , and credit the books and parts of the bible , we become now as much amazed and dazled with too great light , as with too great darkness confounded before . for with too much familiarity and presumption , daring to approach too boldly those glorious rayes , ( instead of true discovery , such cloudiness and mists have arisen in some understandings , that their owne conceipts have been believed for divine ; and , instead of the direct beam of truth , the reflected and refracted beam of ignorance and opinion have been embraced . for as he that looks against the sun without some spectacle for his sight , doth both miss his discovery there , and also weaken his sight for other things ; so fares it with men , when , scorning to take in natural helps , or the spectacle of reason and sense , they usually ( instead of truth and satisfaction ) reap nothing but opinion and error . and this , because experience tells us , that from it self alone no evidence can be had of its meaning . and therefore , to discover the rectitude or inequallity of opinions thence arising , rhere must be still some such rule made use of , as may direct us in our inquiry . for example , when we finde that all christians do believe , and relye upon the guidance and authority of the bible ; and that yet ; ( because of the prejudice , before mentioned ) that there is no schisme or heresie , but is thence derived , and endeavoured to be proved , what course by me , that am a lover of peace and truth , should be taken ? for , do i alleadge that no doctrine but what is proved by scripture ought to be believed ; so much they confess also that oppose me : and , for satisfaction that they really thinke so , are ready to attest it with their lives . tell i them farther , that upon more strict search of the scripture , and comparing one place with another they may be convinced ; they will answer , that , as they beleive the whole scripture to be canonical , so have they examined it all over , and still find no reason but to believe as they do . and why that part , or those texts of scripture on which they ground their opinion should be otherwise , or by other places interpreted ; must be as distasteful to their understanding , as it is different from former apprehension and education : because more then probable arguments being not to be brought by any , it must be expected that custome and familiarity have made their entertainment both pleasant and fixed . all which well considered , & the contemplation thereof compared to those sad effects of blood and war , under which not onely whole mankind labours ( through distinct religions ) but of those more fierce and uncivil slaughters and contentions , wherewith christians themselves are so continually and impetuously carryed to mutual destruction , it cannot but abate much of that peremtoriness which men usually take to themselves in phancying the truth of their owne tenents and doctrines , and in condemning and punishing that of others . it must methinks move the heart of any that hath at all any true intention of being a disciple to the god of peace , or of love to his brother , to begin to examine somewhat better the ground of this his impetuous and bloody devotion : and ( if a christian ) to fear least that prophesie of his saviour of killing men under colour of doing god good service , may not light on his score to act ; when , at any time , he is too hastily provoked . let men take heed of phancying their merciful redeemer , ( like a heathen saturn ) to be pleased or appeased with the sacrifice of humane blood : nor let too much self-conceitedness provoke fiery zeal to the perpetration of such actions , as lead to the overthrow of charity and his neighbours peace . for since height of belief and perswasion of conscience , can be ( of themselves ) no sure evidence of the goodness of a religious cause , ( which can have but one truth amongst so many pretended ones ) they had need be wary in relying thereupon : and careful that in their works they deny not him they so headily would serve ; nor do not transgress plain commands to obey obscure ones . for since the very enduring of persecution must also testifie , that those his christian brethren he now afflicts , are also confident of their own right serving the same master , the persecuters must thereby become guilty of doing otherwise then they would be done unto , both in relation to this their joynt master that thus makes them brethren , and to those their brethren and fellow members whom they ought not thus to judge , but leave to stand or fal to their own master : and whom rom. . . they would be loath should get , and make such use of advantages over them . in consideration of all which , there are that think that none should be oppressed or molested in the peaceable use of his conscience : for they find , that after all those heaps of blood & slaughter shed over all christendom , in design and pretence to promote christs sole truth , and bring men to agreement herein , that this truth is still as far from attaining farther certainty and evidence as it was before ; and that the stock of division is but hereby exasperated , and not at all allayed . to amend , and put a stop to which inconveniencies and mischiefes , all such as will put themselves into the number of the blessed peacemakers will find no readier way , then seriously to consider ( as we have endeavoured to shew in our past discourses ) that since faith and charity are to be the foundations of our religion , and we , to our utmost , to serve god in both ; it must also follow , that we are to perform them with more or less zeal and order , as we find the plainness of their precepts more or less evident . and therefore since in matters of faith ( either concerning the full comprehension of deity , and also of his manner of worship ) things have been but sparingly and darkly delivered , we are to presume that no farther speculation and discovery is necessary for us herein then what god hath been pleased to impart : who could have manifested himself to general conviction if he had thought it fit . but since , in this and in the manner of his worship , he hath already done so fully as will serve for manifestation of his will , and so far as to bring us to salvation , what need we search farther ? it will therefore be necessary for them that would avoid the danger of lukewarmness and neglect of gods service , on the one hand , and also the peril of breach of charity ( through blind zeal ) on the other , to make a distinction between things fundamental and what is not . the first he shall find ( in order to his salvation ) so plainly taught and delivered , that he that runs may read : and to those things onely ( as of immediate divine authority ) are we to give such firm assent , as not onely to obey god rather then men , but also , though an angel from heaven preach unto us other doctrine , we are not to believe him . but , in the other things not so neccessary , as we find them more darkly delivered and not fully cleared by god himself , so have they their appointed gods and interpreters here amongst us : unto whom we are to be obedient as to those that watch for our souls . in the first case , ( that is , in the fundamentals of our faith it behoves us to be explicite and epress : for in that sence , he that is not for christ is against him : whereas , in the other , we are to serve christ by our implicite obedience to his church , the pillar and ground of truth : and , in that sence it is , that he that is not against him is for him . but if he do not observe these , and other inducements to moderation and charity , he will be very subject to persecute christ in his members , while he is about to serve and vindicate him in his truth . he will be subject by his zealous prosecution under the form of godliness , to lose the power thereof : and even to destroy charity , the end of the law , through his misguided devotion to keep the law . for pretend men what they will of the equity and justice of their cause , ( whilst they are in private prosecution of one another for religion ) it can never be half so certain that herein they maintain that truth and doctrine which was by christ delivered to be believed , as that they transgress that precept of brotherly love commanded to be practised . for the truth of their opinon is seen but to themselves onely , else they mig●t think others that endeavour to serve christ as well as they , would not ( as in order to their owne salvation hereafter , or their present riddance from their persecution here ) stand so firmly to their own contrary principles . will they say that their , adversaries might know this truth as well as themselves , did not prejudice possess them ; they hereby become both uncharitable censurers and judgers : and , if they should impartially search their owne hearts , they might hereof also condemn themselves : at least may as justly suspect the rest of their owne faction , as any of the other . and having so far laid the ground-work of direction , for those that desire to follow those things that make for peace : we will next speak of the church , and of our condition of innocence in her obedience . chap. iii. of the church catholick , and of the fundamentals of religion . the end of all religion being to praise and glorifie god befo●e men , and the praising him before men , inferring such a manner of doing it as in humane judgement is most honourable ; and then again , that which is most honourable being that which , through custome and general acknowledgement , is held most beneficial to man himself , it still brings gods glory to be the alpha and omega of all we do ; and the good of our neighbour the steady and only sure means thereunto . for to us men , that cannot intuitively behold his face and live , and so , out of rapture of his express excellence , glorifie him with immediate halelujahs ; our approach to him must be by his back-parts , his image in our brother : and our praise of him here ( if at all ) must be by such light and works before men , that , moveing them as men here , they may thereupon glorifie god which is in heaven . at first , there was no distinction of such as were to honour god before men from others ▪ whom we might ( thereupon ) call by the separate name of a church : but , whilst mankind was thin , the church was as large as mankind it self . but that encreasing , the nation of the jewes were particularly chosen from the rest , to have his name more eminently put and worshipped : and amongst , and unto them , for the preservation of his more immediate service and honour he appoints a particular law to be written and observed , whereupon , that sign of circumcision that served for a mark to distinguish them from others , as being the pledge of their promised obedience , took on it the name of covenant ; to wit , the covenant of works . not that god was not still ( worthily ) the only true object of the praises of all mankind ; but , inasmuch as his former precepts and our natural ability , had been so forgotten and insufficient , that idolatry and oppression had now ( in a manner ) wholly supplanted his worship and mutual charity , ( except in that single family of abraham ) it seemed necessary ; that , as well an increase of direction should be given , for increase of his service , as an appropriation thereof to some select people ; for its better intention and security for the future . by this means , the race of abraham come at once to receive the reward of their father constancy in gods service , ( in regard of many promised blessings by them received ) and also , ( by having the oracles of god committed unto them ) they come to be a means for gods honour to be more encreased ; even by being here , as by a select church or company of men , more eminently served . for , from hence he might , through the observation of the whole world , have his name more hallowed , and have greater glory given and directed to him then before . not that the common salvation of man was lessened , by this more express care of his owne glory , but rather encreased . for , as the jewes had open advantage by encrease of light , so other nations had the same light of reason continued to them as before : with this advantage , that if they were diligent there with to examine those precepts delivered to the jewes , they could not but discover ( as we formerly noted in the decalogue ) great benefit by using them themselves . and since we find no other reward or punishment , then temporal , annexed to legal obedience or default , ( for works as works cannot deserve higher ) and since those vailes of rites and ceremonies were so thick , that it was neer as hard for the jewes expresly to discern christ by faith through them , as for the rest of the world to difference him by the light of reason , i cannot but charitably presume , that the great preserver of men might finde a way for the saving m●ny of them , worshiping the same god ; though not under that notion of the god of abraham . for as the having of circumcision did not save all that had it , so neither the want of it , did of it self destroy : but as those which were without the law of moses , were a law unto themselves , by the law of reason , so it follows , that at this law of reason ( proceeding from the same god ) was unequally broken or kept , mens punishments or rewards ( no doubt ) succeeded . nor shall i ever make my self believe , that sardinapilus and scipio should be alike in their future reckonings for punishment , being not to be supposed equally culpable in the breach of charity , the end of the law ; although they might equally miss heaven , as being equally incredulous . yet , as we said , untill the law was given , whereby another way of direction for mens honouring of god , and sociable abearance to one another did arise , the restrictive name of a church could not be applyed to one nation or part of mankind more then another . for although the closer observation of the first light and way given to adam and other of the fathers might make some of them more truly called the sons of god then others , as the truer and more sincere worship of those of judah , above those of israel , might do the like ; yet , as long as these israelites did still make their acknowledgements to be guided by the same law and rule of circumcision with the other , it was not their calves nor other failings could hinder them from being of the catholique church ; no more then could the corruptions of the sons of adam , the son of god , hinder men from being equally his seed , and members of the visible church : even after that their multiplication commerce one with another had caused pride , and covetousness , ( the two daughters of humane frailty ) to make the whole earth to be filled with violence , and so to be equally punished by the flood : or then noahs particular justice , and closer walking with god , above any other , could , at the same time , shut out all but himself from being of the same visible church also . mens general acknowledgement of the same way of divine guidance , as proceeding from god the creator ( even before the time that unto moses he was distinguished under the expressions of the god of abraham ) making all of them equally of the catholique church , although , by their deeds there after , they might differently be of the communion of saints . but although god might in mercy accept of that ready literal obedience in the iew , and also of that substantial obedience in the gentile ; and , albeit the law of moses or reason , were not exactly kept by either , might impute christs satisfaction unto them , and so receive them into the merit of a saviour , ( as well as job and other of the patriachs ) yet , unto us that now live , after the time that this saviour hath been by miracles proved to have been and appeared in the flesh , as there can nothing save us but actual belief and profession ( especially where it may be had ) so , ( where this profession of christ is , ) nothing can hinder the party from being a member of his body the visible church ; nor the church ( hereupon ) to admit him into her fellowship by the dore of baptisme . which sacrament , being by the church given to us as a seal of the performance of gods gracious promises on our behalf , is called a covenant also ; and particularly the covenant of grace : and that , because salvation comes to us by free gift , and not by performance of any positive outward law of god , as to the iewes it did . nor yet stand we now obliged ( with the gentile ) to the observation of the whole law of nature : for although the precepts of love the lord withall thine heart , &c. and love thy neighbour as thy self , be positively set down in holy writ , ( because the general insufficiency of that portion of reason which is committed unto men , could not ordinarily otherwise discover so much ) yet they are as natural as creation and providence it self ; even as upholding the same . for , ( as heretofore declared in the particular of man ) each one , in reason , being obliged to do all things to the preservation and advantage of another , because even thereby gods praise and glory is preserved and encreased , by the preserving and benefiting one another ; it followed that , in whatsoever the least thing we neglected , or thwarted our duty of acting herein , we were so far culpable against the law of reason ; which was , and alwayes is divine ; both as being part of gods inexhaustable fountain , and ayming also at the same end , the continuance and furtherance of his creation and providence . but because in adam we had taken the morality of actions upon our owne score , the portion of humane wisdome which would have sufficed to guide us as natural agents in implicite obedience , was not now sufficient to steer us unblamable in all things whatsoever , ( no , though we should be most intent upon it ) but that god and our neighbour might have been better served ; therefore god , to the jew , abreviates this universal strict rule to some set precepts ; which , being observed , he makes his covenant to accept of , for performance of the whole moral law , or law of natural reason . and therefore we may observe , that there was something in it of providence and charity of all kinds : as forbidding to eat blood , the life of creatures , mercy to the poor and stranger , letting the land take rest , forbidding to take the young bird with the old , or to seeth the kid in the mothers milk , &c. but exact obedience being found yet too difficult for men to attain salvation by , and the very knowledge of these precepts being in the absence of the lawmaker difficult also , it pleased god , to us christians , to make his kingdom to be chiefly inward , and accept of the will for the deed : and the litteral exact performance being done by a saviour in our stead , we are accepted , ( not for doing all we should , but ) for having done what we can . so that , by belief and adhesion in , and to him , and doing what he commands , we come by , and through him , to be accepted , as having done all that he did . and thereupon , we , that ( in respect of breach of gods precepts ) were enemies and rebells to him , and so could not be received into that kingdome of his which was designed for innocent mankind ; came , through faith , to be made so much on with christ , ( who hath taken our nature upon him ) as to be accepted by god , as actual performers of the whole law . which faith , being the work of the holy ghost , doth , by its reception in each person , constitute him a member of that society which we call the catholick church : which consisting of parts or members triumphant , militant , and future , are all yet , by means of this owne spirit , received into the union of christs mystical body or communion , the communion of saints . from all which it will not be hard to conceive how god was in christ reconciling the world unto himself , not imputing their trespasses unto them : and how christ fulfilling for us , both that natural large law of providence and beneficence which ( as gods knowing good and evil ) we had undertaken , as also that strict litteral abreviation thereof , we come to be restored again to a state of innocence . for , under the condition of absolute necessity to salvation , we have even as few precepts laid upon us under this second adam , as there were from god , in paradise , laid on the first : but that , being ingrafted into christ by faith , and , in all our outward deportments to our neighbours , walking according to christian light and obedience , we should be as unblameable and innocent now , as then . for as adam , while guided by the light of nature onely , had his duty and innocence measured by obedience to that one outward law , so we again , having no other direct outward precept from god or christ himself , are through faith , and by our ready obedience to him , actually performed to his church in his stead , ( as having the word of reconciliation committed unto them ) acquitted in all we do : but if done otherwise , we forfeit thereby the whole condition ; and , as again obliged and culpable for the breach of the whole law , nothing but read mission into the covenant of innonency , by repentance ; can secure us from damnation . chap. iv. of each particular church and its power . having hitherto spoken of the reason and foundation of the church in general , and of the necessity of our participation of her communion : so now again it will be necessary , to speak of each particular church and its jurisdiction . for since we cannot otherwise attain to be members of this catholick body , then as being first members of some particular church , it will therefore follow , that as the necessary observation of the law of providence , which we could not explicitely and perfectly do upon our owne abilities , was the cause christ became obedient to god for us ; that we might be made the righteousness of god in him ; so there lies upon each member a duty of conformity and obedience to their particular churches , that thereby , being made conformable to the image of his son , they may also be restored to the image of god. and therefore although the catholick church cannot be aggregate , or represented der any single head or rule but of christ himself , yet since it is integrated , and ( by parts ) made up of particular churches ; and , in these , christs power being to be represented by other christs or anointeds under him ; it will follow that our obedience to this church and the head thereof , must have of us , all that obedience which unto the other we cannot give ; else would that precept of obedience to the church come to nothing : as indeed ( for the most part ) is intended by such as would have the writers of their owne mind to be held for the catholick church onely . therefore now , being to consider the christian church as an assembly of believers , separate from other for gods more immediate honour and worship , we cannot well appropriate this phrase to that part of the catholick which is past and unconversant with men , nor ( for the present ) to that part of it which is yet to suceeed : although , both the one , and the other , have done , or are to do their personal parts herein : but must interpret that notion of catholick church , ( used either when those duties are in general given which are fit for the church to observe in obedience to christ , or when againe given for her members to observe to her ) to intend that part of christs body which shall be successively militant on earth : to whom alone , these instructions can be necessary and useful in both kinds . but then again , as this general duly of praising god before men can onely be performed by the visible church , because she hath onely power and opportunity therein ; yet since this power , here on earth , is subsistant by the separate jurisdiction of those particular churches which constitute her catholick body , and she can in no other sence be termed catholick , with reference to any other head then of christ himself ; it must be therefore granted , that all those precepts for general obedience to the church , must be meant of every church in particular : as having onely use of jurisdiction to this purpose . and as having besides ( according to the several inclinations of their owne people , and the known affections of those of the world amongst whom they live ) the best and onely ability to know and command what is fittest to be done for advancing gods glory , according to the exigence of their particulars : which otherwise , in the strange mixture of christianity with other religions throughout the world , were not possible to be comprised under one certain or equal rule ; or to be known and executed , by one single persons power . and that the church and civil jurisdiction of each place signifie the same , and that by obedience to the church , obedience to the particular church is ment , will appear by that of our saviour , mat. . where controversies are , ( if not decideable by umperage ) to be told to the church . under which name must be comprehended the present particular authority of that place , because else how shall they go to it ? and it must be the civil as well as ecclesiastical authority also ( as having them conjoined ) because it determines particular personal injuries ; where brother offends against brother , and one servant takes another by the throate , saying pay what thou owest , as the parable denotes . but the conclusion is , that the supream jurisdiction whilst it is christian ) is the very church we are to submit unto : and those that will not hear the church , are to be unto us as heathens and publicans : that is such as have renounced christ , by this their renoucing the image of his authority , the christian church : whose definition and power , be the thing of never so civil nature , makes the breach of it a sin ; as , on the contrary , our obedience to them acquits us of guilt . for it is from christ they have this power , that , whatsoever is bound on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever they shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . so that christ having now blotted out that hand writing of iewish ordinances which was against us , and released them from their litteral strictness , to the extent of rational and natural laws ; and having also answered to god for the large morallity of the whole rule of providence , ( leaving christians at large in all things wherein their reason or christian precept is not transgressed ) and lastly , having left the charge for custody and enforcing these christian precepts to every christian church , ( who are thereupon to answer to him for the faults of the people ) the advantage that christians have of living in a state of innocence , is unquestionable and immoveable , while they contiune obedient . and therefore christs gospel might well be called glad tytings ; and we may find that our saviour made his general encouragement to the entertainment of him and his doctrine , because his yoke was easy , and his burthen light , insomuch that when he came in particlar to be asked what it was , he answered , in one command for both tables , thou shalt love , &c. including , under the precept of love to god and our neighbour , all the law and the prophets ; that is , all things of faith and charity , or of faith and obedience , which is charities support . first , for our faith and its fundamental object , life eternal is to know god , and iesus whom he hath sent : he is the way the truth and the life , the authour and finisher of our faith : on whom whosoever believeth hath everlasting life , and on him that believeth not the wrath of god abideth . which one article , comes therefore to be eminently necessary , because it is the onely foundation : for other foundation then this can no man lay ; and this foundation every man must lay , or else all the faith , and obedience to be framed thereupon will come to nothing . for although their be other articles ( as depending on this , and incident to our christian profession ) which ought to be believed also , ( even as all things by god proposed as truths are ) yet to add them as of themselves necessary to salvation , it is to christ and christian faith as high derogation as to add circumcision or other observations as necessary to salvation in our christian obedience . and as for our obedience outward , we are freed from those many rites , ceremonies and observations of the jewes , which god in particular favour of the jewish nation had appointed : most of them being but shadows of christ himself , and of that great and plain way which by the gospel should be revealed . nay the very judicial part , though instituted by god himself for that government , bindes us not as positive laws , but as useful presidents upon like occasion : that is to say , where their and our causes were alike : which is not binding as such or such laws , formerly made and authorised by god , but as parts of the general law of reason . for as unto them god was immediate lawgiver , and , being given before kings , was both god and king ; so was the litteral observation of them in both respects necessary ; that is , as religious , and as civil duties also . for both were the same to them ; because god at that time undertaking the managery of the civil as well as ecclesiastical estate , made both one then , no otherwise then his remitting both to the prince makes both of one sort now : that is , under the same chief relation to duty and obedience , namely that of conscience . but because of gods express undertaking herein , to them it was do this and live : but , unto us , for whom those directions were not particularly made , by the deeds of the law shall no flesh be justified . as gods rule to them was outward and litteral , so were his promises and threats for performance temporal , and respecting this life onely . wherein they failed ( as needs they must ) their failing was expiated by sacrifice , pointing at a saviour to come to fulfill these things for them : but christ being now come , and having fulfilled all righteousness , the observation of the letter is released , ( as to direct divine authority ) and we christians ( standing bound but to the general precept of love and charity ) are referred for our particular managery and guidance therein , to the higher powers ; whom we are to obey , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake : not onely for fear of that present temporal punishment they may infflict as meer men in authority , but out of conscience also of preservation of our owne innocence , in preservation of our obedience to god in them . all which in the epistle to the hebrews is plainly signified : where god is brought in , speaking of the difference of the jewish , and christian covenant and obedience , ( according to the many prophesies to that purpose ) and saying , not according to the covenant that i made with their fathers , in the day when i took them by the hand to lead them out of the land of egypt : that is , not like as it was whilst i gave them particular precepts for all their outward duties , and did lead them in all their affairs my self , as if i should have taken them by the hand . but this course god now changeth because they continued not in my covenant , and i regarded them not saith the lord : that is , because i found humane frailty so great , that these litterall commands could not be kept ; therefore now ; i will put my laws into their minde , and write them in their hearts , and i will be to them a god , and they shall be to me a people . and they shall not teach every man his neighbour , and every man his brother , saying know the lord ; for all shall know me even from the least to the greatest : that is , by the love of god , shed abroad in our hearts , all shall be taught of god , and by his spirit led into all fundamental and saving truth : so that by being all taught of god to love one another , which is the life and soul of the moral law , they shal by keeping that one precept of love , keep the whole law . but , for our direction outward therein , we are not come unto a mount that might not be touched , and that burned with fire nor unto blackness , and darkness , and tempests ; ( that is , to hear them from such a mountain which was made inaccessible through these terrible apparitions that accompanied gods presence thereon ) and the sound of a trumpet , and the voice of words ; which voice they that heard entreated that the word should not be spoken to them any more , for they could not endure that which was commanded . that is , neither are we now to be terrified , as by hearing god speaking with his owne voice to our outward ears : but we ( for our outward direction ) are come unto mount sion , and unto the city of the living god , the heavenly jurusalem : and to an innumerable company of angels : that is , to the present church militant , and to such as do therein instruct us as gods messengers by their angelical doctrine . and to the general assembly , and church of the first born which are written in heaven : and to god the judge of all , and to the spirits of just men made perfect : that is , unto the catholick doctrine of the church , assisted by god the judge of all , and attested by those many martyrs , which ( like their captain ) are made perfe●t by suffering . and then ( that both these may be made beneficial to us and to our salvation ) we are come to jesus the mediator of the new covenant : and to the blood of sprinkling , that speaketh better things then the blood of abel . and these gospel duties of love and obedience , we shall find to be the verry errand also of him that was to conclude the law and the prophets , and to be christs forerunner : as it is most fully , ( though mystically ) expressed by the prophet malachy , and also by saint luke , in their descriptions of iohn the baptist his office and message . the first of these duties is couched in these words ; he shall turn the hearts of the father to the children : that is , he shall prepare them to entertain the loving of one another , in as high degree as the father doth his child . and then , secondly , for performance of the duty of obedience ( whereby to make this love to be advantagious ) it is added by malachy , and the heart of the children to their fathers : the which saint luke , expounding to mean the disobedient to the wisdome of the just , doth plainly shew that the preparation of the gospel of peace ; and the way to make ready a people prepared for the lord , was by bringing them into such a state of humility and obedience , as that they should give unto their superiours ( endued with power over them from the just one ) the same indisputable respect as children did to their own fathers : and so , ( like obedient children ) trust to them for the exposition of the law of moses , and the former statutes and judgements . this pronoune their being restrictively added to fathers in the clause for obedience , whereas the pronoune the is added to fathers in the other , will again shew us how large our love should be , and not at all exclusive : whereas our obedience is to be to our own heads or fathers . so that now , by means of christs taking on him the kingly office under the gospel , and so by his church and deputies therein , affording us both places and persons continually accessible , we may say of his kingly office in like manner as was said of his taking the priestly office upon him ; namely , that ( as we have a high priest that may be touched with our infirmities , so ) we have a kingship also from him the king of kings , whereby ( as from persons knowing and sensible of our want ) we may be continually supplyed ( after a new and living way ) both with ghostly and temporal directions , by the grace , and power of him who hath uniued thesese two offices , and is ( after the order of melchisedec ) king both of righteousness and peace . upon which ground , we may find a ready reason for our saviours speech ; that , god had given him authority to execute judgement , because he is the son of man : meaning that as god had made his recess under the law ( before mentioned ) in compassion of mans weakness , so under the gospel , by christs taking our nature upon him , and so being made more sensible of our wants , we have also an exceeding advantage towards the commiseration of our frailties : whether in pardoning what we do amiss , or in supply of what we want . whereupon it must now follow , that as a medicine doth not work by being , but by being applyed ; and that as gods new covenant of inward grace , is to be made effectual by our outward obedience ; so must now our condition of innocence , and fulfilling of the law by the precepts of love , be interpreted then onely subsistent , when we act with , or not contrary to such as are by god and christ entrusted , with the custody and direction of these precepts ; and have power to command us accordingly . and although god himself rule not in us now by tables of stone , so much as formerly , but by the fleshly tables of our hearts ; yet since these are still ruling by them in his stead , our obedience to them is necessary , and acceptable in the sight of god our saviour , that we may lead quiet and peaceble lives in all godliness and honestly : and so make good ( on all parts ) his saying , that he came not to destroy the law but to fulfill : that is , not to let this inward obedience to god ( in the precept of love ) prove fruitless , for want of outward obedience to superiours , directing how the same shall be usefull . for we are to esteem and believe them as keepers of both tables ; that is as to the outward minstration : and since ( in this kinde ) we cannot hear god plainly and expresly speaking as from the mount that cannot be touched , we are yet to hear them as in his stead , according to that admonition , obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves ; for they watch for your souls , as they who must give accompt ; that they may do it with joy and not with grief : for this is profitable for you . which precept of obedience , twice repeated , under the words obey and submit , sets forth this duty to be performed in the fullest manner : no equivocation or delusion to be used herein . for since i may obey but in what my self likes , or is for mine owne ends ; or i may give obedience onely for fear of wrath , i am also commanded to submit my self ; that is , to do it for conscience sake to his authority as one that is in duty subjected unto it . and to cut off that usual cavil against obedience to christian authority , namely the hazard of our souls ; we are here told that they are the watchmen of our souls , and that they must give accompt thereof . and this office of watching our souls , they shall then perform with joy , and not with grief ; when we shall readily yeild them this our bounden obedience and submission ; and consider with our selves how profitable this subjection is unto us ; even for securing our souls , and estating us innocent . and least any shold think this admonition reach to civil duties onely , and not to directions for , and in matters of faith ; the apostle , in the same chapter , did before bid them remember them that have the rule over you , who have spoken unto you the word of god : whose faith follow , considering the end of their conversation . that is , since the end of their imployment and rule overus , was that we might lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honestly : or to be directed by them in matters pertaining to godliness as well as honesty , we are therefore to follow their faith in delivery of the meaning of the scripture , as we have already followed their authority in receiving it as the word of god. and again , to take off the objection of personal defect and errour , which might be made to defeat obedience to some men in lawful authority , let our saviour himself be heard : the scribes and pharisees ( saith he ) sit in moses seat , all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and do . where we may find , by the words all , and whatsoever , the generallity of our obedience to the persons in moses seat ; or seat of supream and just authority . against which , if any exception or suspition of errour was to have been a sufficient excuse , christ would never have so enjoyned it ; as supposing the scribes and pharisees put into that seat : a people which he well knew to be in many particulars erronious . but yet however , whilst they sat in moses seat , that is ( as from , and under god ) acknowledged and taught the fundamentals of the law , so long were their disciples secured in a state of innocence by obedience : no otherwise then christians are , by obedience to those that are over them in christs seat in the church . undeniably clear to this purpose is saint paul to the philippians : do all things without murmurings and disputings , that ye may be blameless and harmless the sons of god , without rebuke , in a crooked and perverse nation , amongst whom ye shine as lights in the world : holding forth the word of life , that i may rejoyce in the day of christ , that i have not run in vain , nor laboured in vain . in which words , he shews what is to hold forth , or make use of the word of life : namely , to do all things without murmurings and disputings . for this obedience to gods vicegerents , will not onely make the persons themselves blameless , or to be the sons of god ; but will also redound to god and his gospels glory : when men ( like the philippians amongst the rebellions greeks ) shall shine by exemplary submission to authority , as lights in the world ; or as directors to humane preservations and peace . and it will cause them that have this guide over them , to do it ( as aforesaid with joy ●nd not with grief : so that both here , and in the day of christ they shall have comfort : when , being to give account for their souls , it shall appear that they have not run in vain , nor laboured in vain . and if the end and occasion of this precept for implicite obedience be marked , it will make it clearly maninfest that the same is this way , and by no othea means to be accomplished . for what way so likely to have their conversation honest amongst the gentiles , and such as becometh the gospel of christ : even the gospel of him , who , being equal with god , yet ( to be an example of obedience ) took on him the form of a servant , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the cross , as by continuance of this their obedience unto him , not in his presence onely , but now much more in his absence : whereby working out their salvations with fear and trembling , they might then shine as lights in the world , when their obedience shall be thus known unto all men ? what way so likely to stand fast in one spirit , with one mind , to be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind , but to have nothing done through strife or vain glory , but in lowliness of mind ( or by putting on the form of a servant ) each one to esteem other ( especialy his superiors ) better then himself ? for by this renouncing our own things , that is , the reliance on our owne wisdomes , or increase of our owne interests , ( which might be expected by murmurings and disputings ) we shall unquestionably preserve and encrease the publick good , or things of others : even by maintenance of publick peace and agreement . whereby we may more assuredly enjoy the consolation of christ , the comfort of love , the fellowship of the spirit , in this our charitable communion : and also , thereby fulfil the joy of such as are by christ set over us . for the only ready way to walk by the same rule , & to mind the same thing , is to be followers together of these , and to mark those that walk so as they have them for an example . whereas , if men shall be left to walk otherwise , as enemies to the cross of christ , and shall be left to dispute and contrive wayes of salvation to themselves , their end will be destruction ; and love , charity , and union will be quite lost , through their division and disobedience : whilst one shall say i am of paul , and i of apollos , and i of cephas , and i of christ ; and so prove themselves not followers of the god of peace , whilst not doing thes things as learned , and received , and heard , and seen , in our owne christian superiour . in these admonitions to the philippians , where saint paul had entire jurisdiction , as being a gentile church under him , we may observe him directing this perfect obedience unto himself , as their owne unquestionable head : when he sayes that i may rejoyce , that i have not , &c. whereas he that was the author of the epistle to the hebrews , sets down the persons in general terms unto whom this obedience is to be given : as obey them that have the rule over you , &c. and remember them that have the rule over you . for neither was saint paul their head himself , nor had these jews ( that still remained in judea ) as yet any setled single head : because the most of the apostles were there resident , and still in equal authority amongst them . and as for the dispersed jewes , it was to the author of that epistle uncertain who was their rulers ; as also how many they had : they being ( not improbably ) at that present governed by elders , after a synagogue fashion , and not having a single supream head , constantly residing amongst them . and such as would go about to interpret , that these words cannot be construed for estating the prince , or civil magistrate ( as they call him ) in the capacity of religious authority , because at that time they were heathens ; and therefore say it must intend apostolical or church teachers onely : they do thereupon confess , the same thing to be now due , to that supream magistrate which is a christian , and hath church jurisdiction as well as civil . for if then perfect obedience , both in the one and the other sort , were to be given by each member to several persons then claiming it , it must follow that it must be in like manner done entirely to that one now , that hath the united supream power in both . chap. v. of the forms of the church government ; and of the jurisdiction claimed by church men . although those that would disturbe the peace of kingdomes by setting up an universal monarch in church affaires , and they that would set up the whole clergy uncontrolable to govern in each kingdome , after a democratique fashion , are both of them dissalowably out of what hath been already spoken ; yet for mens better information , we will hear speak more particularly of both . the first i conceive cannot be at all , both for the reasons before given in the discourse of the church , and because it is that particular prerogative which christ hath reserved to himself , of being with them as catholick head to the end of the world . and as in particular kingdomes and parts thereof , christ presides by special deputies , as king of kings ; even so , upon the same reason of universal jurisction and care , he is to take the immediate charge of the whole unto himself . in which regard , as there should be no man called father on earth , or general monarch of the whole earth or mandkind ( in derogation to gods prerogative of vniversal kingdome , power and glory ) so are not the heads of any particular church , to transcend their apostolical pa●ity , and encroach on christs prerogative of universal church power : because one is their master , even christ ; and they are brethren . in which words father and master in the singler number as we may note one person in supream authority to be meant , so will they serve to explain unto us who is meant and entended , when in so many places we are bidden to obey in all things , under these notions of father and master : namely , that it is that our particular master or father , who hath now as supream authority over us in his own territory and jurisdiction , as the former masters and fathers had in their families : who were then the onely persons that could be vniversally obeyed in all things ; because they were then the onely proper denominations of such as were in supream authority as christians , apostles , patriarchs , bishops , and the like , being not officers to continue in supream authority as such ; nor being so continually nor vniversally resident , as to be able to determine all differences : nay they may be conceived included in the injunction too ; because they exercised their present power in a patriarchal right and way , as shall be hereafter noted . so that , in regard of this injunction to obedience under the notion of father , &c. the christian church had resemblance with the jewish also : for their laws and commandments , being given by god before they were at that heigt as to be fitted to enjoy that statute officer , who should as a constant publick father command amongst them , they had likewise their precept for obedience and respect , couched under the notion of father too in the fifth commandment : within the generality thereof , including as well such temporary publick officers as should immediately command , as that future setled officer of king , prophetically designed to be over them in both churches , now as these fathers and masters had , and have entire jurisdiction in their families and kingdomes , because these could have but one head in chief ; so must it be granted that since there can be but one church , ( that is to say catholick ) because christ can have but one body , and that body again but one head ; that therefore proportionably , as any other authority and head shall come between christ and this body , so much will the separation and disunion of him with his body be encreased . for to represent christ in the whole catholick church , is not so much to represent him as head , as to be head in his room and in abatement of this ambitious humour , is our saviours reply to be construed which he made to the children of zebedee ; who would have transcended their apostolical rank of parity , and have been ( alone ) sitting above their fellow heads of churches , at the right and left hand of christ. for if their suit had been but for equality , they needed not to ask it : nor do i see why any of the rest should have been so angry at it . but to answer these , it was that our saviour sayes , that those that had highest abilities in close and holy following of him , might expect a reward or crown in heaven for it : but they were not after the manner of the gentiles , to exercise domini-over one another here . the like are we to conceive of that example of washing his disciples feet , and many other places ; where he purposely gives directions and precepts against this ayme of vniversal government : of most of which , we shall have occasion to speak in discourses following . as for the other government by an independent consistory of the clergy , it must to all unbiassed judgements appear unreasonable : for since ( as subjects ) they are included in the general jurisdiction and authority of each kingdome ; so , for order and peace sake , they should by the same authority be subject to their diocessans ; as they again are to be to the prince , the head of that particular church . where by the word church , is meant that assembly of christian believers , which is divided from others by an entire jurisdiction of their owne , and do thereupon come to be called this or that church . no● clergy men onely , as if these were the sole members of christs body : and so ( as being more immediately imployed by authority about church matters ) they ( as more strictly called church men and spiritual guides ) might be judged ( as some do ) do have the sole and absolute power of the church , and to be the onely watch-men and guide of souls . no , their mission and power , as immediately received from christ , is onely inward unto us ; that is , over gods kingdome ther● : they are perswade men to turn to the lord with purpose of heart : that is , so settle in our hearts the foundations of faith and love ; which being wroucht in us by the holy spirit , they become thereupon ( so far as they are gods ministers ) to be ministers of the spirit , not of the letter : being , for directing men in their outward duties , to have their power from that church and christian authority unto which themselves are subject . but because that error grew from an in considerate necessity of our imitation of the primitive church , according to its first manner of government , it will be necessary to speak something thereof . as god hath power , and will have glory alone ; so it is necessary , in the constitution of those things in which he will have his glory more eminently to abide , that he have his power making and stateing them to be more remarkably and particularly manifest . thus , in the creation , that was the foundation of all things else , he acts alone ; and so much alone , that his very word was the deed . in that particular designation of a church ( for his glory to be more eminent amongst men ) that the honour of doing might be more his owne , he did first make use of the weakest means in humane reason for the foundation and establishment thereof . in the first church , amongst the jews , and whilst they were in their weak and wandering condition , ( as their need was greater , so ) his personal protection and guidance of them was more express and apparent . and therefore , whilst they were in this theocraty , their government was not to be managed by any setled vniversal authority besides himself ; or any one who took not , in all weighty things , immediate direction from him ; least the eminence of his owne glory should be hereby abated : but they were to continue in their wonted obedience to the natural fathers of their families and tribes , until such time as being throughly setled in peace and security from their enemies , he might make his recess ; and according to his former promises , permit and appoint them a king of their owne nation . who , as standing in his stead and authority now , and being entrusted with the future preservation and guidance of that which god had so carefully brought to perfection ; there was the same reason why he should have remarkable eminence and authority then ; as why he should not at all have it before . the same course we may see taken , in the founding of the christian church also : for they , during the time of their owne persecution , were ( as their weakness required ) in a theocraty too ; that is to say , guided by the express direction of our saviour himself , given to his apostles during the time he was on earth : and particularly , as being conversant with them for the space of fourty dayes , and speaking of the things pertaining to the kingdome of god. and in those things wherein his direction was wanting , they were to wait for the promise of the father : even the promise of the holy ghost , who should lead them into all truth . thereby came those spiritual guides and priests of the primitive church to be sometime called ministers and pastors ; but commonly presbyter ( from which the dutch word priester , and our english word priest are derived , being a notion in the sence of antiquity importing ) seniority jurisdiction and power ; whereby they coming to be enabled ( notwithstanding the weakness of the instruments and means ) to bring that church to its flourishing pitch and condition ; the mean estate of the churches owne officer did redound to the undeniable glory of that god , who did so manifestly appear in their assistance . so that gods dealing in matters of government , between the jewish and christian church seems in every respect alike ; save that , with the jews , the ministery of eldership went by birth , according to the course of nature ; but here , by election of the members of the church . for they being the adopted sons of god through christ , the particular priests and fathers that were to govern in this church , were to be at this churches election and choice also : or rather of its representative head christs deputy . for so are we to understand saint pauls words to titus , for this cause left i thee crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting : and ordain elders in every city as i had appointed thee . and those epistles to timothy and tytus ( men that by saint paul had been put into authority ) will plainly declare , that ( as themselves , so ) others had also different power one over another , as in relation to the churches government . the office and power of this elder , was in it self distinct from that of the preacher : as was formerly that of the father of the tribe , from that of the priest , although for sometime added and involved under the notion of presbyter in the same person that primarily had his authority for instruction sake ; even as before the priesthood was divided , it was by patriarchal right executed by the same father of the family . so that now , these presbyters having , ( during the time magistrates were not christian ) power of civil judicature in what concerned men estates , as well as of external duties concerning them as christians ; it came to pass , where they might exercise this their rightful jurisdiction , brother was not to go to law with brother before the unbelievers . and when we find those eminent persons ( called apostles ) directing in matters of external obedience , they do it as elders or fathers : which power and office was unto them annexed , as in right of their offices as heads of churches : for so saith saint peter he was also an elder . and again many of these elders did labour in the word and doctrine , and were therefore more especially worthy of the double honour , which was due unto an elder that ruled well . but then , as the apostles had in themselves , ( as christs deputies ) this union of jurisdiction and power , both for preaching and ruling ( although in the last sort the present power of heathen magistrates did almost wholly restrain them ) so they did also often dispence unto the same persons , the same joynt jurisdiction in both sorts also : and that , in regard of the paucity of eminent and able persons to undertake them singly . upon which reason , we come ( in these dayes ) to be so much puzled , to distinguish these primitive officers by their names and titles ; finding them promiscuoisly in the scripture set down : as sometime making apostle and elder to signifie the same : sometime apostle and deacons : and sometimes again we finde the calling of the evangelist mingled with that of the deacon . the which obscurity was also occasined , in that these apostles and higher officers were for want of ministers under them , forced many times to act in those more subordinate imployments , and sometimes also those at first put into lower stations did perform what did belong to functions above them . which being by some now adayes not well considered , or being careless and ignorant of the originals of names and their true derivation , they would appropriate the notion of elder or presbyter to the lay ruler onely , and wholly abandon the english word priest , derived ( as we said ) from presbyter , as implying sacrifice , and because we have no english word derived from sacerdos ; which might properly denote a sacrificer ; therefore this notion of priest must be laid aside , and the word minister taken in . not duely marking how they thereby fall into that which they would avoid , whilst they call those of the gospel by the legal name . for the hebrew stiles those of the law cohanim , originally signifiing a minister ; and thence comes the greeek words coneo and diaconeo ; being the same with minister in latin , and deacon in english. they do also hereby abusively and absurdly put him under his owne congregation and charge ; as sometimes calling him their minister , no otherwise then as josuah was called moses minister : as if the pastor ( for so they sometimes rightly enough call him ) could be called a servant to the sheep : but they shall never finde them called ministers or servants , but in relation to god or christ , or the whole church . and they also do hereby confound those officers they would distinguish . for that inferiour officer by them called a deacon , is by name but the same with minister , whom they would seem to place higher : as if by way of tautology they should call them minister and minister . but be they of what sort they will , evident enough it is , they were still at the appointment , and subordinate to the apostles , or other heads in chief : who now as christs deputies , were equally presiding for the guidance and rule of several churches , distinct in authority from one another . the which may be concluded as we said , from many passages set down in the epistles to timothy and titus : who being by saint paul put in as bishops or overscers over other pastours , are in and by these epistles , taught from him the chief head : and for what was not in them taught , they were to be guided by apostolical tradition : the things which thou hast heard of me among many witnesses ( that is , my avowed life and doctrine ) the same commit thou unto faithful men , who shall be able to teach others also . herein are all the several degrees of subordination briefly stated : the people are to be subject and to learn of their owne pastors and elders : these to be subject to their bishops ; and the bishops to their owne head in chief . and by that expression the things which thou hast heard of me among many witnesses , &c. we may know how to expound our saviours restriction given concerning our obedience to them that sit in the seat of authority , when he saith but do not as they do : meaning that rulers will sometimes do otherwise then they teach , or will publickly avow . now , as this greater number of persons in separate jurisdiction , was necessitated for want of civil entire power to make any one churches jurisdiction of large extent ; so it fitted best that persecuted condition of the church : that is , to accommodate them in having of one guide in chief , to rule each church in all their dispersions . and as the meanness of these rulers was then best agreeable to that their present condition , so was it advantagious also : because eminence in authority would have made them , ( as more remarkable , so ) more obnoxious to be oppressed and destroyed , by those heathen magistrates , amongst whom they lived : as would also their publick congregating in churches have done the like . but now , after the time god hath perfected his work of the churches deliverance , and free establishment in peace and rest from all about her ; after the time of his prophesie is fulfilled by appointing kings her nursing fathers , and queens her nurses , and of the church her having sons to be set as princes in all lands ( so that now under constantine ( as formerly under solomon ) the upper roomes and wandering tabernacles are converted into stately temples ) for men to think of running into their wilderness and persecuted condition again , ( by entertainment of those temporary forms which unto that condition were most fit ) seems to me to import both ingratitude and murmur against god ; as also imprudence to themselves . and those that shall well compare those prophesies that set out the christian churches happy and flourishing condition , with that which moses made to the jewes of having kings when their afflicted condition should cease , will finde the same reason and practice for both ; although neither iewes nor christians , had by moses , or christ , direct precept for doing either : no more then moses gave direction for building a temple , or christ or his apostles for erecting churches . but these things being supposed to follow ( as out of duty of gratitude ) that flourishing estate god should bring them unto , are less mentioned then that future succession of kings : concluding ( as we may gather ) that it would follow upon it : as both solomons , and constantines examples ( before mentioned ) so well declare . but ( in this regard ) we shall finde god almighty observing the same method , in bringing the whole church to its state of eminence and freedome from the bondage of forraign enemies , as he doth in bringing each one of its members from the thraldome of sin and the flesh : that is , both in the time of their birth and afterwards , leading them through wildernesses and persecutions ; to wean them from the former relishes of their onyons and flesh. pots , and to prove them whether they be fit for that promised land and state of happiness ; or for that peace and joy in the holy ghost , which is requisite to their perfection . unto which state being once arrived , through the almighty assistance of him that can do all things , and ( proportionable to the greatness and splendor of the church ) having raised them up a more eminent officer for their government , for men now to be affecting of elderships , presbyteries , and what other former temporary models they please to phancy , ( in presumption that god must thereupon ( as before ) more immediately appear ( as by miracles , guift of tongues , prophesie , &c. ) because of the weakness of those his present ministers , seems to me none other then that temptation of the devil offered to our saviour , of casting himself down headlong ; and so ingratefully neglect that ordinary way of safety he was now in , on presumption of gods miraculous delivery . it seems to me none other , then as if the israelites in the land of promise , flowing with milk and honey , should be asking quailes and manna , or the pillar of a cloud ; their former food , and way of direction . and lastly , these that will distrust gods guidance , if he manifest it not after their owne way , seem to me closly resembling those sons of belial also , that at the israelites institution of kingship , were ingratefully asking how shall this man save us . but they that are of the number of the repiners , murmurers , and complainers amongst us , should remember solomons advice : say not thou in thy heart , what is the reason that the former times were better then these ; for thou dost not enquire rightly concerning this : for he hath made every thing beautiful in its time : so that a man cannot say that this is better then that , for in their season they are all excellent . and more excellent and honourable no doubt it is , and more redounding to the glory of god ; that having promised to bring his church to a flourishing condition , ( so as to be eminent in the world for its owne strength and greatness ) he should in such measure do it as that it should be now able to subsist by it self ( according to the ordinary way of providence common to other nations ) then to be alwayes extraordinarily holding them by the hand himself : as thereby confessing he could not , or had not as yet made good his engagement . but , as concerning worldly splendour and greatness , it may be observed that the same degrees of different appearance have risen in the lustre of christs deputies , by reason of his farther recess from extraordinary assistance and presence with them , as there is in the difference of the moons shining , by reason of her distance from the sun , her fountain of light also . for although those primitive heads , might in themselves be nearer and fuller partakers of christs gracious and powerful influence , even as the moon in her nearer approach to the sun is the like ; yet was the radiation and light thereof , then most gloriously and apparently beneficial to the churches present direction and guidance , when shewed unto us by a compleat lustraction of that body in our present view . nay this promise of kingship , ( to be for compleating the blessing to a land ) is worthy the observation of all these antichrists that would seat themselves above all that is called god : insomuch as ( to the undeniable evidence of the divine institution of that office ) we may observe that no one people have ever been at their perfection without them ; nor none at the height of their distress till they were removed . according to that prophesie of the jews desolation ; namely that before it should be , the land should be forsaken of both her kings : the having them being in it self as sure a signe of gods blessing , as the want is of his anger to any people . and however some are ready , in the flourishing instances of some polarchies , to frame arguments for the lawfulness of those governments , yet can neither those examples equal for number or eminence , those of monarchies and kingdomes : nor can the prosperity or success of some rebellion in some people , ( even so far as to be in some worldly security and happiness ) conclude for their lawfulness : more then gods premission of sinners of other sorts , ( to prosper and go unpunished here ) can prove for their vindication in iniquity . and therefore although god seems sometimes slacker in bringing on his threatned punishments upon some people upon their kings removall , yet that this removeall is a threatning of punishment may farther appear by hosea ; who , thrice in one chapter , threatens israels calamity by that sign : for now they shall they say we have no king , for we feared not the lord , and what then should a king do to us ? and again the king of samaria is destroyed like the foam upon the water ; and againe , in a morning shall the king of israel be cut off . nay we may observe this monarchical administration so much owned by god , as to declare the absence thereof as the fittest and surest token of his dereliction and punishment of a people that had been first false to himself , and were now repudiated by him : as may appear in that other prophesie . for the children of israel shall abide many dayes without a king and without a prince , without a sacrifice , and without an image , and without an ephod , and without teraphim . and , by the last words we may observe ( by the way ) not onely a depravation in religion and church order to follow this no king in israel , by making use of teraphim in the ephod , instead of urim , as the man michah did ; but this disorder should increase , till that remaining priesthood , who by their consistorial parity , were as the teraphims in this ephod , should be taken away also . for this use of teraphim amongst israelites was to bee looked upon but as a shift in jeroboam , who wanting that order of aaron and his sons , made use of the meanest of the people : but in the christian church , and when christ , typified in david , shall be their king , then also shall those several kings under him maintain and settle order amongst the priesthood and in religion it self as david also did . now , concerning that separate jurisdiction which some church-men would claim , under colour of dividing our duties into religious and civil , it cannot i conceive but plainly appear , that ( notwithstanding sacred pretence ) this division is but of humane invention , being not to be found in the scripture : and , as it is ( for the most part ) made of no other use but to make division and discord ( by abating our obedience to the magistrate under colour of giving it to god , ) so are men not at agreement in stating thereof . for while some think that whatever the magistrate commands it but of civil obedience , and so lyable to temporal reward and punishment onely ; and again , what is of gods command ( that is expresly set down in scripture ) is to be only obeyed out of conscience of divine authority ; and then , leaving men to private judgement what precepts are thence deduceable , or when the magistrates commands be such , they must consequently leave them no certain rule , whereby , either to preserve duty , or unity . as also those other sort do , who , distinguishing men in their several relations by them phancied , say that in whatever we do as subjects and men linked in society , the same is of civil cognizance and duty ; but in whatever we act as christians , we are to be guided by precept from god alone . in which doing also , being neither able to bring from scripture all things that concern gods outward worship , and finding many precepts of ethical , political , and oeconomical nature , and which do concern our duty and good even as men , although we had not been christians , they must needs fall themselves , and drive others , by these doubtfull precepts , from giving any right obedience at all , instead of directing them therein . for although ( as to some intents ) men may be usefully considered in these different relations , yet when the same person is now both a man and a christian , such distinctions as should ●imply a possibility of personal devision again , so as for the same christian to act as a man in any thing without being a christian , must ( besides absurdity ) bring upon us the many inconveniences of rebellion and civil war. and therefore , although in our being christian , we lose not the reality of manhood , more then in being rational creatures or men , we lose the properties of sensitive creatures : yet inasmuch as being rational creatures , and so having a greater and surer light to direct our actions , all that we do answerable to other meer sensitives , is therefore now to be attributed to us in the capacity of men , as of the nobler and higher relation . even so also it fareth with us , after , and while we are christians : namely that all those actions , in which , in execution and direction ( i mean so far as is humane ) we resemble other meer natural men onely , yet these things , being by us now acted under the inseparable relation of christians , are , although not of express litteral divine precept , yet , if done in obedience to lawful authority , a christian duty ; or , if acted against it , a christian fault . and it will follow that what was in us ( as men ) before , but moral vertue or vice , is now righteousness or sin ; even to the degree of an idle word . and so again ( considering us as subjects ) those things that are onely by the light of nature investigable as civil duties , when they come to be enforced by a superiour , having his power and office from god , have the obligations of religious actions : as being part of our obedience to that god , who said them to be in that respect gods also , and children of the most high . therefore when god sometimes commands what would concern us and be our benefit as men , although we had not been christians , ( as indeed if we had reason enough all precepts for outward direction would appear such ) or when ( again ) many things appertaining to our religion it self , and our outward worship therein , are by the churches authority enjoyned ; ( whether the same be found in scripture or no ) they are both of them to be held as religious dutyes to us : and we being not able , while we are christians , to act in any other personal capacity , must be obedient and subject , as in , and to the lord : that is , till something be enjoyned to overthorw christianity , we as christians , must obey in all things : and it is as sinful to disobey supream authority in the payment of taxes , as in the observation of the sabboth . for god not now giving particular precepts as unto the iewes , but leaving us herein to the direction of the higher power ordained for that purpose of him , we are to be obedient to our masters in the flesh as unto christ , and willingly to do them service as unto the lord , and not as men : that is , we are now always to obey him as christs minister and head of our particular church , and not left at liberty to obey as in a religious tye , no farther then we please . for the actions and precepts of each state & kingdom , are upon their conversion to christianity , to be called and reputed the actings of such or such a church , and not of such or such a state : the name and notion of church including that of state , even as ( in the particular members whereof it is compounded ) the notion of man is involved in that of christian. so that now , as the entire trust & power of vniversal headship of the catholike church is unto christ resigned , and he thereupon to be obeyed as under a religious tye in all causes whatsoever , by all such as acknowledge themselves christians ; although they seem of never so civil a nature : even so , his supream deputy in each christian church or kingdome , being entirely entrusted like him from whom his power is derived ) is under the tye of religion also , to be entirely obeyed by all that acknowledg his christian jurisdiction : we being no more duely able to divide the supremacy of the one , then of the other . and therfore , the mistake and inconvenience of their opinion will plainly appear , that would from a short and groundless distinction , of the several objects and ends of our obedience , deduce a several and distinct tye , whereby the same person in the performance of this duty to lawful authority should stand diversly obliged : as if , because the good of men and humane society were the next ayme of my forbearance to defraud or oppress , &c. it were therefore the last end , and not rather gods glory , as heretofore shewed . whereupon , since i , as a christian , had light sufficient given me to discover how god is herein served , by this my advancement of the good of my brother , cannot thereupon but account my self as well serving god. when i do any thing as a subject to the prince , out of general tye of conscience to gods precept that commandeth obedience to the higher powers , then it is , or should have been , if i had done it in obedience to the perticular precepts of thou shalt not steal , or thou shalt not covet . and had cato , or scipio , had the like advantage of instruction with us , so as to have seen through to gods glory and their owne salvation , as the great and last end and reward of all our actions , ( as they had been obliged in conscience , so ) they would ( no doubt ) out of respect and love to god and their owne future good , have performed all those heroick acts , which , for want thereof , could not have in them higher consideration then temporary benefits of themselves or country ; and so come to be imputed unto them as bare moral vertues and duties , having in their conceipts , neither direction nor intention higher . but for farther clearing the understanding of these things , we will instance in a particular most common amongst us , namely our food . what the vegetative appetite ( as necessary to growth and nourishment ) doth herein covet , the same being in sensitive creatures controlled and judged by their pallats and tasts , is ascribed as an action done by such or such a sensitive . and , in the same food again , the pallat being for choice and quantity ( as all other senses ) controlable by reason , for what we do therein , we are accountable as men onely , and not as beasts . and so lastly , when , in this particular of food , a higher authority then our owne doth command , we must be then reckoned in all we do therein , but as in relation , and subordinate to that last and highest authority . for as christ is above them all , so is our relation as christia●s to include and involve that of men or subjects . so that if i now follow too much my vegetative appetite , or sensative taste ; and also transgress reason , so as to be drunken and glutonise ; this , being done by me that am a christian , is a sin endangering punishment hereafter ; and not singly a moral or civil vice ; as transgressing onely in regard to my health , or the rule of society . and so farther againe , when abstinence from any , or all sort of food is by lawful authority enjoyned , whereby the use of what was indifferent to us ( in respect of any direct former christian precept ) comes to be streigthened , we are then tyed in conscience to the obedience thereof : and that , not onely when a lent or fast day shall be enjoyned for an explicite religious end , but also , when abstinence shall be publickly commanded , without such end expressed at all : or although the preservation of cattel or the like , be the known end thereof . and this , because the person commanding being the same , and alwayes gods minister , where our ability of performance is equall , our sin of disobedience must be equal also : and that , without thought of dividing his jurisdiction and authority , and so disobeying the prince as as oft as we please , by taking on us ( as priests in a separat jurisdiction ) the sole interpretation of gods law . whereupon , as every master of a family is priest also so far as concerns his jurisdiction , so the appellations of princes and priests are in many places of scripture used as equipollent . but as the king , in regard of the multitude under him , is to use magistrates to help him in civil administrations , so priests also , in matters of the church and religion . how far this their power is to extend , and how , and by what order of them to be managed , will be a proper discourse when the kings part in government and peace shall be treated of . therefore now ( to return ) by the name of church we are not to conceive there can be any congregation of christian subjects by order so distnct from others , as to have immediat power from god over the fortunes or persons of their fellows ; without , or against the soveraigns leave . for since the time , manner , place , and other things essential to the constituting the meeting it self must ( as heretofore noted ) depend on the leave and direction of the governour in chief , and their authority , as an assembly , can be but subordinate to that from whence they derived it , it cannot in no wise be collected , that their power should be independent . they of the romish clergy , that would clayme a divine right to succeed the apostles , in the exercise of external jurisdiction and power , by vertue of an uninterrupted ordination from them at first derived , ( after the same manner as those ancient romans were superstitious to place the vestal virgins for keeping in of their holy fire in their temple , ) and would have the office and power of high priest or bishop , in the catholike , or each particular church , depend on like uninterrupted succession to his predecessor under the gospel , no otherwise then the high priestship did descend amongst the jewes , had ( no doubt ) an ayme , by this peculiar way of puting one another into authority , not only to set up themselves in apostolical power , but to exclude kings or masters of families from having any divine right at all ; since no such uninterrupted derivation of succession , can be on their side brought . but as they cannot find any text to warrant any claim hereby , so they are to consider , that as to the iewes their particular church was the same with the catholike , so in order to gods care for direction and government of that particular onely church , he did appoint , as well a distinct family and linage for their kingship , as he did for their priesthood : it being as unlawful to alter the line of david , as that of aaron . but , under the gospel , where like appointment was not made , nor outward prosperity was not promised , as to the jewes , it will be very severe , to censure any particular church as untrue , and her pastors unlawful , upon the hazard of having some interruption in succession ; or for want of intention or the like : whereby ( having had some ineffectual ordination administred ) all ordinations succeeding , and jurisdiction grounded thereupon , should come to be void also . however , before the time that the magistrate was christian , the claim of immediate succession or possession were a good plea in it self , and fit to be observed by others , to avoide the danger of schism , as it was also then reasonable enough , that in consideration the bishop in each place was also supream head of the same under christ ; that thereupon the designation or ordination of persons into offices of power might be at his dispose too , yet since , even then this his own ordination or choice , and appointment into office was done by the people ; and in the same form whereby they constituted other magistrates , it will thereupon appear but reasonable , that as this power to govern , was by them then executed , not as evangelists barely , but as the present supream christian heads , so should it be afterwards resigned to him that did succeed as supream , in causes ecclesiastical as well as civil . and as their ordination , that is , personal succession and appointment into these functions of power ( not their consecrations ) doth ( or should ) depend on his choice or negative voice , as it did formerly on the people and emperours , it cannot be now thought reasonable they should claime any outward independent jurisdiction , over the liberties or estates of others . by due consideration whereof we may know how to distinguish between those several ordintions of power and office , which saint paul admonisheth timothy to make use of . for by that which in his first epistle to him is set down as a gift given by prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery : we may understand , that more civil election and ordination , whereby those presbyters or elders , the representative authority of that church had ( it may be at saint pauls recommendation ) chosen him as their chief guide or instructor , even because of that eminent guift of prophesie or instruction they found in him , into which office we may suppose him afterwards confirmed , and also consecrared by saint paul , which he calls the gift of god , which is in thee by the putting on of my hands . for those places and cities being but partly christians as yet , whereby saint paul and other primitive christian heads could not have entire jurisdiction ; it was reasonable , even for the better obedience sake of those that did believe , to submit the election of their church guide , to that very form they used in the choice of their other magistrates . and as in these last alledged texts , we finde both election and consecration set down in that phrase proper to priestly administration onely , namely laying on of hands ; so shall we elsewhere finde them both at once comprised under the expression proper to election of other magistrates , signifying holding up of hands called there ordaining . the which presbyterial way of choice continued still in the church , after the time that emperors and kings were christian ; but not as at first , for then , these presbyters did it as rulers and representatives of those places , some of them being preachers , and some not : whereas afterwads , when whole cities became christians , those of the chief of the clergy of each diocess or jurisdiction took upon them to make these elections , as the chapiter of that place : but it was still done , or supposed to be , according to recommendation or licence of that prince or emperour that had supream power over them all . and however at first , before the people of any place or city were wholly converted , so as the jurisdiction could be entire under one church head , they might well be distinguished under the notions of church and state , as each might be under a separate authority ; yet when , and where these power shall be united , then , and there all election and jurisdiction , in the one sort as well as the other , must be held dependant on this one supream church head . if we suppose those of the clergy , to be successors to apostolical power by vertue of ordination received from the hands of one another ( as by a kinde of confederacy ) then , since the efficacy of ordination is the same to all of them , there must be now amongst us as many men in apostolical power , as there are men in orders : because ordination having its efficacy as primarily inherent in the apostles , it must follow that all those derived ordinations must be equal one to another , even as that f●rst act of ordination from the apostles received , was the same , or equal to it self . but , of those that would set up an vniversal pope , and of those that would set up a pope ( by this means ) in every parish , i would ask how far they would have their jurisdiction to extend ? if they say they have right to all the apostles had , then have they right to command and be obeyed in all things : for such right had the apostles , as shall be shewed anon . if they say they have right to no more them was by then practised , and so claime to succeed in the power of excommunication and church censure , so far as to extend it to corporal punishment , then they will have much ado to make this all one with a spiritual jurisdiction and censure . the truth is , that we must look on the apostles in their sentence of excommunication , as punishing men in the highest measure they then could ; in regard of the engrosment of all coercive and vindicative power , by the then pagan magistrates they lived under ; and not as thinking their refraining to keep a blasphemer or an incestuous person company , were a punishment adequate to such offences , as by their hainousness and nature , did argue already no regard to their society . and again , this act of excommunication , was not then to banish him from them , but themselves from him : for , as they could not force any to be of their society , or come to their meetings , so ( as the case stood then ) could not they force them from coming to any their publike meetings as well as others ; even when they were to celebrate the communion , although they might forbear to eat whilst he was in the company . so that now , if the church-men claime but the same measure of power the apostles did , or might then exercise , and ( againe ) allow the person now excommunicate the like power with the other , they will then finde the force and terrour of their excommunication ( as from themselves alone proceeding , and without leave and assistance from the magistrate ) to amount to just nothing . if they claime all the jurisdiction and power that the apostles as heads of churches then had right unto , they will have right to all power whatever , that is power outward and civil , as well as inward and spiritual . for , of that nature we shall finde many things , that were taken into cognisance by those primitive heads , and so lyable also to the censure and punishment of the magistrates and civil laws of the countrey , as was that incestuous act ; and would , no doubt , upon notice , have been by them that had present power punished in a more remarkable and sensible degree , then could be by the apostles that wanted it . whereupon , as we finde saint paul comprising , fornication , covetousness , railing , drunkenness , and extortion , under the then church cognisance and censure , as well as idolatry , it is to be concluded that the power and jurisdiction of each churches present head , was vniversal and absolute , as of right in it self , to judge and punish in civil , as well as spiritual causes , christ having then no church head but them : although in matter of execution , he were ( as before noted ) many times restrained . upon which consideration , we cannot any wayes assigne the now gospel ministers , to be successours to the apostles or primitive bishops in what they did as the then heads of churches , but must appropriate that to kingly right , as shall be more fully declared hereafter . all which , no doubt , ( with some other things elsewhere spoken ) will displease some of that order . for although self interest ( as highest ) may make them differ about precedence amongst themselves , yet to have their order eclipsed in any thing of honour or power , cannot but displease : because even self interest , though not so direct , is yet plainly therein also . and therefore , since church-men are usually the best learned , and commonly the onely writers of church matters , and of state affairs also as often as any other : it is no marvil , if in so long a tract of time , so many arguments and contrivances for deviding the kings , and establishing their separate authority , have been craftily laid by some , and as hastily entertained by others , in order to the making them more powerful . amongst other things , it may be observed how pride and arrogance hath brought those notions of laicks and ideots , which were brought in by them whereby to be distinguished from other subjects , to import rudeness , ignorance , and inferiority : when as , by means of their greater learning and favour , divers priviledges and immunities were reserved to themselves . the which ( god knows ) i dislike not otherwise , then as finding it made destructive to publike peace and good . for it is an order , which of all other should ( i conceive ) have the highest rank and esteem amongst subjects : even for that their imployment is in such matters , as are apparently in themselves , and by publick approbation and appointment , held of most immediate concern in gods worship and service amongst us : and is ( in many things ) of that nature , as is not by others undertakable . in which regard ( truly ) as much grieved i am , to finde that present contrary , and proportionable want of eminence and esteem given them , in those places where monarchy hath been ecclipsed or thrust out , ( even by bringing them thereby so much lower as there followes to be more above them ) as i am offended , at the extraordinary height , and success of their antichristian pride , where some inseparable marks of monarchy and government are held in their owne hands . but , however their success proves , it will concern men that would be truly careful of their salvation , and followers of things that make for peace , to have an eye to the true fundamentals of religion delivered in holy scripture , and not be led away with the usurped interpretation of any unauthorised person : whom they shall alwayes finde , either directly ayming at their owne interest therein , or else , in passion or emulation to one another , they will ( instead of satisfying our doubts , be still encreasing & extending their own differences amongst themselves , until they have made them fundamentals and necessary to salvation : whereupon ( by anathema's to their opponents ) they are to be observed , to the accompilshment of their several dominions and honour in the church , continually espousing their owne quarrels upon us , and engaging us in civil broiles . if we do not this , and keep not close to christ himself , that is , to that authority which is next and most representing him , we shall be in continual danger to be made believe by subordinat ministers , that not following of us ( that is , not being of our sect ) is all one as not to be christians , and to be against him . and if self conceitedness could thus blinde our saviours owne disciples , so far as to lead them to this rash mistake , and that notwithstanding known miracles and profession made in christs name , what may we expect from the ambitious aims of men now living ; but that this following of us , should be continually made ( as too good experience tells us it is ) the dayly bait to draw us farther from christ , under pretence of bringing us nearer ? so that whilst some are declaiming against authority , and branding their commands as superstitious , even in things wherein christs honour and worship are neerly concerned , they are yet found so resolute in their own particular sects and tenents , that they would have mens belief and adherence to christ , to be measured onely by their belief and adherence to them : which , to my thinking , is as high and plain idolatry as any can be . but the immediate following discourse of that text , shews the temper and ayme of this humor : when those very disciples are endeavouring to wrest eliahs president , by drawing fire from heaven against that authority which opposed them : the which although they were of another religion and jurisdiction too , is yet rebuked by our saviour ; as proceeding from a most ungospel-like spirit : and shewing him to be subject to like passions with others . and therefore , for the true stating of these things , we shall more briefly say , that so far as they are to perform the work of evangelists , that is , to preach unto us jesus , and to prove and declare him to be the only fundamental object of faith and salvation , so far have they their power from god alone : but so far as they have diocessan or parochial charge , and are in paticulars to shew unto us how we are to obey him as christ and king in any outward deportment , so far are they to derive their authority from that church power which had from crhist power to ordain and separate them unto that work . so far as they are entrusted with the guidance of gods inward kingdom in our hearts , that is , to perswade men to faith in christ ( which was the chief work of the primitive teachers amongst the infidels ) so far are they gods ministers and not mans , but , as they are to meddle with mens abbearances and external behaviour in christs kingdome the church ( that is to shew how to perform obedience to him being converted and acknowledging his power ) so far are they to have warrant from those his chief deputies in the church . whereupon two things will plainly follow to the advantage of the clergy above others . first , that , in respect of their ordination , they are to be held so properly gods ministers , that , in preaching and administration of the sacraments and some other things , none but they have power to intermeddle : and yet are they not hereby excluded from having external jurisdiction and power over mens persons also , if the authority of the church wherein they live shall so think fit . nay , when the representative authority of that church shall have distinguished between holy and prophane , i conceive that , in all such things as are concluded of religious jurisdiction and cognisance , the church-members of the clergy are , by the church her head , to be therein imployed more eminently then any other subject : especially if they do therein acknowledge themselves subordinate and subject unto him . all which i have in this part set down , to avoid such umbrage as might have been by some taken at the passed discourse . and for farther avoidance of mistake , about those persons or orders of the clergy by me gla●ced at in any censure here or elsewhere , i shall also now crave leave to say , that , as i profess my self a dutiful son of the same mother , so do i also highly respect and honour that classical order of the clergy which the church of engand owns as hers : being men that have approved themselves the true sons of zadock , the type of evangelical priesthood , and been as eminent for loyalty as learning . but , the disturbances of christendome are to be imputed to those of the romish party , who , in favour to their owne head , are to subject ( with abiather ) to miscary that arke wherewith they are entrusted ; and to make the power and cognisance of those sacred orders , which should separate them from worldly imploment , to serve as a plea and pretence thereunto ; as in order to spiritual cognisance and jurisdiction . as also , to that miscellaneous brood , who , as in hatred to their exteram , entring their ordinations at a wrong dore , or not entring them at all , have as shamefully demeaned theselves in the priesthood , as they did ignorantly and shamefully decline the title it self , and that honotr which is thereunto due : and have , by those strange fires of sedition and rebellion which they every where offer , under shew of reformation and zeal , approved themselves the true sons of nadab and abihu . these are they that are deare declaiming against prelacy , on purpose to gain higher preferment : whilst the name of bishop is by them declined as an unlawful jurisdiction in in the church , they are grasping after the thing , and striving to exercise eepiscopacy and oversight over both church and state , under the claim of power from christ himself received , as his immediate ministers : thereby shewing , that their slighting of orders is but because they would not be by them confined to ecclesiastical superintendency onely . chap. vi. of the head of the church and of the scriptures interpretations . from what hath been hitherto spoken of our security whilst retaining the fundamentalls of our religion , as men may gather courage to resist such superstitious fears as some would put into them on purpose to draw them to their owne sects , so may they plainly see it their duty ( these foundations being laid ) that their directest obedience which they can ( as christians ) in other things give unto that person christ hath most eminently entrusted , and by whom he is most lively represented , is the strongest argument of performance of their duty and obedience to himself . for he being ( as the chief master builder ) to direct us in all things towards our actual edification , upon these ground works of faith and charity laid in our hearts , may seem to be gods great accomptant for the sins of the people , and to prefigured unto us under the scape goat in the law : who , as denoting the high and uncontroleable power of his office here , was both to be free and unmolested in the wilderness of this life , and also to bear on him all the iniquities and transgression of the people . for although christ himself , ( typifyed under the slain goat ) do onely truly and meritoriously expiate and make attonement to god for all mens sins as breaches of gods law ( insomuch as no man can hope for remission of any sort of them without repentance and forgiveness in his name made and obtained ) yet forasmuch as we are commanded to be obedient unto them , both in matters of godliness and honesty , there is no doubt , but the same will acquit us of guilt in all things acted by their guidance : and not contrary to the foundation of faith and love : which is , or should be in our hearts . and therefore to this purpose , ( as formerly noted ) we shall find good warrant given from him that said , do all things without murmurings and disputings , that ye may be blameless and harmless the sons of god : in the midst of a froward and perverse generation , wherein ye shine as lights in the world . here is no distinction made of our duties ; here is no referment of us to scripture ; but a general direction to universal and ready obedience : which being done , we shall be blameless and harmless for obeying , however the thing wherein we do obey may prove harmful to others ; and to blameable in the commanders . and that the apostle did hereby entend implicite and perfect obedience , may farther appear by the foregoing occasion which lead him to this precept : namely for avoiding of divisions , and standing fast in one spirit , with one mind : unto the which , implicite obedience and subjection to one head is the onely ready way . and to the end they should fulfill his joy , and be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one minde : he admonisheth th●t nothing should be done through strife or vain glory , but in lowliness of mind , let each esteem others better then themselves . and then he tells the way to it : first , by inward charity and love , look not every man on his owne things , but every man on the things of others : afterward he points to outward subjection to make this love useful : which he doth by the true example of humility and obedience , our saviour himself : viz : let this minde be in you which was also in christ jesus : who being in the form of god , thought it no robbery to be equal with god , but made himself of no reputation , and took on him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of men . and being found in the fashion of a man , he humbled himself and became obedient to death , even the death of the cross : a death which was proper to such as were under the highest degree of subjection , being the usual punishment for slaves . and so , having set forth the reward of this his humility and obedience to encourage us therein , he then proceeds : wherefore , my beloved , as ye have always obeyed , not as in my presence onely , but now much more in my absence , work out your owne salvation with fear and trembling . which words do plainly shew the means to salvation , to be dependent on perfect obedience to gods minister : for it is god that worketh in us both to will and to do of his good pleasure . that is , as god is himself the worker of this inward love , to make us willing ; so must he direct ( by his minister ) our doing it outwardly to our neighbours benefit : under whom doing all things as aforesaid , we shall be blameless as aforesaid also . for his care and trust being above mine , the fault must light on him ; according to his determination that said , he that shall break one of the least of these commandments , and shall teach men so , he shall be least in the kingdome of heaven : that is , shall have no share in heaven , or be most punished hereafter : but he that shall do and teach them , he shall be greatest in the kingdome of heaven , or in heavenly reward . which words , as they shew the following power that some must have of teaching others , so do they declare their greater punishment or reward to follow their trust therein : according to that other saying , unto whomsoever much is given , of him much shall be required : and to whom men have committed much , of him will they ask the more . and that this was meant in regard of power of government intrusted , and that also of that particular deligation of power and trust made to the higher powers in the church , appears by the occasion of its delivery : having relation to the foregoing parable and admonition : where the church , under the notion of the house of christ ( its lord ) is to be carefully watched by its present overseer put in authority by christ : from whom these stewards are to expect their reward or punishment , according to their behaviour in this charge . where ( by the way ) we may note , the monarchical designation of each churches government ; because the steward or master of the house , is still set downe and alluded unto in the singular number . and we may also note , that it could not be meant as appropriate to the apostles or others , as they were ecclesiastical men and preachers onely , but must intend such as are to have civil authority also : as appeares by that prohibition of beating the men servants and maidens : which , as it must import an officer of authority to inflict such severe and tyrannical punishments , so these punishments being corporal ) could not denote the function of any spiritual person ; because they could not pretend any right hereunto . from all which , our benefit and duty in obedience being apparent , we are not to be carryed about with every winde of doctrine . so that , ( whilst striving to serve god according to his will revealed in scripture ) we might neither , on the one hand , be in danger to be entrapped by the wiser sort , and such as have worldly ends ; even by the slight of men and cunning craftiness whereby they lye in wait to deceive ; nor , on the other hand , fall into the danger of such , as may seem more simple and uninterested : because the unlearned and unwary , do rest scripture to their own damnation . but we are to know , that no scripture of god is of private interpretation : that is , to be interpreted by private persons ; but that ( its chief drift being to instruct us in the fundamentals of our salvation , and ( in order thereunto ) to declare those misteries and general precepts that were necessary to our belief & practise therein , it left private men for particular guidance , to the authorised interpreters thereof . at first it was , the pr●ests lips should preserve knowledge , and thou shalt seek the law at his mouth : they having this their law particularly set down by moses . and so also , when they were to have kings , he was to have a book thereof , and to do thereafter . but now in the gospel , as these particular legal precepts stood not of litteral divine authority , but as presidents useful upon occasion ; so the ministers thereof were ministers not of the letter , but of the spirit . whereupon it still appears that the whole drift of the gospel and new testament , were but to set forth christ the foundation unto us ; and to leave us unto the present higher powers for direction of our practice thereafter ; according to the light of scripture , or natural reason . therefore as we first find , the scope of each gospel , to record the miracles christ did in proof hereof ; so shall we finde the other discourses and doctrines therein contained , usually to follow but as occasioned thereupon , for saint iohn speaks plainly , that if all that iesus did should be written , the whole world would not contain the books that should be written : but these things are written , that ye may believe , that jesus is christ the son of god ; and that believing ye might have life through his name . and so again , for the other part of the new testament , namely the epistles ; we are not to conceive that all that was written by the apostles or such as had inspiration , is now left unto us : for of some of them there appears nothing at all , and of some very little . nay , saint paul , that wrot most , we may think yet wrot more then is come to our hands : even as he had more gentile churches in his charge , then what his epistles do mention by their directions and titles . all which ( no doubt ) would have been divine and edifying also , as well as those that are come ; had not want of care in those particular churches , or the calamitous condition of those times deprived us of them . but now , however we are to acknowledge and admire , the care and providence of god and the church , in preserving and delivering to us those books and epistles left ; yet , in and by them , we may observe , that they were all but occasionally written : and that no writer did undertake to set down the whole platform of christian obedience ; or to compose an entire and perfect body of divinity , but in delivery of these instructions they were still respective : and even as they had particular and separate charge of churches , so wrote they unto them such instructions and precepts , as they conceived most fit for their proper directions . and therefore we may finde those writers , not onely to differ from one another in those directions , but also saint paul , whose epistles we have written to several churches , doth in them differ in his directions also ; according to that exigence and occasion , which he foresaw the present condition of that people required . for since , at that time , all churches could not have all his or the other apostles epistles ( for if they could , the same things needed not at all to have been repeated ) it must be supposed , that what was to them already written , was sufficient to instruct them in things necessary to salvation : and that they , in their other necessary christian behaviours , had direction by tradition from him , or elsewhere ; which was the occasion of that frequent admonition of keeping them . and for what might be wanting in both these , he refers them to be guided by the church , and such as had the rule over them ; under the general notions of whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are lovely , whatsoever things are of good report : if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , think on these things : and this most especially he doth , to those he wrot least . for it is likely , that they that were to be their guides , had been before instructed in the way of church regiment by saint paul himself ; so far , as to be able ( by tradition ) to keep their charge upright , in all things tending to godliness and honesty ; according to those things which they had learned , and received , and heard , and seen in him . he , in remitting churches for the rest , to be instructed by those their guides he himself had instructed , did follow the example of our saviour himself herein : who for that space of fourty dayes ( he was on earth after his resurrection ) directed his apostles in things pertaining to the kingdome of god , or government of the church . nor can we finde any of them undertaking , as before noted , to comprise all the particulars of theology , at such time as they write those their most general epistles , which were for all mens direction : but kept them ( as we may presume ) to be delivered to the heads of churches ( amongst other things ) by tradition , and so made use of according to the emergencies of their several charges . but yet the fundamentals of christianity , were in all their epistles and sermons most plainly delivered : the least and shortest epistle containing in it the doctrine of faith in christ , & love to one another : and also of obedience to superiours , our necessary guide in performance of them both . and that saint pauls directions in other matters given to the particular churches , contained neither all expresly that was necessary for them to do , nor what was so generally fit and proper for all churches as that to whom it was directed ( being to others in most things onely usefull upon occasions as presidents ) will appear , in that saint paul writing a particular short epistle to the colossians , refers them their knowledge of what is farther useful , unto his epistle written unto the laodiceans : willing them that when this epistle is read of you . you cause it to be read of the laodiceans also : and that you likewise read the epistle from laodicea , which two epistles , being reciprocally recommended to those particular churches , as of proper directions for them ; and the epistle to the laodiceans being now wanting ; is must follow , that both the fundamentals were set downe in all and each of them , and that other admonitions were by the apostles given upon several occasions and considerations : which because they did as heads of churches then themselves , so , by their making a distinction in each church , of such as were to rule and instruct , from the rest of the church ( and that under the notion of such as should cause those epistles to be read , and such as were to hear them read ) we may also infer , that though he made the general direction of his epistles to the whole church , it was but to make their duty of obedience higher , when their guides should command them . and so also , when he is setting downe general heads for the particular abearance of men in each order , it is not his meaning to submit them to their private interpretation of what in them was their duty to perform as subjects , ( and so consequently leave it to their choice whether they would perform any thing of them or no ) but to lay on men a stronger obligation to the obedience of their superiours commands ; since they now finde them to have these general divine directions to that purpose . to manifest that these duties of external christian behaviour , were indisputably referred to each christian head of the church , and that all in that kind necessary was not set down in the scripture , appears in that saint paul writing more plentifully to the corinthians hereof then to any other church , doth not yet profess to have set down all that was necessary : but having , as he conceived , set down what was expedient for them according to the present occasion , he concludes , and the rest will i set in order when i come . thereby making a plain difference , between his power in those things he was to command them as an head of the church ( in order to their duty of obedience ) and those fundamentals of faith and love , which he was to preach to them as an evangelist ; or a difference in what he did as a general preacher of the gospel , and what he did as their apostle and teacher : even as one that particularly had authority over them as christs ambassadour , and as being their father in the faith. and that scripture , and the interpretation and enforcement of the precepts thereof , was committed to the guidance and care of the heads of the churches ( even under the gospel also ) appears by saint pauls commending them unto timothy : to the end that he , as a guide to the church , might make them profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instruction in righteousness ; that the man of god ( or the man having gods authority ) may be perfect , throughly furnished unto all good works : that is , have sufficient light and authority to command and direct unto all good works . and that this power did belong to timothy as their present guide , is made most evident from the uses there set down , all of them belonging to the office of the superiour : namely to teach , to reproove , to corect , to instruct : necessarily implying the charge of the scriptures to be committed to those in authority that were to be eminently active herein : that the man of god , or the chief officer in gods stead ( like timothy ) may know how to behave himself in the houshold of god , the church : which is the pillar and ground of truth . and where it is commended that the men of berea searched the scripture , whether the things by saint paul alledged were so : it is first to be considered , that it was before the people had acknowledged saint paul their guide : and so not bound to submit themselves , as to one that did watch for their souls . and then this searching must not be construed , as if every man had done it in a bible apart ; but they being a synagogue of the jewes , the scripture must be supposed remaining with the chief thereof onely : who are to be understood the searchers and examiners thereof . in whose search the rest of the bereans trusting , it made the search go in the name of the whole . in effect , still prooving , that the interpretation and custody of scripture was not common ; but belonged to those that were to exercise , and not such as were to submit to authority . and that the scriptures charge and custody was entrusted unto the heads of churches , and not vulgarly dispersed in copies , may appear by our not having at this day , any assurance of the language some of the gospels and epistles were written in : nor have we any hebrew copy that we now can relye upon . and all , because the first copy coming to be afterwards translated into that language the people best understood , it caused the care of the single original to be neglected ; or in time of persecution to be lost by the traditors of those times : whereas , had each one , or many men had their distinct copies , such a total losse could not have happened . and although it may be well thought , that the gift of tongues might have enabled such of the holy penmen as wanted natural learning , to deliver themselves notwithstanding in greek , yet this cannot make it supposable that all of them ( the epistles especially ) were so written originally ; because their address is not to the grecians or gentiles : and that epistle to the hebrews and those of saint peter , and saint iames , &c. must imply them to be written in that language , which was best understood by those they were addressed unto ; and who were to be directed by him . else it were to suppose a miracle wrought to a wrong end ; even that which saint paul doth elswhere dislike ; namely the speaking in an unknown tongue ; by which he means ( no doubt ) a tongue unknown to the auditors . in which respect , to speak or write in greek , to them that understood not the language , renders the writer a barbarian to the auditor , as well as the auditor one to him . upon which grounds , i do believe ( against them that doubt ) that the gospel of saint matthew , was ( like the other gospels ) written in greeks ; and that because its general address did require it to be set forth in that language which was most generally understood : but for some of the epistles , i cannot be so perswaded . and if that first exercised gift of tongues be marked , we shall finde those endewed therewith , speaking to every auditour in his owne language . and although question be made , whether those auditours of divers nations , might not at the same time have been endewed with the miraculous gift of interpreting and understanding a strange tongue ( to avoyd a greater difficulty of supposing all of them speaking at once , or any one speaking several tongues at once ( the which saint peters after-speaking alone may give countenance unto ) yet it will plainly appear , that , as that gift of tongues was then used to edification and to be understood , even so afterwards ( no doubt ) the penmen of holy scripture made use of the same , upon the like useful occasions , and none other . and as for authors quotation of scripture texts in this language onely , ( none beginning to write till these books had been by the church all collected into one volume , and so put into that one most intelligible language ) it proves no more their writing at first in the greek , then our saviours and others quotations of the greek translation of the septuagint proves the old testament to have been written in that language also . not that we would be understood ( by what hath bin spoken ) as forbidding the publike knowledg of the scriptures : for even the same reason that makes them chiefly to be trusted to the church and its head , namly to know the better how to govern all others under them , will , in that regard also , make them useful to fathers , masters , and many of the subjects themselves : who by their offices and callings , shall have things or persons under their power and government . in both which respects , if they come not occasionally to concern every one , as he may have his neighbors good or ill under his trust and power , ( even in cases remitted by his superiour ) yet will they concern every one in their general precepts to patience , humility , obedience , &c. which ( as the proper and necessary vertues of subjects , and which must constitute government ) are fit for the notice of all in general ; without exception of the prince himself : who , as , under the power of god almighty , must submit in a far higher degree , then his subjects can to him . the knowledge of which , and other necessary duties , fit to direct us in our charitable abearances , whither in acting upon , or suffering from one another , may also afford sufficient reason why there should be many precepts of all sorts of duties , and concerning all sorts of people , promiscuously set down in the new testament ; notwithstanding that gods immediate rule was to be inward : even for that our saviour and his apostles , having charge and guidance of souls under them , it was needful ( for their good deportment sake ) that they should leave to them , and unto such as should succeed in the christian churches , ( besides the fundamentals ) such farther precepts and directions , ●s might keep them in a steady course of charity and peace one towards another ; when they found their duties set forth by so good authority . for want of due regard whereof , and of that different respect which the scriptures do carry in their instructions , and for want of that necessary and truly christian grace of humility , instead of learning and practicing those more proper duties which concern us in our distinct callings and relations ( for which onely we stand accomptable before god ) we are through pride and partiality too often found to be studious and inquisitive after so much onely as doth concern others , in theirs even such as are above us ; for whose faults we are not to answer , that ( thereupon ) we may appear more fit to teach then be taught , to govern then be governed . and this is not onely practised in the more civil relation of subjects or servants against their prince or master , but through this misused liberty , a general usurpation is almost every where now made , for interpreting scripture against the sence and authority of the whole church , and of our more spiritual guides therein , to whose charge they are most particularly entrusted ; from which preposterous proceeding what can be expected , but what sad experience doth witness , even heresie , schisme , disorder , and civil broyles , to the scandal of christian religion it self . but now , when we finde , the persons in authority to be expressed in the plural number , as those that have the guide over you , those that must give an account for your souls , &c. or else our obedience directed to the church in general ; we are to understand thereby , the head of each church to be chiefly meant . in which respect , as there were many distinct churches , and thereupon also many heads , ( as before shewed ) so the apostle might , in his general admonitions to obedience , put them in the plural number of those and them . and , as in this sence we are to understand that precept of tell it to the church , namely to the judiciary head thereof ; so also are we to interpret and apply the power of the keyes , and of binding and loosing , to be given to the churches head , and not the diffused body : which can never in all its members meet , nor can otherwise then by their head hear and determine . and hereupon , we shall finde this power to be expresly given to the apostles in saint john : where christ is saying to them , as my father sent me , even so send i you ; thereby giving them authority over their particular churches and trusts . by which means , as he had formerly answered that the son of man had power on earth to forgive sins . so these sons of men also may without blasphemy ( in their measure ) use it , by the vertue of his authority who said , whose sins ye remit they are remitted unto them , and whose sins ye retain they are retained . whereupon we may collect , that as the power of the keyes is originally in christ the churches universal head , and was by him given to the heads of churches onely , so it can be in the whole church or in its subordinate members , no otherwise then as received from their head : according to that of saint paul , when ye are met together and my spirit , &c. and therefore , to make it farther evident that the heads of churches are to be understood in the direction of tell it to the church , we are to denote that the power of the keyes in the next verse , was directed to the apostles in the word ye : when it was said , whatsoever ye bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever ye loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven ; for unto them was most of this chapter directed : the which was the reason of saint peters interogating him presently hereupon , how oft shall my brother offend ? &c. this power , comonly called the power of the keyes , and by the romanists appropriate to the chief of that sea only , is that divine obsignation of christian authority and precept : whereby those laws and edicts of him that sitteth in the seat of judgment , as the head of each church , that were but civilly or morally criminal in their own nature , and obnoxious to temporal wrath onely for their breach , come now to be sinful and damnable ; as being violations against god and the heavenly thrown it self , by whom they are impowred , and whose authority they do represent : according to that sentence to be given at the last day , inasmuch as ye have , or have not done it , &c. upon which grounds , we may know what to conceive of that article of our creed , i believe the holy catholike church : which some would wrest , and make use of to draw mens obedience which way they pleased , by proposing unto us what they pleased for catholike doctrine . but we are to conceive , that this primitive form of profession of christian faith ( therefore called the apostles creed ) was offered to , and taken by such as were to be admitted into the christian church , to shew and state their beliefe before their admittance ; and not to direct their obedience afterwards . for , although to believe in god , in christ , in the holy ghost , do , together with the acknowledgement of their deity , draw on obedience by just consequence , yet was this form of profession of faith ( therefore called the creed ) made but to denote their beliefe of their true existence : by which means being received into the church , their obedience was thence to be learnt . for strange it had been , for the church to have proposed to men the matter of obedience to any , of whom as yet they had no beliefe in . and therefore , when i profess to believe the holy catholike church , the word holy will make it unconceiveable how it should directly import my profession of obedience : and that , not onely because the catholike church or christs universal body , cannot ( as before noted ) be ever comprehended under one notion and conception , so as to be definitive to me concerning their determinations , but also , because i can never rightly say of the present , or past militant church to whom i seek for direction , that they are all holy : nor can men that live in a particular church , be ordinarily able to know what is , and what is not catholike doctrine , besides that which is proposeth . whereupon understanding our belief in , or of the holy catholike church , to import our beliefe that christ hath a true sanctified body , which being so made by means of the holy ghost in the article foregoing , comes through their union in christ and his spirit , to be of one communion from the rest of the world ; and so to be the communion of saints , as in the article following . so that then , although the creed ( as a creed ) cannot of it self oblige to obedience , yet since the beliefe of the articles thereof , do by consequent bring men to christs church , and , out of desire to attain that communion of saints , doth also farther prompt me to acts of obedience to that church to whom i made this profession ; it will therefore follow , that that obedience which i cannot give to the catholick church , as such , must be ( to this end ) given to that part of it under which i live : since that i cannot otherwise obey the catholike , then by obeying the particular . all which will be cleared by one instance of saint pauls : who ( as the present head of that church ) gives liberty to the corinthians in eating of things offered to idols ; notwithstanding that the then catholike representative church at jerusalem ( and he himself amongst them ) had decreed otherwise . clearly evincing , that the power of binding and loosing , was to reside in each churches own head ; and that they were to perform their obedience to the same party by whom they had learned their creed ; who had been their spiritual father , and begotten them in christ. and that this power of the keyes , was not given to the apostles onely as a collective body of church heads , and so to the catholike church onely , but was also conferred upon the particular heads of the churches , appears in that it was upon occasion particularly given to saint peter : so that , whatsoever head or chief governour ; should ( like him ) acknowledge christ to be the true spiritual foundation and rock , he should from christ have power also to be herein a rock to others , and to bind and loose . and both places must contradistinguish the persons binding , from those that shall be so bound ; and the persons telling , and complaining to the church , from those that are to hear and have power of redress . and as they were in one place spoken to saint peter alone , to declare against consistorial parity : so were they elsewhere given joyntly to all the apostles ( the then visible heads of churches ) to abate popish usurpation . for they were not to be commanding one another , out of their churches , as they might those within them ; which was forbidden them in the persons of zebedees children : but in those equalities , they were ( in love ) to serve one another : and in this their parity obeying the precept of submit your selves one to another , he that should do it most ( and thereupon become a minister and servant to his fellows ) will even thereby make himselfe chief among them . by which means , being converted and become as little children , they shall then be greatest in the kingdome of heaven : or have great and kingly power in the church , from the power of christ that hath taken them into the arms of his acknowledgement . from whence it will again follow , that who so shall receive one such little child in my name , receiveth me : that is , in hearing and obeying him , he shal hear and obey me ; but who so shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me , it were better a milstone were hanged about his neck , and he were drowned in the depth of the sea . as there is a distinction of the greatest in the kingdom of heaven , verse to note that these things could not be spoken of christians universally ( for then received and receiving should be confounded and still the same ) so to shew it could not be meant of many in each kingdom or church that should by us be thus received , it follows in the singular number in the fifth verse , who so shall receive one ; and so in the sixth verse , who so shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me , &c. by which last expression of believe in me , as we finde children in the litteral sence excluded , so may we finde our obedience to christ , to be unquestionably due to such our rightful superiours as are christians and believing on him . but because christ himself had formerly foreseen , that our owne natural pride and lusts would ordinarily draw us , both to antichristian disobedience against our superiours , and unto neglect of the dutyes of love and charity to our neighbours ; it was the occasion of his expressions that he came to send fire on earth , and that he came not to send peace , &c. for in that consideration , he here saith that it must needs be that offences must come ; but then , he also gives a wo to them by whom the offence cometh : and admonisheth , that it were better to cast from us those lusts and enticements hereunto , although they be as deer to us as our owne hands or eyes , then we should be in danger of hell , by dispising one of these little ones ; who were by office , to prevent and decide those offences and breaches of charity , which our lusts should produce . and that , because they having charge of flockes committed unto them from christ , who came to save that which was lost : so it was also their duty , to regard the strayings of every particular sheep in their foulds : and it came thereupon to be the will of god , that none of these little ones should parish : that is , perish by violence and insurrection . the farther proof , that these phrases of little and least , were parabolically meant of persons to be substituted in christs power , appears in that ( through all the three forementioned evangelists ) the immediate following discourses do set out unto us the plain description of some persons by christ in that sort owned . saint mark and saint luke do it as of one that had no direct mission from him , who yet is by christ owned , because he did his works of power in his name : and owned also according to saint marke , under the same expression for obedience , as he had formerly set downe to the little children , viz. whosoever shall offend , &c. nay saint mark takes in that discourse of him that acted in christs name and authority so , as he intermingles it with the description of these little ones as all one . and to ascertain us that by them he intended his disciples , and his succeeding deputyes , he directs his speech of receipt to them directly : whosoever shall give you a cup of water to drinke in my name because ye belong to christ , verily i say unto you he shall not lose his reward : and whosoever shall offend one of these little ones that believe in me , &c. by that means making them and these little ones all one . as for saint matthew , he sets downe the description of the apostles power of the keyes immediately after the discourse of these little ones : so that , by setting downe the chief mark of the power of the churches head next , we have farther instruction that both discourses belong to the same person . our saviour , in setting downe the office of the churches heads under these notions of little ones , and little children , and of defining their duty of humility answerable thereunto , might have allusion unto the like manner of expressions used by his typical father david , who was usually personated as the churches head : as we find it expressed in the psalm , saying , my heart is not haughty , &c. and again , surely i have behaved and quieted my self as a child that is weaned of his mother , my soul is even as a weaned child . and as thus he answers for his mind and inward behaviour , so is it to be noted that himself ( as the paragon king ) was in his person very little : whereas his predecessour saul , was not onely haughty , but also higher then others by the shoulders ; and so not so fit as david , to be one of these little ones by our saviour spoken of . and indeed this caveat for humility , given by our saviour to such as were to succeed as heads and guides in the christian church , is but the same in effect that was given in the jewish church to be put in practise by their kings : that his heart be not lift up above his brethren . and although our saviour do thus set downe obedience to the church heads under the notion of little ones , to take off occasion of their pride ; yet that he intended such persons as should be in greater charge then ordinary , appears notably by his telling us ( by way of terror ) of their power : namely , that in heaven their angels do alwayes behold the face of god : that is , they have in regard of their great trust amongst us , their eminent guardian angels appointed . by which we may know how to interpret saint paul , concerning the angels which should be judged at the last judgement : that is , that such of them as had been more particularly trusted with the guardianship of particular churches , should give accompt thereof to these that had formerly been heads of churches themselves ; as to the apostles and the like . and that we were to distinguish these little ones , or the churches rulers here spoken of , from her other members ( commonly called children , but without the addition of little ) will farther appear by the observation of what was spoken of before . for unless we so construe them , i see not how that discourse can be direct , in answer to the disciples question , of who shall be greatest , that is , whom he would make governor over the rest : which is in three places done . and although he deny them this power over one another , yet doth he not theirs , or others having it over ordinary church-members : upon condition they must be converted from pride , and become humble and little before god. and by the word little thus received , may we interpret that speech of our saviours concerning iohn the baptist : he that is least in the kingdome of heaven is greater then he . for as by the kingdome of heaven we are to understand the church , ( because in heaven it self every one shall not be greater then he ) so are we not to understand that every one here , either , should exceed in greatness him that was the greatest of those which were born of women : but because these little ones , or these least in the kingdome of heaven , have ( as elsewhere shewed ) received from christ the honour and trust of binding and loosing , ( which iohn had not ) therefore were they greater then he . and so again , when christ brings in himself speaking at the last judgement , he useth the like expressions : inasmuch as ye have done it , or not done it unto one of the least of these my brethren , ye have done it , or not done it unto me . by one of the least , we are to understand such a single person to be meant , as more eminently representing christ , may ( through obedience to him in christs stead ) make charity extensive and useful to all occasions ; and not think that christ made that charity best which was done but to any one ordinary man : or that the particular works there mentioned were all that needed . but rather , that here ( as elsewhere ) these additions of least and little are added in the singular number to children and bret●ren , that , ( together with the distinction of them from other children and brethren ) he might both set forth that extraordinary humility that should be in all governours , and might also relate litterally to that mean estate of his disciples , the churches present governours : who being probably to be most persecuted of any other , therefore are those instances of charity brought in which become men in that condition . that these epithetes of little and least ( when added to children ) do both signifie persons substituted in christs authority , and was also given to teach humility and love ( especially one toward another ) will lastly appear by those passages discribed by the other evangelist saint iohn : because spoken while christ is deligating his apostles , as is related in the chapter and afterward . for in these chapters his speech of little children , cannot be taken otherwise then as a proper address to them . by which , and by that fact of washing their feet , we may finde how desirous he is , that that great power he had given them , should not exalt them above one another : but make them ready ( by that his example ) to do all loving offices one towards another : since none of them could be so great over one another , as he that had so done , was over them all . but although here , as elsewhere , he is most copious in putting them in mind of that duty of meekness and humility which becometh their large power ; yet that a great power was delegated unto them , appeares in the beginning of the chapter . now when iesus knew that his hour was come , that he should depart out of this world unto the father : that is , knowing he himself could be no longer the living light or guide of the world , he therefore thought now time to delegate his own which were in the world , and whom for that service he had chosen out of the world . and therefore jesus knowing that the father had given all things into his hands , and that he was come from god , and went to god : that is , knowing he had finished the work he had to do , and being to return to him that gave him this mission and authority , he then thinks it time to take care of his churches charge in his absence , and to go on with his mission of others in his name , as he had been before sent in his fathers name . this in the other evangelists , runs , as my father sent me , so send i you : and whosoever heareth you , heareth me , and the like ; but this beloved disciple , ( after his usual manner ) coucheth all under the notion of love . and therefore their power or mission is amongst other things parabolically set downe : as my father hath loved me , so have i loved you ; continue in my love : that is , as i have power had from god the father , as his beloved son , so shall you from me , as my beloved disciples . and this his deputation or mission thus given them , he more clearly expresseth in his prayer : as thou hast sent me into the world , even so have i also sent them into the world . all which , and other considerations before spoken of , ( in confirming the churches power under her owne ministers ) should methinks be sufficient to stop the haste of such , as do so headily obtrude their owne private interpretation of scripture against that which is publike , and made by lawful authority . for unless they can make some extraordinary mission appear , whereby god hath something to say by them , not said before ; why should men be so beguiled , as to think them not subject to like passions and infirmities with those that have the interpretation of gods word already ? and truly , their crying out for obedience to gods word onely , and yet proposing it as such , when guided according to their sence onely , imports none other , then an ayme thereby to engross all honour and authority to themselves only . and therefore , that command appears at this time extreamly necessary ; to put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good work , to speak evil of no man , to be no brawlers , but gentle , shewing meekness to all men . and a greater truth cannot be spoken , nor a mo●e seasonable admonition given , then to mark them that cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which they have learned , and to avoid them : for they that are such , serve not our lord jesus christ but their owne belly , and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple . for , so long as the foundation is not destroyed , so long as christ is not deceived , but our faith is entire in him ; the prosecution of particular sects , under that of paul , apollo , or cephas ; and our hatred , varience , emulations , wrath , strife , seditions , envyings , murthers , &c. are works of the flesh , not of the spirit : and are because we are carnal and walk as men . but yet , because we are to know , that it is not faith alone that is our duty , and can secure our salvation , but faith and love , or faith that worketh holy love ; we will now speak more fully of that grace of love or charity which must be joyned to keep us innocent ; and also of that other grace of obedience , which is requisite to make charity effectual . chap. vii . of love and obedience , and of our state of innocence thereby . to be sensible of good or happiness is to be living , and to be the more hereof sensible is to be more living . for as there is a positive dignity by sensation it self , that is , of sensitive above inanimates , so is there a comparative exellence therein again , arising from degree thereof . whereby each thing stands in degree of happiness and excellence differenced , by that degree of vigour and intensness in apprehension , and also by degree of steadiness and continuance in possession . now as experience in the natural course of things doth inform , that in all progression there must be a perfection and summety , so in this case especially ; where perfection of degrees must also arise from perfection of parts : even from that more inward and lively sence of happiness and fruition , which the contemplations of its own inherent worth must constantly afford . for as it is unconceivable how there could be a progression in dignity without coming to an acme and perfection , so also is it not imaginable that this perfection can be in any less degree therein stated , then to be causally and originally so : because if this happiness or the sence thereof should depend on the enjoyment of foraign objects and helps ( as in man ) then , for want of an original of life and perfection , all derivatives must cease also . from all which as we may conclude the being of a deity from the necessary progression of life & well being , so also must we conclude that nothing under god almighty can be perfectly happy . for as in him alone an absolute perfection of essence can always be found , so it must be to him alwayes so clearly perceptible and known , as to fill himself with such full acquiescence and delight , that , with due regard to his omnipotency , no foraigne want or fear can be supposed any wayes available to impoverish or delete that impression , which the vision and contemplation of the beatifical glory of himself must , from eternity , make within himself . when we contemplate our selves , or our own happiness or perfection , there being many things observable more perfect and happy then we , and through diversion of other objects engaging us to farther hope or fear , and through weakness of comprehension and understanding , being alwayes ready to be so diverted and foyled in our contemplations , it is not to be expected that this unsteady and weak consideration of an object so unworthy as our selves , made within our selves , should leave any such noble and firm character there , as to fill and settle us with any degree of acquiescence and delight , or to bring it to an existent perfection . whereas , in god , that could never be but perfect , and also knowingly and delightedly so , that resemblance of himself which must from eternity have conception & being in himself , must be supposed even naturally generating the like existence and continuance of such another self , under the relation of a son. for all cause of extinction or abatement being taken away , that which was from eternity thus naturally begotten , must be to eternity thus necessary continued . and easily it may be conceived , that were any one stated in such an unchangeable degree of essential perfection in himself , as to have all perfection there centred and confined ; and then to be endued with such high and steady degree of understanding and comprehension , as to be hereof alwayes sensible , and herewith alwayes delighted ; and then lastly , supposing this person to be alwayes accompanied with omnipotency too , then , as nothing could hinder him from his continual enjoyment of himself , so also cannot any cause of change be conceived ; whereby that which was thus lively impressed , should not have like continuance and self existence also . a strong confirmation and help to our conceipts in these things may be taken from our selves : who constantly and naturally ( as shewing whence we derived it ) are moved in the love and delight we take to any object , according to that impress or conception which is inwardly entertained of them : and experience telling us that the fruition doth never answer the expectation , because it comes alwaies short of the perfection of the idea , it doth prove that that degree of delight ariseth from degree of excellence of the object in it self , and from degree of inward perception thereof . in us , as all knowledge is admitted by degrees at the dores of the sences , according to iuch feeble representations as the weakness of the sences themselves and the unworthiness of created objects will afford , it is no wonder if , by reason of so large disparity , such unsteady and unaffecting impressions do remain , in comparison of what we may conceive to be where all these defects are taken off : especially since , by this foraign way of knowledge ( to wit by sence ) we are not able to know or appreh●nd truly our selves , as the divine essence is , by means of continual presence and intuition : and so beget , and be possessed with a continual self-love , which is the strongest impression and delight that may be . as thus to the manner , so , to the measure of the generation , it will follow , that as this infinite comprehension of god , stood entirely implyed in the contemplation of that full beauty , glory , and perfection of his whole essence , so must the person hereby generated be equally god also : for where the worker and the substance wrought upon are the same , what is thereby wrought must be the same too . now , as it a natural and necessary property of every inteligent and voluntary agent to be to it self regardful in the first place , and to other things as they stand thereto like and relating , which we call love , so , in this case , that perfect similitude and essential same-ness which must cause the father and son with high and continual entercourse off affection to be perpetually beholding each other , must , as proceeding from , and bestowed upon persons of such omnipotency and dignity , produce also a third like personal existence ; even that of the holy ghost . because ( as before said ) where the subject wrought upon and the worker are both god , that which proceedeth there from must be god also ; very god of very god. as thus for the coequality of son and holy ghost , so for their coeternity : since that perfection of the divine ess●nce must from the very first be , and be by it self conceived , and also loved , it must follow that these two presons must be also as much without begining as the other . for although , with us , that have our beings and conceptions imperfect and depending upon foraign helps , and by reason that our knowledge was by degrees attained from observation of figurate and material bodies as they stand limitted in time and place of operations , it is not to be imagined that any perfect conception should be made in us of a substance so spiritual and sublime , much less any such rational deffinition or discourse made for the satisfaction of others of a substance transcending the similitude and comparison of any other , therefore the best expressions of himself is from himself , saying , i am that i am : yet , were all these impediments taken off , we may conceive being and well being to be eternally the same ; and that omniscience should necessarily arise from , and accompany omnipresence ; and that again , being inseparably accompanied with omnipotence , it must follow , that to be , and to know , and to will , and to act , are all the same in him , that could never be devided into parts in himself , nor circumscribed nor limitted by any other , in time , place , or measure , of energy ; whereby , as to these personal relations , he should not be from , and continue to eternity the same that now he is : that is , not onely be really the same three , but , by this divers manner of existence of these three ones in the same one substance , we may , through their union amongst themselves , conceive deity it self to be more fixed and setled in unity or one-ness then it would be otherwise . from the observation of the manner of existence and working of any thing objected to humane sence , where agent and patient stand circumscribed and limitted by the laws of matter , it must be very heard to deduce any satisfactory conception how these things should be brought to pass . it must needs be hard for us to apprehend how one god should thus be three : at the same time truly one , as to the godhead , and truly three , as to the persons : and this , without division of substance , or confusion of peresons : that he that was begotten should be as ancient as he which did beget him ; and againe , that that person that had procession from the other two should yet be as much without beginning as either of them . and all , because created bodies being to work according to those rules which nhe creator did appoint , to the intent that that end which was by him aimed at in the course of his providence might have a regular and certain effect , it was necessary that they should be ascertained , stated , and limitted , by the laws of number , time , place , &c. forasmuch as , if any one or more of them should not be numerically and separately that very one , or that very number more , a perpetual miscellany and confusion would follow ; to the defeating nature in her operations , and to the depriving her of her variety , for want of distinct subsistences and individuals . and should not natural agents be confined to time and place , whereby that which is now done , or here done , was not at all times , and every where done , it must then fall out , that things thus left at liberty , must work infinitely to the degree of deity : or else , being impeded by the like unconfined operation of others , all must perish by reluctance and disorder : whereas god , that had thus by number and measure stated and bounded other things , must be looked upon as unlimitted in himself by those limitations which he puts upon others . that unity , that moment , that point , from whose simpleness the numbers , times , proportions , wherewith other things , stand bordered do take their original and derivation ( although they were from him , yet ) they are not at all afficient on him , he cannot be confined by those confinements he puts on others ; but remaines in himself still so much more simple then they , as not to be patible by them . it would be derogatory to him to think him so numerically and determinately one , as to say he is but one : for that were to say or suppose there were more ones , which this one did not comprehend ; and so , he not the whole and incomprehensible one . no , he is one , as being all : his oneness is from his allness ; his unity from his ubiquity . not seperately and singly one as in relation to another , but as comprehending all things else ; he is totally and universally one , and that , without confinement of time or place . but however there be coequality and coeternity amongst those three , as considered in themselves , and in relation to that one divine substance whereof they are possessed , and wherein they do unite , yet , as they stand differenced in order amongst themselves according to their relations , so are they , in their emanations and operations upon men and other creatures , distinguishable by their order of working also . for whatever is done by god the father , is done in the son , and through the holy ghost : who , as last in order , is neerest unto us in the participations of deity here . for that second person in the trinity , who in his natural and eternal generation , as god , was begotten of god the father , when he took our nature upon him , and did in it perform the work of our redemption , was then conceived by the holy ghost : by whom also we receive all those spiritual blessings , graces , and favours , which , by means of christs mediatorship and merits , are from god the father to be expected by us , as the earnest of his love in his son. from whence it comes to pass , that the sin against this person is set downe as unpardonable ; as including all the rest : by being a more neer contempt against them all , because none can act alone . lastly although by these divers personal subsistencies in the same substance , we may conceive deity , as to inward operations and respects , to be so fully compleated that no farther generation or procession needed ( because understanding and will stand hereby alwayes satisfied with adequate objects of truth and good ) yet as those incomprehensible rayes of love and glory which before all time were mutually and continually communicated by these three most blessed persons ( as coming from omnipotent agents ) could not otherwise otherwise be confined in operation then by their owne good pleasure , so it being the property of glory and goodness to be extensive , and as natural to do good as be good , it came to pass ( in time ) that that inward contemplation which was at first the generation of him that was the image of his fathers glory , and thereupon of that love which was from them both proceeding , was , for the farther manifestation of the same glory , the cause of all those effects of his love which appear in the whole creation ; and of those several inferiour participations of divine resemblance heretofore spoken of . in the former way of working , the divine substance it self is wrought upon and communicated ; in this , only the attributes thereof are imparted , according to matter newly created . the working of deity in the first way , was natural and necessary : but in this , voluntary . for the father could not be said to will to beget the son ; nor could the holy ghost be thought to take voluntary procession from the other two : because none could be said to will that to be done , which at no time was , or could be undone . the cause of the operations in the first case was perfect love , arising from perfect similitude ; in this , as the similitude was more imperfect , so the intercourse of affection also was more properly an expression of charity or gift upon objects of want , then an ayme at f●uition through sence of likeness and same-ness ; the which we may make the definition of love , and thereby somewhat difference it from charity : because the one seeks to enjoy , the other to bestow : though usually they are taken for the same , and fall into one another . for that , whosoever loves is alwayes ready to bestow ; and none was ever bountiful to any thing unloved , or unlike . in declaration of these sublime misteries much more might be said : but , when we have said all we can , it is not to be conceived that the feeble brain of man can ever attain any steady degree of comprehension of that in accessible light : it being more easy to lose our reason in a curious search , then satisfie it in any full discovery . and therefore , our safest course is to confess we know him not : having indeed no warrantable rule for our direction herein , but what god himself , hath of himself , in the holy scripture set downe . the which , had it not stiled the second person the the image of the invisible god , the brigh●ness of his fathers glory , and the express image of his persons ; and so leading us to conceive of the procession of the holy ghost , i see not how the true personal existence of those three that bear record in heaven could have been apprehended . as for that hypostatical union of the two natures in that one person of our saviour ( a mystery also necessary in some sort to be comprehended and believed ) it is learnedly done by others ; especially by the pen of judicious hooker : and is not to our present occasion so proper . but so much i thought necessary to premise in this place , for the better conception of the personal subsistance of deity ; by way of supply to what was briefly spoken of the unity thereof , and its operations , in the entrance of the first book ; and what shall be spoken thereof in the last chapter of this book : this being as necessary to be known to state us christians , as that was to remove us from atheism : and also for the better understanding the original and nature of love it self , whereof we are now to treat . for hence we may perceive how god himself is said to be love , as being the foundation thereof : and that also , if we love one another , god dwelleth in us , and his love is made perfect in us . the which is not onely true in the natural state , wherein all creatures had existence and perfection from the love of god manifested in christ by whom he made the world , and had that thereby also recourse back towards god again , by occasion of those natural propensions to mutual love and beneficence seated in men and other things , by means of that blessed spirit which moved upon the waters ; but also true in the state of grace and regeneration ; wherein god the father was pleased to love men again as in his beloved son , when they had now lost that image and likeness wherein they stood lovely as his creatures before ; even by the love of god shed abroad ●n our hearts by the holy ghost which is given us . by whose blessed influence we are not onely holpen and directed in our love and obedience upward , whereby to meet the god of love more directly ( even to the degree of a miracle-working faith where it is strong enough ) but also stand inwardly aff●cted towards the assisting him in his course of providence ; by love to those his images now pres●nt amongst us : men being not otherwise capeable of approving themselves to be godly or god-like , then by the expression of this their love according to such rules of obedience as christ himself hath appointed , and in scripture plainly set down . for as we are inwardly made preceptive , and participant of this love by the grace of faith , even by having our understandings cleared concerning the reallity of god and his goodness , and of the communication thereof unto us , of which we have spoken in this last discourse , so again , do we stand outwardly confirmed and conformable herein by the grace of obedience : even by signal testification of our true love to him , by our ready and conformable expression of it according to his direction ; of which we shall now speak in that which follows . as the general praise of love is most plainly and largly discoursed of by saint john , so is he most of all copious to shew how love and charity ( being the general precept for christians ) are the fulfilling of the law : and how they secure us in a state of innocence . and therefore , commending love to us , he saith , i write no new commandment unto you , but that which ye have heard from the beginning : meaning , from christ himself , who had shewed that this precept of charity or love was ( as hath been hitherto shewed ) the sum and scope of all the law and the prophets : that is , of those particular precepts set down in the law. again ( saith he ) a new commandment i write unto you , which things is true in him and in you : because the darkness is past , and the true light shineth . that is , true in him that hath thus rid us of strict legal observance , and from the darkness and multitude of litteral precepts : and hath enlightened us with so much supernatural wisdome , as to see this one performance of love to be the summ of their meaning : they , without it , not being able to state us innocent : for he that saith he is in the light , and hateth his brother , is in darkness even until now : but he that loveth his brother , abideth in the light , and there is no occasion of stumbling in him . which last words point plainly to the stating of our condition of innocence by love : he concluding all christian foundation and commandment in these words ; that we should believe the name of christ jesus , and love one another . and therefore is this gospel single light , hinted unto us as a single eye , which enlighteneth the whole body . this state of innocence through love , may be also compared unto the strait gate : both for its singleness of precept , ( in regard of those many precepts formerly given us ) and for its difficult too : as for loving of enemies and the like . this is that wedding garment , which whilst we have on , we need not doubt our selves true members of , and truly fitted for christs church and kingdome : but if wanting it , we are then to be rejected and cast out . for without this roab of charity , we shall be ready to devide this his kingdome against it self , by breach of peace and order ; this being the leaven that must season all we do . this is that rock , on which we founding our christian duties , through faith in christ , they shall stand unmoveable against the stormes and tempests of the world : whereas else , prophesie , miracles , mighty works , though done in christs name , and with never so religious pretences , shall not make him owne us , without its being their ground work . and to this purpose he saith , if ye keep my commandments ye shall abide in my love , even as i have kept my fathers commandments and abide in his love : and then he ads , this is my commandment that ye love one another , as i have loved you . and least any one should think , that this commandment was but a single precept , and not general , and including all the rest of his commandments , he farther adds ; these things i commanded you , that ye love one another . where the command of love is put in the plural number , as the sum of all the commands we are to keep , as truly his . so that then , no love to christ without keeping his commandments : no keeping his commandments without loving one another . for as christ , in his actions , stood excepted from sin , notwithstanding his likeness to us in the frailty and infirmities of nature ; even because of that perfect love to men , and perfect obedience to god with which they stood accompanied and directed ; even so is each one in degree innocent , according to that degree of love and obedience they bear towards their brethren , and to him their head . and indeed none speaks so home herein as our saviour himself , both to make love the fulfilling of the law , and also to make obedience our secure direction herein : for in three several places , matth. . . mark . . luke . . being recorded to give the summ of the commandments to be observed by him that should inherit eternal life , he puts the command honour thy father and mother , as a complement to the other particular precepts . and farther , to banish that pharisaical error of corban , whereby religious pretences had usually been made a cloak to disobedience ; he mentions in none of those places , any of these four precepts , which we onely attribute to be written in the first table ; but puts this command of obedience to parents last , least it should be taken but as equal , and part of the number of the other six . not improbably inferring it to belong to the first table ; by which means , they may be presumed to be by us respected under their proper relation of gods ; and not in the equality of neighbours , to be loved but secondarily to our selves . and then , this command being set downe as last of the first table , it must be supposed put for the rest : implying , that our love and honor to god himself , ( now absent ) is best discovered in what we do to these his deputies present amongst us . and take it as of the first , or second table ; yet his words are express , for making this obedience the fulfilling of the law , matth. . . honour thy father and thy mother , and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self : shewing thereby ( as heretofore noted ) that the precepts of do as thou wouldest be done unto , and love thy neighbour as thy self , can never have right proportion and valew , without the authority and coynage of a just and common superiour to us both : by the standard of whose precepts it is to be impartially estimated . for christ had before recited the particular precepts of our love to our neighbour : but now he summs them up to be perfected and fulfilled in love ; even as that love is to be compleated and directed by obedience to superiours . else when we think our selves least biassed with self respect , and do most really examine our thoughts before we act , how that they are none other but what ( with like circumstances ) we would be content to have received from him or others , we might yet be deceived . for since first , all the intervening circumstances could not be by us throughly considered , nor what measure of concern they had unto that person and me , and all other parties besides : it cannot be avoided , but that taking the judgment upon mine owne score herein , i must have failed , in doing ( through ignorance and mistake ) wrong to my self , to that my neighbour , or to some other . for although i have but don as i would be done unto , as to my judgment did appear , yet when it must fall out , that no one man can foresee and state all other mens concerns fully , it must follow that judging upon wrong evidence , he hath made wrong judgement : and so not loved his neighbour as himself . and therefore all innocence must proceed from obedience : for at the last judgment , when all things shall be truly stated and laid open , and it shall be made appear , how in this or that particular , i did to my self or some other an evil which i thought not of , it will not be a sufficient excuse , for me that took upon me to judge herein , to say i was not aware thereof ; or that i was ignorant it was at all , or in such measure any harm ; or that such persons were therein at all , or so much concerned . for since every one is to be alike loved as my neighbour , my intent of loving and regarding , some one or few herein as my self , will not ( though rightly done ) assoyle me of such failings and dangers , as must hereby happen to others also : by whom ( when it comes to be truly stated ) i must acknowledge i have not done as i would be done unto : for i would be loath that another should injure me , under colour of doing right to another . and therefore that admonition of saint james , is to be carefully remembred by all subjects , that in their deportments towards others , would keep themselves unblameable : my brethren be not many masters , knowing that we shall receive the greater condemnation : clearly evincing that guilt sticks so close to all our commerce with others ; that so far as it is not authorised by direction , or permission of a lawful superiour , it cannot be warrantable : who also cannot be excused of partiality and guilt , otherwise then as having whole and entire interest deputed unto him from god : whereupon , there are not to be many masters , as heretofore noted . and therefore was it not sin in the israelites , ( according to the words of moses ) to borrow of their neighbours , with an intent to deceive them : because he that commanded it , had from god ( by his office ) perfect propriety in the dispose of their actions . for though it might be objected , that they would not have been to dealt withall by the egyptians themselves : this was true as to the usage of the thing , considered separate from that authority by which it was done , but not in relation to their equal obligation to superiours in matters of obedience . for although they would not themselves have been content to have been so deceived ; yet , in obeying a superiours command , they did but unto him as they would be done unto , had they been in his case . for he having whole interest , is thereupon to be wholly looked on , as in relation to the performance of the divine precept of do as thou wouldest be done unto . for as it is easy , so alwayes just , for a man to distribute and give to others of those things that are all his owne : whereas he that hath but an uncertain share , and that mingled with many , must in his decision ( through partial and uncertain interest ) give a partial and uncertain judgement : and so many times falls short of the rules of charity , and loving others as our selves , when he most intends it . nay , if our saviours words be well weighed , ( who gave us this rule ) we shall finde publike allowance appointed to be our guidance therein : and that the usage of others , was not left to each ones private judgement . for although men of late ( out of arrogance , and to valew their single judgments ) have put it into the singular number of do as thou wouldest be done unto ; yet from the beginning it was not so . but when it was set downe as a rule for fulfilling the law and the prophets , it was put in the plural number ; whatsoevey ye would that men should do unto you , do ye even so to them , &c. plainly shewing that no man had warrant from hence to act any kind of wickedness , if he could gaine a third persons consent ; but the words men and them must imply publick approbation , or that persons approbation that hath publike charge . when the precept of love is set downe , it being each mans duty to be affected therewith , and ready to perform to the utmost of his power , it is therefore commanded in the singular number , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . for this being not onely in the first place necessary , as the root of that tree on which our outward charitable works must grow , but being also hidden in our hearts , where none on earth can have cognisance , it could not refer to the approbation of others . but because in the outward exercise of this love , i might transgress in quantity , and so ( as heretofore shewed ) do otherwise to some of my neighbours , then i would be done unto my self , even whilst i am vehemently loving others as my self , therefore am i not to act by private light , and as a single man in this case ; but as having direction or leave from that publike person that hath common interest . for although this root of love , be onely or chiefly to be watered by the dew of heaven , as having its formal seed from thence alone , yet is the plant it self of that nature , as without the culture of the gardner , not onely to become barren or adulterate in its fruit , but also by its manner of growth , to disorder and overshadow the rest of the trees of the same garden . every man therefore is to love every man as himself , as they are to be considered in their general equallity of men ; but since under policy and government , we cannot be externally separate from those different relations which the rule of that polity hath submitted us unto , therefore is the guidance of private mens actions in these different relations , to be regulated by him that hath the charge of the whole kingdome : who is to order every one under him , as the general oeconomy thereof shall require : and who , according to their joynt and common relations unto him , as subjects , may do to men as he ( in his publike capacity ) would have men do to him . and if we do not interpret the meaning of this rule against private judging , we make it destructive , and contradictory to the antecedent , and consequent discourses ( used by saint matthew and saint luke ) of mens taking on them to judge one another , and to spye the moats in their brothers eye : the which things are plainly in those places set downe as bringing condemnation and not innocence . the which innocence , by the precedent context in saint matthew , is placed on implicite reliance and obedience to those above us , for that which we would have done unto us . so that because we are to relye upon the greatness of the knowledg and care of god & our fathers in the flesh , therefore no man should presume to be wiser then they : nor , by judging others without their leave , to do by them otherwise then he would be done unto . wherefore without this interpretation , i see not how the coherence of therefore in saint matthew can be made good . and although saint matthew have the instance from reliance on god most especially , saint luke hath it for submission to humane authority : for we cannot think christians obliged to give to other askers , or stand still to their smiters , then what are warranted by authority , as elsewhere noted . and if we mark the subsequent texts , they will clearly inform us against mens reliance on the obliquity or variety of their owne guidance , by bidding us enter in at the strait gate , ( meaning that of obedience ) and avoid that broad gate and wide way of morality which men are subject to enter at , when they are to act any thing . and so saint matthew goes on to warn men against these false prophets , that shall hereafter be so prone to seduce us by their specious precepts to innocence , by reliance on doctrines by themselves brought in : who are to be known by the fruits of dissention and civil war , even because none but such fruits can be expected to come from a tree whose root is not love to their brother , and obedience to christ. nay implicite obedience too , for though they should prophesie , or work miracles in his name ; yet since these might have been done but out of self likeing and regard onely , there is nothing but founding obedience on him ( as on a rock ) that can secure our foundation . for we are to know , that since christ the master of the house is now risen up ( and hath finished legal and moral righteousness ) and hath shut to the dore ; that is , bound up the law and the testimony , and their meaning , among his disciples ; it is not then for men to knock more at that dore of entrance : but if their works were not done in obedience to him as lord , they were workers of iniquity , though they called him so when they did them : neither communion with him in the visible church , nor hearing his gospel can excuse them . again , the subsequent text in saint luke joyned thereunto ( for if ye love them that love you what thank have you , for sinners also love those that love them ) doth plainly also shew , that mens private wills and judgements were not to be relyed upon , for performance of that precept tending to love : whose performance that way could render men but still sinners . but we must be made capable of loving our enemies as our friends , by submitting our wills to the will of a publike person , unto whom they are of equal concern with our selves : and so doing by him as we would be done unto , we shall do by all others as we would be done unto also . else , if we blindly act by our owne judgements , and singly lead one another by our private lights , we shall both fall into the ditch . and therefore , we can then onely safely reckon our selves innocent , ( as before noted ) whilst obeying our superious direction in commands and prohibitions : and in case none appear , we are to guide our selves the best we may , by applying the said maxim between our neighbour and our selves . which truly done , our failings are to be excused upon our superiours permission given us herein : as having to the best of our consciences and judgements loved and done , as we would be loved and done unto : both in relation to our neighbours owne interest , and also in the upright managing that trust of impartial dealing , by god or our superiour committed unto us . and this , because his authority is equal in both ; and the same to permit as enjoyn . for where authority leaves any thing to be ruled by my conscience and discretion , it is the same as if he had commanded me to order them after the same manner : and it shall thereupon follow , that i performing my utmost devoire therein , am in my actings to remain still innocent , as having but obeyed my superiour . and from this necessary referment of the managery of many actions to the power of particular subjects , and because of the necessary submission of some deportments also to the guidance of fathers and masters of families , ( as proper to their charge and duty ) grows the reason why we finde in some of the epistles and places of scripture , such general direction and intimation of duty : namely , because those , or some of those precepts , or presidents in them contained , may be upon occasion as we said , usefull to the general direction of the several persons contained in each church ; when he shall either stand by his proper office , or by power and leave from his prince , under no positive restraint but of god alone . at which time , and at all times when he is not by the church debarred , it seems highly expedient , that the same person thus entrusted with the execution of affairs , wherein himself or others may be concerted , should have liberty to have his recourse to the scripture , for the farther enabling him in his demeanor , in things and persons submitted to his trust and power : and that upon the same reason and grounds , that were formerly given to shew their sole custody and power of interpretation given to superiour powers : namely for them to have assistance of divine guidance , in execution of their charge of government also . upon which ground and consideration , it became in particular manner necessary also , to have the general rules of do as ye would be done unto , and love thy neighbour as thy self , to be commended in common to each ones observation : to the end that each one , having his neighbours good or harm more or less in his separate power , might by this conscientious rule and tye of examination , be more readily provoked and directed in his sociable abearance . for the rule it self being but a general rule for inoffensive living , by introducing a common and equall sensation , or fellow feeling of each others wants and benefits ( that thereupon ( as to our selves ) the good of others might be sought , and their harm avoided ) therefore is it by our saviour placed as the sum and fullfilling of the law . meaning , that as god had formerly by moses and the prophets , given particular precepts and directions for the sociable abearance of the nation of the jewes , so the onely standing divine rule to us christians now , was this summary direction for the good of society : whereby preserving the good of our neighbour , we should also thereby to our power , maintaine the glory and service of god. so that the said rules , of love thy neighbour , &c. and whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , &c. importing generally , as if it had been commanded to all sorts of men to be ready according to their severall stations and degrees , to promote the good , and to ease and sustaine the harms of one another ; it must therefore follow , that those persons that have publike and whole trust and power in each society , are in the first place to have the interpretation and application of this rule : and so each one under him , as he shall entrust them therein ; in order to the good and welfare of that society . for since the care and trust of the prince is more then that of others , it must also follow , that the application of that rule which is directive therein , must be primarily in him too : the subject having onely liberty to guide himself in what he is to act on another , as supposing the rule a fresh said unto him from christs minister set over him . because else ( as before shewed ) generall harm may be the consequent of general liberty independently to act by these rules : whereas in our assistances to them , and in our submissive deportments , ( if we bear one anothers burdens ) we shall fulfill the law of christ ; in maintaining the good of society , the end of that law . the rule of do as thou wouldest , &c. being thus hard to be kept ( as from private direction onely ) causeth it to fall out , that our works ( as our works ) cannot justifie us before god : because they cannot , as proceeding from separate persons onely , have throughly , and on all hands charitable and perfect performance ; but as done in christ ; that is in obedience to his , or his deputies authority : and failing in the faith hereof , or in our impartial dealing with our neighbours , in things by authority permitted unto us , it will follow , that whatsoever is not of faith is sin . but if in conscience to christs authority , ( commanding obedience to him and in him ) we do that which may privately make our conscience condemn us , yet god is greater then our consciences and knoweth all things : to wit , knoweth , that as his glory is to be increased by humane preservation , so humane preservation is maintained by obedience and submission . for if we must be judging of morallity , and being under lawful authority , act their commands on others no farther then the supposal of our case and suffering to be theirs will give leave , i would fain know , whether the judge , and other officers and executioners of civil justice , that joyne in the sentence and infliction of death on any their fellow subjects ; or whether the souldier , that for press or pay doth the like on his owne country men or others , do either of them imagine themselves in their case ; and so acquit themselves , by not being instrumental in infliction of more , then themselves would have again suffered from them ? if they do not , nor need not , then doth their innocence follow their obedience : even by imagining themselves to have been in their superiours case , & him their subject : for as then , they would have expected obedience to what themselves had conceived fit to be done , so are they now to give it . in which case ( by my obedience ) doing as i would be done unto by him that hath whole concern and represents all , it must follow , that i do as i would be done unto by all men else ; and so by my obedience have fulfilled the law of christ. whereupon as we finde abrahams faith imputed for righteousness , and he called father of the church or faithful ; so was this attributed unto and made appear in a matter of obedience : in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed , because thou hast obeyed my voice . for although abraham had at other times obeyed , yet was he herein exemplarily the father of the faithful ; because the proof of his obedience was performed in a particular , wherein both the injury to another and himself , might have been so highly disputed out of private judgement and interest . whereupon , that which is here attributed to abrahams obedience , is interpreted by saint paul his faith : who in the first chapters to the romans largely sets forth the necessary guilt accompanying legal precepts , not done in christ ; who throughly fulfilling all moral righteousness ; our faith and obedience in , and to him , makes it imputed unto us : for as by one mans disobedience many were made sinners , so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous . he tels us there , that circumcision is that of the heart and spirit , not in the letter : that is , men are now to be justified by love ( the work of the law written in their hearts ) and not by the observation of the letter according to their owne sence . for against such , he pronounceth a necessity of such sins , as attended such as professed themselves wise : saying , thou art inexcusable o man whosoever thou art that judgest : for wherein thou judgest another , thou condemnest thy self : for thou that judgest doest the same things . that is , inasmuch as thou takest upon thee to guide others and thy selfe by thine own judgement , thou must consequently break charity , the end of the law : and so involve thy self in the guilt of thine owne , and others sins , that must follow thereupon . for now we are delivered from the law , being dead to that wherein we are held : that is , being released ( as heretofore noted ) of the penalty of observing legal precepts , as of immediate divine authority ; because we should serve in the newness of spirit ( that is by love ) and not in the oldness of the letter . for while we were taking upon us this litteral performance , the law of our owne members and concupiscence ( pointing at private interests ) caused it to prove to us the law of sin , and of death . so that then , the law of god being to be served with the mind inwardly , and not by fleshly wisdom , to make it the law of sin , it follows , that there is no condemnation to them which are in christ jesus : which walk not after the flesh , but after the spirit . that is , because they that act after the flesh ( or take upon them self guidance ) do minde the things of the flesh ( their owne interests ) : but they that walk after the spirit , mind the things of the spirit : that is , being alwayes guided by the fruit of the spirit , inward love , they alwayes mind the effects thereof : in which they could not err , whilst remaining obedient . for else , authority and law onely defining and measuring in particular acts what is murther , adultery , theft , &c. and rating accordingly the punishments thereupon due , we should , in our particular biassed interpretations , commit often the same , or worse faults , then those we went about to amend . and this , because god , who from himself and in his owne name gave these precepts at first , gave also a continual succession of prophets , urim and thummim , and other divine ways of revealing his pleasure in their interpretation upon doubtful occasions ; so that being both wayes expresly divine , their observance litterally ( as so ) was each mans duty then : but now , being not to be litterally and particularly so construed by private men , they break or keep them , when they break or keep their substance , charity and inward love ; and are more or less obedient to superiours therein . and therefore although there could be but one truth , amidst those different exercises of christianity between the jewish and gentile churches ; yet the apostles being to promote and encourage christianity all they could , and christians again to obey implicitely in all things not fundamental ; the one might justly command , and the other be also obedient , although in things differing and contrary : which otherwise in the commanders , must have been heresie on the one side or other . and besides , must have been schism and scandal in each sort of the disagreeing subjects , that in absence of their common head , obtruded upon each other their differing constitutions : having no other authority to act , or impose to the dislike of one another , then in relation to their joynt authority ; as thereby holding of the head : under whom they were to be esteemed but as one , by means of joint communion and subordination . but when done in just pursuance thereof , error is avoided : for that a divine sentence is in the lips of a king , and his mouth transgresseth not in judgement . in the original it is in the future tense , shall not transgress : which i note to avoid the exposition that might be made against the allowing the judgement of kings in general to be such ; as thinking it only appliable to solomon himself , because particularly inspired above others . and this place of solomon is a good comment and confirmation to another of like sort : namely , to punish the just is not good , nor to strike princes for equity . where we may finde , that a prince in his definition , is held the same with a just man , ( as formerly noted in the title of justice ) : and that then we can no more punish or accuse the one then the other , for want of justice or equity . upon which reasons elihu ( in iob ) brings in that saying , as a truth universally agreed upon : is it fit to say to a king thou art wicked , and to princes ye are ungodly ? therefore , by the words shall not transgress in judgement , we are to understand that they shall not cause subjects to transgress in their obedience ; because the sentence is divine , which in the original imports divine oracle , or divination , as having whole interest by divine deputation and precept : but erroneous it may be , and is in him ( as he stands in relation accomptable to god ) so far , and so often , as he againe transgresseth his law , who hath whole interest , both in those persons , and him , and all things else . for if he take upon him to prescribe rules according to his owne iudgement , where god hath made positive ones already ; or do in those cases left to his care , ( through passion or interest ) respect himself , or some one party above another , and not resyect gods superiour interest before his owne subordinate interest ( doing by god as he would be done unto ) he doth not do as he would be done unto . for as he would not have his judges , and such as he trusts do the like by him , so is he not to deceive and abuse gods delegation ; in forgetting that all his power is but usurpation and injustice , when not according to the best of his judgement and conscience , directed to gods honor above his owne : as also , to the general and impartial good of his subjects . so that subjects justice or justification , consisting chiefly in submission to the judgement of their superiour , we may well know how to interpret that wise king and preacher : be not righteous over much , neither make thy self ever wise , why shouldest thou destroy thy self ? be not over much wicked , neither be thou foolish , why shouldest thou dye before thy time ? by which words , we are not to think that either increase of righteousness or wisdome is forbidden , or increase of wickedness or folly commended , as in themselves ; but must apply them unto their manner and object of usage and imployment . for so ( in the first verse ) he that will be so seemingly righteous and wise , as to think his owne conscience and discretion sufficient and warranted judges of his actions , against , or above that of his superiour , he will endanger his owne guilt and destruction , by being so over righteous , and overwise : that is to say , by private useing and applying the rules of do as thou wouldest be done unto , and love thy neighbour as thy self , not left unto him by the higher power . whereupon , being over wise , that is wise in his owne conceit , he neglects the precept that said honour thy father and thy mother and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self , and so doth not as he would be done unto . and againe , he that hath not these charitable rules deep enough in his heart , but shall act contrary in things remitted to him ; or shall strain the letter of the law to countenance his malice or private interest onely ; he is over much wicked and a fool : and , offending against charity , puts himself into the same danger also . for although obedience be in it self matter of apostolical precept and rejoycing ; yet should we be wise unto that whis is good , and simple concerning evil . for alas the uncharitable designes of self interest , do so often intermingle in what we do , even in order to superiour command ; that we shall not need to fear men will not have sins enough to answer for . we are all of us ( god knows ) so far the sons of adam , as to be too prone to yeild to the temptatiof tasting of the forbiddin fruit of good and evil in what is commanded ; whereby we lose the innocence of doves : and not to be wise enough again , in doing that good to our neighbour , which is left and referred to our owne discretion and power ; whereby we fail of the wisdome of serpents . but however , if we will be innocent it must be by casting of our owne wisdome , and by implicite following christs precepts for obedience and charity to our neighbour : and for what we have done otherwise , we must re-estate our selves in innocence by repentance , even to the degree of little children ; who we know obey implicitely , and act without malice . and this is the scope of christs thanks giving ; that these things were hid from the wise and prudent ( that is such as trusted in their moral righteousness ) , and were revealed unto babes : that is , to such as ( considering the load of legal precepts ) should , like men regenerate again in christ , take his easie yoke upon them ▪ and by lowliness and meekness ( the two concomitants of obedience ) find rest for their souls . and this is the effect of our new birth : whereby being , as the sons of god in christ , restored to a state of innocence , we come to be freed of the old leaven , and that guilt of morality incurred by the old adam . and in this sence , are all those and the like places to be understood , how the children of god sin not : whosoever is borne of god doth not commit sin , for his seed remaineth in him , and he cannot sin because he is born of god. which places may well allude unto , and are explained by our saviour himself in his answer to the pharisees ( a people that use to mak religious pretences to discountenance lawful obedience ; and would have made their unauthorised interpretations of the law , ( in superstitious observation of the sabboth and some other things ) act their militious designes against christs honour , and their neighbours good ) if ye were blinde ( saith christ ) ye would have no sin ; but now ye say we see , therefore your sin remaineth : if they had not opposed their owne prying humour , in the literal morality of the law , against christs authority , obedience had kept them innocent : but going about to establish their owne righteousness , have not submitted themselves to the righteousness of god. for by means of their insubjection unto that manner of judgement for the which christ came into the world , they ( trusting to their own may of seeing ) came to be made blind : whereas others , that pretended not to see of themselves , through obedience to him , were made to see . and if the forementioned places of saint matthew be well consulted , we shall find the interpretation and guidance of religious precepts and duties left wholly to the supream magistrate : and that christ , by this liberty in the great legal injunction of the sabboth , shews that offices of charity , ( or judgment , mercy and faith ) are the end or weightier matters of the law : & mercy better then sacrifice . and therefore although he aver his owne authority in church matters , as being greater then the temple , yet he saith the son of man lord also of the sabboth . if he had said the son of god had been lord thereof , it had been but to assert what was not questioned : but as he here calls himself son of man , to countenance his deputies , and stop the mouths of such as ( under colour of the weakness of humane authority ) would deny the supream magistrates power herein , so he did before instance what men they are that have it : that is , kings personated in david : and priests , alluded unto in abiathar , in whose dayes it was done ; both of them having sole trust of law . and therefore as they in the law , so he , as a great king and priest in the gospel , had this power also . whereupon since the observation of legal precepts ( as barely such ) cannot have ( as from us alone ) any such exact performance as to be justifiable and meritorious ; but this being done by christ , the morality of our works can be justified but as through him : that is , as done in obedience to his authority , who hath bin fully meritorious therein already . hereupon it must be plicite , where direct precept is ; or according to the general precepts of love , in things remitted to us . and this was the great mystery of godliness , god manifest in the flesh : through obedience to which manifestation we come to be justified in the spirit . for christ saith of himself , as long as i am in the world , i am the light of the world : but being we are bidden to be obedient to our superiour masters in the flesh as unto christ : and in the lord ( that is , in his stead ) it follows that he that dispiseth them , dispiseth him that sent them . and therefore christians , in their obedience and discipleship to christ , are compared to sheep : a creature best setting forth their duty of obedience , by their ready , simple , and implicite following their shephard , and also the general duty of christian love and charity ; by their inoffensive and harmless deportments one towards another . and to prove that this obedience to christs minister is to be the pre-required condition that should justifie men in their christian deportments , we shall finde that the apostles , and such as he was to delegate as his ambassadours , are by christ not onely called the lights of the world , a city on a hill , and the like , to shew the largeness of their illumination , but farther to shew the necessity of the conformity of our outward deportments to their directions , they are also by christ appointed to be the salt of the earth . and he expresly sayes , that every one shall be salted with fire : that is , every mans faith shall be tryed by the fire of afflictions and temptations , and every sacrifice shall be salted with salt : that is , as every sacrifice under the law was to be so seasoned ; so he that came to fulfill the law and the prophets , had now made the precept of love ( seasoned by the obedience to those that were to command in his stead ) to be the sure way of making each christian duty lawful : and after the same manner that each christian himself , was to be made acceptable by his baptism of afflictions . and although it were reserved for the clearer light of the gospel , to discover that all wickedness proceeded from malice , and other the works of the flesh : and on the other side ▪ that love was the only thing to estate men r●ghteous : yet we finde the same in many places hinted at in the old testament ▪ and solomon in particular is very express to this purpose , when he saith hatred stirreth up strife , but love covereth all sins . which is answerable to our saviour reason of the corruption of the last times , viz. because iniquity shall abound , the love of many shall wax cold . this accomplishment of our innocence through this saving grace of love or charity , is that more excellent way by saint paul shewed to the corinthians : who had before shewed , how all the several gifts of the holy ghost were given for mutual edification , and bestowed severally on several members , but for compleating and adorning that one body , the church . in which respect , since the more ordinary and common members , which were useful to the body ( as the feet or the like ) could not expect to have those more eminent endowments ; ( for then should they not be eminent if ordinary ) therefore is a whole chapter spent in shewing this more excellent and ready way of charity : whereby those more feeble and less honourable members , that could not attain to be apostles , prophets , teachers , or the like ; might yet , by means of this common band of union and perfection , finde an equal capacity , with those that were highest gifted , to attain to the edification and support of the general body . this way being to them also the most excellent and sure , because that without it , all their other endowments will prove but as sounding brass , and tinkling symbals . of which bond or union , and also of the union of the other christian graces , we shall farther discourse in the ensuing chapter . chap. viii . of the coincidence of christian graces . how the affection of unity is accompanying the whole race of things , hath been abundantly declared ( as a metaphisical or supernatural speculation ) by such as have not had any other light to direct them in the inquiry , then that which meer nature would afford : being drawn from contemplation of her procession in things here below . but , unto us christians , who have from above been confirmed in the knowledg of deity , and also of its unity , as the ground of our divinity must grow more firm and steady in knowledge of god himself , so will the contemplation of that unity ( as considered in him that is the cause of all things ) lead us by a plain way of demonstration , to disscover why in each thing by him made , the same affection should be also necessarily implanted : not only in order of resemblance herein to its author , but to the formal stating of it such , or such . concerning some of the nearer resemblances of deity in the things of life ( which we call individuals ) we have formerly spoken ; as also of mans above them all . but this affection of unity , is so much more closely accompanying them , that it not onely formally constitutes them , but thereby also differenceth them from inanimates : who can receive no formal unity , but what must arise from the definition of their whole mass : whereas , in the definition of any species of individuals , that natural unity which appears therein , can have no other true existence or perfection then what was first really inherent in , and constituted by the individuals themselves : as being the observable properties in them severally abiding . as therefore all things , together with their creation and existence from god proceeding , received from him this affection of unity also , as necessarily constituting them distinct from the whole race of things , so , to the end that the makers praise might yet receive addition and increase , though the increase of the several objects of his bounty and goodness ; and that this division of the whole mass , might not ( by civil war and disunion amongst themselves ) prove the overthrow of one another , ( but that one thing might be a continual support unto the good and preservation of another , and thereby all conspire to the same end gods glory ) , we may observe all those friendly instincts and properties , bestowed by god on natural agents , as heretofore noted . by means of which propensity , and benigne aspect of one thing towards another , ariseth that other affection which we call goodness . so that , when the separate existencies of things ( which states truth ) are by this affection of goodness made agree in things to their own mutual preservation and to gods glory also , then doth the prevalence of union appear herein again ; as joyning good to truth , and creation to providence ; and making the creatures end , or preservation , conspire to that of gods , his owne glory : and gods glory to meet in direct points with their good . but now , although these benevolent inclinations of things might suffice to mutual preservation in inanimates , and such sensitives as had none , or small cause of division , through largeness of private appetite and will , so , to the end that voluntary agents ( which were most to seek it ) might not be subject to recompence their owne higher sence of felicity from god received , with the ingrateful diminution of his glory in the disturbance of the course of his providence , it was onward necessary , that for maintenance of the same unity ( which was made as aforesaid by inward instincts in other things ) there should not onely be an inward natural appetite to union implanted ( which we call love ) but also such outward directions given to them ; that through the due observance hereof , their union and meeting amongst themselves might tend to the like end with the other things before spoken of : namely the preservation and maintenance of gods glory , and their own good . all which considerations , will now make manifest the great reason , not onely of that simplicity and fewness of the gospel precepts , as in order to our more easie performance , and for their approaching so much neerer to the perfection and unity of him that gave them , but also of that plain coincidence they have amongst themselves : whereby they come , like the whole race of things themselves , ( the object of their directions ) to unite and conspire in the common end of all things , gods glory ; and ( the subservient end thereof ) each particular things natural preservation : for as there is an union in the end , so must there be also in the means and directions leading thereunto . all which we shall declare by instance ; it being a thing not only usefull in it self , but also necessary for to understand those many texts , where sometimes love , sometimes faith , sometimes hope , sometimes obedience , or the like , are singly set downe as comprehensive of all duty and perfection beside : and not constantly any one grace alone after that i shall give farther evidence thereof : by producing some places of scripture , cleerly setting out their conjunction and harmony . when the threats due to sin or the breach of the law , are by any in such sort resented , as to cause him to have recourse unto the remedies laid downe in the gospel ; or else , when the enjoyments and promises by the gospel it self set for t , do of themselves invite ; then is the first putting forth of appetite to attend these objects as good , called by the name of hope . after which , the rational faculty comes to be set on work , for the entertainment or contrivance of the means : which being apprehended as feasable , doth then become the object of our faith ; and so of our reasonable appetite called will. for although the sensitive appetite , ( as more general and as next unto life or individual being ) do readily at first attend every thing ( as its object ) that is presented under the classis of hope or fear ; yet , when understanding hath had leisure to work , the reasonable will prosecutes no farther , in attainment or avoidance of these objects of hope or fear , then as the consideration of those mediums lying between them and us , makes these objects ( by their neerness of approach to us ) to be afterwards , in a second measure , hopeful or formidable . in which consideration , hope and faith doe alwayes accompany one another : and although hope , as more general , do inchoat in order to the end , ( namely the enjoyment of bliss and avoidance of torment ) yet faith , in order to the means , to wit , our laying hold on christ ) doth so instantly follow , that some have believed these graces to come together : which may be true in relation to that one divine spirit which ( entring at the same time ) was the cause to both ; but yet it hinders not , but that this spirit might produce its effects in their natural order , as before shewed . it being aterwards true indeed , that these graces are mutually encreased and strengthened by each other : the hope and beliefe , or beliefe and hope of the end , ( by its valew ) exciting the beliefe and hope , or hope and beliefe of these means that are tending thereunto . which means coming hereupon to be more constantly and fully pursued ; hope or beliefe to be therefore accepted , grows by degrees ( in each one ) into stronger hope and beliefe that he is accepted . which beliefe , or strong faith of gods acceptance and love to us ; doth againe increase on-ward , in our love to him . unto which onely hapy estate , being by these blessed degrees once come , then doth hope and faith become silenced and swallowed up by this most high and compleat grace of love : for we now live no longer by desire , but fruition . but because , in this life , and whilst we carry this treasure in earthen vessels , we cannot arrive at any perfection , much less at any degree of continuance and perseverance in this happy enjoyment of god by love , we are therefore ( as elsewhere noted ) to cherish in our selves all those means , whereby our faith and hope may be kept in or restored unto their pitch and vigour : so that , notwithstanding our many relapses , we may be still reintegrated again to a state of love . in which regard , we are next to consider of that which is the general grace of supply and sustentation to all the rest : namely the grace of obedience . for from the efficacy of this grace it is , that hope and faith gather their joynt and mutual strength : even from conscience of our continual actings , and endeavours in performance of the commands and dire●●ions of god. for these things must follow as necessary consequents of one another : first to obey out of fear to displease , and hope to kept favour ; and then farther , still to obey , even as we believe our obedience accepted and available . and lastly , obedience will still increase it self , with that increase of grace it brings : and as it hath perfected our first feeble hope to strength of faith , so will it accompany our state of highest perfection ; even our state of love . for then shall our readiness in execution of gods commands be doubled : because being united to him by this affection , we shall not onely do his will as his , but as our owne too . so that when faith shall fail , obedience shall not : being a grace so proper and necessary to each creature , that it cannot ( in order to its subordinate relation ) be truly such without it . and this , not only in the will , but also in act , so far as lyeth in its power . for although none wil deny the omniscience of god almighty , so far as to doubt his inspection into the most inward thoughts and inclination of his creature ; even to the discerning that proportion of faith and love , which is in their hearts ; yet , it being the most natura● for justice , to proceed in rewards and punishments ( especially such as outward ) according to overt acts , we shall still finde god himself recompencing those that were endowed with strongest measure of these graces , proportionable to that publike estimate thereof which they in their life times , by more remarable obedience did make apparent : as our saviours obedience to the death of the cross , and abrahams in the death of his son , and divers others examples in holy writ do declare . as for the duties of prayer , preaching , almes , sacraments ▪ &c. they are the several objects and expressions of our obedience : through perseverance in which christian precepts , ( as outwardly administred in christs kingdome the church ) gods inward kingdome of grace in our hearts , is made to have its efficacy and growth . and as for the theological vertues of meekness , humility , patience , gentleness , long-suffering , &c. they may all be comprehended under the aforesaid grace of obedience : serving as necessary qualifications to the stating thereof : as shall in their due place be declared . from all which , as the simplicity of the gospel may plainly appear , so will it be farther manifest , how by this coincidence of christian graces ( sum'd up in love and obedience , or in love alone , or obedience alone , ( as presuming they cannot be one without another ) that men now under christ the second adam , are come ( as before noted ) to be stated in a capacity of innocence , upon almost as easie tearms as under the first : and how we are again brought to be more resembling his condition , while implicite obedience is our perfection now , as it was to him then . to the farther confirmation whereof , we might also add the coincidence of the sins opposite to these graces : as contrarily tending to diminution of gods glory , and humane good : even declaring how infidelity and uncharitableness , are ever accompanied with , and heightned from the sin of obedience . but i shal now proceed to scripture proofs in these things : and in farther confirmation of the precedent chapter , beginning with some out of the new testament . saint paul having declared somewhat to the ephesians of his knowledge in the mystery of christ , doth it , that thereby all men may see what was the fellowship of the mistery : that is , both the fellowship of christian precepts amongst themselves , and our fellowship or communion with christ through obedience . which ( mistery ) from the beginning of the world hath bin hid in god ; who created all things by jesus christ : that is , heretofore hid under the legal observations , but is now ( as the unsearchable riches of christ ) preached amongst the gentiles . to the intent that now unto the principalities and powers in heavenly places , that is , unto the higher powers seated and deputed by christ , might be known by the church , ( that is , by the vertue of illumination and authority , given to them through christs headship of the church ) the manifold wisdome of god. and therefore saint pauls prayer was , that christ might dwell in their hearts by faith : so that they being rooted and grounded in love , they may be able to comprehend with all saints , what is the breadth , and length , and depth , and height : that is , this mistery of the love of christ which passeth all knowledge . namely , that they may know how it should be effected and kept up , by those that walk worthy of the vocation wherewith they are called : who must do it with all lowliness and meekness , with long suffering , forbearing one another in love : endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace : that is , in obedience to our owne christian head , which is the only bond of peace . for by means of the building and foundation laid by these christian heads , apostles and prophets , ( as then they were called ) given for the perfecting of the saints , and for the work of the ministry ; we come to be united as citizens of the houshold of god , or catholick church ; of which christ himself is the chief corner stone . the body of christ being in this sort to be framed and built together in this life , till we come to be past fear of being tossed to and fro of every winde of doctrine : even by being come to the unity of faith , through the knowledge of the son of god : or to have attained that measure and stature of fulness , which is to be from christ himself expected . of which christian submission and obedience , having set downe positive precepts in the names of husbands , parents , and masters , he finally exhorts them to be still furnished with the whole armour of god , that is , faith , love , and obedience : that they may be able to stand against the wils of the devil : that is , these his most crafty wiles and insinuations , whereby we come to be tempted by him as an angel of light , under religious pretences , to acts of obedience : even by the prince of the power of the aire , the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience . for ( saith he ) we wrestle not against flesh and blood , meaning against fleshly rules or masters ( for against the works of the flesh we must wrestle ) but against principalities and powers , agaist the rules of the darkness of the world ( that is ) against spiritual wickedness in in high ( or heavenly ) places . or against the wills of the devil , working in such as under the colour of legal or moral precepts , ( called usually darkness ) by their owne high power in the church , would countenance disobedience : and so overthrow the mystery of christ , by the mysterie of iniquity . for these are to know , ( as saint paul saith to tymothy ) that the end of the commandment is charity ; or peaceable submission and obedience for charity sake : out of a pure heart , and a good conscience , and faith unfeigned . from which ( saith he ) some having swearved , are turned aside unto vain jangling ; that is , unprofitable questionings of legalty : desiring to be teachers of the law when they should hearers ) understanding neither what they say nor whereof they affirm . but we know that the law is good , if a man use it lawfully : that is , an obeyer of legal authority , whereby to retain innocence , and not as judge , to become guilty . knowing this that the law is not made for the rsghteous ( or just ) man ; that is , to condemn a just or obedient man ; but for the lawless and disobedient , for ungodly and sinners , &c. where , all wickedness being reckoned after , as subsequent and attendant on disobedience , and by opposing the disobedient and lawless against the righteous man , we must understand obedience and righteousness to be contivertible : for as the fruit of the spirit is love , so the fruit thereof again , is joy , peace , long suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance : against such there is no law ; that is , law of condemnation . and this mistical way of accomplishing our innocence , is farther repeated to the collossians : that their hearts might be comforted , being knit together in love : and unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding , to the acknowledgement of the mistery of god , and of the father , and of christ : in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdome and knowledge . in which words we may plainly see , that our greatest comfort ariseth from love in our hearts : and from hence have we the full assuranc of understanding of right obedience to gods law , to the acknowledgement of the mistery of god : even the mistical way of justification ; whereby , being inwardly made ready and pliable to perform all acts of benificence , we ( by our conformity and obedience to this one precept ) should contrary to the doctrine of the darkness of this world ) be estated truely innocent . in which words , the general name of god is first attributed to the holy ghost : for that he is the more proper efficient in the understanding of this mistery , as also of the acknowledgement of the father and of christ. so that , in participation of the godhead by this mistery , we are made comprehensive of all the reall treasures of wisdome and knowledge , in being thereby guided through gods light , and not our own . which , as the apostle spake least any should beguile them with entising words , ( that is , religious pretence , which is most enticing of any ) so he joyes in beholding ( the fruit of this inward love ) their order , and stedfastness of their faith in christ ; that is , their peace and agreement in the faith . and thereupon proceeds to admonish them , least any man spoil them through philolosophy and vain deceit : meaning , through the greekish popular philosophy of their country , ( teaching righteousness to be attained by their many precepts of morall justice ) , or vain legall deceit of the iews amongst them : after the tradition of men , after the rudiments of the world ( or worldly wisdome ) and not after christ , in the simplicity of this gospell precept of obedience . for we cannot offend god whilst we are obedient to him ; because in him ( that is , in christ ) dwelleth all the fulness of the godhead bodily . where the word bodily is added , to express our reall participation of his corporeall fulness , that are to be rooted and built up in him ; according as in the following words is expressed : and yee are compleat in him , which is the head of all principality and power : that is , in obeying him , as king of kings , by our submission to the prince his deputy , we are compleat in him ; as therby obeying his kingship and christship . and so also , being grounded in love in him , we are circumcised with the circumcision made without hands , in putting of the body of the sins of the flesh ; or the observation of the law that causeth sin , by the circumcision of christ ; buried with him in baptism : that is , following him by our patience in those afflictions , which love to our neighbours , and obedience to our superiours must produce , we shall then , like as the captain of our salvation was made perfect by suffering , and was thereupon exalted ; so we ( proving our selves able to endure our shares of that baptism which he was baptized with ) shall rise with him through the faith of the operation of god , who hath raised him from the dead . for we being dead in sins , and the uncircumcision of the flesh ; that is , kept under the bondage of sin , through the weakness of our flesh , hath he quickned together with him : having forgiven us all trespasses , blotting out the hand writing of ordinances that was against us , which was contrary to us ; that is , to us christians : and took it out of the way , nailing it to his cross : that is , made legall righteousness to be perfected only by taking up our cross and following him , by patience and humility in obedience . for having by his cross spoyled principalities and powers ; that is , the principality and power of death , ( and the law that caused it ) he made a shew of them openly : triumphing over them in it . whereupon the admonition follows , let no man therefore judge you in meat or in drink , or in respect of a holy day , or of the new moon , or of the sabbath dayes : that is , be not subject to ordinances now as of immediate divine precept , although men should go about to prove them as expresly divine as these : for these were shadows of things to come , but the body is of christ ; that is , they , in their particular tendencies to moral perfection and obedience , did foreshew that the body and drift of them was to be abreviated and compleated by us in christ , by putting on of charity , which is the bond of perfectness . he therfore proceeds , let no man beguile you of your reward , in a voluntary humility and worship of angels : that is , let no private man bereave you of heaven , ( the reward of obedience to christ ) by making you believe that your own voluntary humility to any such minister or messenger , that like angels would appear most divinely authorised , can excuse you of default in not giving your rightfull obedience to him that holds his power by direct office from christ : intruding into those things which he hath not seen ; that is , proceeding by his presumptuous and self-willed refusall of christs authority in the flesh , under colour of spiritually serving him : being vainly puft up by his fleshly minde ; and not holding of the head ( or right chief ; ) from which all the body , or the church , by joints and bands , ( that is , by just degrees of subordination ) having nourishment ministred and knit together : or being nourished by her own angels and ministers ( in the bond of obedience united ) increaseth with the increase of god : that is , receives gods blessing , following divine order and subordination under christ. wherefore if we be dead with christ from the rudiments of the world : that is , if we confess the sting of death and the law nailed to his cross , and worldly wisdome to be abolished in our christian perfection . why as though living in the world , are we subject to ordinances ? meaning to such as hold not of the head of that church whereof we are members : for to humane ordinances that doe hold of the king as supreme under christ , we must ( for the lords sake ) be subject : when as those things which , by any else should be put upon us , as under a religious tye and precept of touch not , taste not , handle not ; are all to perish with the using , after the commandments and doctrines of men that is , the precepts in these things are not otherwise of divine authority , then as commanded by that supreme officer and head in each particular church substituted by christ the churches univers●ll head : having indeed a shew of wil-worship , and humility , and neglecting of the body , not in any honour to the satisfying of the flesh : that is , they have but a shew of spirituall sanctity , or form of godliness : as though they did not intend the honouring of the flesh , and their own selves , in this their seeming obedience and worship of christ after their own wils and devisings ; when yet it was their only aim . for this worshipping or obeying christ , or christian authority , according to the wayes and forms of our own wisdomes only , is not truly worshipping or obeying him , or them , but our selves ; whom we idolize in his , and his ministers stead . for whilst we take the interpretation of the morall law on our own scores , and will , as by and from our selves presume to hear god himself only therein ( as once generally heard from mount sinai ) we sacrifice to our own nets and snares : and do forfeit that glorious liberty of the gospel , whose mysterie is to fulfill the law in this one word , thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self : and are again entred into bondage . for so st paul interprets our literall observation of the morall law , as given by moses from mount sinai , even as answering to that jerusalem which is in bondage with her children ; and not to that freedome which is to be restored unto us , by the head of that ierusalem which is above : whom we are now to hear in all things in moses stead ; as hath been noted from that prophesie set down by moses himself concerning it : the lord god shall raise up unto thee , a prophet from the midst of thee of thy brethren like unto me unto him shall ye hearken : according to all that thou desirest of the lord thy god in horeb , saying , let me not hear again the voice of the lord my god ; neither let me see this great fire any more , least i die . by which words we may plainly understand , that all command and precepts are to be by us obeyed as gospel-precepts under the kingship of christ ; and not as formerly delivered by moses from god the father : and that without exception of the decalogue it self . the which fault st paul complains of in his giddy and disobedient corinthians , being jealous over them with a godly jealousie ; least , by listening to others , they should through subtilty be beguiled , as the serpent beguiled eve , from the simplicity that was in christ. that is , least , as eve , in a desire and presumption of farther knowledg , was by the serpent tempted to disobey god ; so they , by listening to such superstructures as were taught by others , might be drawn to neglect those fundamentall directions which he , as their master-builder , had laid ; and wherewith he had espoused them to christ : and so suffer themselves to be brought into bondage , by relying on the wisdomes of such false apostles , and deceitfull workers , as transforming themselves into the apostles of christ , would , under colour of mission and authority immediately received from god , be directing men in their christian morall duties , contrary , or above the direction of their own generall and authorized head : who must now be in danger to be accounted as a fool , in comparison of these transformed angels of light , and ministers of righteousness . to warn us against which seduction , and to shew that the interpretation of divine rules and precepts were by god and christ now referred to that person who was next representing them , it is observable , that whensoever christ is urged with the text of the law , or when himself is expounding it , he always makes the sense thereof other then was formerly received : releasing it to the generall law of reason or morality , and not tying himself to the letter as it was particularly morall to the jews : as by making murther and adultery to be inward , and releasing by his power , sometimes , the outward acts , as by dispencing with that strict precept of the sabbath , and other instances may appear : these precepts binding the jews as divinely morall , but christians no farther then as rationally or politically so . and st paul having thus largely in the fore-recited , and in the next chapter , spoken to the colossians of our participation of god through ●hrist , and of christ through christian obedience ( in this precept of love ) he then particularly instances how this love is to be outwardly stated , and made perfect by obedience to rightfull superiours in christ : naming such masters in the flesh as were then christians , and saying , whatever yee doe , doe it heartily as to the lord , and not unto men : knowing that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of his inheritance ; for we serve the lord christ : that is , we serve him by these in his stead : but he that doth wrong , that is , disobeys , or serves him according to his own will ( which must cause wrong ) shall receive for the wrong which he hath done , and there is no respect of persons : clergy and la●ety , high and low , are made culpable by disobedience . and in the next epistle ( being the first to the thessalonians ) having set down some particular commands for them to follow , ( saying , yee know what commandments we gave you by the lord jesus ) he after adds , he that despiseth , despiseth not man but god ; who hath also given to us his holy spirit , meaning this authority which he might be bold in as the apostle of christ. and this he doth , as presuming them inwardly guided and instructed from god himself in the generall precept of love ; saying , but as touching brotherly love , ye need not that i write unto you ; for your selves are taught of god to love one another : meaning , that this precept onely is of immediate divine direction and injunction ; being able , if rightly performed , to estate us innocent : according as he noted in his former prayer for them , saying , the lord make you to increase and abound in love one towards another , and towards all men , even as we doe towards you : to the end he may establish your hearts unblamable in holiness before god , even our father , at the coming of our lord jesus christ with all his saints . at which time it will be found , that charity shall cover the multitude of sins : or make us innocent . and so far would he have them seek peace ( the fruit of this love ) that they should study to be quiet , and to doe their own business ; not taking upon them to censure the actions of others , especially of those that are their superiors . and the means to accomplish and perfect this , he after sets down , we beseech you , brethren , to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake . that is , count them directors of your love ( so far as it is operative : ) and be at peace among your selves : which is the same with the precept of study to be quiet . because being obedient to them , we shall be at peace with one another : but if we follow and beleeve them not in the manner how christ is to be served , and this our love to be exercised outwardly , as well as we have already believed that these things are to be inwardly embraced ; it will follow that our private will-worships to him , and private apprehensions of love to our brother , will , by their crossings and thwartings one upon another , prove to be their mutuall subversion : and upon occasion of division and discontent hereabouts , rankor and malice will break in , to the reall overthrow of both true faith and charity . it being impossible that any voluntary particular act of my love to any neighbor , can be so great and extensive , as that more generall good to all , which obedience must produce . whereupon follow directions , both to superiors and others for effecting it : warn them that are unruly , comfort the feeble minded , support the weak , be patient towards all men : that is , see that no man render evill for evill unto any man , or take upon him to avenge his own wrong : but ever follow that which is good , both among your selves , and to all men : that is , let your obedience be continuall , that your charity may be universall . for if you should be so unruly as to raise civill commotions and quarrels upon the score of your own particular enmity and revenge , how would this confused return of evil for evil by the severall members of a kingdom one against another , dissolve all bonds of peace and charity ; whilst every man should be both persecuting and persecuted . whereas by a joynt submission and acknowledgment of them that are over them in the lord , and acquiescence to them in their publick charge and trust , all rankor will cease , and generall amity be preserved . and these two fundamentall precepts of faith and love , ( wrought by god in the thessalonians ) he again mentions in his second epistle to them , as he had done in his former epistle : for as there he thanks god alwayes for them in his prayers , remembring without ceasing their work of faith , and labor of love : so here he saith , we are bound to thank god always for you brethren , as it is meet , because that your faith groweth exceedingly , and the charity of every one of you all towards each other aboundeth : so that we our sel●es glory for you in the church of god : that is , for your good example ; for your patience ( the effect of love ) and faith in all your persecutions and tribulations that ye endure : which is a manifest token of the righteous judgment of god , ( or of these graces of god in you that makes you righteous ) that yee may be counted worthy of the kingdom of god : ( both to the participation of him in his church here , and hereafter : ) for which yee also suffer : that is , those tribulations which ye endure in obedience to authority , according to that righteous judgment of god , who now will have righteousness and peace meet together in the good and peace of the church , is a plain argument that you your selves are true members of that church ; even by that plain demonstration given of your sense of fellow-feeling of those miseries which must attend her , in case the direction of her authorized guides should be rejected . for although the law it in self were holy , righteous , and good , and would have proved effectually so to us also , if we had had sufficiency and integrity enough to have been fully comprehensive and observant of every particle thereof , yet sin , taking occasion by the commandment , through those motions which were in the flesh unto sin , made us come to lose charity and peace , the end of the law , through a mistaken interpretation of keeping the law according to the letter thereof ; and so made it to be the law of sin and of death . and therefore are we to esteem our selves as dead unto that wherein we were held ; that is , unto written precepts , being now to serve this husband in newness of spirit , and not in the oldness of the letter . meaning , that through obedience made from the heart to that form of doctrine which was delivered unto us , we shall now be made free from sin , and born the servants of righteousnesse : that is , by having our righteousness perfected after this new and living way , even by obedience to that life and spirit of christ , those precepts and directions which from the holy ghost are received from those that represent him in authority here amongst us . by which it shall come to pass , that what the law could not doe in that it was weak through the fl●sh , god sending his son in the likeness of sinfull flesh , and for sinn , condemned sin in the flesh ; that the righteousness of the law , or that righteousness which the law aimed at , might be fulfilled by us , who walk not after the flesh , but after the spirit : for they that are after the flesh , that is , doe trust to their own fleshly wisdomes in the interpretation of literall precepts , will , from thence , take occasion to minde the things of the flesh , and so make it prove the law of sin and death , and not of life and peace . nor is this doctrine of the simplicity of gospel-precepts , and accomplishment of innocence by christian submission , other then what was formerly prophesied to be the estate of the christian church : viz. in that day shall the lord of hosts be for a crown of glory , and a diadem of beauty unto the residue of his people : and for a spirit of judgement to him that sitteth in judgment ; and for strength to them that turn the battell into the gate : that is , to him that shall judge them and fight their battels , which in the jewish phrase signifies kingly office . in these words we see the spirit of judgment is plainly prophesied to reside in him that sitteth in judgment : who being also mentioned by him in the singular number , and the glory and beauty of the church being expressed under the notions of crown and diadem , it cannot but personate the kingship of christ and his adopted sons ; according to the following prophesie . behold , a king shall reign in righteousness , and princes in judgment . then the prophet goes on , to shew whom he would teach doctrine and knowledge , that is , such as are weaned from the milk , and drawn from the breasts : meaning such as are content to obey the voice of christs authority as little children . but the persons usually erring in this case , and that think the simple food of milk too weak for them , and therefore must taste the tree of good and evill , ( called strong drink and wine ) are decyphered under the notions of priests and prophets , the usuall leaders in disobedience . for whereas the lord said , this is the rest , wherewith yee shall cause the weary to rest ; and this is the refreshing , yet they would not hear : but the word of the lord was unto them ( that is , to their apprehension ) precept upon precept , precept upon precept ; line upon line , line upon line ; here a little , and there a little : that they may goe and fall backward , and be broken , and snared , and taken : that is , refusing the simplicity of gospell-light , these conceited wise men shall be taken in their own ●raft : being snared in the law of sin and death ; called their covenant with death and hell . upon which ground it is , that god there threatens to speak with stammering lips , and another tongue to that people : meaning , that dark parabolicall way of delivery , used in scripture . the which should be also encreased by these mens own devised phrases and select words of interpretation used amongst themselves : whereby ( as by a sort of canting ) they should speak as with stammering lips and another tongue : and so be punished with darkness , because of their incredulity and disobedience to him ; and for having trusted to their own morall wisdomes : and because also through dark and intricate instructions of legality , they thought to have made lies and falshood their refuge . but it is there declared , who shall be the sure foundation of the churches safety : namely , the corner stone , or the seat of judgment ; he that believeth shall not make haste : that is , christ ( by his owning this throne of kingly judgement ) will be for a spirit of judgement to him that undertaketh to be the line and plummet of iudgement and righteousness . the which shall increase in strength , to the treading down and overflowing these hiding places : from the time it goeth forth it shall take hold , for morning by morning shall it pass over , by day and by night : that is , it shall so grow in power , that it shall be to these sorts of people a vexation only to understand the report : to hear of the daily increase of kingly office and power , notwithstanding their seditious contrivances . for , the bed is shorter then that a man can stretch himself on it , and the covering narrower , then that he can wrap himself in it : there is no room for lyes , nor refuge for falshood , to be had in the simplicity of the gospel precepts . it is god that now calls for this respect and obedience to his vicegerent : for , the lord shall rise up as in mount perazim , he shall be wrath , as in the valley of ●ibeon ; that he may doe his work , his strange work , and bring to pass his act , his strange act : that is , god shall be powerfull present in assisting his vicegerents , as formerly with david and ioshua ; and by these that sit in iudgement , and turn the battail to the gate , shall cause the waters of mount perazim to overflow their hiding places , and the hailstones of his wrath to sweep away the refuge of lyes . and then shall those prophets , rulers , and seers , finde themselves so confounded , by the spirit of deep sleep from the lord , that their delusive speculations shall afford them no better satisfaction , then the dream of meat or drink to him that is hungry or thirsty . and all , because of these pretenders to serve god in another way then by the direction of their superior , do but draw near to him with their mouth , and honour him with their lips , but their hearts is far from him : in vain ( making semblance of ) worshipping him , teaching for doctrines the commandments of men : that is , preferring the rule of righteousness or judgment of their own setting up , before those set up by my authority ; which was our saviours own interpretation of this prophesie who no doubt best knew the meaning thereof . the like also doth st mark set down to be the interpretation of this prophesie ; namely , that this pharisaicall pretension of legal or traditional sanctity , ( under the notion of corban ) serves but to defeat the positive precept of gods vicegerent . therefore saith the prophet , behold i will proceed to doe a marvailous work amongst this people , even a marvailous work and a wonder : for the wisdome of their wise men shall perish , and the understanding of the prudent men shall be hid : that is , the wisdom of these pretenders shall come to nought . and therefore it is added , woe to them that seek deep to hide their counsell from the lord , and their works in the dark : and they say . who seeth us , and who knoweth us : that is , they finde such multiplication of contrivances , as if they would out-wit god almighty . but he saith , surely your turning of things upside down ( a fit expression for such as will be judging their iudge ) shall be esteemed as the potters clay : for shall the work say of him that made it , he made it not ? or shall the thing framed , say of him that framed it , he had no understanding : that is , shall man be wiser then his maker ? will they not allow god his own way and season for things ? why will they be again seeking to be under morall righteousness , and legall bondage , as when the lord himself led them by the hand ? and so would have god tyed to harder conditions then the plowman : who ; when he hath made plain the face of the earth , and cast in his appointed grain ; doth not then continue ploughing himself still : but ( expecting such crop as this prepared earthy heart of man will yeeld ) ; he doth afterwards ( by divers afflictions ) cause those severall sorts of grain , to be cleansed and made acceptable . but as for them that think there can be no fruitful place where god is not the immediate holder of the plough , and where are not many precepts from him given ; he adds , is it not a very little while , and lebanon shall be turned into a fruitfull field , and the fruitfull field shall be esteemed as a forrest ? and in that day shall the deaf eares hear the word of the book ; and the eyes of the blinde shall see out of obscurity , and out of darkness : that is , the jewes that had heretofore had gods precepts and worship so plentifull amongst them , shall be darkned : and the gentiles , formerly sitting in darkness , shall have a marvailous light appear : and by reason of that precept of love by god inwardly taught them , they shall know and perform the words of the book , or precepts of the law : and so being made obedient to the gospel , and become of the number of meek and poor , they shall increase their joy in the lord : for the terrible one is brought to nought , and the scorner is consumed ; and all that waiteth for iniquity is cut off : even suck kinde of men , as would scare men with the multitude and strength of their precepts , as if they were all expresly divine ; and doe again scorn the simplicity of the gospel-rule ; and so make themselves workers of iniquity : that make a man an offender for a word ; and lay a snare for him that reproveth in the gate ; and turn aside the just for a thing of naught . which verse cleerly expresseth all their practice : first by making religious , and divine precepts to stretch to every thing , they cause men to be in danger to be offenders to god for ordinary matters : and so make him that is in the seat of judgement , appear a stumbling block or rock of offence : seeming to them an usurper of authority , in offering to direct and reprove us : thereby causing the just , or the rule of justice , to cease and desist upon no occasion . as though a king sitting in the seat of judgement , did not scatter away evil with his eyes ; as though he that doth righteousness were not righteous ; as though judgement and righteousness , had not a certain line and plummet for their measure ; or that the weight or measure of justice appointed by cods vicegerents , were not to be the true standard ; but that men might make divers weights and measures thereof . for when subjects take on them to interpret and judge of righteousness and justice , by any other way and rule then that set up by christs deputy , they then make him a stumbling block to them , as christ himself ( being laid as the chief corner stone for the churches direction ) was made unto the jews : who would be still following legal righteousness , and not submit to that which was of faith in christ. by means of these snares , laid for him that reproveth in the gate , we may also interpret that these priests and prophets should not onely ( through strong drink ) err in vision and stumble themselves in judgement , but that they should thereby sometimes ensnare those persons sitting in judgement : and so cause them also to err through wine and strong drink : that is , in too much listening to their shews of divine revelation and authority . but generally the ensnaring there spoken of , is in regard of those vulgar errors which should prevaile in the christian church , notwithstanding this judgement seat of christ executed by his deputies : even as it formerly had done amongst the israelites , called there the drunkards of ephraim . therefore saith the lord who redeemed abraham , concerning the house of jacob : jacob shall not now be ashamed , neither shall his face wax pale . in which words god expressing himself under the notion of redeemer , shews the condition of the christian church ( the house of iacob ) under christ their redeemer , typified under iacob himself : namely , that all cause of fear and shame shall be banished , through the succeeding glory of the christian church . for so it followeth , but when he seeth his children the work of mine hands in the midst of him ( that is , such as are begotten to him through the power of mine inward kingdom ) they shall sanctifie my name : and shall sanctifie the holy one of jacob , and shall fear the god of israel : that is , shall walk righteously and obediently according to their calling . they also that erred in spirit , that is , such as were not yet thus inwardly guided but were led by multitude of litteral precepts , shall come to understond ( that is , to know this right way of sanctifying me ) and they that murmured ( that is , such as were made stubborn by relyance upon their own interpretations of legality ) shall learn doctrine : that is , shall learn the doctrine of obedeince , a fit lesson for murmurers . as this office of teaching or instruction , is to be understood here set down as in the first place proper to christ ( who was anointed to preach good tydings ) so , because this could be but in small measure done and supplyed by himself ( at least amongst the gentiles , in the glory of whose church it is to be understood that of the jews was prophesied ) it is therefore to be supposed , that christian princes are to be his chief deputies in this office of instruction also . for as they ( under him ) shall build the old wasts , and raise up the former desolations of the jewish church , by this advancement of christs kingdome amongst the gentiles : so these strangers shall stand and feed the churches flock , and the sons of the aliens shall be her plowmen and vine-dressers : all which are the gospel expressions for christs shepherds or pastors . nor can it appear otherwise then reasonable and necessary , that those that are to be in the seat of judgement under christ , should have in chief the power and office to teach and instruct , as well as to censure and reform . which , although not fit to be personally practised by kings , in that sence of preaching as now understood ( especially having under them persons in holy orders to that purpose separately ordained ) yet is that general office of instruction to be esteemed so properly their right , as that ( for the matter and measure thereof ) it is alwayes subordinately to be executed by others . for as they are to be the keepers of both tables , so upon extraordinary and exorbitant occasions , they may also ( no doubt ) as gods ministers entrusted in chief with the advancement of his glory and service publikely and personally also , perform that office under the gospel , much more rightfully then good josiah under the law. who , to his great commendations , had formerly done the like , in the ears of the priests and prophets , and all the people both small and great : and yet was the custody and interpretation of the law much more appropriate to the priesthood then , than now . nay indeed this office must both be in the same person , and in the first place setled also : or else i see not how they should have power or ability to reprove , in such things where they had no power or right to constitute and ordaine . and therefore we may observe , that the first mission of power which our saviour gave , was under the notion of this office of preachers or evangelists : and by vertue thereof , and obedience thereunto , did the apostles at first claim obedience from their churches in other things ; as shall more fully appear anon . but to return , so much of the prophesie as concerns the church her encrease and prosperity , is to be interpreted as not made good fully in christ himself , nor in some time after : that is , whilst the church was so under persecution , that those deputies of christ in the seat of judgement , had not power and honor enough to preserve the members from shame , or fear . but it is to be compleated unto the residue , or latter time of the church : when god shall more eminently appear like a crown and diadem : in being the spirit of judgement and strength , to them that have the crown and diadem . that is , when christ as king shall raign in righteousness , and his deputies of princes shall rule in judgement : then shall a man ( the prince in christs seat ) be for a hiding place from the winde ( of divers doctrines wherewith they were formerly tossed ) and a cover from the tempest ( that is , of persecution ) he shall be as rivers of waters in a dry place : that is , ( from the spirit of truth now met in the seat of mercy and judgement ) he shall cause instructions to flow forth as waters in a dry land : and by means of strength ( to him that is to turn the battle to the gate ) he shall be as the shaddow of a great rock ; even for strength and defence to the church , formerly wearied with persecution . and so the prophet goes on , to shew how the eyes and ears of them that yet see and hearken to his instructions , shall be reclaimed from their former rashness , and come to understand knowledge . by this word man set down in this second verse in the singular number ( saying , a man shall be , &c. ) we may gather , first , that there should be but one at once in each church that should supply the place of a rock and spirit of judgement : although , in respect of the whole number of christs deputies in the catholike church , they were to be princes in the plural number , under him the churches universal head and king of kings . and then again ; this person being set down under the notion of a man , will denote unto us that it could not be meant of christ himself neither . but this ( as before said ) shall chiefly come to pass , after the former palaces of the jewish church shall be forsaken : and by means of the spirit from on high , to be powered on the gentile church , judgement shall dwell in the wilderness : that is , in the gentile church , formerly a wilderness , and righteousness remain in the fruitful field : meaning the now flourishing gentile church . and the work of righteousness shall be peace , and the effects of righteousness shall be quietness and assurance for ever . that is , by means of righteousness looking down from heaven , and so causing righteousness and judgement to kiss each other , the church shall dwell in a peaceable habitation , and in sure dwellings , and in quiet resting places : that is , the church by the means of this blessed protection of kingship , shall be no more in danger of persecution as before . these blessings of peace and prosperity , to come to the church by means of gods judgement and righteousness given to the king and the kings son , ( that is , christ and his sons of oile ; ) david , under the type of himself and solomon , at large setteth down in the psalm . where , it being set down to last so long as the moon shall endure , we may know how to interpret isaiahs prediction of quietness and assurance for ever : and so be confirmed that these promises import temporal happiness , to acrew to us by a temporal saviour . all which prophesies were to be fullfilled , after those prophesies concerning christs humiliation in his own person should have an end : and also his own prophesies concerning those miserable times of calamity that should ( for sometime ) befall his church after his departure . in which respect it is , that he is come to send fire on earth and a sword , &c. meaning persecution : and also to set men in neerest relations at variance one against another : meaning that for fear thereof they should betray one another . for if we be not regardful of the true times of compleating the prophesies of universal peace of the church , we shall be at a loss to finde their accomplishment . for i conceive the prophesies of universal peace ( as of beating swords into pruning-hooks , &c. ) to have accomplishment at the general peace , when christ the prince of peace came : and our saviours prophesies of his churches persecution , to have an end in constantines time . after whom , i look on the christian church , in her relapses under julian the apostate , &c. as in a temporary trembling motion : till she fix in her state of quietness and assurance . for we are not to expect that christ should cry , or cause his voice to be heard in the streets of the world as a king , untill he had sent judgement into victory : that is , untill by means of victories obtained by these his deputies in the seat of judgement , he shall have made himself notable for his power . for the expression of sending judgement into victory , must import his doing these things by others : even by these anointed persons under him . in the mean time , those his former deputies , apostles , bishops , patriarchs , &c. that like weak and feeble reeds , were shaken to and froe of the winde of persecution , he should not break ; or quench the smoaking ( or dimnly burning ) flax : that is , should both powerfully defend them against others breaking ; and should also promote the encreasing state of his church : which like to smoaking flax , should shortly burn forth brightly under monarchy : and by means of these nursing fathers of the church , should shew judgement to the gentiles . this fault of mens adding precept to precept , and of forsaking the fountain of living water , and digging to themselves broken cisterns that can hold no water , we may finde plentifully reproved by other of the prophets also : but most of all by this evangelical prophet , who in the latter part of his eight chapter is censuring thereof , and warning us against this covenanting with death and hell , almost in the same words . say ye not a confederacy to all them whom this people shall say a confederacy ; neither fear you their fear , nor be afraid . sanctifie the lord of hoasts himself , and let him be your fear and your dread : that is , sanctifie him according to the precepts of faith and love , his inward law written in your hearts . and then he shall be for a sanctuary ( a place of safety to you ) but for a stone of stumbling , and a rock of offence to both the houses of israel : for a gin , and for a snare to the inhabitants of jerusalem . and many among them ( that is , all such as will trust to their own light and neglect the simplicity of christs gospel-light ) shall stumble and fall : and be broken , and be snared , and be taken . and then he proceeds to tell what this new , and living way is , and how the letter of the law is to be made lively , and effectual by means of a living keeper : and so he brings in christ speaking binde up the testimony , seal the law among my disciples : that is , let judiciary power be in those that rule in christs name and stead : and i will wait for the lord , that hideth his face from the house of iacob ( that is , such of them as sacrifice to their own snares ) and will look for him . behold i and the children whom the lord hath given me , are for signs and for wonders in israel : because our way agrees not with the interests of their moral contrivances . after which , the admonition comes against our listening to these diviners and such as would finde christ in the secret places . when they shall say unto you seek unto them that have familiar spirits ; ( such as make frequent brags of their own gifts and illuminations ) and unto them that peep and that matter ; such as have canting ways and expressions of their own , do not follow such : for , should not a people seek unto their god ? is it fit that they should seek for the living sense of the law , to the dead , letter ? but if they do seek to the law and to the testimony , if they speak not according to this word , ( namely shewing how all law is fulfilled in this one word of love ) it is because there is no light in them : that is , because god hath suffered the god of this world to blinde their mindes . else they might see that these precepts of love are plainly there set down , as the sum of the law also : and other particular precepts , as they were litterally delivered , were but appropriate to the jewish nation onely : and not universally binding as divine . and therefore they that thus dig deep to hide their councels from god , shall pass through it hardly bestead and hungry : they shall be caught in their own snares and be as him that dreameth of meat and behold he is an hungry . and it shall come to pass when they be hungry , they shall fret themselves : and curse their king and their god , and look upward . that is , the shame and confusion of their own deceitful way , shall drive them into so great desparation , that instead of amendment by obedience to god , to be shewed to the king his minister , they shall curse the parties themselves ; that is , curse god by cursing their king : whereby they shall curse upward , as well as look upward . the which is the issue of all such blinde guidance : namely to finde trouble , darkness , dimness , anguish , and the like ; which way soever they shall look . and this consequence of dimness and anguish , as we finde by example to have been the issue of the absence of monarchical direction , in the idolatry , civil war , and other wickedness of the israelites , when they had no king , but every man did what seemed good in his own eys ( that is , interpreted and followed the letter of the law as he thought good ) so , is it also foretold to happen to israel , and in them to the christian church , when she shall be an empty vine , or fruitless , by bringing forth fruit unto himself : that is , serve god after his own invention , signified by increasing his altars and goodly images . for then , when their heart is divided ; that is , are not single and entire in their service and obedience , they shall be found faulty , and their altars and images shall be broken down : which is the same as to be snared and taken . they shall then finde their sin of disobedience to prove their punishment . for they shall say we have now no king , because we feared not the lord , what then shall a king do to us ? that is , since we have refused to fear or serve god , as he appointed in the king his minister , and have spoken words swearing falsly in making a covenant ( the covenant of our own works with death and hell ) therefore do we deserve to have judgement springing up like hemlock in the furrows of the field : that is , to have this common and uncertain weed of judgement , that is now growing everywhere for want of a formal root , to be made as poysonous unto us as hemlock is . we shall also finde the prophet amos imputing it as a fault in israel and a sure sign of their calamity that they hated him that reproved in the gate , and abhorred him that speaketh uprightly : that is , they despised and slighted that sentence of judgement and equity which was in gods vicegerent , and did desire the day of the lord : as thinking to be found upright b●fore him according to their own ways . when as it should be as if a man did flee from a lion , and a bear met him and went into the house and leaned his hand on the wall , and a serpent bit him . for which cause god there threatens to withdraw his publike presence ( a sure sign of his direliction of any place ) and to abhor their offerings , their feast days , and other solemn ways appointed for his own worship : because , under colour of serving him , they had turned judgement into wormwood , and left off righteousness in the earth : or had made it spring up like hemlock , as formerly noted . nor need there farther instances be given of that simplicity and coincidence of gospel precepts , and how that faith and love , or faith that worketh by love , and love made useful by obedience , are asserted in the new-testament , as necessarily , and onely fundamental ; since , if the whole scripture be diligently examined , they will be found the usual drift of them all . so that as salvation is sometimes , and in some places promised to such as believe the gospel , so in other places , to such as obey the gospel . faith uniting us to christ , and obedience uniting us to his church . he that with prepossession of this doctrine , shall read the holy scriptures , shall finde the difficult places thereof to assent to a ready opening and interpretation ; offering themselves to unlock easily with this key : it being the door of entrance into most of the mysteries thereof , which are usually turning upon these hinges . which plenty and readiness of discovery , as it hath been the occasion of my passed tediousness in these discourses , so must it be the excuse also ; both for my want of order , and also for any repetition that shall be found therein . for as the known benefit arising by peace ( through obedience ) made me attentive to such remarkable texts as did confirm this duty , so these texts again , by the abundance of matter accompanying them and leading to that subject , caused me both to fail of method , and to transcend my intended bounds in the treaty hereof . and yet , to avoid this tediousness , i have neither undertaken to comment on many places ( neither in old nor new-testament ) ; and in some of those i do undertake , it may be observed that i have but cursorily glossed : leaving the farther discovery to each mans easie observation that will attend it . i know many will look strangely at the first , upon this doctrine of mens innocence by implicite obedience in all we do : that is , to christ himself in things fundamental , and which formally state us christians , and to our prince ( his deputy ) in all things necessary for the security and advance thereof . but when the scope of scripture , and the good of peace and common charity ( thereby , and no way else to be attained ) shall be well considered of , the apparent benefit , will in reality ( i hope ) exceed the seeming novelty . for without it , how shall we be able to ground and settle our selves , upon such a constant course for unity and agreement , where private judgements ( under the colour of conscience ) shall not be able to interrupt gods appointed way of providence , by setting him to act against himself ? even to interrupt and abate of that glory which should be given to god in the highest , by not providing for this peace one earth , and good will towards men : according to that heavenly hymn sung at the birth of the prince of peace . and if such a thing as government must thereupon be acknowledged necessary , and that obedience again is a duty necessary to estate government ; then must there necessarily a difference follow ( in point of guilt ) between him that performs it , and him that doth it not : and so consequently he that hath been more implicite and ready in his obedience , must be confessed to have better performed it , then he who hath therein but observed the dictate of his own sence and conscience , and not that of his superior . nor can i see , how men , generally granting superiors to be accountable for the sins which were acted by vertue of their commands , can thereupon avoid the acknowledgement , that as this guilt lights on them because the other obeys out of sense of duty , so must it proportionably abate in the obeyer : unless they can make obedience no duty at all , or ( that which is more absurd ) can make men never the juster for having done it . but so hard a thing it is to overcome that thirst of rule and insubjection that is naturally graffed in us , that some objections must always be expected to shake off implicite restraint , and to leave us still to the liberty and condition of our first parents , in examining the ground and reason of each command , before we come to act . it faring with men , in the rendring of their obedience , as it doth in their charity . for although none will deny that charity lies upon him as a duty , even as they will grant that obedience doth also , yet when we are to act this precept of love or charity we shall finde interest and covetousness , so to sway us in making of objections against such as do really need it , that it will in the end amount to very little : even as in like manner pride and interest are always ready to defeat the duty of obedience ; by one objection or other against the person commanding , or the command it self . thus , children and servants , being told of those texts of obey in all things , or the like , will presently answer , that , by all things , must be understood onely things lawful : for else , our father or master may command us to do contrary to the laws of our prince and country ; he may command us to kill , to steal , &c. and the like answer we must also expect from some who live under the notion of subjects , but have no minde to be so : to wit , that no man is bound to such implicite obedience , as is by me formerly set down ; nor the subject obliged to obey his king commanding contrary to the law of god and nature . and then , assuming to themselves a liberty to know , interpret , and apply these laws , they have made that precept of obey in all things , equivalent to obey in nothing : since that i do no more for him , then i would have done for a friend that should have entreated me : even to have satisfied his desire as far as my own conscience or judgement did lead me . but they have not well considered , that as the reason why children and servants cannot follow implicite directions , is , because the prince their common superior , hath nowhere left the father and master to this liberty , by saying obey in all things , or the like , but on the contrary , doth expect immediate and particular obedience from them , as subjects , to many of his laws : which , had he not , but had bidden them to submit to those that had the rule over them , & to do all things without murmurings and disputings , &c. it cannot be doubted but an implicite obedience to their parent or master would have excused them against their prince : inasmuch as in all those cases , where no reservation was expresly made , obedience to them was but obedience to him . nor have they well considered the condition of humane frailty ; which is , and will be , while man continues in this vail of misery , obnoxious unto sundry unavoidable inconveniences and mischiefs . it is not for men to fancy their happiness can be in any thing so stated here , as not to be lyable to cross and adverse accidents : all they can do , is to bow and submit to that way and course by providence appointed them , and where these things are least to be feared . and therefore , to those that shall object against the degree of arbitrariness we have assigned to princes , what if kings shall command their subjects to commit murther , or lye with another mans wife , or the like : we may make answer by another question ; whether they think it more probable that those things should come to pass and be acted in civil war and anarchy ( the usual remedy of this fear ) when each man is left at liberty to perform what he is by natural inclination provoked unto , or when their actings , are , in that case bounded by one that can have no such self-delight therein . where there is a king set up with due power , that can have no pleasure in any mans revenge or lust , it is not supposeable that this one person shall be alike prone to command in that kinde ( nay , even to any one person ) as that , the neerer provocations of anger and concupiscence where no irresistable power is , should universally instigate to be committed , in order to that liberty in which each one is left . if men do really hate these and the like evils , and do accordingly desire that the most sure way should be taken for their avoidance ( for to do it in such degree that they shall not be supposeable to happen is impossible ) they should then ( me thinks ) not countenance those maxims and courses that tend to rebellion and civil war. for , where it is but possible that under a monarch equally obeyed , some things may be , at some times commanded , in case of insurrection and civil war , it falls out of necessity that such things must be often , and more generally perpetrated . and where , in the first case , it can never happen but with some knowledge and remorse of the thing as evil , ( whereby through conscience or sense of honor the execution may be prevented or mitigated ) here conscience it self comes many times to be so blindely engaged , that each disagreeing party is ready to believe that their revenge and rapine against each other , is but as done against gods enemies ; and so is both duty and service to him . in which case , to spare out of any natural or moral relation of father , or master , or the like , is all one as to prefer worldly respects to divine , and the love of men to that of god : too sad experience telling us , how men , in this case , are wont to heighten one anothers rage by the abused applycation of this or such like texts . cursed be he that doth the work of the lord deceitfully : and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood . but for fuller satisfaction in these scruples , men are to consider that as murther , theft , adultery and the like are in themselves vices notoriously destructive to humane preservation and peace , so in the eye of divine providence it was found necessary , not onely to forbid them by express laws and precept from himself , but also to substitute amongst men such living magistrates as should have the charge for the interpretation and enforcing of them . to say that any man may commit murther , theft , or the like , and yet commit no sin , were not to speak like a christian ; but then again , to say that the determination of what is , or is not murther or theft , is not left unto him that is to interpret and enforce this law , is as erroneous and unbecoming a subject . when moses commanded to slay every man his brother , and to borrow of the egyptians rayment , jewels &c. the israelites that were to look on him as the keeper and interpreter of the law , thereby obedience to him assayl'd both of murther and theft . for as these laws ( as we said ) were made for the good of society , so is their definition and particular enforcement entrusted to him that hath share of each society . in which consideration it may often fall out , that the putting of some to death by publike command , is necessary to the saving of more from being murthered upon private revenge ; and the confiscation of some mens estates , the ready way to secure other subjects in a more quiet possession . and if those that are by princes in these kindes to be imployed as executioners of justice , are not obliged to enter into the examination of the legality of the precept or sentence whereby any is bereft of life , liberty , or estate , even because of those great inconveniences that might follow such delay or refusal ; why should not subjects in the general be held excusable by implicite obedience also ? for it is nowhere found but the subjects of the one sort do stand equally , and as strictly obliged as the other ; and therefore , if the prince his particular employment of some certain of his subjects this way , did , for his very precept sake , tye them to stricter obedience , and also excuse them therein ; what and if another subject should upon occasion be willed to act this part ? what and if as many subjects as should make an army should be called together to execute his commands upon such numbers of others as could not be awed by the ordinary way of justice , ( for an army is nothing else but an extraordinary leavy of men for publike vindication ) ? are subjects in this case to refuse listing , till they be farther satisfied in the justice of their soveraigns proceeding then what his declarations doth intimate ? or may they afterwards susped execution in every new command , until they be fully satisfied in the justness thereof ? if this be thought unreasonable , as the ready was to defeat all military discipline , so must it likewise be held destructive in civil proceedings also ; which is but a more stationary and setled army ; as the army is a more moveable commonwealth , in a more warlike posture : obedience being the life and soul of both . but , if the prince , upon some reasons known to himself ; command any of his subjects to carry a reprieve , or be otherwise instrumental in the saving of any person condemned for murther , or theft , or the like , is that person , that hath the life of this man now in his power , to suspend or deny the prosecution of this precept , because , for ought appears to him , the condemned party is not guiltless ? if the condemned party shall be saved by his obedience to his prince his command , and shall afterwards commit more murthers , or thefts , or the like ; on whose score score shall all these light ? for it is ( certainly ) as well a fault to justifie and acquit the wicked , as to punish or condemn the just : but surely it is imputable to him that is by office to command , and not to him that is by his relation to obey . which case , well applyed and considered , will inform us that it is not justice ( as it is truely and really so ) but that , in these kindes of determinations , we are carryed away with the natural sense of pity , and sense of honor and vulgar reputation : inasmuch as it appears more noble to be instrumental in the acts of mercy and benificence , then in punishments or condemnations . but if after all this , the truth of what hath hitherto been delivered finde but slow belief and practise ; it is not to be wondred at . considering first , that the thing it self is a mystery ; even hid from the wise and prudent , and revealed unto babes : that is , to them that ( like babes and sucklings ) can be content innocently to relye on christs sincere milk of the word , ( his precept of love ) and to draw it from the breasts of the nursing fathers and mothers of the church . to these humble souls , will god give his grace : but will resist the proud in their prudent speculations . for how is it otherwise to be hoped , but that since men do fancy themselves to have sufficiency of discretion and integrity , ( which all more or less do ) so proportionably , they shall also balk all guidance but their own ; or ( which is all one ) such onely as themselves like of ? for , since the reason why i decline the others guidance to follow theirs , is onely because i first found their principles , and commands were such as were agreeable to mine own judgement or interest ; it must then be granted , that i follow therein but my self , and also obey none other . they therefore that can well be content to acknowledge that faith in christ is necessary for making us capable of the blessing of deity , will yet make a stand to confess it to be solely that faith that worketh by love , or is always ready so to do : and that then , as we cannot be members of christ otherwise then as by being members of his church , so neither of his church , otherwise then by obedience to that power therein residing in his stead . but now , for conclusion of this discourse , we will see how far these things stand good and justifiable in the very light of nature also : to the end it may finde readier entertainment , when they shall appear reasonable in humane prudence , as well as divinely positive ; both that there should be an inward plantation of love and charity in the creature , to serve towards mutual affordment in the work of providence ; and that , to make this love effectual to the same end , there should be order and regulation appointed : lest through the pursuance of benificence separately and unlimitedly undertaken , the contrary might be produced . for as we have in this whole work propounded scripture and reason for our onely proof and authority , so in this particular ( as well as in all the rest ) it is our endeavor to let men see the agreement of those two : and that scripture is nothing but reason enlightened and rectifyed ; and so bringing sundry sorts of truth more neer to our understanding . chap. ix . of charity as it stands in nature . as some there are , who in their height of admiration of those many excellent endowments and prerogatives of mankinde , have left unto us their eloquent and abundant discourses of his perfection and felicity ; so others again there are , who in contemplation of his many weaknesses , pravities , and imperfections , have been as excessive in their pathetick expressions of his misery and wretchedness . and observe whom you will that write of this subject , and do consider man in a separate condition , and you shall finde them falling into intemperance on one hand or other . not that man is not the same he was , but the object of the comparison they still make unto him , having between him and them such large degree of perfection , or meaness of beatitude or goodness , we need not wonder , if from such different conference , man arise with such like different censure and estimation . for one sort comparing him to god , or such things as are in their specifick degree more happy or perfect , it cannot be expected but that from such a comparison he should arise other then a creature of low and most miserable condition and esteem . the other again , comparing him to other sensitives and creatures below him , must in contemplation of those many abilities of his ( in understanding and will ) above them , and of his more lively image of his maker in the appetite of good , make their discourses high in his comendations . but however his felicity or vertue , be thus abased or extolled , we cannot but justly esteem him positive in both : and that , though from god he differ most highly in all things in degree of perfection , yet in reality of resemblance , he doth most remarkably retain his image and favor ; and that in both kindes . as for that state of felicity which is proportionable to his degree , and proper to him as a man , none can make doubt of , that attentively considers him : nor can those miseries that befall him , be ascribed to other then accidental causes ; and not as arising from his natural incapacity . and let this pravity and corruption of manners be again weighed , and they will for the most part be found accidental , and unnatural also : insomuch that there is no man ( nay no sensitive ) that hath not his will wholly averted from evil , as known to be such . and further , since nothing can be sin or evil , but wherein mine own or some other creatures prejudice is reached , ( to prove it is not primarily natural in us ) it is to be noted that there is no creature , but doth unfainedly and continually covet the good of both . and although the good and benefit of others , be ( for reasons heretofore shewed ) in case of present competition post-posed , yet are they positively and continually existent in our wills : even so , as there was never creature in the world , that did , or could , considerately , and unprovoked by self-respect , act , or intend the harm and prejudice of another . which natural quality of love and charity , ( belonging unto sensitive agents , and creatures , as such , and according to their approach to divine resemblance , and that degree of will and understanding which the divine fountain of these things hath made them partakers of , in order to be the assisting instruments in the course of his providence , appears most eminently in man ; as having most of god in him : that is , of this love and desire of benificence . and although women and children , ( for want of intention or understanding sufficient ) do not place their love and charity on so high and worthy objects as men , ( unto whom the true ends of society and honor are more apparent ) , yet , that this affection of love and benificence is naturally and perpetually existent in them , is manifest by their constant exercise hereof towards dogs , birds , monkeys , and the like . nay , we shall finde girls ( that cannot in judgement reach so high as those ) providing apparel and food for their babies , with most high and great indulgence : as supposing they do hereby as really pleasure and benefit these , as their parents do them . observe we again in them , what aversion they have ( on the other side ) to the doing of harm : even so , that from the time they do once begin to know what death is , they will not be induce to kill any thing : especially , if it have not been represented or made known unto them as a creature very harmful to others : at which time , their appetite of more general benefit may well be supposed to lead them thereunto . and when any doth carelesly and in sport kill innocent creatures , it is onely want of remembrance , and full apprehension of the true loss and suffering thereof : for had we not by incogitancy and custom been led thereunto , a man should no more kill a fly , then a souldier without other engagement would kill a man. nay farther , that vindicative prosecution of other things , ( as it hath its aim in justice , and intends natural security ) is a part of our divine resemblance : and that pravity of our wills therein , may seem to arise from the want of right understanding of right and wrong , and of the true intentions and provocations of others to our prejudice : and not out of premised purpose of harming them , without self-respect . for it is no more possible for any man , to intend another any ill , otherwise then out of self-consideration , then it is for him to un-man himself . the particulars of our failings , and deviations from divine exemplar in harming of other things , ( so as to cause sin ) is therefore chiefly incogitancy : cy : either harming them ignorantly , or above the measure of the harme received . so that self-respect , is so far from being the sole fault that misleads us in the punishment of other things , that it is all the warrant or reason we can have for doing it . nay so far as we do it not , we are then transgressors of natures law : being then onely become unlike to god our pattern , when without , or beyond , just self-consideration , we neglect their good , or procure their harm . and as the state of things did thus stand good in point of nature and reason , so still , god having given every man charge concerning his neighbor , and bidden us love our neighbors as our selves , it alters not the first end and intention of loving my self best , but rather directs a way to it , when it doth by consequence make others good to be mine . as for example , god having now , by the light and precepts of religion , reserved to himself all execution of injury and revenge , and ( the better to provoke our reasonable wills to the obedience hereof , and to the entertainment of patience , ) having annexed promises and threats of highest nature , to encourage and deter us herein , it will follow , that since divine command is now stept in , the case of benefit arising by private revenge stands altered in true reason ; and will , ( if pursued , ) prove a ready course to bring upon my self the like , or greater mischief it strived to inflict : by making me lyable ( in that regard ) to the vengeance of an irresistable and all powerful deity . whereas , if i love and serve god , or do good to my neighbor as my self ; as god requires , i shall thereby , most assuredly do and seek mine own good , as nature enjoyns . now , as all sensitive agents have ( as we said ) so much of god in them as to have a continual readiness and inclination to acts of beneficence , ( as may appear by their readiness in acts of pity and succor ) so man hath it most as most resembling him : insomuch as there is not any one , but had he unlimited and irresistable power , would make it his whole endeavor ( af●er personal supplies are satisfyed ) to be continually , undertaking such acts , as should procure to others greatest benefit , and to himself ( thereupon ) greatest thanks . nor can he act or intend the harm of any thing as it stands a creature in nature , but onely as in consideration of its inclination and readiness to harm others : which must still carry on the proof of ma●s general intention to beneficial performances . nay , in our most firce pursuits of revenge against any one or few , it is still by us designed and intended , as a way to acquire advantage to the atchieving a more high and general benefit to others . for let all our endeavours be observed , ( for the attaining power or riches , beyond personal use or expence ) , and they will be found of direct intention that we may thereby be able to lay obligations on others . as this ( i say ) will be found true in the first intentions of all such as do set themselves for the gaining any eminence of honor or greatness , so from hence , we may discover the ground of that peremptory desire and presumtion of success , that each one concludes should answer the reasonableness of their own designs . which , as it is made good use of by fortune-tellers , in their constant promises of good luck , so is it the great cause of state alterations : even because each one , being to himself more presuming of his good intentions and deserts , then of the contrary , he is thereupon more ready to entertain hopes of increase by change , then fear of miscarriage therein , from the examples of other mens misfortunes happening upon like occasion : of whose good intentions he could have no knowledge at all , but might well have observed them , to have done both imprudently and ill . in which , or the like enterprizes , being again by the will of others hindered , hence it is also , that those passions , first of anger , and then of revenge , do in each one : arise namely from the testimony of his own conscience , of the benefit and goodness of his own ends by him designed , when he shall be seated in his power . for although custom of revenge , do ( like custom in all other sins ) , beget many times prosecution , even out of the pleasure thereby onely arising , yet this must be ascribed to the pravity of unbridled custom , and not as growing out of pure nature ; which hath in each creature primarily placed a desire of beneficence ; even so eminently and apparently , that we may confidently affirm , that in the worst of actions which was ever yet perpetrated by any , the project and design of good and beneficence was still in intention : and that , that very act of revenge it self , was but executed as proceding of discontent in being therein hindred . where is then mans fault , if it be not in the will to good , but for want of knowledge which he could not remedy ? nor seems the disturbance of other things to be his fault either , since they first make a disturbance to him , and what he doth is but to remove it , that thereby the intended good may proceed ? yes , he hath his fault in them both : even because , through pleasure of present revenge , he neglects to consider of the prejudices and sufferings of other things through his means ; and this in most things he hath ability enough to do . in which course if he fail through want of knowledge and ability , it excuses not , but adds to his fault : because ( as heretofore declared ) he presumed upon the guidance of his own knowledge herein . another fault is want of equity ; in fancying his desires and actings higher , then the poize of his equality with other things would bear : and from thence comes his injustice , in ballancing distributory and vindicative prosecutions . for man being placed amongst others his equals , cannot , but , with the same appetite that leads him to affect himself above others ( in regard he knows his own good intentions and not theirs , ) come also in his acts to be unjust to others ; and this , because he must be partial . for , taking upon him to be judge and director , according to this particular light and interest , he must in his proceedings be unjust . whereas onely god almighty , that hath whole , and equal interest and knowledge in all things , and is not capable of personal injury or wrong ( otherwise then by having his creatures wronged ) cannot in his punishment of his creatures be unjust : because he doth it for their sakes ; in that he had the onely consideration of their general benefit the cause and measure thereof . but man must be so far partial and unjust , as he is patible in the cause he judges , or differently interessed in the parties . and were any like adam at first , put to be amongst all sorts of creatures so far below him , where his actions without impeachment might take place , and in whose benefits he had entire and equal share , he would no doubt proceed in all things with great justice , according to his measure of knowledge . but because there is no man , but ( let alone ) , would be like a god also over all his fellows ; and would ( if his wish might take place ) , arise from one degree of eminence unto another , until he had gotten absolute power of conferring all benefits and receiving all honors ; it became necessary in stay of those prejudices that might hereby grow , for god to come in with his positive precepts of lowliness , humility , brotherly love , and love to our neigbour as our selves . whereby we come to be put in minde , that as the honor and thanks of beneficent actions , is onely at his dispose that is the fountain of good ; so others are of as great concern as our selves : none having farther power of acting therein then from god received . and that however this appetite of search of honor and pleasuring others , were divine and useful , we should notwithstanding ( in the particulars wherein anothers interest is concerned as well as our own ) not proceed without leave of him that hath whole interest . for if men can at all be differenced from one another in their actings , in respect of good and bad , just and unjust , ( so far as to make them warrantable or not ) , it must arise from the difference of that additional light and warrant they shall be helped to from without and above themselves . for since all men ( as bearing gods image ) are by that higher part of their minde ( which we call synterysis ) universally and continually assenting unto to the general rules of justice and probity ( which we call the laws of nature ) if they be not by others farther helped in the exercise of these generals , ( at such time as they come to make them frameable to use ) , it will happen , that since each single person did from divers instances and inductions of his own framing and collection , raise and conclude these maxims to himself , they must also diversly , as well as fallibly , demean themselves , when they come to descend to the particular application of them , in those emergencies which concern our moral duties and sociable abearances , as heretofore noted . as for example , all men of ordinary discourse and reason do knowingly and unfeignedly assent to those general moral maxims , of god to be worshipped and served , parents to be honored , theft , murther , adultery , and other vices to be punished , and the like : yet since this they do , as thereunto lead from their own several observations , of the mischiefs following or to be feared from the contrary practises or neglect of these things , it must follow , that as men come differently to raise these conclusions , so must these prejudices and prepossessions differently byass and direct them again , when they come to refer back and apply them to particular use and action . whereupon , although all men do agree to the reasonableness of gods worship and service , and the punishment of vice , and reward of vertue ; yet will it be hard to finde any considerable number directly to agree wherein , and in what sort this worship is to be manifested : and so again , how to state and bound each vertue or vice , and to proportion their just rewards or punishments . in which regard , as a divers ability , interest , and prepossession , will make men disagree in what is adultery , murther , theft , &c. and how far punishable ; so may the like considerations generally cause aversion , from entertaining other moral maxims as necessary as these : nay more ( indeed ) as being their support and foundation . as for example , in that of implicit obedience . for as publike preservation and good doth depend on the due reward and punishment of vertue and vice ; so doth the same again , depend on the maintenance of his authority that is to have the trust therein : and therefore by right reason , should this have been set down in the first place , and next to our obedience to god , had not thirst of licenciousness made men ( in all conclusions and maxims of subjection and obedience ) to fancy the greatest number of restraints and qualifications , to be observed in the commands of such superiors whose places themselves should never probably act , ( as to princes or the like ) and on the contrary place more implicite obedience towards parents , masters , &c. which offices themselves always did , or were likely to supply . as if those that had the greatest command and trust , were upon good reason to have the least power to see the same performed . but these things seem naturally to fall upon us : for as every man doth submit to government in general , out of consideration of his own private good to be therein enjoyed ; and not out of care advance the publike , otherwise then in order thereunto ; so must it again fall out , that in all deliberations for the manner or measure of exercise thereof , that form of administration should be still chosen , that in each parties judgement affords to himself most full and free enjoyment : placing his first respect to his own particular , and regarding the publike but in order thereuto : from whence such difference of judgement in forms of government do arise . and from hence also it comes to pass , that the subjects in polarchies are always ( upon experience ) more complaining and desirous to return under monarchy again , then they were at first to abandon it : even because they now finde themselves deluded , and defeated of that share and degree of power and government , which they upon their princes removal did before vainly expect . by all which it will appear , that intention of good according to our own light , cannot estate any guiltless , for then all would be so : but publike good must arise by joynt submission unto one judge of common good . else it will prove that this strong desire to do good , will be the continual cause of harm . for malice it self being but in order to envy and revenge , if men are no farther enclined to such like prosecution ( as before noted ) then as being hindered in their own way of doing good , it must then follow , that to do good disorderly is the ready way to be malicious . for though the will to good must always reside in private and separate persons , yet the understanding and direction thereof , must be conform to such as are in authority : and the judgement of such as are under subjection , is to be imployed in knowing what , but not why to obey . by which means we shall preserve and maintain undenyably that which is t●e most general and highest step to providence and general benefit , namely publike peace . whereas pursuing our neighbors benefit according to rules and ways of our own framing , the truth of our private speculations towards beneficence , can be but as contingent ( if not more ) then that of authority : and must by the distraction of mine own and others obedience , ( through exemplar encouragement for each one to follow his own judgement in ways and acts of benoficence ) , unavoidably defeat all publike good and charity : in defeating the bond of peace , that unity of direction that should have led thereunto . for upon the same warrant i follow mine own , or others private judgement against publike command now , i may do so again : as often as i pretend , or really conceive , my neighbors good to be thereby encreased . and the same liberty being taken by others also , what can follow , but that men differently acting and obeying , according to different consciences and interests , they must force difference to arise amongst themselves in their services one towards another : to the final overthrow of charity and publike good ? as for example , i , that am unknowing or heedless of the good and benefit of strangers and such as are more remote , in comparison of those neer me and such as i converse with ; and which must again , make such difference between those which are of my neighborhood , in respect of that different affection i shall cast towards them , as they have in particular friendships and kindnesses deserved at my hands , or do in affections or interests simpathize and comply with me ; cannot thereupon , but out of this my unequal regard , dispense so unequally of my charity , that those i know not shall have no share or provision at all , and of those i do know , either through contrariety of humor , or thwarting of designs , some will come to be esteemed and prosecuted as enemies : even for that they stood contrary in affection or act , to that way or course i had resolved on , or put in practice for the advancement of the good of those which i esteemed more : as being my particular kindred or friends . whereupon , another ( again ) that held greater relation or friendship to those i slighted or disesteemed , was thereupon induced , from the height of my more fierce and private love towards the promoting the good of these above others whom he loved better , to labor ( on the contrary ) the hindrance and harm of them above others . by which means it shall come to pass , that each subject in particular shall be truely wanting of his due measure of charity and beneficence , in execution and enjoyment , whilst , through private design and power , the same is onely measured and practised : even , to the overthrow of all true charity , and publike peace also . the which considerations well weighed , might methinks perswade any to the obedience of christ in his deputed minister , for direction of their charity . namely to consider , that since love and propension to acts of beneficence , were placed in us for publike good sake , and for that of others more then of their own ; it is therefore reason , we should submit to be therein guided by the publike direction of others also . whom obeying according to christs precept given to that very end , of doing all things without murmuring and disputing , why should we doubt of being blameless and harmless the sons of god : and having really loved others as our selves , and so performed the moral law , since we have submitted to act according thereunto ? wherefore the summe of all is , that god made man upright , but he sought out many inventions . and that therefore publick good acted by private direction onely , is always evil : and the more intently and confidently so done , the more evil . that private equity , is publike iniquity . that that natural former inclination to beneficence , which leant on the principles of our dark fleshly wisdom , ayming at , ( and so corrupted through ) original pride and presumption of our own managery , is to be now abandoned : and we renewed in the spirit of our mindes through love ( and its fruits ) meekness , gentleness , patience , &c. which inward root of love , as it comes from god onely , so is it at his onely dispose : being made perfect by obedience to him , or officers holding direct authority from and under him . by which means , we may perceive how nature comes to be perfected by grace ; and how that natural and original intention to beneficence that through our fall was defeated by pride , comes to be made useful by the gospel light and directions of obedience , humility , long-suffering , patience , meekness , gentleness , &c. this inward root of love being always ready to bridle us against envy , hatred , malice , and all uncharitable actings against others ; even so far , as according to the light of our own conscience , ( not otherwise authorized ) we are to abstain from all appearance of evil . by which means god that could never act contrary to to himself , or to the defeating of his own work or end ( which could never be but perfect , and in it self worthy of preservation ) , doth by grace restore and rectifie what in our fall had been corrupted . thus that love which nature provokes me to express out of inward delight , religion enjoyns and directs me to execute according to explicite precept . that good which , for honor or vertue sake , i seek to act as a moral man , i must now , for duty and conscience sake , re-inforce and prosecute as a christian. that degree of beneficence , which in nature i might arbitrarily and differently dispense , according to mine own relations of family , friends , or the like : i must now , according to the tye of conscience and subjection , distribute indifferently , or according to such rules , as he that hath publike charge shall direct . for our state of innocency consisteth more in negative , then in positive acts ; that is , more in being harmless , then beneficial ; because innocence ( or abstinence from harm ) is always a praise , and compatible to all men ( inferior as well as others ) but to be positively beneficial , is the attribute and sole honor of the fountain of good ; and is to mankind no otherwise communicable and proper , then as impowered and deputed from him , and acting in his stead . and therefore is lord said to be the fulfilling of the law , because it worketh no ill to his neighbor : and , in that chapter , as obedience to the higher power is most strictly enjoyned , and may be understood compleating the precepts of the first table , and so inclusive of that law of , honor thy father and mother : so is the love of our neighbors as our selves , set all down in negative precepts , thou shalt not commit adultery , thou shalt not steal , &c. nay , our justification , and the forgiveness of our offences and sins against god , is made to depend most on our forgiving one another : which was chiefly hinted at in that perfect model of prayer , forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive those that trespass against us : heaven it self being the reward of our innocence , not of our merit , and that because we cannot without derogation to gods honor , take on us to act in matters of beneficence without him . and so again , the devil being the father of malice , the more we take upon us to act therein , the more we shew our selves his servants : of which his delight in malice , contrary to the precept of love , we have a plain instance in witches , who spend their whole power in things destructive and mischievous , being wholly swayed by desire of revenge , which as it did at first grow from being crossed in their own designs , so they had beneficence in their aims . and therefore , so far as any is malicious to others ( that is , is wilfully set to prosecute his own ways of doing future good by present evil ) so far hath he listed himself under this destroyer , and thrust himself out of divine favour and protection , by renouncing divine obedience ; whereas others may know they are passed from death to life , not only because they love the brethren ; but also for that they are obedient to gods minister in the manner thereof . for without god , every one may be truly said to act , that hath not from him as great and full direction and authority as was in his power to procure , even in that particular in which he acts ; but doth relie only on such general directions , as were ( for ought he knows ) not proper to the cause in question : and so not being by gods minister interpreted and warranted , as to license therein , he must remain still , as much as before , without true warrant to act on another ; and the other again , without just cause of suffering at his hands . for since both of these , having from reason and scripture alike power to judge , interpret and impose upon each other , he must be concluded to have been most innocent , and obeyed god most , that hath most obeyed his vicegerent , and stuck to his direction therein . and this , because the positive precepts of scripture and religion , coming only to supply , and make more applyable those general and ambiguous rules of natural reason , to which end determinate interpreters were again put to see the meaning of these scriptures applyed to these cases and persons unto which they are proper ) it must thereupon follow , that as those that undertake to judge cases by the light of nature only ( without regard therein had to scripture ) cannot in so doing be guiltless ; so also they that undertake to be their own judges from the immediate rules of scripture , and do balk the the direction of the authorized intepreter and keeper , they must thereby become lyable to guilt also . so that now , to sum up all these discourses concerning love and obedience , it is still to shew how men under the second adam , stand ( in respect of works ) in a like condition for innocence as they did at first . for as then , the only precept was to forbear tasting of the knowledge of good and evil , even so it is the only precept still . for so much ( in brief ) our saviour explains , saying , for judgement am i come into this world , that they which see not , might see ; and they that see , might be made blind : and again ( as before noted ) answered those that presumed to derive innocence and righteousness from their own light . if ye were blind ye should have no sin : but now ye say we see , therefore your sin remaineth . the which and other places , are certainly plain enough to convince any whom the god of this world hath not blinded to their own destruction . and however formerly amongst the jews , where god was immediate law-giver , and by plain litteral precepts did set down his pleasure to be observed by each one in particular , the differencing of obedience into active and passive was useful ; that thereby upon occasion subjects might perform their duties to god and his vicegerent also ; as also it was before the higher powers were christians ; yet now , unto christian subjects , that have not from christ rules set down for their external abearance one towards another ( but they are to be taught his commands from his deputies and ambassadors ) the case is otherwise , for so the words are , teaching them to observe whatsoever i have commanded you ; not what i have commanded them . so that , when subjects are by their christian head now commanded to be actively obedient in any thing , they are then disobedient if they are not so ; because where doing is required , their doing to their power , and not their suffering , must shew their obedience . for as i cannot find that the crown of martyrdom was promised to any , but such as were persecuted for the name of christ , or christianity ( which in heathenish persecutions was to come to pass ) so cannot i tell what other title then that of rebel , to give to such as oppose or resist their christian prince . nor can i find what other reason to give for that expression of our saviours , saying , that god hath given him authority to execute judgement , because he is the son of man , then thereby to shew how god , in his recess from matters of earthly judicature , doth not take upon him to set down rules for external obedience , immediately from himself , under the gospel , as formerly under the law ; but mediately , by humane instruments ; & that as the salvation of our souls , and also of our bodies , was committed unto him that had taken our whole nature upon him ( and so he might be called the son of man as well as the son of god ) so this salvation of our bodies ( which is the object of government and society , and of all things pertaining to judgment and morality ) being not by him to be personally managed , it must be done by these more eminent sons of men , each christian prince . and surely , as our saviours frequent assumption unto himself of this expression , the son of man , is not to be construed impertinently or casually done ; so will it clearly explain , that as god hath referred all judgement to him , that contains in his own person the radical excellence of our nature , and that because he is the son of man : even so ( and to the same end ) are these other more eminent sons of men to be in matters of judgement obeyed in his stead . and if the method and order of dispensation used by that great and wise creator and disposer of all things be duly observed , we shall finde , that as in order to continuance and preservation of men ( both personally , and in their kind ) he hath not only implanted those natural provocations to pleasure heretofore spoken of , but also that natural readiness to acts of conference and kindness , as now declared : so , to prevent all such abuses as might arise through the exorbitant or irregular use of things thus naturally ingraffed ( and likely thereupon to be as violently coveted ) we may also observe divine bounty and providence , to be as continually intent and careful in restoring and assisting of us , being lasped , as at first to create and state us happy . the food which we take , as it hath in it self personal respect only , so hath it in each one a proper way of judicature to determine both of choyce and satiety , as well as of appetite and hunger . in those other inclinations that have aim beyond the party acting ( the one for bringing men into the world , and the other for preserving and advantaging of them , being there ) they also , by divine appointment , are to have their publike rules of direction and limitation , set down by those societies of men wherein they are to be exercised ; lest else , the means might prove distructive of its own end . for i that in nature , and as a man , could not more kind-like , or meritoriously imploy my self , then in such like actions , may yet , by intemperance or partiality in prosecution , prove my self to be in these things more highly ignoble and vitious , then in any thing else . as for those rules and restraints put upon mens acting in the first sort , by the appointment and limitation of wed-lock , or for avoiding of unchaste acts , none do doubt of the fitness of positive direction and evidence herein , in order to publike benefit , although against the good liking of the obeyer : whereas , if publike good were rightly known , and weighed , the other , that hath a more high and general influence thereupon ( even as it is more continually practicable by each person ) ought also much more to have its directions and confinements set down by publike appointment ; for else it may happen , that that more particular regard towards those of mine own family , and other relations ; which might at first arise from the marriage tye , and that precept of a mans providing for his own family , might from too eager love fixed on some , contract by consequent , as great hatred and neglect towards others , whereby to destroy in the street , that which was thus carefully preserved in the house . for as it is observed in the food of our natural bodies , that the greatest and most dangerous surfeits do arise from the inordinate and irregular use of that which is in it self most wholsom and best ; even so in the politick frame , there is nothing which more usually , or with greater danger , doth procure the disturbance and dissolution thereof , then this arbitrary application of our loves , even when we as men , do so far follow our own natural tye of affection and interest in the placing of our good deeds , as to be neglectful of that our more high and near kindred and relation we have towards them as christians : wherein , as that common and equal affinity of brotherhood and fellow-members , is always to fill us with due readiness to be beneficent to all , so must it be directed and differenced in choyce of object , and degree of exercise , by laws and rules received from him that hath the common headship and superintendency herein . and if such a liberty to dispute the warrantableness of commands , should be left as some men do insist upon , strange it is , that amongst all those large and express precepts for general obedience ; as , obey in all things ; d● all things without disputing , &c. that no destinction of duties into civil and religious is ever made , nor exception set down of unlawful commands . but if men could but a little separate themselves from their own humors , and that conceitedness of their private abilities in judging good and bad , they would then find the judgement and interpretation of these things , must be supposed left to their christian superior , or else large volumns should have been left , comprizing in every particular what duties and actions were to be held civil , and what religious ; and what lawful and what nor ; because otherwise , the liberty of disputing of these things , would render men truly obedient in nothing ; and thereupon also make the said precepts vainly given . and having so far shewed how the precepts of general good and charity stand pointed out in scripture and reason , as the duty of each one in particular , and under the pain of most heavy guilt and punishment ; and how it is best effected by obedience ; it seems now requisite , to speak something also of those benefits and advantages which will hereby acrew , even unto the particular persons that imploy themselves herein , and out of duty undergo those difficulties and hardships which usually attend this obedience : as of patience , humility , gentleness , meekness , long-suffering , &c. to the end that none may grow heartless in the work ; as being always held in a task to the benefit of others , and not at all to himself . chap. x. of patience , long-suffering , humility , meekness , &c. he that shall well consider that great and sudden growth of the saracen empire , shall never be able to stop his admiration therein , till he consider withal , the prevalence of those enchanting promises of sensual delights and rewards , in that religion offered to the sectators thereof : for while mahomet himself , is standing ( like the devil ) on his high mountain of prosperity , and offering the kingdoms of the world , and the glory of them , to such as would fall down and worship him : who can expect other event , then such a crowd of followers ? when , on the other side , worldly peace and prosperity was not only not promised , but the contrary prophesied to be the usual lot of such as should list themselves in christs service . for as our saviour was content to become vile in all worldly esteem himself , so did he plainly profess , that the disciple was not to be above his master ; and that whosoever would be his , must ( thereupon ) take up his cross and follow him ; that is , follow him in meekness , patience , long-suffering , &c. in which doing , they should not yet be so unhappy ( even in this life ) as worldly and ordinary judgements might conceive . for as in him , the reward of humbling and subjecting himself ( in obedience to god ) was rewarded with as great eminence in honor , and a name above all names : so to us , that shall be obedient and subject to him , and such as shall command in his stead , those present pressures , which the practise of these graces should cause , will not only be sure to be rewarded with an exceeding and eternal , weight of glory hereafter , but even here also , the unprejudiced and sound judgements of men , may from the practise of these vertues discern a present benefit to arise : and that , not only to mankind in general , but even to that person , who shall conscionably undergo them as his duty ; who shall find godliness to have the reward ( as well as promises ) of both lives ; as well of this , as that which is to come . all which will be plainly made good to them , in the judgement of any that hath but so far pierced into the true state of things , as to find that happiness consisteth in the measure of enjoyment and content ; and not in the proportion of our covetousness and anxiety . therefore , as we formerly noted ( in the prophesie concerning the flourishing estates of whole regions and people in general ) that the promise and designment of the jews or others for having of kings , was when they should possess their land , and dwell therein ; so in the behalf of the firm and real possession of each single christian , that former prophesie of the prosperous condition of the church under the gospel , is made good ; namely , that the meek should inherit the earth ? for although som haughty and turbulent persons have more of possessions under their present command , yet canot they in any true sense be said to possess & inherit them , becaus labour in acquisition , and fear of loss , together with the distraction which the thought of other acquisition and conquest must produce , and above all want of faith in god ( and so assurance of good enjoying them ) will all of them render these men ( at best ) but unsteady usurpers . for as we cannot say of any whole people : they are in a true state of possession and dwelling in any countrey , which is by them but newly acquired , and that by force ; and unto which claim is openly laid by others , or in the possession whereof they have no agreement amongst themselves ; even so , single persons are then to be esteemed true inheritors of their earthly possessions , when they have assurance it is because their hope is in god : even that it is sent unto them from him , by means of a just expectation and endeavor ; and can in a pious degree of humility , acknowledge , it is not by their own bow , nor by their own sword ( that is , not by their wisdom and contrivance gotten ) but through the bounty of that eternal fountain of goodness , the giver of every good and perfect gift . this is that estate of christian fortitude and perfection , which now under the glorious rayes of the gospel , comes to be so clearly shewn to the sons of men . it is through this assurance and grace , that the patient and meek can in the midst of all violence , find themselves more then conquerors . for first , having confidence of gods care of them in all things through christ ( so as to make all things work for the good of them that love him ) as they cannot ( on the one hand ) but think themselves highly in gods favour , that hath given unto them not only to believe , but also to suffer for his sake ; so can they not , but from this measure of affliction plainly gather , that he reckons their christian grace of patience at such a great perfection , as to call them into so great sufferings : for as he will lay on his children no greater burthen then they can bear , so thereupon they cannot but in a double obligation , acknowledge themselves tyed to obedience and submission . in the old world , where little besides the light of nature was left for direction , how did the violence of those men of renown , work to the disturbance of themselves and others , in their erronious prosecution of content and happiness , under the maxims of quicquid libet licet . under the law , men were brought to moderation , an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth : but this looking still with a face of revenge , was to be perfected by precepts from the only patern and doctor of divine wisdom and perfection , christ himself : i say unto you , love your enemies , &c. a lesson and direction of such truth and concern in it self , for and towards the stating and possessing , even of temporal felicity and peace amongst us , that should we consider it abstracted from that authority whence we had it , yet would it for its own sake deserve our entertainment , and that in the eye of bare natural reason and policy . for we cannot consider men in their commerce one with another , at any such constant rate of goodness and perfection , but that interest or insufficiency , will ordinarily lead them to the envying of one another : in which case , if it should be allowed each person ( according to his presumption of the right thereof ) to proceed to revenge and self-repairation , what shall become of peace ? and although for peace sake , the law provide against external private prosecution , by appointment of a common judge ; yet , while the root of mischief is remaining within , how oft will power and craft find evasion , to act its own malice to publike disturbance ? besides , that torture which this restless passion must breed in the party possessed with this devil , not otherwise to be cast out or cured , but by this command of christ himself . and although to the most wise and learned amongst the heathen , god would not afford any through light herein ; yet may we discover and admire the prevalence of that truth , which should enable them with such large speculation and progression this way : so that as well in philosophical doctrine , as heroical practise , they could discern and prefer it as a complement and crown to their other vertues . for what had pride , revenge , or arrogance ( with their turbulent deportments ) to do with prudence , or in the seat of justice ? how could those things lead to temperance , which were even in their own nature intemperate ? and since vertue and felicity , must be in the even temper of the mind ; how shall we find them , where these passions ( by their abode ) have first overthrown all moderation ? and so lastly , if the end of fortitude be to overcome evils , what other way shall we so assuredly do it , as with such fortification of our minds ; whereby they shall not so much as seem evils at all , but rather blessings and benefits ? whereas ( alas ) to others , who are ignorantly and impetuously whirled with the thirst of honor , riches , or worldly pleasure of any sort ; how often must those crosses and thwartings ( in their attainment and possession ) which they must encounter from the hands of competitors , render them through revenge , anger , and discontent , not only most afflictedly defeated of that particular , but through sense hereof , deprived of all their possessions else . or could you fancy a person ( like solomon , uncrossed of all that could in this world be asked ; yet he ( as in his experience and true wisdom ) shall tell you ( as if set up on purpose ) that all is vanity and vexation of spirit ; nay , all of them in their fullest glut , falling far short of the shortest moment of that content ( much less of that steady lasting content ) which his meek and pious father took , in that gladness which god put into his heart ; and that in comparison of other mens corn and wine , or any other temporal felicity . when god gave him peace , it was ( by reason of his meek and grateful acceptance ) made to him the blessing of peace : nay , when he came to be afflicted , this ( as it wrought faith in god ) he acknowledgeth it to be good for him also : for he had well practised the state of christianity , in whatsoever estate , he was to be therewith content : and as he stood in his god thus steady like a tree plant●d by the rivers of water , he beheld the ungodly ( in their unbottomed condition ) driven to and fro like chaff upon the face of the earth : neither had they ( like him ) a father in heaven , to seek daily bread from ; but it was first their curse and unhappiness to have no trusty and steady support for food ( but to seek it in desolate places , wandering up and down ) and then also , to grudge if they be not satisfied . or let us suppose again , any person at the higest pitch of power , so as to be able to recompence all those his conceited injuries and displeasures which must befall him with revenge ; yet how shall we ever find this remedy , to do none other then encrease his disease ? for while he is taking it , how much trouble will this passion put him into , and yet be both as unsatisfactory then , of having done it full enough , as afterwards ( even out of the natural sense of pitty ) how vvill he find himself troubled vvith perpetual reluctance , of having done so much ? for vvhen he shall be restored to his reason again , he must find , that vvhilst he hath been judging another , he hath been condemning himself . for vvas not the harm done by another , given as the reason of this revenge ? well then , since hereby he hath not , nor cannot recover the harm or loss , it must fall out , that so far as he is punishing him , he is arraigning himself : first as rebel to god , in dethroning him or his sole prerogative of repaying with vengeance : and then ( having by the very act of revenge it self broken the precept of love ) what juster punishment can he expect , then that , as he hath with high and malicious contrivance plotted and acted the harm of another , and that only as in the devils stead ( with express desire and pleasure in mischief , without expectation of repair to himself ) so should he be left to the reward of that master he hath so carefully served . and then farther , this act of revenge is so far from abating or allaying the pressing tortures of this passion ( which un-erring truth justly calls travelling with mischief ) that it necessarily encreaseth it : for the more and higher it works , the greater discontent and murmure will it draw down from the friends of the oppressed . and then , since none can in this case want friends and pittiers , this must again ( by new objects ) give occasion of new anger , and therewith of new revenge . whereas accustomed patience , not onely enables us in the enduring of present sufferings : but also is ( by its habit ) the true and onely relisher of all blessings when they come : no otherwise , then abstinence or course food is too dainty fare afterwards : which is but loathsom to persons glutted therewith . for all pleasure being absence of pain , as health is of sickness ; and arising therefore to be encreased according to present sense of contrariety , it will follow , that as sense of pain and want did precede , so will sense of pleasure and possession ( in measure ) succeed : patience equally enabling us to sustain evil with less grief , as to entertain good with more delight . in which respect , we may well find how those gospel promises came to be made good , of , whosoever hath left house , or brethren , or sisters , or father , or mother , or wise , or children , or lands for my sake , and the gospels : he shall receive an hundred fold now in this time , houses , and brethren , and sisters , and mothers , and children , and lands , with persecutions : and in the world to come eternal life . which words ( with persecution ) plainly shew us , that separate persons can have such large restauration made good to them in this life by no other way , then by that formerly set down : which ( if rightly weighed ) will be such a high recompence indeed , as if each christian formerly deprived of these things for christs sake , or each christian subject now deprived for the gospel of peace sake , had , or could have had , these things in kind restored . all which well observed , would make the condition of kings and great persons , not so much desirable by subjects and inferiors ; even for that the fare and usage proper to them ( which in regard of scarcity with us , we call dainty ) is , by reason of commonness , with them more loathsome then ours ; whose freedom they often envy , being themselves so enclosed and imprisoned with set order , and multitude of ceremonies and attendants , that they esteem themselves then only at liberty , when they can most imitate and practice the freedom of our condition . but the weakness of this passion being so well found in natural reason and example , i may leave it as a common place sufficiently treated of . for how many and eminent are t●ese instances ( even amongst heathens ) of such as would not acknowledge their prosecutors power , or their own weakness so far , as to prove by repine or desire of revenge , that they were more then they could bear : and did therefore usually leave this pusillanimous part , to be acted by the weaker tempers of women and children . but as for precepts this way set down in scripture , i believe , that , next to the doctrine of faith in christ ( which must precede , as well as be accompanied with these vertues ) these lessons of patience , humility , &c. will be found the chief drift of the gospel : if not the only precepts , that private persons can of their own judgements relye upon : they proceeding from the same precept of love and charity . these teaching us how with charity to suffer from others : as the orher doth , how to be inwardly affected in my actings towards them . for as , whatsoever things were written aforetime , were written for our learning ; so was it done , that we , through patience and comfort of the scriptures ( that is , through the precepts and examples thereof , therein set down as practised , and the comfort and reward thereof thence also arising ) might have hope , and encouragement to the performance of the like duties : that through the grace and goodness of the god of patience and consolation , we may be hereby enabled to be like minded one towards another , according to christ jesus : and so , be , not only actively charitable , whilst ( in things in our power ) each one shall not seek to please himself , but his neighbour : but also , the same example will teach us to be passively charitable too , by our readiness to submit to authority , the only way to the peace and unity of the church ; that therein with one mind , and one mouth , we may glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. however i cannot tell , whether ( from these lights ) i have given sufficient reason or no , for casting off revenge and disobedience , and entertainment of patience and humility ; yet sure i am , that i can by mine own good experience say , that as i become every day a more true disciple of my saviour , even by willingly taking up my cross and following him ; and that , as i do more and more consider , that slander , persecution and all worldly afflictions , when suffered for , or in a good conscience ( which may be best known by the corruption and wickedness of the persecutors ) are not only testimonies of christianity ( in order to his predictions that way given ) but also of gods more especial and fatherly favour ( that chasteneth every son whom he loveth ) so do i more and more encrease every day in true comfort : even from the assurance i thereby gather of gods protection and care of me ; and that in a far higher and more setled degree , then any revenge by my self formerly taken could afford . nor can i , or any man else ( that considers these usuages of god with a well measured judgement ) but thereby find advantage to arise even in this worlds consideration also : it faring no otherewise with men in the behalf of their reputation and honour , then in consideration of worldly estate and fortune . for as he that will always be living at the height of his fortune , will be so much the nearer to poverty , by how much he is more expensive and in the sight of envy , and yet have no more true inward content then others ; even so , such as live in the height of reputation , must be subject to the same diminutions and hazard : for when those faults which really all men must more or less have , or those which meer envy shall discover , shall be divulged to the world ; he cannot then but be rendred , both to other men , so much the more ill , by how much he hath formerly been held more good : and to himself ( hereby ) so much more miserable , by how much he deemed himself before more happy . whereas he that is really good , cannot but be always in a thriving and prosperous condition ; although that steady course of vertue and honesty which he walks in , may through difference of the common practise of the world ( as making god and his neighbours good his aym , and not covetousness or vain-glory ) make him to differ from the rest of the world in his deportments , and so for a time displease . for a time i say : for as men can never wholly banish truth , so this mans innocence and integrity , cannot but by degrees appear ; at which time , the very height of former calumny , will redound to his encrease of reputation . and , all men being ready to take occasions for extolling their own abilities in matters of extraordinary discovery , they will from hence , take occasion the more to set forth and admire this mans merits or innocence ; even for that others have heretofore so much leaned to the contrary . which commendations again , growing to this party by continual encrease and degrees , and those deserved ; must thereby render him also in point of reputation , both continually prosperous , and likewise steady therein . but , if it fall out otherwise , and that gods love to us , above the rest of the world , shall be made farther appear by their unjust and oppressive usage of us in matters of our estates , or by the dislike and rejection of our communion by such as are riotous or factious ; as we have hereby fresh comfort in our selves , in respect of our christian faith and assurance ( in order to gods promises made that way ) so may we also reap true inward content , even in point of heroick resolution and prudence : out of the consideration , that this their mislike of our cause or carriage , arose not from any well grounded estimate of justice or vertue . vulgar justice being many times nothing else but the effect of bribery , importunity , friendship , or the knotting together of some party for the preferring some such mans cause as hath insinuated himself into most favour . the which cannot be expected from him that hath his confidence so much in god and the goodness of his cause , that he cannot , he dare not , distrust providence so far , as not to resolve on and prefer a noble suffering before an ignoble prevention . and so again , in point of civil behaviour , and in that reputation which is to be expected from mens sociable deportments , so little regard is usually had to the general and publike benefit of society , that the commendations of breeding , comity , urbanity , or the like : are often times but the flattering compliances and endearments of some sorts or orders of the subjects one towards another , whose usual issue is in a faction . and the ordinary way of winning worldly friendship and esteem is , either by open applauding each others abilities and courses , or else by such profession and insinuation of our services and affections towards them , as to give occasion upon all opportunities ( even out of self-regard ) to commend their friends , and their abilities , as esteeming themselves commended in these that so much own and approve them . whereas he that is truly conscientious of gods service and his neighbours , so farre as to place them above popular shews , dares not undertake this kind of serving himself by his neighbors ruine ; but will watch all seasonable opportunities to perform the office of a true friend ; by expression of such deeds and councels , as shall advance other mens benefit in the first place , and his own honor amongst them in the second . by which means , as i shall really do the part of a true commonwealths-man and christian , so shall i never want the true comfort thereof ; as of having truly served god , and my neighbour ; although to the world it were not otherwise apparent , then by my suffering for both . and the like condition ( no doubt ) will be found in all dutiful sufferings , by all that can lay aside all malice , hypocrisie , guil , anger , and evil speaking ; and can as new born babes ( with patience and humility ) commit all to him that judgeth righteously ; even these ( i say ) if they have but tasted that the lord is gracious , and found the fruits of that blessed and promised comforter , shall quickly feel the sting of worldly afflictions , so taken out by him that hath undergone and overcome them for him , that , in the midst of prisons and confinements , they shall sing with more real solace and delight , in their magnimous sustentation of any injury or cross , then their adversary can do in the infliction of his revenge . for be it never so great , yet when i ( by my patience ) have proved my self superior in all that his malice could reach unto , i shall thereby , at once , both repel his strokes , and also return them upon himself , to the redoubling of his angry and revengeful torment ; even to see himself thus miserably defeated by my resolution : when , as on the other side also , he cannot but deny his own want of courage and true fortitude , in being so highly sensible , or affected with a mistaken , small , or occasional injury , as to lead him to this fruitless reparation . and then further , patience having had its perfect work , so as not only to suffer the spoiling of our goods , but even to glory in tribulation : it will estate men in a condition of outward felicity also . for as none but children , are satisfied with the strokes which are given to the stones against which they fell : so when ( besides insensibility through patience ) our adversaries shall perceive us advantaged by such misuage , he will then leave to do us evil , even for fear of doing us good . and as thus in single persons , so will this height of fortitude , be prudentially found the steady and true promoter of political and state interest , as well as of all vertue besides : for how can justice , honesty , or any true vertue be duly expected , while terror of any sort shall stand up to amate the actor from execution ? and since in wordly dispensations , the gain of one must be the loss of another ; and since again , the fear or hope of rewards from great and rich men prevails most , will not hope of gain , and fear of opposition continually endanger justice , and bring on the oppression of the poor ? for say men what they will , no man ( as a natural man ) can have that degree of fortitude , as not to be many times awed by political greatness , or personal courage . and could we suppose some person informidable , so as ( in things of inconcern to himself ) he could dare to act according to the true sense of justice ; must it not still follow , that when again his interest is mixed therewith , the same want of true fear must render him as partial to himself . so that , in a meer natural man , you cannot so place fortitude as to make it always a vertue : whereas he that hath god in all causes for his second and judge , ( making him his onely fear ) as ( on the one hand ) he will not fear what flesh can do unto him , so , ( on the other side ) , will he always fear what he doth unto them . by which means being habituated to a steady vertuous deportment in all his actions , he shall finde honesty ( even in this worlds respect ) to prove the best policy . inasmuch as , all advantage and gain ( in that kinde ) arising according to the value of trust and employment , his approved fidelity and integrity will so far advance him herein , as to make honor and preferment attend him as his due . the proof and discourse of all which , ( as the sure crown and reward of devotion , humility , and patience ) takes up ( by precepts and examples ) the greatest part of holy writ it self : as if on purpose to shew us , that its chief aim were to exhort and encourage us herein . and the humble and devout searcher of the scriptures shall be sure never to return empty of this blessing : whereas he that is not grounded in love , but carries with him the spirit of pride and ●ontention , returns usually ten times more the childe of the devil then before . but that which most of all is the occasion of this present discourse , and comes neerest our present business ; is to let subjects hereby see , that that degree of submission and patience i had formerly commended unto them , was a state of happiness as well as duty : and that especially for christian subjects towards christian princes . against whom , anger , malice , and revenge ( in all their degrees ) must most of all be laid aside . whatsoever we suffer from them , we must look upon as coming from him that set them up in this high power : and who hath their hearts so always in his hand , as to turn them which way he pleaseth : either making them instruments of his anger upon us , or tryals of our trust and patience towards him . whereupon , we cannot more lawfully think of retaliation and resistance towards them , ( against whom there is no rising up ) then against god himself : for in vain expect we the reward of suffering wrongfully , if we allow them not a power of doing so ; and that beyond any warrantable restraint of ours . those evils that come from the hands of others without authority from them , i may prevent or resist as mine own discretion and conscience shall direct ; with consideration had to the precepts of love and charity : and in this kinde we commonly make a vertue of necessity . but where lawful authority doth impose , the ties of publike charity and obedience do both lye upon me ; and although i may do my best by petition or perswasion to alter his will from prosecution , yet can i not at all use mine own will for resisting him therein . all which will not prove of great difficulty , to him that shall remember his saviours prophesie ; that in the world we should have afflictions : and that promise also annexed therewith , in me ye shall have peace . this man i say , in hope of that high price and reward which is set before him , will be ever running his race with all cheerfulness . and while he is running to that heavenly goal , it will be easie for him to read the hand of providence to be many times writing and engraving characters of temporal advantage also out of those malicious plots of his enemies : no otherwise then as it was with joseph : who through envy being sold and put from home , was thereby delivered from famine , and brought into a richer soyl , and greater preferment elsewhere : whereupon he might now have power to express true goodness , in returning good for evil . and , upon a discreet examination , he shall also generally finde , that these crosses were but the effects of love ; and put in his way , like so many pauses and stops , to delay or divert him from some course he had headily undertaken ; which in the pursuit would have proved more destructive to him ; either in his spiritual or temporal condition , then are those opportunities and advantages which divine providence hath now brought him unto . oh thou admirable and blessed grace of charity ! how dost thou , by thy due exercise , at once both make us good and happy ? as well in exciting us to acts of beneficence , as delighting and rewarding us for doing them . to call thee a moral vertue is too low : thou art them all , and their crown . for , in order to humane preservation , ( and of all things that have sense and will ) thou art of as large and necessary extent , as is that vertue of union and sympathy , which is the preserver of the whole worlds fabrick besides . nay in us thou art the same union and sympathy ; under the name of love , doing the same thing : that is , hereby preventing the destruction of voluntary agents , as that doth of all natural ones : and so being not onely ( like that ) providence her right hand , but also so much more above it , as thy execution is more above it in difficulty , and the object of thy imployment more noble . how much below thee stand all other graces and vertues ! even so far , as to be of no use without thee ; like as thou also art ( again ) so much more worthy , as thou art more thy self : that is art more extensive . for when by any of them alone , i chuse to exercise any moral duty , if thou take it not by the hand , how will self-respect byass it to pride ? or , if without thee i imploy my zeal , it will be found little other then a gilded trifle , or a sacrifice of that which costs me nothing : as being commonly but the imployment of an hours time or less ; which i had beforehand so ordered , as to have nothing else to do therein . or , did i exercise my devotion in real expence of part of my deerly esteemed estate ; and that in alms or building of temples , or the like ; how will that present requital of foreseen honor , make me usually a willing dispenser of my fortunes , even to be seen of men : and that , either by thanks from the poor , or by having my name set or known in the temple : by which means , carrying a face and design towards pride , how will it take off from that freeness which should crown devotion ? but when , against my will , ( it may be ) all my fortune , and that which is yet dearest , my good name is now snatcht from me , ( and that by my professed enemies ) and i can yet be joyful as well as patient , hence , together with the difficulty , must arise the highest pitch of honor . difficulty did i say , nay impossibility ; for naturally it is so : inasmuch as in so doing , i do make contradictions both true at once . for if my deprivation or suffering be in a thing i esteem not , or am not sensible of , what need , or use of patience ? and if i must be willing to suffer , what i am unwilling to suffer , as it can onely be done by a miraculous and divine help , so the vertue thereby wrought must be most highly divine also . how is a natural perfection put into a non-plus herein ? my injury must be the reason of my patience , my wrong of my forgiveness ; nay more , i must in the highest measure be actively charitable to this my known enemy , even because he is so : expressing it in the highest degrees ; feed him , cloath him , ( if he want ) ; and above all , pray for him howsoever . compare that which great ones deserve with this , and you may call it pride and arrogance . for with what ease do they sit and command ; and then assume the atchievement of publike utility and peace as proper to themselves , when alas the true burthen and thanks for these things , rests on the part of the obedient . for what use of power but through submission ? and how soon without patience , would prosecution of revenge set whole kingdoms in a civil flame : whilst revenge should thus generate , and my revenge on him , call for his revenge on me ? therefore as charity is the preserver and establisher of other vertues and graces , so is patience , and subjection the true tryal and establisher of charity . for kings and great ones , have their honor and power but from this relation of subjection and obedience : and so far onely as they have first submitted their wills to god , and are themselves obedient , and truely passive under his authority and command , can they have true power to act upon or command others , by which means , patience under subjection , will prove the best jewel in their crowns ; as well as a crown to other vertues of their subjects . nor can princes be excused from the personal exercise of this vertue of patience also , by being sometimes sharers in those chastisments , which must testifie them to be sons and no bastards : and that not onely when their own iniquity shall be punished with the rod of the children of men , ( that is rebellion ) , but also when they ( according to the will and appointment of god ) shall fill up that which is behinde of the afflictions of christ in the flesh , for his bodies sake which is the church . not that they can add in merit ; but like as every particular christian must estate himself in christ and his church by their following him in sufferings and obedience , so must great ones measure herein be higher then others upon occasion : even as their honor and reward is proportionably more eminent , in regard of that great trust of the church put into their hands . for as saint paul and other holy and eminent members and guides of the church , did formerly by their particular and more remarkable sufferings and patience in , and for their separate churches , more fully and speedily fill up that measure of wickedness which unto their oppressive and persecuting adversaries was by divine permission allotted , and thereby the sooner call for gods vengeance on them , and compassion towards the relief of that church for whose sake they suffered : even so , each separate church may be supposed to have its measure of temporal afflictions more remarkably and fully compleated by the afflictions and sufferings of its own head and guide in chief , whereby , the sooner to move god in compassion of their sufferings , as of the whole , to regard and relieve the distresses of that particular church in their temporal sufferings , no otherwise then as christ , as head of the catholike , did by his sufferings , generally merit salvation both temporal and eternal for the whole church his body . and therefore , although the sons of zebedee were not able to drink so great a a draught , nor suffer in so high a measure , as being to have but a subordinate and particular charge under our savior , yet that they were able to drink of that cup , and should also bear a share in this baptism , is there ascertained : when as yet the entrance and admission into dominion and power , as on the right hand and left hand of christ in his church , should be left to the dispose of providence , as heretofore declared . but now , it is not every patience , or dull insensibility under every affliction that is to have this honor and reward ; but that patience most properly that is accompanied with the duty of obedience . for i may give all i have to the poor , nay my body to be burnt , and yet be but charitable to my self , in design to mine own honor . but when i am so taken up with the good of others , ( in order to my love of him whose image they bear ) that ( in sure token thereof ) i can forgive all injuries , and them also that did them ; here is charity upon charity : which ( in care of publike peace and good ) suffereth long , is kinde , envieth not , is not puffed up , but beareth all things . which expressions , as they properly betoken the vertues of such as are to be subject to authority , so may they serve to expound to us those sayings of our saviour , whosoever shall smite thee , &c. namely that the right use of patience is thereby meant ; even patience under authority , and not any stupid neglect of our own safeties . for so in saint matthew it is , whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek , &c. whereby we are to understand , that those evils are not to be resisted that come from men on our right hands : that is , are above us . and so again , whosoever will sue thee at law , &c. to him we must with patience give our cloak also , if law will take it away : and being thereby compelled , we are to do for any man more then he shall ask . and these gospel precepts , carry but the same meaning toward patience and humility under authority , as solomons prudential precept formerly did : if the spirit of the ruler rise up against thee , leave not thy place : for yielding pacifyeth great offences : and all because of that relation of obedience we stand bound unto , in regard of his authority that thus commanded us . and therefore , when we finde these graces of humility and meekness set down and commended unto us , they are to be taken as necessarily implying the duty of obedience : inasmuch as they are the onely proper vertues of such as are stated in the relation of subjection . for this vertue of patience is as necessary to the constitution of things voluntary in the relation of patients , towards the receit of the vertue of that agency which from the governor is to be acted on the governed , as is the endowment of other natural vertues and properties on inanimates , to make them susceptible of that efficacy which on the part of their agents is required also . whereupon patience comes to be a vertue of such great influence , and concern in the establishment of charity , ( making the precept of love useful to humane preservation and gods honor , ) that sometimes it supplies the place of charity , and is joyned to faith in christ , as the other fundamental requisite to salvation : nay sometimes goeth alone , as the most sure ground-work thereof , and true token also of christian faith it self . for so runs our saviors admonition , in patience possess ye your souls . and to that purpose saith saint james , the tryal of your faith worketh patience : and then , ( to shew the perfection that follows patience ) , he adds , but let patience have her perfect work , that ye may be perfect and entire wanting nothing . and st. paul having set forth our access to god through faith , after adds , and not onely so , but we glory in tribulation also : knowing that tribulation worketh patience , and patience experience , and experience hope , and hope maketh not ashamed ; because the love of god is shed abroad in our hearts ; by the holy ghost which is given us : that is , tribulation and patience , do uphold and supply that fundamental and saving grace of love , which is wrought within us by the holy ghost . and as in the epistle to the hebrews , we are exhorted to be followers of them who through faith and patience inherit the promises , so doth st. peter well ●et out what is , or should be the sign and effect of this brotherly love : viz. not rendring evil for evil , and railing for railing . that is , not resisting the evils suffered from authority , by deed or by word , ( after the example of christ formerly set down ) , but contrariwise blessing ; knowing that ye are thereunto called , that ye should inherit a blessing : meaning the blessed reward of our patience , in suffering of that share of afflictions unto which we are in this life called . for he that will love life , and see good days , ( that is , he that desires to enjoy a future life or good days here ) let him refrain his tongue from evil , and his lips that they speak no guile : let him eschew evil and do good . which is the same with the former admonition , of not rendring evil for evil , nor railing for railing : onely there , our resistance by act was put first ; but here , the resistance by words is put first ; under the precept of refraining our tongues from evil . and then follows the admomonition for actions : let him eschew evil and do good : let him not onely forbear resistance , but be obedient also : and thereupon shall he be in a state , both to seek peace and ensue it . as generally thus amongst mankinde , patience is added to faith to make us inheritors of the promises , and a necessity of compliance with christ in sufferings , that we may be also glorified together , so , unto the particular of women , is patience added also : she shall be saved by childe-bearing , if she continue in the faith. by which words , as we are not to understand that none but child-bearing women shall be saved , or that the others should not be sharers also of these common sufferings incident to the rest of mankinde ; so may we perceive this particular instance of childe-bearing put , both to set out patience in the highest degree of suffering known amongst us , and also ( being put under the notion of childe-bearers ) , may be taken as comprehending such as are married : who being subject to husbands may farther serve to shew , that this patience is occasioned from that degree of subjection and bondage , which god ( by reason of their appointed subordination ) had put them under , when he said , in sorrow shalt thou conceive , and thy desire shall be subject to thy husbands . so that then , each one that travelleth in pain under this yoak of bondage to the laws of superiors , by reason of , and for punishment of our corruption , is to submit to the pleasure of him that subjected the same in hope : and to reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared to the glory which shall be revealed in us , when we shall be restored to the glorious liberty of the sons of god. nor need we wonder why immortality and eternal life , should be promised to them who by patient continuance in well doing seek for glory and honor ; and ( on the contrary ) indignation and wrath unto them that are contentious , and do not obey the truth ; if ( besides the benefits arising to mankinde by this vertue ( formerly spoken of ) , we also consider its efficacy in advancement of the praise and honor of god amongst us also . for where patience and humility are practised ( as all outward strife ceases , so ) general contentment will arise : wherupon , kings , as well as subjects , being reciprocally pleased in having , and yeilding ready obedience , men on all hands will have cause to thank and praise their maker : whose greatest delight being in the good of his creature , and their grateful acknowledgement thereupon , so is their murmuring and affliction to him most unpleasant : as abating the sense of his goodness and praise . from which grounds , we may easily discern the reason , why this vertue should be so especially commended to us by that great preserver of men . so that since it was necessary , that in token of our zeal and love to his service , something of difficulty should be enjoyned ; what in the eye of his all-seeing providence more fit then this ? whereby , as his glory is upheld by the establishment of the kingdoms peace here , so are the patient themselves , ( besides the reward of his grace in this life , ) to receive the deserved crown thereof in the world to come . wherefore now , lift up the hands that hang down , and the feeble knees : and seeing also we are compassed with so great a cloud of witnesses , let us lay aside every weight , and the sin ( namely of rebellion ) that doth so easily beset us , and let us run with patience the race that is set before us : looking unto , &c. for though no chastning for the present seemeth joyous , but grievous ; nevertheless afterward , it yeildeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness , unto them which are exercised thereby . for although here at the pleasure of fleshly fathers , we be for a few days c●astened ; yet god turns it to our profit , that we might be partakers of his holiness . by this proper note of persecutions and afflictions , left unto us as a legacy by him that was the author and finisher of our faith , and that once so highly suffered for us ; we stand , in a peculiar manner , not onely distinguished from the rest of the world , as in testimony of the truth of our religion above theirs , ( who , as an argument of their humane device and extraction are still closing with nature in promises of sensual delights ) , but , according to the true and sanctified use of these afflictions again by the several members of the church , each christian professor therein comes to be a more true disciple and christian one then another . inasmuch , as my being by my profession and belief a christian , cannot of it self make me a true one : because it may be a thing not of my choice , or bestowed on me out of particular grace and election : but happening ( for ought i know ) from no other ground or assurance , nor having other reason or influence , then the hazard of birth or education . had i been born and educated where other religions are professed , i had , in all probability , been even such an one in belief as they ; and those others of those religions , had ( doubtless ) upon like change been of mine . in which case , as i should have thought it hard that they , for their good fortune of being christened when i was circumcised , should be thereupon rewarded and i punished , so cannot i reasonably now think that as regeneration must be something else then this , so also that that baptism that must purge out the old man , must be ( where it may be had ) something else then that of outward washing ; the baptism of the holy ghost and of fire , must be added to that of john. yea and baptism of afflictions , rightly applyed it must also be . for that else , it may be again , that as they came but occasionally upon me , so was i by my own natural constitution and softness of temper drawn both to the search after god by these afflictions , and to the patient enduring of them . it may be ignorance or inability to resist or avoid my sufferings in the condition i am now in , makes me , as in a kinde of melancholly revenge , appeal to heaven for reparation : and , for want of natural fortitude dejectedly to yeild , and sit down in some stoical contempt or melancholly retirement . if so , what praise can i expect for my seeming neglect thereof , when it was but what i cannot overcome and avoid ? in which doing , i may also naturally reap inward satisfaction , and so far flatter my self in this my degree of patience and well-doing , that i may go yet one step farther , and receive consolation and content by my endurance of those things , and be yet no true partaker of that baptism with which the captain of my salvation was made perfect . if i finde not my self still ready for fresh encounters , and that out of sense of duty and publike regard , as one that is strengthened with all might according to his glorious power , unto all patience and long-suffering with joyfulness ; but do now hide or cloyster up my self from being any more publikely beneficial to others , onely because i am afraid i shall be thereby prejudiced my self , and be rendred obnoxious again , what do i but thereby acknowledge that i am both privately affected in being thus regardful to my self alone , and also to be as poorly spirited ; since i am so over mastered by their weight that i can endure no more . and as patience may in it self alone be an uncertain sign of true regeneration , so may faith also . for if , in many a christian , we should examine the ground of this too , it would be found grounded on nature also : even although it should be so strong as to submit to martyrdom . for since i , in another religion , or another in mine , might have so dyed , had we been so brought up , it can in it self evidence little of the truth of that duty we profess : but oftentimes may have issue from peevishness or stubbornness , without respect to love or obedience . and certainly , to suffer for disobedience to christian authority , can scarce deserve the honor of martyrdom , onely due to those that undergo it for the honor of christs name . for that childe deserves little pitty , that would rather die under the rod , and perish by famine , then accept of such wholsom food as is appointed him by his father ; onely because it is not such , or so dressed , as to be altogether suitable to his present fancy . nay , neither is love only a sure sign of this regeneration : for this also may proceed from natural propension ; and respect to honor and thanks may make us charitable , as well as martyrs . whereas he that is the true christian , and fitted with grace of regeneration , is never slothful ; but stands always diligent in works and labour of love : because god who is not unrighteous will not forget to be continually assisting him with his grace of perseverance here , or reward hereafter ; therefore he sits not down disconsolate under the burthen , for he knows who hath called him to the combate ; and he will be thereupon always ready to entertain it . he was not , he knows , born for himself onely : nor can the sense of injuries to himself draw him from being publikely beneficial : even although he get nothing but reproach for his labour : as knowing , that , through this difficulty also , his reward will be higher . he , he is still looking into all these things with the eys of love and publike charity : whereby he stands always magnanimous and resolved to undergo any thing for the good of those that bear the image of their master , and that according to such rules as those that have publike charge under him shall direct . for each true christians love and patience , must , through his obedience to the head of his own church , make useful that general end of humane peace and preservation , for which christian patience was by christ himself enjoyned to the whole church , and therefore he sits not down sullenly and discontentedly , like a stubborn childe , under his task and duty , that will act no more because he cannot do as he likes . because he findes himself crossed in what is enjoyned him to do , or in the measure thereof ; he will therefore , by way of murmur and regret , run into the extream thereof . because he hath been in the world crossed , therefore , like those children that are fallen out with their play-fellows , he will hide himself and play no more . and as thus his patience could not have continued and been rightly steered without charity , so neither charity without it . it is not , as we said , every natural propension and voluntary beneficence that can , of it self , be called the labor of love : for that may be the pleasure of love : and pride may be its parent . but when nature shal be holpen by the grace of obedience , when that patience that was enjoyned for publike benefit shal also wait on publike direction , then comes he to give a lively testimony of the grace of regeneration . for he knows he may decline harm , but cannot duty : nature obligeth us to one , religion to the other . where he is strucken on the right cheek , where the spirit of the ruler doth rise upon him he must not leave his place , the performance of loyalty and service to his rightful superior , although that he know that through false information he is for the present bent against him ; as know , that he is thereunto called by him that hath his heart in his hand , and can turn it which way he pleaseth . therefore now , when i shall have so far subdued rebellious nature , as to submit unto , and undergo my task with patience , not as out of necessity , but out of duty : when , our of no other reason but because god hath commanded it , i shall obey what is enjoyned me , and what i might with my first parents , finde arguments against , in a presumptuous knowledge of good and evil ; then it is that the strong man begins to be bound by a stronger then he . when , in the exercise and expression of my love and charity , i suffer not my self to be swayed by interest or natural propension in the choice of the object or apportioning of my love , but can be content , as being in christ now born again , and through grace become a new creature , to love all men as bearing gods image , and more especially christians and such as are made conformable to the image of his son , and that without the exclusion of any under the apprehension of enemies , or differing from me in judgement or opinion ; then it is that i may esteem my self renewed in the spirit of my minde , and may gather a well grounded assurance of particular mercy and adoption for that : as christianity is by this sign of the cross differenced from other religions , so may i by this my discreet and obedient taking of it up , assure my self that more then nature or chance hath confirmed me herein . for if , in love to christ and the peace and welfare of his church , a christian can be for a while content to be in subjection to these his fathers in the flesh , he thereby gives the best proof , that he will much more be willing to be in subjection to the father of spirits and live . even to that god , who as an earnest of the acceptance of his endeavors , had assisted him with his grace of illumination and perseverance herein , and thereby assured him of a blessed release and restoration into the glorious liberty of the sons of god , when he shall have fought his fight and finished that his course of cleansing , which was by divine providence appointed him in the purgatory of this life . not that we would be hereby thought bounding that inexhaustible riches of gods mercy : as though it stood confined to these or the like means , in the appointment of particular mens salvations ; but as setting down the best proofs of a true and well grounded faith ; where these things are practicable . for although faith cannot be good without works , nor works without christian obedience , yet god forbid we should exclude infants from salvation for want of them . i say therefore , that there is no true confidence and glory save in the cross of christ by whom the world is crucified unto me , and i unto the world : even until i come to be a new creature , by bearing in my body the marks of the lord jesus . and as many as walk according to this rule , that is , endeavouring to reform the rebellion and stubbornness of the world by their own exemplary patience , peace be on them , and mercy , and upon the israel of god. by the passed discourses , we may gather how corrupted and depraved nature comes to be perfected and restored by grace : we may see how that former way we had , with other natural agents , of glorifying god in our contents and pleasures being forfeited , we come now , through endurance of afflictions , to arive at such a state of delight ( abstracted from sensuality ) as to be enabled in the condition of new creatures , to honor him in a supernatural way ; in such measures as naturally we could not do . for we taking on us our own guidance , and so not being content with the enjoyments of what delights natural sense did outwardly afford , ( common to us with other sensitives ) , and also not trusting to general providence like other things , but rather to our own contrivances and stocks of propriety , could not be rightly said in the exultations of pleasures thence proceeding , to be thanking and praising god like them : who , in their simplicity of not undertaking to know the particular author of their benefits , or have stores of their own , did ( as his creatures and workmanship ) expresly , though not intentionally praise him in every thing they did : but then most , when ( as sensitives ) , in their singings , playings , and other ways of rejoycings , they did most eminently confess and acknowledge his bounty and goodness , by this their more lively resentment of benefit . in regard whereof , namely of our proneness to derogate from god through conceit of our p●oprieties , we may finde reason why in the old-testament , ( where promises run in a temporal strain ) there should be such frequent admonitions of rejoycing before him , with the first fruits , and best of them . for as else , we in our pleasures had but thanked our selves , so this being done , we are then to provide what our souls lusteth after : and the more we rejoyce before god the better . but this course and way of honoring god , seemed not yet refined and abstracted enough for cleering us of the old leaven : and therefore in the gospel our saviour will have us wholly renouncing this trust to propriety , and with the sparrows and lillies of the field , trust for our food and cloathing to general providence again . how this may be done , by using them as if we used them not , hath been partly heretofore shewed : by declaring that we should not reckon our selves such absolute proprietors , as to serve mammon more , or equal with god ; but should esteem our interests in them but so conditionate and usu-fructuary , as not to take off our obligation of thanks to god in every particular we receive . for , when i can so forget and relinquish my trust and relyance on mine own propriety , as to count every new enjoyment to be as a new favor from god received ; i shall then be freed from idolatry to mammon : and while remaining willing to relinquish my propriety to gods ministers dispose , in order to gods service or publike good , i may then reckon all lawful enjoyments and pleasure thereby attained to be sent me of god. and so by making worldly things instrumental for the encrease of my joy in him , i shall then make good that saying of solomon , there is nothing better for a man , then that he should eat and drink , and that he should make his soul enjoy good in his labor : this i saw was from the hand of god. and so again , go thy way , eat thy bread with joy ; and drink thy wine with a merry heart , for god now accepteth thy works . we may then rejoyce , and again rejoyce in the lord , when our moderation should be thus manifest : and ( having banished from us the afflicting cares of things of this world ) , place no other regard to them , then as to things that were first obtained from god by supplication , and received from him with thanksgiving . wherefore now , ( for our spiritual way of pleasing god by our pleasures ) , how great cause have we to acknowledge and admire that goodness and wisdom of his , that whilest he is extolling his mercy , in not taking the forfeiture of our inability of praising him expresly and sufficiently enough in every particular pleasure we enjoyed , he had contrived this way of satisfying his justice without our destruction , or subversion of the course of nature formerly established . for since in these pleasures that arise in us after our state of regeneration , it cannot be said that they come from depraved nature , or a cause barely natural , ( because effected in us by that which is rather contrary thereunto , namely from what is in it self painful and troublesom ) it must therefore follow , that in the pleasures and contents we now express ( after this renewing of our mindes , ) we must in them praise god in a most spiritual and divine manner : as being now again freed from the corruption of the old adam . in this new birth the holy-ghost is our parent : by whom , ( presenting unto us the promises of the gospel ) ; we come , by the immortal seed of the word to be begotten unto a lively hope . which hope , causing us more and more to adhere , and be incorporate into christ , comes then to be called faith : by which , we may say we come to receive our quickening and vivifycation . after which , we may call afflictions , persecutions , &c. the throws and pangs of child-birth : and those hands from whom we have them , we may call our midwives . when we are brought into this new kingdom of the church , then is the grace of love , to be that food and nourishment we are afterwards to receive , and grow by : at least it must serve us as that spiritual stomach , whereby all things must be digested to our use and benefit . which time of new-birth , being the time for casting forth this strong man armed by a stronger then he , makes it to each one a time of more remarkable trouble : not so much for the quantity of affliction , as the strugling conflict made within us ; by that spirit now raging most , when he is to be thrown out . but this is not all ; for there is in all of us states and degrees of weaning , necessarily following afterwards : by the sufferings whereof , we come by little and little , farther to shake off those remaining corruptions of our former nature : until , being , at last , so throughly rooted and grounded in love , as to be spiritually united to god by our blessed mediator , we come then to the measure of the stature of the fulness of christ. in which second adam our enjoyment of eden ( or pleasure ) is now as innocent , as it was at first , to adam in the garden before his fall : the reluctance and curse of the creature , ( that is , the punishment of our sin ) which would not let us enjoy pleasure the natural way , proving now the instrument for possession of pleasure in this way . for they , having their sting and venom taken out , come to be but bruising of our heels ; by the goodness of that god that causeth the intended malice and mischief of them to light on the heads of that serpent and his agents . for when the old adam with the affections and lusts , hath been so throughly crucified in us , that we can neither look on our sufferings as ills , nor their authors as enemies ; we may be able then to say , that the life we now live in the flesh we will live by the faith of the son of god , who loved us , and gave himself for us . but now , although it be our parts always to be ayming at this mastery and perfection , ( in which regard our life is compared to a race or warfare ) yet , until we have in death concluded our sufferings and conquered our last enemy , we shall never be able ( with the captain of our salvation ) to say it is finished : but must , ( whilst we live ) be subject to divers fresh assaults and encounters : one while provoking us to presumption , ( through abundance of revelation ) , one while to despair , ( through thorns in the flesh ) in such measure , that we shall need to be still taking to our assistance , not only the inward weapons of humility and love , but the outward exercises of all such religious duties and performances , as may again strengthen these graces , or any way direct and incourage us in a steady course of recovery by the degrees of hope and faith ; and so re-estate us into the former degree of adherence : until this faith , the substance of things not seen , shall grow into the fruition of god by love , the bond of perfection . for our unskilfulness in the word of righteousness , will make us ( like new born babes wanting milk ) need to be continually attendant on our apostolike keepers and interpreters of the oracles of god , to have the foundation of repentance from dead works , and of faith towards god again and again laid : and to have the doctrine of baptisms , and laying on of hands , and of the resurrection of the dead , and of eternal judgement , again and again preached . by which means being continually strengthened in our work and labor of love , we shall not be slothful but followers of them who by faith and patience inherit the promises . and so also although prayers , preaching , repentance , fasting , &c. ( nay the sacraments themselves ) are but ceremonies compared to that final object of religion ( gods praise and mans salvation , and are not in themselves fundamental ) yet , since this love can never be to perfect in this life , as not to put us in need of these helps for apprehension of these divine truths , and also to keep our mindes fixt and intent on our duties , and since neglect or alteration in them may be damnable through disobedience : it seems therefore now expedient , that something should be said thereof , and of those errors of idolatry and superstition , which do usually attend their wrong administration . chap. xi . of idolatry and superstition , and of the power of each church her head , in the establishment of ceremonies and divine worship . next unto atheism , that would wholly substract deity , is the error of polytisme , that by division would so confound him , as through irregularity and confusion in our practice , his real and true service should be defeated . for although the atheist do only profess not serving him , yet doth the idolater ( by multiplying and adulterating his appearance ) so multiply and disguise both his person and his wil , that in the end , we are not able to know , what is truly the one , or the other . nor is this crime and error of idolatry subject only to outward and bodily representations , such as did usually accompany gentilism : but inasmuch as honor and adoration are to be the end of our knowledge , and because again the goodness and soundness of this adoration will take admeasurement and proportion from the truth and worth of that divine existence and perfection which is by each one conceived , it must also follow , that men are to be accounted more or less idolaters , as that image of god conceived in their minds is more or less truly representing him . for he being not to be perceived by any of our bodily senses , or otherwise known to mankind , then by the effects of his being , to wit , his goodness , power , wisdom , justice , and such operations as must properly denote him , it must therefore come to pass that such as shall fail or mistake in the apprehension of these emanations , and shall attribute unto him such works or way of energy , as are neither worthy of him nor proportionable unto him , are thereupon to be accounted idolatrous . as for example , such as having not rightly conceived and observed god in the continual and general expression of that his most eminent attribute of goodness and mercy , nor well considered , that true glory and honor doth arise from the generality and extent of benefits , nor ( indeed ) well understood the true import of these phrases of election , predestination , &c. and how , and what works do , and do not save , are ready , in a hasty partiality to themselves , to judge him , like one of the vulgar , as exercising only his power and greatness in the acts of election and reprobation ; and that , not only in prejudice of his wisdom , as being guided by no discrimination in the election of some before others ; but , in prejudice of his goodness and justice , as thereby rejecting others of equal merit and condition . by which means the image these men have conceived will come to be truly an idol , by having eyes and see not , &c. and thereupon so much below , even the vulgar ; because they , in their sentences to life or punishment , would have respect to merit or demerit , so far as possibly they could perceive or forefee them , and not proceed therein , as in a kind of lottery . and as these and such like false representations must introduce idolatry within , by means of a shorter or unstable impression : so when men come to adapt and proportion their outward service and worship , it must also come to pass that the same must be defective , false , or frivolous , and consequently so much more or less superstitious , as they shall be more or less unknowing of god or his will , and shall be therein onely guided by particular fear and fancy . upon which ground , we may finde reason why almighty god ( both in reference to his own honor , and for estating men upright and blameless in their religious duties ) did always either himself appoint some established form and rule therein ; or else authorize some person under him to do it , and not leave it to the hazard of private and single mens devotion , whether to be done or no ; nor to their differing judgements , to fancy what variety and contradiction therein they pleased . by which doing , not only gods continual and constant worship , will be more secured and uniform , but men will continue more free from the guilt of idolatry and superstition ; whilst they shall not be thus let loose to private contrivance of what the passion of fear shall suggest , but be therein guided by the will of gods publike minister : whereby they must , with the performance of their duties of obedience therein to him , be acquit of the sin of superstition towards god also . under the law , as all the outward forms of worship and service were by god himself instituted ( and so expresly set down that none could doubt ) so was there a strict injunction given against any alteration , even of that very part of his service which seemed most ceremonial . which happened not solely for that god instituted them ( because we find david and other good kings making alteration in some things of like institution ) but this peremptoriness arose from the continuance of that end which at first gave them institution and being . for so far as they were typical and representative of christ or his church to succed ( of which sort most of them were ) it must follow that till christ were come , any alteration in them made ( as of unfitness for publike use ) were none other then to accuse god himself of weakness that had enjoyned them . and , as upon this ground , the high priest and tribe of levi stood in many things , independent of the authority of their kings , even so also , because much depended on the preservation of that jewish state ( as in order to have it continue until our saviour should come to put an end to that church ) god therefore , ( even after the establishment of kingship ) reserved to himself a super-intendency of their state-government also ; and had his prophets to declare his pleasure upon all great and exorbitant occasions : lest otherwise , their transactions with their neighbours , or misgovernment at home , might prove so destructively prejudicial , that his own purpose might be defeated by their ruine . after the time our saviour himself appeared , and had the whole government laid on his shoulders , these offices were wholly resigned up unto him ; and so from him , who was king and priest after the order of melchisedec ( and who was the prophet which moses foretold of to be raised up like him , and which was anointed to preach glad tidings ) they come to be by him conferred in chief on his adopted sons , the several heads of his church ; and so at last to be impropriate to the anointed christian monarchs , vvithout such reservation as god had formerly made in the jewish church , in reference to his theocraty . if we look for the knowledge of these things in the practice of the primitive christian church , we shall not find any separate jurisdiction or authority claimed , either in priestly or prophetical way , but what was subordiate , if not appointed by the apostles , the then heads of the church . the which is plainly intimated by s. paul , when he tells the corinthians ( who had in many things presumed against the authority of his apostleship as their head ) though ye have ten thousand instructers in christ , yet have ye not many fathers : for in christ jesus i have begotten you through the gospel ; wherefore i beseech you be ye followers of me . for although many of these their preachers or instructers , had ( no doubt ) by their doctrine won many particular souls amongst them to the faith , and so might be called the spiritual fathers to those persons ; yet , since they ( generally considered as a collective church and body of men ) had first been instructed by him , and were also the seal of his apostleship in the lord : they ( under the notion of sons of the church ) could have but one spiritual father , no more then natural sons could . whereupon , having signified to them his power of super-intendency , under a relation that might claim sole and undeniable authority ( as their general father or head ) he then tells them of his practise thereupon : for this cause i sent timotheous unto you , who is my beloved son and faithful in the lord , who shall bring you into remembrance of my wayes which be in christ , as i teach every where , in every church . that is , i have sent him by my apostolical authority , to take the charge of your instruction in my absence : because he knows my manner of doctrine and worship , which i have established in other churches , by vertue of that power which christ gave me . and so he goeth on , reproving such as had demeaned themselves proudly against his authority , under colour of their office of instruction , or as waterers to what he planted : and thereupon says , the kingdom of god is not in word , but in power ; that is , he would not regard the speech of him that was puffed up , but the power . for although they might preach in christs name , yet if they had not power from that supreme deputy , which christ hath intrusted with his churches power , their authority was nothing ; as elsewhere he says , how shall they preach except they be sent ? indeed , those epistles to the corinthians , are very intent and copious in the defence of s. pauls authority ; and the six first chapters are particularly bent that way , and carry an especial reproof against those schisms and divisions which had hapned amongst them for want of this unity . whilst some would choose one master-builder , and some another ; and that with such vehemence of affection , as idolatrously to neglect or forget christ himself , whose deacons they were . and whilst others , as superstitiously again , would balk those ministers of christ set over them , as thinking obededience no where due but to him alone . therefore ( saith he ) i beseech you brethren , by the name of our lord jesus christ , that ye all speak the same thing , and that there be no divisions amongst you ; but that ye be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgement : which thing cannot be , while every one of you saith , i am of paul , and i of apollo , and i of cephas , and i of christ. after which ( like a faithful minister and steward ) he first vindicates the honor of his master against such as would divide him , by their idolatrous regard to his ministers to his stead : is christ divided , was paul crucified for you , or w●re you baptized in the name of paul ? and so blaming himself to blame others , he goes on clearing himself , that that power he had exercised had ever been done by him in christs name , as acknowledging his derived authority and mission from him , of preaching and laying this christian foundation : which thing seemed foolishness to these greeks ; for they ( besides their natural aversion to all kind of subjection but what themselves fancied ) were ( as it appears ) tainted with arrogancy towards their own ability in discerning right and wrong according to the moral philosophy of their own country ; and so were unwilling to submit to the simplicity of the gospel ; and make obedience to christ their wisdom , and righteousness , and sanctification , and redemption . the wisdom of god is now a mysterie , even a way to justification , which the wise men of the world knew not , nor could discover in their precepts of moral justice . having therefore afterwards again , warned them against these carnal courses that caused these divisions , as also told them that this worldly wisdom is foolishness with god , he then undertakes apostolical honor and power , as being immediately intrusted under god in christ ; and so he having from them received the spirit of judgement , thinks it not valuable to be judged of mans judgement . for the superior cannot be justified ( as elsewhere shewed ) from below : nay though , saith he , i know nothing by my self , yet am i not hereby justified ; but he that judgeth me is the lord ; that is , the act of justification must come from above ; and therefore inferiors are not to do it , but leave it to the last judgement , where every man shall have praise of god. in the next verse , he comes home to what was the drift of all the rest : these things brethren , i have in a figure transferred to my self , and to apollo for your sakes ; that ye might learn in us , not to think of men above that which is written : that no one of you be puffed up , for one against another ; that is , forasmuch as ye know me to be your planter , and that apollo and i are all one , by subordination to god that gave us our powers , therefore are ye not to regard other mens authorities above that written warrant they can bring for the same . for difference in power must come from god ; if it come from below , it will cause divisions and puffing up one against another : for who maketh one man to differ from another ( but god ) and what hast thou that thou didst not receive ; now if thou didst receive it why dest thou glory , as if thou hadst not received it ? that is , since christ hath given his power in the church to us in chief , and to all others as subordinate , why should they act without us , as though they had not received it from us ? why should you , in your popular fancy of underived power , thick to raign as kings without us ? for although we have suffered our selves to be accounted weak and despised , that ye might be strong and honorable , and also to try if by any means we might win you ; yet it is not to deny that we have ( as your father ) just power to command you : and therefore i write not to shame you ( for your neglect ) but as my beloved sons to warn you , that i may not have occasion to come with a rod , but in love , and in the spirit of meekness , as i have always done . and therefore , although s. paul do now beseech them to be followers of him , as the only way to be of the same mind , and of the same judgement , yet it is but what he might as an apostle of christ have been bold in , and have commanded them in christs name ; and what they as commanded in the lord , that is , by the stewards of the mysteries of god ( nay , as labourers together with god , in this building and husbandry ) ought to obey . and therefore is it that s. paul faith , i praise you brethren , that ye remember me in all things , and keep the ordinances as i delivered them to you ; even as i , the disciple or follower of christ , have by vertue of my mission from him appointed you . not ( as some would have it ) follow me no farther in any thing then you find me following christ ; because this had been to overthrow all he had said before , and to have given new toleration to schism , under pretence of following christ : for if men be not followers of those their supreme heads that are followers of christ , but will make divisions by honouring god their own way , then will the author of peace be made the author of confusion ; whilst some ( in their publike worship ) have a psalm , some a doctrine , a revelation , and interpretation , &c. to the overthrow of all true publike worship and service , for want of uniformity . no otherwise , then if the same person , in the manner of his return of thanks and service to god , should be distracted in himself , and not wholly intent on the thing he is about ; for as there are private benefits for which we are separately to be thankful , so are there national ones to , in which our prayers and praises are to agree by publike appointment . and this is the reason , why , writing to the ephesians of our publique duties of praising god , he presently enjoyns them submission , as the only means to make it right and uniform : speaking to your selves in psalms , and hymns , and spiritual songs , singing and making melody in your hearts to the lord ; giving thanks always for all things unto god the father , in the name of our lord jesus christ , submitting your selves one unto another in the fear of god ; which is the same with let every soul be subject unto the higher power , because they are of god : and so he goes on , to state obedience in all the present christian relations ; that is , of wives , children , and servants , as unto christ , and as to the lord , and not to men : but by his beginning with the duty of wives , and staying so long upon it , we may well conceive him to have herein a particular drift , to set forth , under the figure of womens obedience to their husbands , as their heads , each churches obedience to its husband or head under christ ; who is the head of the whole church his spouse : of which more hereafter . as for the authority of that office of priesthood ( so far as related to sacrifice and legal ceremonies ) none make doubt of its abolition under the gospel : whose ministers ( or preachers ) being now ministers of the spirit , not of the letter , themselves can by no pretence , as heretofore shewed , claim external jurisdiction and obedience . as for the other office of prophet , it had indeed a continuance for some time in the christian church , whilst it was in its weak condition , as a necessary means to give them and their guides direction what to do in their continual distresses . thus is s. pauls bands , and ensuing death prephesied to happen in those times . for as there could not , under a good space of time , be a sufficient number of able persons found to receive ordination , and so to be disposed of for the peculiar care of churches , as now ( but in this their unsetled and weak condition , christ himself ( by the means of the promised holy ghost ) being necessitated extraordinarily to endue men with several gifts , for general edification in the absence of humane learning it was no wonder if this gift of prophesie , did many times come along therewith ; since all proceeded from the same spirit . yet although this gift of prophesie , were thus necessary to be held up from christ , for the support and direction of his church during her weakness and infancy ; yet being usually accompanied with the gift of doctrine and instruction also , it afterwards came to pass , that prophesie and doctrine did come to signifie the same thing ; as in that place where it is said , no prophesie of scripture is of private interpretation . and indeed , the predictions themselves were but instructions for those they were addressed unto , how to guid themselves according as those events should happen : so that , it being but instruction in an object and busisiness more remote , it was no wonder that the notion of prophet came afterwards to signifie the same with the preacher ; as also the word prophesie the same with doctrine : even as the minister or deacon , to comprehend the like function of instruction also . but however , even in those times , there was still subordination ; nor was it in the power of those prophets , or any other , to take on them to settle any doctrine , or church order , against , or without apostolical leave ; namely , the leave of that general father or head of the church , under whom they had received their first christian foundation ; and who was thereupon ( as a master builder ) to have power over each workman that undertook their spiritual edification . as was intimated to the corinthians ; where s. paul complains of this abuse , in the practices of such as had ventured to build on that foundation without leave which he , as head of the church , had first laid : saying , according to the grace of god given me , have i laid the foundation , and another buildeth thereon : but let every man take beed how he buildeth thereupon . and this right of government and authority , to be given to those persons from and under whom they had been taught and brought to christianity , we may find noted in those two forementioned places to the hebrews ; where the first admonition , for obedience ( to such as have the rule over you ) is given under the notion of such as had spoken to them the word of god. but then , having put them in remembrance of them , he afterwards speaks directly , obey them that have the rule over you , &c. intimating , that christian education gives an unquestionable right to christian obedience . nay , in those very doctrines which the primitive prophets ( for the present ) taught , they were censurable by the rest of their fellows , until this higher authority had confirmed it . all which , in the epistle to the corinthians , may be further understood ; where s. paul makes use of his apostolical authority , in ordering those of that rank how to make use of those many gifts they had received unto edification : for they ( it seems ) being proud of their manifold dispensations , had made the god of peace to be the author of confusion , which caused him to fall upon that objurgation , what , came the word of god out from you , or came it unto you only ; that is , received you not the word from us ? why then should ye not be obedient to us as well as other churches , to whom we have preached it also ? he therefore says , that the spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets ; that is , ●hey are for the present ensurable by their present auditors , who may be gifted as well as themselves . and , for conclusion of all , and to keep unity , and make god the author of peace , and not of confusion , he disclaims any private mans gift to be able to disanul his authority ; and therefore further says , if any man think himself to be a prophet , or spiritual , let him acknowledge that the things i now write unto you are the commandments of the lord ; that is , let him confess my apostolical authority from christ received , whereby i have power to order the churches affairs ; or else he doth but think himself a prophet , or spiritual , when indeed he is but puft up by his own fleshly minde of vain glory and ambition . and this subjection of inferior prophets or teachers under the gospel , unto the chief prophet or head of the church , is doubtless to succeed , and be continued upon the same ground it was formerly given to moses ; and accordingly that prophesie of moses is interpreted by s. peter and s. stephen ; where moses tells of this obedience , to be given to this succeeding great prophet by all persons , saying ( as from god ) whosoever will not hearken unto my words which he shall speak in my name , i will require it of him ; and that prophet which shall presume to speak a word in my name , which i have not commanded him to speak ; or that shall speak in the name of other gods , even that prophet shall surely dye . and as this jurisdiction in matters of doctrine , is interpreted by some to be given our saviour in regard of his prophetical office , to doth nathaniel the true israelite , make these prophesies of our saviour made by moses , to allude and be appliable to him as king of israel , or head of the church . from all which subordination in the spirit of teaching or prophesie appearing to be continually necessary , it must follow , that since christ himself must remain in heaven , until the restitution of all things , that this power must , for truth and peace sake , rest in these his chief deputies , that ar● anointed with this power from him that was that great prophet ; and so a prophet of prophets , as well as king of kings . and therefore we may observe , that christ being not able in his own person , to perform and supply all that measure of preaching and instruction , which should be continually necessary for the edification of his church ; and it being again necessary , that there should be , for order-sake , certain persons more eminently entrusted herein , it is the reason why , as the prophet isaiah sets him down in the first or chief place , anointed to preach , and to have gods spirit put upon him , and his words put into his mouth ; meaning ( that the spi●it should not be given him by measure ) so , for perpetuating this necessary office and high trust , god there promiseth to christ a particular seed to that purpose : my words shall not depart out of thy mouth , nor out of the mouth of thy seed , nor out of the mouth of thy seeds seed , saith the lord , from henceforth even for ever . of the kings right by office to be of this adopted seed , we shall anon alledge the parable of solomon to that effect ; as we may instance his example , by being preacher as well as king. for we are to conceive it to be no otherwise with the prophets and teachers under the gospel , then formerly under the law ; where , if any would take a prediction upon him , if he could not bring a present miracle or sign sufficient to win belief , he was censurable by the event it self . but if any undertook to direct in matter of doctrine , the law it self was still to be judge of the goodness thereof ; and he taken but as a private man , unable to overthrow the authorized sense thereof , without he brought attestation of divine authority , higher then that whereby it was founded . for to tempt the people to idolatry or service of other gods , was amongst them made capital , as before rehearsed . and so no doubt under the gospel ( in the primitive church ) although there were not standing schools and orders of priests and prophets ( as amongst the jews ) yet was the tryal of that spirit they pretended unto , referred to the examination of the like extraordinary spirit in others ; even as all other of their illuminations and doctrines were ( for confirmation ) censurable , according to those principles of christianity , which the apostles the then heads of churches had from our saviour received ; and so had again ( as master-builders ) set down for the peoples edification ; against which , although an angel from heaven should teach , they were to be accursed . but because these precepts and doctrines of our saviour , were neither so numerous , nor by him so exactly set down as the law of moses , but left in trust to the heads and guides of his kingdom the church ; it therefore came to pass , that the inferiour members of the church , should be much more subject then formerly , to these their teachers directions , even because they were not elsewhere to be learnt . nor should it seem strange to any , that the power of these functions , formerly clipt away from monarchy , should thus under the gospel be restored ; by vertue of deputation from that supreme head of the christian church , the first born of every creature , and the first born amongst many brethren : since they were anciently annexed by god unto the prerogative of birth-right , and so seated ( paterno jure ) in the master of the family : as in order to enable him in his sole government and authority ; for so we read of enoch and jacob prophesying , and of abraham and other the patriarchs sacrificing . but when the numerousness of the church did require to be governed by an adopted father or head , although the absoluteness of his trust was somewhat pared by the division as aforesaid , yet both of them were to be generally subordinate to this one supreme power : for so although the priesthood went to aaron , even as he was the first born , and because that function was to be settled for continuance , yet was moses to be to him as a god . in whose time , as being the first that had the stile of k i n g , we read of the first that had the title of prophets ; and these remarkably set to be such as had part of moses spirit put upon them ; namely , those seventy appointed to help in government . against which right of kings ( as heads of churches ) although some have hitherto disputed , as being blinded by the fallacious distinction of duties into ecclesiastical and civil , and thereupon thinking the jurisdiction in matters of religious cognizance should rest in others , as more rightful successors to apostolical power ; yet can this church jurisdiction , and superintendency of priestly and prophetick charge , be by no good reason pared away now : for that the same person , who as christs deputy , is to succeed in the supreme power of each church , and the jurisdiction belonging thereunto , must also be acknowledged to be entirely successive therein ( by vertue of , and in respect of that union and entireness of these powers , primarily in christ as great head of the whole church , and by him resigned and entrusted to that person that presides and represents him in every part thereof ; to be by him wholly managed as under the relation of his deputy , and not as due to the particular stiles and titles of apostle , or father , or as king only . and we can no more rightfully now seclude kings from any part of this entire trust and power , then we could apostles formerly . and if we will observe it , they shall be found sitting down in the same right of claim that those apostles themselves did ; namely , the natural and prudential claim of possession ; the particular persons of the one sort , having , from christ , no more open designation then the other . for this is the natural derivation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from him that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the original of all existence and being ; and so also comes it to be the right of each christian chief man , by derivation from him , that , by pre-excellence , is the man , even the man christ jesus . the which deserves our grateful observation , as done in great favour to mankind ; to wit , to silence those many disputes which might else have arisen about the kings right to command , and succeed not only in church matters , but in civil also . whereas now , the apostles ( the first heads ) claiming their right of headship by the rational way of possession , as kings do theirs , it makes the titles of future heads ( so succeeding ) to be legitimate that way also : this we shall find verified in many places by the apostle saint paul ; who is exercising this authority most , and over most churches ; and yet could least claim particular designation . three of these places we have lately mentioned ; the first was , where he claims his headship over the corinthians in the paternal right of primier seisen ; i have begotten you through the gospel ; which kings ( as heads ) may say now ; viz. you are to be subject to me , inasmuch as you received the gospel , and your christianity , from under me and my authority , being my subjects before you were christians . the most remarkable difference herein , being , that the former christian heads ( coming to govern by the sword of the spirit chiefly , and so by it to make christians of such as were under the material sword already ) made their claim of jurisdiction and power from their instruction , even as attested by miracle from above : whereas the now heads of churches ; being usually to govern such ( as subjects ) that had been by their predecessors made christians already , are ( in case of dispute one with another ) to be differenced in their right of headship over those that are to obey , by the ordinary way of providence ; even by the material sword of conquest and possession . and as the right and exercise of civil power , was then made subsequent , and annexed to the manifestation of priestly right , so now priestly power is to follow , and depend on that of regal . the next place we may observe was like to it ; claiming jurisdiction over over them , because he ( as a master-builder ) had laid the foundation . then , in the place last mentioned , he claims jurisdiction over their prophets upon like reason ; what came the word of god out from you ; that is , since you received it from me , you ought to be subject to me . but this he makes to be most clear , when , in the ninth chapter , he would set forth his claim of jurisdiction most fully , he yet makes this his only available title : for in that he was an apostle , or free , or had seen jesus christ : was none of them arguments to entitle him to their headship , more then any other apostle , nor so much neither . for , however , these things might dignifie the person , yet it was actual seisure and possession , must estate him head of corinth , more then of any other church . and therefore he adds , are not you my work in the lord ? and so pursues that title in the next verse , if i be not an apostle unto others , yet doubtless i am to you : for the seal of mine apostleship are ye in the lord. unto all which , if we shall add the right of mans dominion in spirituals over the woman , by him settled upon the same right of primogeniture ( as formerly noted ) it will make the right of kingly claim of succeeding headship most apparent . and if it were free for saint paul to claim equality with the chief of the apostles , in answer to such as thought his commission not so high , because he was not conversant with christ , like them ; how much more may seisure entitle kings now , against such as can claim no such advantage . therefore ( to return ) as prophets were first mentioned in the time of him that was first stiled king ; so , to make it farther clear that this gift and power did originally belong to the person of the monarch or chief governor , it is also observable , that the first established and really anointed king ( namely saul ) had with his unction from god , this spirit of prophecy poured on him also . unction from god , i say , for that this only did confer power from the fountain of power , as heretofore noted ; the other material unction , received at the hands of men , serving but sacramentally to confirm people in their duties of subjection to that authority which from heaven alone could be received . which material unction , being in that regard necessary to be applyed to the persons that should hereditarily hold that established office of power , yet it hindred not , but that such other particular persons as were by god occasionally or extraordinarily empowered with any gift for the good of men , might be still really , and truly held and reputed as gods anointed . in which sense we are to interpret that saying , touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harm ; given to such as exercised their power by patriarchal right , before kingship under the law ; as also other phrases of unction in the new testament given to such as by means of some extraordinary gift in teaching and instruction exercised church power in an apostolical or priestly right , before kingship under the gospel . upon which grounds , we must say also of the first heads of churches , the apostles and such like , that although they could not ( because of their subjection to heathen kings ) make much use of their power in government over mens persons , yet were they as heads of churches thereunto as rightfully empowered , as if they had been kings , and had had material unction ; the power ( as before noted ) belonging to christs vicar , and not to the notions of apostle , king , or the like . but in after times ( amongst the jews ) when the power and office of kingship did succeed , those former unctions of power did now resolve and unite into this , which was of highest eminence above any other ; and this stile of gods anointed , was appropriate to kings . and although those other functions , of priests and prophets ( as parts clipt from the entire trust of monarchy ) were therefore formerly sharers in this unction , and so were sometimes materially anointed also , yet , for that their anointings did signifie but some particular reservation of trust , it might make them sons of oyl , but could not confer on them the eminent stile of the lords anointed : which in the first place was due to the christ , that had all power given him , and next to his adopted christs in the church . and therefore we shall observe in sacred story , that those kings that were most upright in their offices and trusts towards god , had least of their power shared by these other anointed persons . thus will you find david and solomon , and other good kings , not only in supreme power , and exercising their authority without impeachment of these other anointed officers , but also , some of them prophesying themselves , and using authority over the priests . whereas in the times of jeroboam , ahab , and such like , you shall find the prophets in greatest power , and most intermeddling ; and to that end was elisha anointed : and also , to warn these kings and people , from taking such courses as might draw down gods vengeance to their destruction ; and so proceed to the overthrow of the monarchy of that church , before the appointed time that the great monarch of the christian church , should change that former way of administration . and as we before noted , the first stiled prophets to be such as were sharers of the unction of power of the first stiled king ; and that the kings , saul , david and solomon , had also this spirit of prophesie , in testimony of their right thereto , for enabling them in their offices of government , so shall we find this spirit of jewish prophesie , to expire with the last person that had this unction of power remaining ; namely caiphas the high priest ; being the last person that succeeded in that church in the seat and authority of moses and the law. for so it is plainly there set down , that he spake not this of himself , but being high priest that year , he prophesied that jesus should dye for that nation , &c. and so again , this his prophesie is afterwards plainly set down to be the same with counsel ; where it is said , caiphas was he that gave counsel to the jews , that it was expedient that one man should dye for the people . and if we make not this prophetick office and trust a part of monarchical and kingly function , and so for some time executed by the high priest , i see not how any footsteps or remains of the government and scepter of judah , could be found visibly continuing until the coming of our saviour . so that now , since the time of christs uniting these offices in himself , and thereby also abolishing the necessity of any fixed ceremonial law , and consequently of any external priestly jurisdiction separate from that of the monarch ; and again , by the division of the kingdom & government of his church , amongst so many heads subordinate unto him , that there need not , as amongst the jews ( where was but one nation ) be any distinct settlement of the prophetick to direct against the overthrow of kingship therein , there seemed no such use of reservation : because , if one or two should through iniquity or indiscretion fail , yet all could not . therefore , it cannot now be reasonably contradicted , that the power of each churches jurisdiction is wholly centred in the person of each christian prince , by deputation from that supreme head thereof that was priest and prophet as well as king. the full proof of this connexion will appear by due consideration of that place of moses ; where he , ( recounting again gods recess from government and instruction , as from himself , and commending the peoples desire herein ) , promiseth that god will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren like unto him : from whose mouth they shall receive all gods commands . by which words of a prophet like unto me , we are to understand a chief ruler or king like unto moses ; for the notion of prophet , seperately considered , was never rightly given to moses . and so doth nathaniel interpret this prophet to be the king of israel . and generally , so did that whole nation expound it also : as may appear by the peoples readiness to make him a king , when they perceived he was that great prophet that should come into the world . whence we may plainly perceive , that , as to be a prophet in chief , imports to the same as to be a governor in chief , so is the governor in chief to be reputed and obeyed as the prophet or instructer in chief : prophesie signifying the same with instruction , and instruction being proper to persons in authority . and therefore , if the apostles and other heads of churches in the primitive times , had this power over persons miraculously gifted by god , and whom themselves had not set up in authority ; ( being extraordinarily by god called and ordained thereunto ) how much more may the heads of churches now claim it over such as have not extraordinary revelation from heaven , nor any church jurisdiction but what is from themselves derived . for these may now challenge , as supreme christian heads of each church , the re-union of that power which was separately by other christian heads enjoyed whilst they were none : and , upon the same reason of infidelity that made their former christian subjects deny them obedience in some things , they are now , ( being christians ) to claim it as entire to themselves . and therefore , as we before noted , the apostles and such like former christian heads to have sole rightful power whilst the king was not a christian , and that he was but an usurper in what he did in the church , so , they being now christians , it follows that all that intermeddle without their leave , are usurpers also . from all which , and what hath heretofore been said in the argument , we may easily conceive how to determine concerning apostolical succession : in right whereof , those of the romish prelacy would at this day take to themselves supreme and independent power in church affairs : even because the apostles had so in relation to their contemporary pagan kings and magistrates ; and would , on the other side , leave to christian kings onely civil coercion and authority ; because so much , and no more , was formerly possessed by infidels . we shall therefore say , that where the bishop is ( in his city or diocess ) the supreme christian governor , ( as to many of those ancient bishops and patriarchs it happened before kings were christians , and at this day , in rome , collen , trier , &c. is practised ) there , and then are they to lay claim to direct apostolical succession : as having none on earth their superior in ecclesiastical power . but when , and where that city or diocess is but part of a greater church , united under a christian head superior to these particular and inferior heads ; then , and there is that chief bishop or overseer of that church to be held the rightful successor of apostolical power ; and the other bishops to be subordinate unto him : even as timothy and titus were formerly to st. paul. it is not to be doubted , but as this office of ecclesiastical super-intendency is to be acknowledged as of divine right , so may bishops ( so far as their power is extensive ) account themselves the apostles successors therein : which as it will estate them in rightful power to govern the presbyters and others below them , so will it again subject them to their head in chief : even to him , that is the more direct and entire successor of apostolical jurisdiction . from whom , ( in that regard ) they are to derive their personal ordination ( or appointment into determinate jurisdiction and power ) ; even as zadock , the type of evangelical priesthood , received his from solomon , the type of christian kingship : although the act and ceremonies of consecration are to be , under the gospel , as formerly under the law , received from those of the priesthood onely ; in acknowledgement of divine constitution of that function . but for this omission of princes in assuming their right upon their conversion , he may easily see the reason , that shall consider that great splendor of the roman emperors , and that poverty and more mean condition which the bishops and such like church heads did at first live in : who , being at that time well studyed in their masters precepts of obedience and humility , had so little strugled for jurisdiction or riches , that there might seem rather scorn to take , then desire to assume and engross what they had . and , it may be , more fresh sense of piety and devotion , might make these first christian emperors willingly rather enlargers , then detractors from men of such pious and harmless conversation . the which might make them also less studious of those inconveniences which might grow from hence afterwards ; not only to themselves , but all other christian kings : who , from their examples , were often made believe , that their highest expressions of devotion was to be measured by their advancemene of christs church , meaning clergy-men : and that also , by taking the jewels out of their own crowns , and therewith embellishing their myters . whether this omission were begun , and continued through ignorance , pride , or blinded zeal , is not so certain , as is that absurdity which from thence hath arisen : namely of kings having no more power in the church allowed them being become christians then they had before : nay and less too , since some of these will now put in for so great a share , but it is to be considered , that as the admonition was then most proper , of fear not them that can kill the body , &c. in respect that pagan kings had not ecclesiastical coertion so was the distinction of duties and obedience into religious and civil , then most proper also . the which will upon the same reason come now to be united : because of the union of that person commanding under christ in chief in both . and therefore , had the primitive christian princes well examined saint pauls distinction of his own and others apostolical jurisdiction , they would have found in them the whole rights of their crowns comprised : when he said , let a man so account of us as ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. under the first expression of ministers of christ , ( or his deacons or deputies ) they shall finde magistracy and more civil power over christian persons and actions within their church contained : in the other , all power given over the way and manner of gods outward worship ; and also the chief charge and care of preaching or instruction . which makes st. paul proceed in the description of his stewards office onely , because he undertook little in the other . for since it was the most natural and reasonable course , to lay down rules and instructions for men to follow , before any outward execution of government , by rewards or punishments ( in observing or neglecting them ) could be established , we may finde good reason why our saviour did delegate his authority to those first fathers and heads of the church , by vertue of that power they should from him receive to represent him herein : saying to them , all power is given to me in heaven and in earth , go ye therefore and teach all nations , &c. teaching them to observe all things whatsoever i have commanded you , and lo i am with you always even unto the end of the world . and , it must be acknowledged a thing reasonable , that since the actions of voluntary agents must have issue from their understanding , that therefore , in order to that obedience which was expected to follow , there should be appointed a powerful way of instruction to precede . which office of instruction , although it did for this cause precede , yet since christ had promised the continuance of his presence or power with it unto the end of the world , as knowing it to be at all times necessary for him that is to have the charge of government under him , we cannot but resolve that this office of instruction or preaching is to be held and exercised by all others but subordinately , and in dependence of that present head of the church : who holds , amongst other unctions , a deputation herein in chief from christ himself ; who was anointed to preach . in the first heads , the attestation of miracles , which gave them authority to be hearkened unto in their message of instruction , gave them thereby also , upon all necessary occasions , authority to be obeyed as heads and governors . in the last heads , as conquest and the ordinary ways of providence doth design the governor first , so doth it therewith also estate him in the right of supreme instruction , as necessary thereto . and surely , they that would deny the necessary conjunction of these two essential parts of government , that is of the indicative and vindicative , not allowing to the same person as well a power to direct how to live and do well , as to punish for doing otherwise , and all because he doth not personally execute this office of instruction , but leaves it to others , may upon like ground deny his right and power in condemning and punishing , because the same is performed by others also . from all which we may see the kings title and right now , as gods minister and steward , to order things pertaining to his worship , as well as we may finde that the title of each individual prince to this office of gods minister and head of the church doth rest now upon the same evidence of right , which each person hath to the enjoyment of his own propriety in severalty from others . for as god made such and such creatures for the general use of men , so did he institute such and such offices for their use too : in the vacancy of which offices , there lies an equal right to the next possessor upon the same natural reason , as there doth to the next possessor of land , cattel , or any other goods , which have for the present no rightful proprietor . and if any should think the christian prince now debarred from claim to apostolical succession and power in ordering of church-discipline and affairs , according to the exegencies of times and places , as the apostles , by their traditions , formerly did ; and all because they are not now , like them , miraculously inspired and assisted ; they may , upon the same reason , even forbid the use of preaching and instruction to be by any now exercised also ; until , by some miraculous attestation and proof , those separated to that function can evidence their call and authority herein to be more then ordinary , and to have been conferred on them by hands as holy as those of the apostles also . but , as this more express appearance of divine assistance & approbation of persons , is not now to be expected or relyed upon , so neither , ( in justice ) can it be brought as a bar to the divine right of execution of the one , more then another ; nor to regal super-intency in both . therefore , as we have formerly shewed the necessity of our submission to the prince his guidance in our outward observation of that law of the second table , thou shalt love thy neighbor as thy self ; so must we conclude it much more necessary , that that form and manner of service , which is requisite to express our devotions in fulfilling that precept , thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thine heart , &c. should not be left to the hazard of each ones , fancy but be at the dispose of gods chief minister , even for the avoiding scandal ; which must always be subject to private and new devices and forms ; but cannot be to what is of publike practice and institution . for if the authorized worship of any kingdom , should be subject to be sin or scandal to any the subjects of the same kingdom , and professing the same religion also , then can god never be outwardly worshipt , nor any religion publikely exercised , but the parties must commit sin in doing it : because some or other will still be of a contrary minde ; and so take offence and scandal thereat . and therefore , scandal must ever arise from the fewer number to the greater . for although the use and continuance of some jewish and heathenish ceremonies , were in the primitive times scandalous ; they were not called so because jews or heathens used them , but because a few men ( having now included themselves in the common profession and number of christianity ) would therein dissent from the common practice of christians , which ran otherwise . and then again , since god himself doth not prescribe the whole outward form of expressing our love and praises of him , and that he doth , it is yet recommended for execution to the supreme magistrates trust , it must follow , that so often as we decline his rule , we must be scandalous ; and in danger of error and sin . and to this purpose we shall finde saint paul very express , when he gives the romans warning to avoid scandal or offences ; saying , now i beseech you brethren mark them which cause division and offences , contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned , and avoid them . where we may see the doctrine received , is to be as the ancient land-mark , which ( set up by our fathers ) is not to be removed : but remain as a standing rule for decision and enclosure of differences . for if he had said , that that side is schismatical and scandalous that departs most from the truth of christs doctrine ; then , since each side did still pretend to that truth , this could not have been a way of decision : but had referred priv●te judgements and interpretations back to themselves . and then again , if there had been divers sorts of disagreers , that sect could have been scandalous onely that departed most : whereas now each one is scandalous , so far as they differ from their standing plain rule : even by so far departing from christ and leaning to themselves , as they depart from his minister ; and therefore he says , they that are such , ( that is , which cause divisions contrary to the doctrine learned ) serve not our lord jesus christ : ( that is , do not rightly obey him , ( though they pretend it ) , by not obeying his chief minister ) but their own belly : and by fair speeches deceive the heart of the simple . and to prove farther , that innocence from scandal is in obedience , he after expresseth his joy , that their obedience is come abroad to all men . for if ( as before proved ) , obedience be a necessary duty to be observed towards the making our love and services to our neighbors effectual , it must be concluded much more necessary and expedient , to be imployed in keeping up that which is the end thereof , the glory and publike worship of god. and therefore as it would seem absurd in our actions , to drive at such an end which we did never intend to perform and enjoy , ( as it would be to be always practizing offices tending to mutual preservation , that thereby god might have the greater number of praisers , and yet never practice this duty of praise and worship ) , so must we thence infer , that in , and towards the stating and exercise of this duty , obedience is most especially required ; as to the meritorious and final object of all the rest . so that , if , by means of our obedience to christ in the church , ( his kingdom here upon earth , ) there be not an uniformity kept up , in our publike exercises of all those duties that serve for the advancement of gods kingdom in our hearts , and for setting forth his worship and praise for benefits received , that unity and coition of the christian grace● and precepts amongst themselves ( formerly spoken of ) will come to be made void and useless . for however it may be allowable to each single man ( as best sensible of his own enjoyments and wants ) , to thank god or pray to him privately , in such manner and words as himself findes most warrantable and behoofeful ; yet , must it be acknowledged reasonable , that all those publike forms of worship and praise , whose practise is necessary for constituting each place an unite and distinct christian church or assembly , should be at the dispose and appointment of that publike person onely , who under christ is the supreme and entire head and representativ● thereof : even out of necessary consideration , of keeping up conformity therein ; and by that means keeping gods publike worship in existence ; which else , by mens differing practises in opposition to one another , would come to be defeated and lost : no otherwise then would our practises in the precepts of charity , if not by uniform obedience directed . for these things have a natural and necessary coherence : the unity of the end requires coition and unity in the means ; and that again requires uniformity in the directions themselves , as well as unity in the person directing : all of them to be made useful by the grace of obedience before noted . but because much dissention hath hitherto ) arisen about that officer or person we are to give the obedience unto , in regard of the different names of power in scripture used . we will speak something farther here , of that coition or succession of this supreme officer now under the gospel . this we shall finde briefly done by christ himself , when he is impowring these several little ones . where he begins with those that should first represent him , namely such as should presently succeed as his own desciples and followers : he that receiveth you receiveth me , &c. under which ( no doubt ) the first apostles were to be comprized : who , in regard of their mean worldly condition , might sometimes be objects of charity also ; even to the receiving a cup of cold water . the next object of our obedience is set down under the notion of prophet : he that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall receive a prophets reward . under this notion we may comprehend episcopal , or patriarchical power succeeding ; which had power of instruction , but little of jurisdiction : the which was reserved for the last more glorious officer the just man , or righteous man : and he that receiveth a righteous man in the name of a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward . that is , shall be made capable of justice or justification , by means of his obedience to this chief representer of christs authority , who is thereupon called a just or righteous man : this appellation of righteous man being equivalent with that of ruler in chief , as divers places of the old-testament do also warrant . in which the attribute could not be formally due to him whose words were perverted by gifts : whenas , by reason of the place they execute , they ought always to be respected as righteous by those under them . and therefore unto him , as the person of jurisdiction and power , shall those other offices of prophesie or instruction be annexed and made subservi●nt : no otherwise then in the jewish church , it at first was unto moses their first king. for so we shall finde it plainly delivered concerning aaron and him : thou shalt speak unto him ( meaning moses to aaron ) and put words in his mouth : and i will be with thy mouth , and with his mouth ; and will teach you what ye shall do : which is the same with being a spirit of judgement , or mishpat : and of being in the mouth of their seed , and seeds seed for ever , before spoken of . and then follows the subordination of the prophets : and he shall be thy spokesman ( or angel ) unto the people : and he shall be , even he shall be , to thee instead of a mouth , and thou shalt be to him as a god. and in the first verse of the seventh chapter , he is expresly called moses prophet : aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet or angel. the which doth plainly foreshew the coincidence of christian authority , under each christian king and monarch : to make useful the coition of the means before spoken of . for he , as the last most glorious deputed minister to christ amongst us , is to claim our obedience in his name ; in all things done towards the stating of charity : and , as steward in the mysteries of god , is to be obeyed in all our outward religious deportments . nay , that very argument of mysteriousness and profoundness in matters of divine truth and worship , ( which some would urge in bar to the kings intermedling in causes of religion as the true steward of the mysteries of god ) , is by the wisest king and preacher , made to be the proper glory and part of his office : saying , it is the glory of god to conceal a thing , but the honor of kings is to search out a matter . in which words , kings being set in the plural number , makes it appear that this of liberty searching into the mysteries of god , was not reserved to solomon onely , but was belonging to each king as gods vicegerent on earth . nor was it so set down as to denote that every individual king could personally attain to such ability : but to shew that each king being gods chief steward , that therefore those things which by means of his seers and prophets under him were performed , should be accompted to the honor of the king : as being done by him , because of their subordination to his supreme authority therein . and those persons that are most subject , to inveigh against publike forms , as will-worship , superstition , and scandal , are themselves the onely men that are truly guilty of will-worship and scandal , by relying on their own private wills and judgements , and preferring their own devises and forms to the practises of all others ; whereby to introduce general offence and scandal . and so again , when they refuse to joyn with others in their publike services , out of the fear of superstition in giving too much ; and do choose to proceed in contrary or negative performances , this , as being induced and carryed on by superstitious and ungrounded fear to displease , offends in the worse extream , and turns to be true superstition indeed . and i verily believe , that men are generally more superstitious in avoidance of ceremonies , then they are in observing them : for this is superstition upon superstition . for the truth is , if publike reason and appointment be excluded in appointing forms of gods service and worship , then , since himself hath appointed no form to us christians ( as such ) , he can now have no right external worship given to him at all : which ( doubtless ) for honor sake , is eternally due to him as god ; and , by way of gratitude , to be returned from us . but although he knew it to be a thing necessary to be done , yet knowing also that we now have moses and the prophets , ( as useful presidents for general directions in what we are to do ) that is , since we have all that light which was formerly given to any people ; if these , and those many general precepts since given cannot be sufficient , together without great helps of natural learning and reason we now enjoy , we are left without all excuse . and if we mark the gradations of gods immediate appearance to man since the beginning in these instructions , we shall finde it to decrease by degrees , even in this particular also , as mans instructions and reason have grown to be more . to adam and the fathers , he was often directer in the way of his worship , as the father of the family : that is , viva voce . after mankinde encreased , he ruled as king , by positive laws . after which , as men grew more and more knowing of their duty , he withdrew his immediate appearance by degrees . and if men will consider things without vulgar prejudice , it must be acknowledged a course both rendring god highest praise , and us consequently most benefit . for since all our worship and service of him , must be so much the more acceptable as it shall be more voluntary ; and since it must be by so much more voluntary , as more agreeing to our understanding ; it must thereupon also be an addition to his worship and praise , when , being left in the manner and measure indefinite , we know it our duties to do it continually and all we can ; then if in performance of his positive commands , we should have rested , as having throughly performed our whole service . as we see it come to pass in the examples of the jews , scribes , and pharisees , that had their literal appointed worship and ceremonies ; how ready they were to acquiess , as having performed all their bounden duties ; and to neglect the continual serving and honoring him , even in weightier matters . and again , when god doth not prescribe his own outward worship and manner of service , we may farther acknowledge our benefit herein ; even for that our occasional breaches are not now so highly dangerous to us christians , as formerly to the jews . amongst whom ( upon that consideration ) how frequent shall we find the crime of idolatry laid to their charge ; encreasing not only from the malicious instigation of that wicked serpent , always most ready to wreath himself into our fancies , and to contrive ways to break those precepts god doth most immediately command ; but by reason also of the aggravation of their offence , in the least deviation from things to commanded , without due license and authority . whereas amongst christians , where god is not immediate in these injunctions , but ( only requiring the measure thereof to be with all our heart , with all our mind , with all our strength ) hath left the manner of doing it to the churches authority , there cannot be such danger of that kind of idolatry about the manner of celebrating gods outward worship : but our danger of idolatry is chiefly in the measure ; that is , in preferring mammon before him , or looking with such affectionate eyes on our own proprieties , as to make covetousness to be idolatry . by means of leaving those outward forms to the churches power of institution and contrivement , god is not ( again ) so subject to have his almightiness and all-sufficiency mistaken ; by mens thinking that he hath need of these , or any the like things : and so also are we more like to avoid , the danger of idolatry and superstition , which should be incident to be given to such things as should be by him immediately chosen to that purpose . for when we ( who are now instructed , that his true worship is in spirit and truth , and that these outward forms are but to mind us , and make us perceptible of the inward graces they signifie , and to strengthen in our selves , and confirm in others , our real and hearty acknowledgement of his deserved praise and glory ) do thereupon choose , from instance of what is most honourable in our esteem , to set forth our thankfulness in the esteem of others ; this , as it cannot be to subject to idolatry , so must it be more lively and fervent , in expressing and raising our devotion . and therefore we may observe , that whilst god did prescribe the matter and manner of his worship and adoration , it was in such things and ceremonies as had highest esteem amongst men ; and it was ( in common acknowledgement ) a good rule for examination of fitness herein , by comparing it to the usage and esteem of persons of highest rank amongst our selves , saying , offer it now to thy governor , and see if he will accept it . and with these very kings and all else , it was rule of honouring him with our substance : which they did with most wonderful expence , giving the world thereby to understand , the high value they esteemed him at . when if they should have sacrificed unto him of that which cost them nothing , men might well have judged they had served mammon better then he ; and so through covetousness have commited idolatry , as before noted . and let men ( with judas ) cry out whilst they will , wherefore all this waste ? yet , since the measure of our praising and setting forth gods glory in the sight of men , must arise from the rare of those outward expressions we do to that purpose make ( for our inward hearts none can measure otherwise ) when we offer or dedicate ( therefore ) things vile unto him , we then ( instead of exalting him ) do the best we can to dishonor him ; as too often we find it . as these considerations , prove the leaving the form of gods outward worship to man himself , as the most likely means to have it thereupon to . be oftenest practised , and so his heart kept aright in doing it ; so will it appear farther reasonable , that it be the peculiar charge of that ( the ) man that hath the whole trust of each church where the same is to be done , inasmuch as he himself , being greatest , cannot but be best able to judge what solemnities are fittest to be given , for advancement and expression of the praise of one so great as god is ; and must be also most able , to see the same performed publikely and in decent manner . nay , his very doing it , will advance gods honor in mens esteem , above the doing it by others , as far as his dignity is above that of his ordinary subjects : which may seem one main reason for instituting monarchy ; namely , that by the contracting the power and glory of a people into one person , god may by him be more entirely and eminently honoured in his publique worship and service . for as the institution of a church , and the reason of gods more particular bounty and presence to them above the rest of mankind , was ( as heretofore noted ) from the consideration of the encrease of gods glory , through their more remarkable way of expressing their service and gratitude for so high favours ; even so also may we think , that this extraordinary dignifying of some persons in the same church above others ( and so of one person especially above all the rest ) was also ( through his more high and remarkable dignity and obligation ) to have himself more dignified in his worship , proportionable to the quality of the person doing it . and therefore as we shall never find god almighty deputing or impowering above one person in chief as his representant to the people , either in declaring what his divine will is , or for seeing the same executed : so this may be the reason also , of those many more strict injunctions for kings duties to god , and of those more particular examples of punishing and rewarding his zeal or neglect , as if it had been that of all the rest . wherefore we will set down this rule , that where the supreme magistrate is a christian , there all our outward deportments , for expressing our obedience to gods command in serving and honoring him , or loving our neighbour , must be subject to his direction ; and whensoever done against it , we cannot , but ( by following our own wills ) be in danger , not only to commit superstition and idolatry , but rebellion also . whereas , doing these things according to inward devotion , and that also guided by the duty of obedience , we cannot be culpable of either of them . for although there may be ceremonies ( as we find in some churches ) which may seem to lean that way ; yet i see not how the obedient member should in the exercise of his devotion according to the institution of authority , have the guilt of superstition charged on him , for performance of such duties as truly are superstitious , more then for what is not ; since he had no more liberty to institute , or examine the one then the other . for however superstitious fear or misguided zeal , might cause the authority of that church to erre in the establishment of them ; yet can it not be the fault of him , whose part is to obey in all things , but not to direct in any . and ( for conclusion ) we shall again say , that as all the other good and happiness of each kingdom , must have existence and vigour from the truth and sincerity of religion therein publikely practised , and the truth and vigour of this religion and gods worship therein , must again be maintained in ours and others knowledge and esteem , by frequent exercises of devotion ( whereby to cause it to take impression ) we must also set it down , that as to give unto god no outward form of worship at all will resolve into atheism , so ( in the same kingdom ) to do it publiquely more ways then one , will resolve into polytheism ; which , if not atheism , will soon turn thereinto . the which , experience too clearly shews to come to pass , in those places where ( publike forms being decryed as humane inventions ( and too full of superstition ) private men , led with true superstition indeed ( that is , with private conscience and fear ) do severally stretch their inventions on such few insignificant ceremonies and forms , as being themselves of no esteem in our sense , must consequently render that devotion they would express to be in the end so also ; and , in the mean time , involve us into all those civil disturbances , which are wont to be deserved and attended by scandal and breach of charity . chap. xii . of antichrist . although those two offices of kingship and priesthood , be by none denyed as necessary for him , that is to protect and redeem us from all enemies and afflictions temporal and ghostly ; yet do mens prejudices in unwary disjoyning them , and eclipsing the one by too sole reliance on the other , make both of them many times uneffectual ; and by too much coveting and bending our belief and endeavors , in pursuit and acknowledgement of him , under that capacity only we list to fancy ( as nearest our own aims ) we hazard , or deservedly lose that whole benefit , that can acrew but to such onely , as do wholly own , and relye upon him in both . thus the jews , that had their promises running always in a strain of temporal felicity , were subject to interpret and expect , all the prophesies of redemption and restauration , to run in the same sense also : this prejudice sticking so close , that those very disciples that waited on our saviours person , and had both his life and doctrine witnesses to the contrary , yet they became so wholly intent hereon , that because it failed but a little in the present expectation , their hopes in him as to the other , seems wholly obscure and overcome : for so cleophas ( having told how the chief priests and rulers had put to death and crucified our saviour ) saith , but we trusted that it had been he that should have redeemed israel : this over-hasty , and too great intention of christs exercise of his power and kingship here , making them slow of heart to believe all that the prophets had spoken , and so inconsiderately pass over the necessary performance of his other office of mediatorship ; not considering how that ( in order thereunto ) christ ought to have suffered first , and then to enter into his glory : not well considering that death and hell were the first grand enemies he was to conquer ; and so upon his humiliation , to proceed , as the way to his exaltation . on the other hand again , amongst christians ( that do not so litterally lay claim to those particular promises made to the jewish nation ) the other office of mediatorship , which he performeth as the only high priest , comes because of its nearer concern in our spiritual benefits and good , so wholly to take up the conceits of many , that the name of christ seems drowned in that of jesus ; not well considering also how by omitting our acknowledgement of him and his power , we hazard the receipt of those his benefits , which stand promised on that condition ; namely , how those that would not that he should reign over them here , are counted his enemies ; and not to expect share of his inheritance , nor to remain with him hereafter . which speech , being by him uttered just upon his going to ierusalem , to take possession of his temporal kingdom in right of his father david , may well instruct christians against their usual prejudices , in acknowledging christs exercise of temporal power , onely because he doth not personally appear therein : for so it is set down ; and when he had thus spoken , ( that is , declared his right to raign as christ ) he went before , ascending up to ierusalem . concerning the manner of christs raigning , we have spoken in some places before : both to shew how he denyeth the personal exercise of his kingship amongst us as yet , and how again he doth it by deputies or vice-roys ( as sub-christs under him ) in several places of his church ; reserving so often to himself the stile king of kings : thereby declaring , that as all crowns and scepters are now derived from him , so are they hereafter to be laid at his feet . but though , in regard of the particular incredulity of the jews , with whom he only conversed , he bend his most frequent arguments in confirmation of the necessity of the other office , yet this is always asserted too , or remains undenyed . and therefore , when his disciples ( full of jewish prejudice ) ask him , lord , wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to israel : he denies not his own right , in exercise of temporal power over his church ; but strives to inform them , that the time of doing it was their mistake . for christ being ( as aforesaid ) to perform his first office by suffering here , and the other not till he enter into his glory ; he therefore answers , it is not for you to know the times and the seasons , which the father hath put into his own power : but ye shall receive power , after that the holy ghost is come upon you : and ye shall be witnesses unto me , both in ierusalem , and in all iudea , and in samaria , and unto the utmost part of the earth ; whereby it appears , that the time appointed by god for the exercise of compleat monarchical power in the church was not yet come ; and therefore he tells them of that power that should in the mean time be exercised by them . of which apostolical power we have spoken somewhat before ; and therewith shewed , how their government was monarchical , and that by reason of unction of power from christ , they had the right to be his chief deputies in all things in each church where they did preside , although their modesty , and the heathen magistrates usurpation , would not suffer them then to shew it . and if we mark the precedent discourse , christ may be found giving them this real power of headship , proportionable to that degree of glory the church was then in : for it would have been strange , for a distressed , and despised church , to have had a glorious or high tituled head. so that , although that sort of glorious kingdom , which they fancied , could not yet be restored to the church , yet that they should in the mean time be his sole deputies in the managery of this kingdom , appears in that he was with them forty days , giving them commandment , and speaking of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god ; and so he bids them abide at ierusalem for the promised baptism of the holy ghost , or to be endued with power from on high : the which we may conceive to be the unction of church power , because this promise is made a reason of this their demand about the execution thereof : viz. when they therefore were come together , they asked him saying , lord wilt thou , &c. and his answer is negative only , to the glorious exercise thereof as yet ; but affirmative to their doing it by that power which they should receive from the holy ghost : whereby , and by the words witnesses to me , we may well understand represent me in my power , both of doing and suffering ; according to that commission which he elsewhere gives them : as my father sent me , so send i you . so that the sum of all is , that as it behoved him that was the head to be made perfect by sufferings ; even so his church to arise to her glory , and particularly to the glory of kingship , by such degrees of sufferings , as her great king should be pleased to appoint . in the mean time , how unlike soever the means seemed to them , yet should the advancement of his kingdom thereby be to his greater honor ; that could give them power by sending of the holy ghost , to be witnesses and promoters thereof . and therefore as god before ( in the theocrity ) appeared in setting up the church of the jews , so christ in the beginning , acts more powerfully from heaven in his , it seeming a thing unreasonable to make a recess , and to give over his miraculous assistance , until the work it self had attained such height and strength , as to be fit to be performed by deputies ; and that in a monarchical form , according to the patern of government used in heaven it self . but it is like , that the apostles had more confidently made this interrogation , upon mistake of our saviours speeches unto them : first , of giving them the kingdom ; and afterwards in bidding them now provide themselves of swords : as if their former way of dependance on extraordinary providence , were to be now abandoned , and this kingly way of acquisition and administration to be by them exercised . and that they thought this way proper to themselves , may appear by their present shewing him two swords , and of s. peters hasty using one of them afterwards . but the kingdom in the first place promised to these his little flock , or flock of little ones , was the kingdom ; that is , the kingdom of heaven , and not any glorious judicature here , more then he their present master had : no , they were first to seek the righteousness of the kingdom of god after the same way their master had done : which as it was most proportionable during the theocraty , so should it be to them more glorious , then the royal robes of any solomon , even then those more majestick robes which succeeding christian kings should wear : to which purpose , they might have considered his former designation of their manner of glory and judicature , wherein he he saith , that he that serveth , should not expect to be greater then he that sitteth at meat . and that therefore , they who had continued with him , as his companions , should have a kingdom appointed to them , as his father had appointed one to him : and not have their time of judicature , till the last judgement ; at which time , they that had followed him in the regeneration ; that is , had here mostly executed the offices of evangelists , when the son of man , should sit on the throne of his glory , they also should sit upon twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel . in the mean time they were to resemble christ in much patience , in afflictions , in stripes , &c. so that then , their exercise of kingship being to be like that of their master , namely , by witnessing for him and his gospel in judea , &c. as he had already witnessed a good witness before pontius pilate , and so making up what was behind of the affli●tion of christ , for his bodies sake the church : we are to enterpret the other part of christs speech to them ( which might import their now making themselves friends of the unrighteous mammon ; and of taking to themselves purses and scrips ( and especially by taking to themselves swords , when he said but now , he that hath a purse let him take it , and likewise his scrip , and he that hath no sword let him sell his garments and buy one , ) to be made good and accomplished upon the glorious establishment of his church under his glorious deputies . at which time , his vice-roys should be in a capacity to provide for themselves and others by these swords ; and were not ( under pain of tempting god ) again to grow altogether careless of supplying themselves , as the former labourers were . and that his meaning herein was prophetique and future , they might have gathered by that which followed , saying , that the things written must yet ( or first ) be accomplished in me : that is , as he was numbred amongst the transgressors , so must he himself suffer as one also . which having had an end concerning him , then should the power and eminence of his church so arise by degrees , that through the glory of his succeeding deputed christs ( which exercised their dominion in his name ) the rest of the prophesie should be made good unto him ; viz. that god would divide him a portion with the great , and that ( by these his deputies swords ) he himself should divide the spoil with the strong ; that is , when he shall have made his soul an offering for sin , he shall see his seed ( meaning more especially these his adopted sons ) and , by means of their ministration , he shall prolong his days ; that is , in exercise of temporal kingship . and thereby , the pleasure of the lord , concerning the churches temporal salvation and glory ( as well as eternal ) shall prosper in his hands . so that the apostles mistake in the forementioned demand , was in the time and season of christs more majestick appearance in the exercise of kingly power in this kingdom of the church by god given him , and not in the true right he had thereunto . their mistake also was in fixing their thoughts too strictly on the jewish nation ; as if israel , in the litteral sense , and not the whole church had been the kingdom to be thus dignified and advanced by his government . these mistakes they were also the rather led into , in regard of those many promises made in particular to the jewish nation ; and also , for that those promised blessings were always exemplified under the person of david , whose natural son they knowing our saviour to be , it made them to expect he should thereupon be himself the executioner and undertaker thereof ; and so to be actually seated in the throne of his father david , as it was before promised to the blessed virgin. yet if they had withal considered that other prediction concerning our saviour made to joseph , namely , that he should save his people from their sins ; they would not then have gone about to make the execution of his office of temporal jesuship , precipitately to defeat that other his office of saving souls . but our saviour , that knew best his appointed time and manner for performance of these offices , executed first the higher and greater work in his own person , and leaves the other to be brought about and executed by substitutes anointed under him : he upholding all things by the word of his power , when he had by himself purged our sins , and sate down at the right hand of majesty on high . in which regard , although every member of his church were equally his seed , and equal to one another in reference to that mediatorship ( which was consummated in his own person , without other future assistance save that of the holy ghost ) yet , in regard of the prophetick and kingly part ( or the part of instruction and government ) which was to be compleated by humane deputation , they were again severally dignified and differenced one from another ; and so might be unequally esteemed his seed , as they stood in that respect nearer in relation unto him , for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministery , for the edifying of ●he body of christ. and as this difference is to be observed , that we be not like children ( without a father ) carried to and fro of every wind of doctrine , by the sleight of men , and cunning craftiness whereby they lie in wait to deceive : so is it to last till christs second coming ; that we come to the stature of the fulness of christ. so that the glory of the church ( this kingdom of god given unto christ ) being to arise by these means and degrees , it is the reason of that petition of thy kingdom come . which importing ( no doubt ) its encrease and prosperity here ( in order to have his name more hallowed and honored thereby ) may be well interpreted to signifie our desire that this church may arise at such a degree and state of eminence , that it may be proportionable in splendor and dignity , to admit the true idea and platform of regiment used by god himself : not as if the measure of gods omnipotent power should be then encreased , but that the manner of execution thereof in the church should be also more conform ; namely , that his will may be done on earth , as it is in heaven . for although before it , christs will and law ( for the matter of them ) was as truly ( if not more ) performed in the apostles time , and by the primitive church then afterwards ; no otherwise , then in the jewish church , gods service was generally more unstained before kings then afterwards ; yet , as amongst them , the accomplishment of gods aim and promise of having a place to put his name in , was made the object of their desires ( as therewith importing their own promised happiness also ) so in the christian church you may find reason why it should be commanded us to conform our desires to that of gods ; and that , besides the matter of our own inward devotions and charity ( whereby we severally and privately performed his will ) we should desire the manner of performance of it , to be outwardly glorious and uniform also : that it may answer , as near as may be , that ready service which angels do in heaven . for if we hallow and glorifie his name , and do also acknowledge his power and kingdom on earth , as it is in heaven , we shall ( no doubt ) then best do his will in earth , as it is in heaven . whereupon concluding also , that the first petition of hallowing gods name , is to be explained also on earth as it is in heaven ( because we have no need , nor warrant to doubt , or wish the doing it in heaven ) it is farther evident , that the petition of kingdom come , must relate to the churches future prosperity ; according to whose splendor and greatness , god himself and his kingdom may be rightly said to be more or less come or present amongst us , even as he is more or less majestically r●presented , in the eminence of that officer which is substituted with his authority . and therefore , we being to ascribe all kingdom , power , and glory unto him ( without wresting from him the right of his everlasting kingdom amongst men ) we may explain this petition of thy kingdom come , in our gospel precept of prayer , by that petition of the jewish churches prosperity , included in their injunction , to pray for the peace of jerusalem . both they and we being thereby obliged to continual duty of praying for the encrease and glory of his church ; and that , not only when it is weak , but although flourishing , we are to pray for the continuance and encrease thereof . and , that it may the better so do , we are to make prayers and supplications for such as shall be chiefly instrumental therein ; that is , for kings , and all that are in authority . this our commanded petition , pointing at the glory and encrease of the church , and particularly under kingship , may also well be understood as proportioned and answering the many gospel-promises made to that purpose ; and those particular promises also , heretofore made to abraham , and other the church fathers and founders ; namely , that their encrease of race and posterity should be crowned with the blessing of kingship also , as we have formerly noted . so that , besides the expression of our desire that gods honor ( by the encrease of his power and kingdom amongst men ) may be advanced , ( which we are always to seek before any thing that concerns our selves ) this petition for the encrease of the churches power , was inclusive also of our own benefits ; as secretly importing a request for the abatement and diversion of those grivous persecutions which the power of heathenish authority did then inflict ; conform to that natural desire of our saviour himself ( so often repeated ) father , if it be thy will , let this cup pass from me . from which persecutions , as they were to hope release answerable to those many prophesies formerly made of the churches prosperity and eminence in power , so were they to pray that god would bring it to pass , by setting the mountain of the lords house , on the top of every mountain , and above every him ; that is , by advancing christs kingdom and power to such height , as it might be of highest eminence amongst men . by which means ( notwithstanding all those many oppositions made in the beginning by pagan kings and others ) god would perform his promise , of , yet have i set my king upon my holy hill ; that is , advanced my churches power to such hight , that the members thereof may now be sensible of those many promises of peace and prosperity , which under christs glorious kingdom they were to enjoy . the power of the church being thus to be seated in christ the heir of all things , and by him deputed unto others , is the reason why ( as the old testament usually calls the risings and the murmurings against gods chief minister a rising and murmuring against god , even so also ) s. paul , warning the corinthians against tempting of christ , brings in the example where the israelites tempted and spake against moses : as may appear by moses words in his expostulation with god ( taking their complaints as aimed at himself ) saying , whence should i have flesh to give unto all this people , for they weep unto me , saying , give us f●esh that we may eat : which words denote to us , that he being anointed by god as the chief magistrate over them , and so personating that power of judgement and government which by god the father should be committed unto christ the son , under the notion of unction , the tempting of him is stiled the tempting of christ ; and that more especially , because he was more expresly representing him in that office of kingship that had most of his unction ; as being king of israel or jesurun . so that , although christ and his gospel appeared to the jews as under a cloud , yet while they were all baptized unto moses ( christs minister ) in the cloud , and in the sea ( that is , were observant and obedient unto him in christs stead ) they did all eat the same spiritual meat , and drink the same spiritual drink ; for they drank of that spiritual rock that followed them , and that rock is christ : but because their not following and obeying him , was the cause they soon fell to idolatry and other evils , therefore are they put for examples and admonitions to us , upon whom the ends of the world are come ; that we should not murmure against christ chief minister , and so tempt him as they did . and that murmuring against gods minister , is by god reckoned as against himself , farther appears , in that it is said , all the congregation murmured against moses , and against aaron : and in the verse , god says , how long will this people provoke me , &c. and in the verse , how long shall i bear with this evil congregation , which murmure against me : i have heard the murmurings of the children of israel which they murmure against me . so that now , all government being committed unto christ the second person in the trinity , they that oppose those anointed powers that act under him as christi , are to be deemed opposers of him as the christ , even as those former opposers of gods substitutes were called murmurmurers against cod , while they acted under the notion of elohim . but although every opposition of christs chief minister in church-authority , may ( upon former reasons ) be esteemed done in opposition to christ , yet shall we not find the term of antichristianism set down til after our saviours ascension . for until he had revealed himself , so far as to institute and authorise officers under him , and they again to hold and exercise their power as in direct acknowledgement of him , the opposition of these officers could not be formally that crime of antichristianism , which we may call the gospel term for rebellion : and is the resistance of christs kingly power , excented by himself or his chief immediate officer . but because himself was little seen herein , as never partaking of the visible and material unction , the scripture usually makes that sin to be the rebellion against the christian monarch , by any inferior person or order of men . for although the opposition in the primitive times made against this flourishing state or kingdom of christs church ( set down in the prophesie of the psalms ) is to be interpreted against christ , ( where it is demanded , why do the heathen rvge , and the people imagine a vain thing , the kings of the earth set themselves , and the rulers take counsel together against the lord , and against his anointed ; saying , let us break their bands in sunder , and cast their cords from us ) yet because they were done by heathens , and such as acknowledged not god the father , they were theomachy against gods , more then antichristianism against christs eminence in power . and therefore they do but shew us , that first conspiracy of men of all sorts , which should be the forerunner of those more notorious antichristian plots , which should afterwards proceed from such as professed his service ; alter such time as he hath been by god set on his holy hill of sion , or the church ) and that many of these kings had made their acknowledgements unto god and him ; according to the expression ( there used ) of kissing the sonne . whereupon , divers of the penmen of the new testament , foreseeing the sundry oppositions of this deputed power , do call the person so doing antichrist ; a word proper for such as oppose persons anointed . which as in the first place is due to the anointed , the christ of god , or the lord christ , or the messiah , being anointed with the oyl of gladness above his fellows : so next to kings , who ( as heretofore noted ) are only stiled gods anointed , or the lords anointed ; and so by derivation of power from god , obtain with christ a kind of fellowship . and thus much we shall find plainly discovered unto us in the parable of the talents ; where christs trust of his kingdom and power here committed to deputies ( during his absence to possess another kingdom ) is set down upon the occasion of the prejudice of such as thought , because of his going to jerusalem hims●lf , that therefore the kingdom of god should presently appear ; that is , be forthwith gloriously managed by himself : he therefore says , a certain nobleman went into a far country , to receive for himself a kingdom , and to return ; and he called his ten servants , and delivered them ten pounds ; and said , occupy till i come ; by which is set forth that trust of power , which in his absence should be committed to the several heads of churches . but his citizens hated him , and sent a message after him , saying , we will not have this man raign over us . where we may see antichrianism stated and defined ; that is , when such as are members of christs church , or his citizens , do so far express their hatred unto him , as to deny his deputed christs to raign , or have power over them . and therefore , after he hath taken the accompt of his deputies trusted talents , he then comes to censure these rebels against his vice-gerents , just as if they had been so to himself , saying , but these mine enemies which would not that i should raign over them , bring them hither , and slay them before me . and that this sentence was directly intended to such as refuse this his power in his deputies , and not of his deputies disobedience to him , appears , in that s. matthew setting down the like parable of trusted talents ( but without mention of the particular fact of the citizen● ) hath no such expression in his relation thereof , although he record afterwards , christs owning his ministers as himself , as elsewhere shewed . so that now , who is a lyar , but he that denyeth that jesus is the christ ? he is antichrist that denieth the father and the son. it is not said he that denieth the holy ghost ; or he that denyeth jesus , that is the belief of his saviourship ; for this being wrought inwardly by the work of the holy ghost , it maketh its denial or refusal more properly the sin against the holy ghost , casting christ forth from within us as an unholy thing , but , offending against christs regency or power over us outwardly , offends also against charity ; and so by destroying monarchy or union , hinders our wel fares here , as infidelity doth our welfares hereafter . and that this mysterie of antichristianism is the denial of the father and the son , and that in regard of power to be exercised by persons here below , and from them sent and empowered , may be notably gathered from these very words of mission and delegation , which christ always used at the empowering of any from him , using stil these speeches or the like ; he that despiseth you , despiseth me , and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me . in which , there being always mention of delegation of power from the father and the son , and never from the holy ghost , it comes to pass that antichristianism is plainly opposition in the execution of such power as is from god the father , and christ delegated . in which delegation , because christ is to them the immediate donor , it therefore takes the name of antichristianism for these being anointed and established by god in christ , although they are not to personate christ in having dominion over ther faith ( as being the object thereof ) yet are they to personate christ in claiming their obedience in all things ; and so forgive also , as in the person of christ , lest satan should have advantage over them ; as seeming to be done out of original power in themselves , and not as acted in christs name and authority . so that now , the means of accomplishment of our welfare here , being by christ reckoned as his service ( under the notions of love and charity ) and our obedience to him therein , making us participants with him of what he meritoriously did in obedience to god , in performance of the moral law for us , it follows , that as we deny the holy ghost in denial of jesuship , so also god the father in denial of his christ-ship . for all things being ours through christ ; and as through him that was both god and man , all mankind came to be capable of the benefits and favor of the godhead ; so single men , being members of particular churches , through obedience to particular christs under him , come to be participant of christ also ; and of those benefits promised to the whole church his body under the condition of obedience . again , as by faith we lay immediate hold on him the second adam , for forgiveness of original sin , so by obedience to him and his church , we attain the benefit of his obedience , and remission of actual sins . in the first way , by our particular offerings to him of inward faith and love , we are all of us ( through christ , made kings and priests to god on our own behalfs ; in the second way , we ( as members of particular churches ) must have for what we do , warrant and direction on from other kings and priests , having therein authority from him . nor are kings supreme deputies as christi only ; that is , because their oyl and unction is ever in scripture distinguished from what is ordinary , but they are also his most immediate and eminent deputies , for execution and accomplishment of his jesu-ship : ( i mean so much of it as concerns the churches temporal safety ) which was part of that work which ( as king ) christ was to do ; as appears by that his speech , the son of man came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . but because it could not be personally compleated , by ( that the son of man ) himself , it must be presumed entrusted to those ; who to that purpose , are so often in scripture eminently adorned with this title of saviour . nay , it is taken as an office so proper to kings , that god ( for his peoples greater assurance ) puts himself under that notion , the lord is our king , he will save us : so likewise is christ called a prince and saviour , as he is also called the saviour of the body that is , of his whole church , by his deputed saviours in the several parts thereof . but most remarkably clear to this purpose , and also to shew the following advancement of the church by these saviours under the saviour , and that this church , in that glorious condition , is that which is to be called gods kingdom , is that last verse of obadiah ; and saviours shall come up on mount zion , to judge the mount of esau ; and the kingdom shall be the lords : for the prophet having before set forth the churches enemies and oppressors under the notion of edom , doth at length foretel all their deliverance and glory , to arise by the means of these saviours ; and that , in regard of this more eminent and glorious condition of the church at that time then before , it shall be more rema●kably owned by god as his kingdom : and the kingdom shall be the lords . and so , being his and christs by means of these deputies ; it will follow , that they that oppose them , oppose christ , and so are antichrists . but to know these things the better , and the persons defined , we will more particularly take notice of two places , set down amongst many in the new testament to this purpose . the one is of the lesser and many antichrists , or the petty insurrection of people and subjects ; which began , even in the apostles time , towards the effecting the mysterie of iniquity ; according to the popular vain philosophy of the greeks and romans . yet because these , claiming right in their names only , and from philosophical principles , did come far short of the mischiefs and contrivances herein wrought by the antichrist ( called therefore the man of sin ) we will begin with his particular discription first . he opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called god , or is worshipped ; that is , sets himself above kings and monarchs ; so that he , as god , sitteth in the temple of god , shewing himself that he is god ; that is , under pretence of being god of the temple , or whole church , he hath so far insinuated , under colour of gods own right here , that he should reign over orher gods as a very god indeed : the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying aswel pro as contra ; or , such an one as may seem for christ , whilst really against him . and , that the person here set down under the notion of god , should intend christian monarchy ( as the only anointed person under christ ) may be presumed , for that the appellation of god is only properly applyed to the ruler of the people in the singular number ; denoting there can be but one god in each church ruling at once . and whensoever we shall find this notion of god applyed to any other , as to the high priest , it is because they had part of this unction of power , as heretofore noted . and in regard thereof , we may see reason why the notion of gods , should be then put in the plural number , and also before that of the ruler ; that is , because the first standing power of judicature and government , was put in the tribe of levi , whose plurality in jurisdiction and power over the people made the same proper . and therefore that precept of moses , thou shalt not revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of thy people , is to be applied and interpreted as relating to the same persons by him designed for their judgement and government ; namely , the priests and the levites , set down in the plural number also : whereas , the judge that shall be in those days , as their succeeding ruler , is set down in the singular number . in this sense , we may also conceive moses giving the name of gods to present ordinary judges : even because their respect might not be more called into question then the others . by that means , putting upon the more uncomely parts the more abundant honor : and not preposterously preferring ordinary judges , ( as such ) before him that was single in authority , and the supreme ruler of the people . so that moses ( having for honor-sake ) , given this appellation of gods to those that were at that time indeed so , ( because they had their power immediately from him , and had none but him above them ) , he could not without tautology , have after put the name of god in the place of ruler : and he might besides , by placing this ruler ( or king ) last , have the like respect towards his singular honor above them , as david gave to god , when he stiled him a great king above all gods. upon all which considerations , we may finde reason why st. paul ( as before noted ) should now under the gospel , apply that former admonition of moses unto the ruler of the people onely : as knowing , that there is but one now in each place that is to have this appellation . whose opposition , as it was no doubt foreseen to come to pass by saint paul , so he saith he had told somewhat of it to these thessalonians while he was with them : assuring them , that he should be revealed in his time . farther telling them , that the mystery of iniquity did already work : meaning under those popular claims of liberty ; which in some particulars ( it may be ) , having concern in some places and persons where st. paul had to do , made him forbare to put it into writing . but the government of the roman emperor , did yet let , and would let , until he be taken out of the away : that is , until that monarchy be overthrown , these workings for aristocracies and democracies can take no effect : for they , as so many several insects , were to be ingendred out of the corruption of this great body . but as the emperors power should decrease , then shall that wicked one be revealed : that is , shall appear rising up in glory in his place : and shall put all the arguments of the many antichrists into method , adding unto them more of his own . in which course he shall prevail and continue , until he shall be consumed by the spirit of the lords mouth , and destroyed by the brightness of his coming . that is , after his revelation and full height , he shall consume and waste by evidence of arguments drawn from scripture , and other illuminations proceeding from the spirit of truth , which was promised from the lords own mouth , to be sent for a comfort and guide to his deputies in the church ; and shall at last be destroyed by that eminence of majesty and power , which shall be manifest when the great king himself ( at his second coming ) shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty angels ( in flaming fire ) , taking vengeance on them that know not god : and that obey not the gospel of our lord jesus christ. that is , when such christians as will not obey christs power revealed in the gospel , shall be equally punished with such as know not god at all . so that we may hence probably gather , that this grand enemy shall not quite be destroyed till the last day : that honor being reserved for christ himself ; although we finde him to have been daily declining , by the revelation of greater truth and light in the church . and that antichristianism consists in breach of publike charity , or in the opposition and overthrow of the prosperity of the church , may appear farther by that his character the son of perdition . for god having appointed , the glory of this church to arise by means of kingship , he that shall hinder this will prove the son of perdition , by that destruction which his opposition must bring . this increase and splendor of this christian church , to succeed in place of the former , is ( under the jewish figure ) notably described by the prophet joel . where also , ( under the name of iehoshaphat , ( or the lord will judge ( twice repeated ) , the kingdom of god to come is apparently set forth as to follow that glorious increase of the gentile church , which these his mighty ones shal bring to the valley of iehoshaphat , or into the church . where , by means of these saviors , god will sit to judge all the heathen round about it : that is , all those that remain the churches enemies . by means of which glorious deliveries , it follows that , ( not onely gods power and terror shall light on the rest of the world , but ) the church it self should know him to be the lord their god , dwelling in sion his holy mountain . at which time also , god will more particularly own his church ; then shall ierusalem be holy , and there shall no strangers pass thorow her any more : that is , the sons of violence shall not oppress her as in former times . for in that day the mountains ( or kingdoms of the church ) shall drop down with new wine : and the hills shall flow with milk : and all the rivers of iudah shall flow with waters : and a fountain shall come forth of the house of the lord , and shall water the valley of shittim . under which expressions , the abundance of instruction and learning is also comprised : when , on the other side , the churches enemie● , egypt and edom shall be desolations and wildernesses , &c. because of their former oppressions : but iudah shall dwell for ever , and ierusalem from generation to generation . whereupon it must still follow , that they which oppose these iehoshaphats , executing gods mishpat here on earth , ( as them to whom he hath promised to be a spirit of judgement , and are to be christs ministers and instruments in bringing on and preserving this prosperity of his church and kingdom ) , do oppose christ ; and so are antichrists . saint pauls next description whereby we are to note him , is , that his coming and working , shall be after the coming and working of satan : with all power , and signes , and lying wonders : even as at this day , miracles are pretended by him and his , for confirming his authority . this thing is also further evidenced , by their prevailing in their deceiveableness of unrighteousness in those that perish . because that in this mystery of iniquity , unrighteousness prevailed by its deceivableness : that is , not as unrighteousness , but as having put on a form of godliness , he deceived those that perish under pretence of zeal . and that , because they received not the love of the truth : that is , received not the truth in love , but wresting it through their temptations to pride , ambition , revenge , &c. they made it the instrument ( in this antichristian hierarchy ) , to their own and others destructions ; through breach of publike charity , and through placing their christian obedience on a pretended , and not on the true deputy of christ. and for this cause , god shall send them strong delusions , that they should believe a lye : that is , that they should believe that to be gods truth and service which was not : and thereupon they might be damned who believed not the truth but had pleasure in unrighteousness . that is , because they preferred those pleasures arising by the unrighteous courses of opposing christs regency , therefore are they said not to have loved or believed the truth . but saint paul gives thanks for the thessalonians , that through sanctification of the spirit , and belief of the truth and his gospel , they had been so established in a way of salvation , as to be freed thereof : exhorting them to stand fast in the traditions they had been taught , whether by word or epistle . and that we may know the purport of these traditions , ( here mentioned ) and that it may appear that matter of manners and external behavior were but traditionally delivered upon occasion , and not to be of universal precept to all churches as positively divine , he tells us their sum in the sixth verse of the next chapter . now we command you brethren in the name of our lord iesus christ , that you withdraw your selves from every brother that walketh disorderly ; and not after the tradition which he received af us . importing , that as god had called them by his gospel , ( or by means of his instruction and begetting them as a father ) unto sanctification of spirit and belief of the truth ; so was it necessary that obedience and observance of his traditions , should be used as a means to continue , and manifest this sanctification and truth in them : and so make them of the number of those that obey , as well as believe the gospel . for as we are to conceive , that this phrase , our gospel , was not to propose to them another gospel then that of christ , so are we not to conceive it to be by chance or idely done : but to teach them , that since they had believed it as from him delivered , so should they obey it as his , and not as any other mans . and by setting forth himself , and his gospel also , under the term of our ( in the plural number ) , we may further presume , that the intimation of his just authority was intended , by the usage of that proper expression of persons in supreme power . whereby also we may learn , that guidance of manners , as well as doctrine , was by christ at that time committed unto the hands of the apostles : which makes him here ( as elsewhere ) command in his name . but , more especially to our present purpose , we may learn by saint pauls setting down the gospel of christ in this place as his , and by making their obedience and belief thereof as the cause of their avoidance of antichristianism , that it plainly denotes that this sin is christian rebellion or disobedience , as before noted . for indeed , the gospel , as a gospel , is the object of faith and salvation , by the offer and proposal of one who , having taken our sins and infirmities upon him , hath already performed the work of obedience for us : and is not , like the law , binding to any thing of burthen or hardship as directly in it self , but as in the hand of those that had and have the dispensation thereof , and shall be therewith entrusted : that thereby , as in acknowledgement of our belief and thankfulness for so great mercy , we might be ready and fitted to obey as christ and king here , him whom we profess and hope to finde as a jesus and savior hereafter . these and other signes , have been heretofore brought by many to evince the pope to be the antichrist : for indeed , in him and in his see , have all the other antichrists hitherto centred and confined their opinions : they being but petty ones to him . but most of these interpreters , having the discovery of his erroneous tenents in religion onely in their eye , did bring in these civil usurpations but as proofs to that , by the by : as though , because the pope offered to joyn merits , free-will , &c. in the work of salvation , he had therefore been antichrist , and not rather an anti-jesus then an anti-christus . not well marking , how these and other his doctrines of purgatory , infallibility , indulgencies , &c. were not for themselves ; but , as a necessary train , did wait upon the advancement of him in his antichristian humor of setting himself above all that is called god. being useful ( as experience hath told us ) for recovering money and strength , towards the seating and possessing himself of that his usurped power , as well as this his power should , and did prevail to the same end also ; namely overthrow of kings : and that under all those fair pretences of reformation , liberty , law , justice , &c. which the aristocracies , democracies , and the lesser antichrists had made in their rebellious contrivances . true it is , that corruption of manners , or the deceivableness of unrighteousness , as well as heresie of doctrine , or belief of a lye , do follow ( as a necessary train ) , this sin of insubjection to christs authority : and so make the antichrist deservedly to be stiled the man of sin , and son of perdition . and this may be the reason , why the name of antichrist is not by saint paul given to this great one : even because he should appear in the latter age of the world ; wherein the consequences of heresie and corruption of manners , should be more notorious in him then was ( their first main cause ) the sin of stubbornness and rebellion : which by that time , should ( through possession and blinde devotion ) , have gained to it self a shew of right . it faring no otherwise ( in this respect ) , with the application of this gospel term of rebellion , then it formerly did ( under the law ) with that other proper name of rebels , viz. sons of belial . for as that , ( in after times ) came , ( from the experience of that concomitant degree of lewdness & vileness which always attended disobedient and ungovernable persons ) , to be applyed to persons notoriously wicked , as well as to such as were formally rebels ; even so , in this latter age , it is no wonder if the notion of antichristianism be otherwise used also , then in the strict sense of insubjection . like as the vertue and grace of obedience , ( upon a contrary reason ) is in usual speech made comprehensive of all , or any other commendation ; unto that person unto whom it is given . and that he was called antichrist in opposition to unction and monarchical government , may undeniably appear by that which hindred him from taking upon him publikely this power : namely , the roman emperor . for had his antichristianism consisted in such doctrines as had concerned christian faith onely , why should the emperor be at that time a let therein ; liking them one no better then another ? but because the apostle saw such doctrines set on foot , as would overthrow christs regency in his deputies afterwards , he calls it the mystery of iniquity already working ; and concludes the onely let to keep it from being actually in the person of the antichrist , was the emperors present possession . and this was the reason why the actual session of the pope in this authority , is called antichrist revealed : even as the broaching of the doctrines tending thereto , was called the mystery of iniquity , or antichrist working : aim , and possession of jurisdiction , making him properly antichrist in both ; and not heresie in doctrine . having thus far shewed , in brief , how antichristianism consists in opposing christ , that is , in regard of his regency ; it must farther follow , that since this opposition cannot be to him now in heaven , otherwise then as done against such as are anointed under him here , ( which are to act in his name and authority ) , that thereupon antichristianism is to oppose christian monarchs : who onely now are anointed as proper immediate officers under him : and who are holding their office in the christian church , according to prophetick designation of what should befal her in her flourishing condition : namely , to have sons whom she should set as princes in all lands . and this farther appears , according to that model of the christian church in the eight last chapters of ezekiel : where the priesthood also being designed , the chief of them is put under such a name and notion as may minde them continually of their duty of loyalty and submission to princes : since from a king , their predecessor zadock was first preferred to that office as heretofore noted . and to take off presbyterial parity from this antichristian hope of regency ; ezekiel in the chapter , ( reproving and setting forth the mischiefs arising from their anarchical rule ) , prophesies that god will set up one shepherd over them , and he shall feed them ; even his servant david : which as it was to be understood first in christ himself , as coming of davids natural loyns , so to be executed by his adopted sons of oyle in the several territories of his church . we shall finde this future condition of monarchy prophesied plainly by jeremy , to accompany also the flourishing estate of the church : saying , their nobles shall be of themselves , and their governor should proceed from the midst of them : that is , shall be my servants also . and i will cause him to draw neer , and he shall approach unto me : that is , as i have the hearts of kings in my power , so will i guide his : for who is this ( or who else is this ) that engaged his heart to approach unto me saith the lord. where , noting governor , he , and his , to be set down in the singular number , we may infer monarchy to be meant . and then follows gods more remarkable owning his church , when his kingdom shall be thus come amongst us : and ye shall be my people , and i will be your god. the like we may observe done largely by isaiah in the chapter ; both to express the increase , and flourishing estate of christs church , to arise and recover by degrees from its former distress , and also that this should come to pass in the time of christs adopted sons , and through that glorious addition of kingship following the gentile princes entertainment of the gospel , and acknowledgement of their fealties unto him . the children which thou shalt have after thou hast lost the other , shall say again in thine ears , the place is too straight for me , give place to me that i may dwell . then shalt thou say in thine heart , who hath begotten me these , seeing i have lost my children and am desolate : a captive , and removing to and fro : and who hath brought up these ? behold i was left alone , these where had they been ? thus saith the lord god , behold i will lift up mine hand to the gentiles , and set up my standard to the people : and they shall bring thy sons in their arms , and thy daughters shall be carryed upon their shoulders . and kings shall be thy nursing fathers , and their queens thy nursing mothers , they shall bow down to thee with their face towards the earth , and lick up the dust of thy feet : and thou shalt know that i am the lord , for they shall not be ashamed that wait for me . the like we shall finde in the chapter : the gentiles shall come to thy light , and kings to the brightness of thy rising . and again , the sons of strangers shall build up thy walls : and kings shall minister unto thee . for in my wrath i smote thee , but in my favor have i had mercy on thee . therefore shall thy gates be open continually , they shall not be shut day nor night , that men may bring unto thee the wealth of the gentiles : and that their kings may be brought , &c. which , and many more places , ( shewing the glory and increase of the church under kingship ) , must be understood to be compleated in christs adopted sons ; since in his own person he had ( while he lived ) , neither form nor comliness : and ( as to these things ) , was despised and rejected of men : a man of sorrows , and acquainted with grief : and we hid as it were our faces from him , and we esteemed him not : performing onely in himself ( as after followeth ) the work of jesuship , and so healing his church by his wounds and stripes . and therefore , as we are to interpret those many promises of prosperity , ( made to the church in general under a jewish figure ) , to be accomplished in the prosperity of the christian church ; so must also many of those other promises , made of the churches kings in the name of david and solomon , be interpreted of christian kings : else we shall not know how to make good those sure mercies of david : those many prophesies that his kingdom should be established for ever in his seed : and that his mercy should not depart from him , as it did from saul , who was taken away from before him . the same again repeated chron. . . promising , that as his temple should be built by solomon , ( who was a type of christian kings as david was of christ ) so god says , i will not take my mercy from him , as i took it from him that was before thee : but i will settle him in mine house , and in my kingdom for ever : and his throne shall be estaalished for ever . and david himself did so understand it also : and therefore said , now o lord let the thing that thou hast spoken concernig thy servant , and concerning his house be established for ever : and do as thou hast said . and so he proceeds with a reason for establishment of that government : let it even be established , that thy name may be magnified for ever : saying the lord of hosts is the god of israel , even a god to israel : and let the house of thy servant be established before thee . and in the next verse he intimates the manner how it should be : for thou o lord god hast told thy servant , that thou wilt build him a house : that is , supply it by adopted children : for so the word , wilt build , must import beyond solomon already born . therefore , understanding and interpreting , the conditonal promises made to solomon and david , to extend and have been fulfilled in their own personal loyns according to nature , and these by default on their part to be cut off ; and understanding again , that succession of perpetuity and the glorious promises of the church , to be made good in solomons typified sons ( the christian monarchs ) , these seeming contradictions may be easily reconciled ; as having been both made good . and it is observable ( by the way ) , that the expressions used verse the . shew that the kingdom of god here is the kings , ( as before shewed in the petition thy kingdom come ) , and that again the kingship of kings is gods : for so the words run , i will settle him in mine house , and my kingdom for ever : and his throne shall be established for evermore : to the end that gods will may be done in earth as it is in heaven . but since ( for the far greater part of the time past , ) we cannot find as aforesaid these promises fulfilled to the natural or direct seed of solomon or david in the kingdoms of israel or judah , we cannot without great partiality and prejudice but conceive that they must ( typically ) be accomplished in christian kings : in like manner , as we are to understand , that the many promises of judah and israel , and the jewish church and temples happiness and perpetuity , are to be made good in the christian church : answerable to that prophetical description of the christian church ( under the jewish figure ) made by david himself : viz. for there are set thrones of iudgement , the thrones of the house of david . where the names of thrones , being twice set in the plural number , must signifie succession of kingship : which coming to christ as naturally davids son , and to kings as christs adopted sons , it follows that the opposers of them , do oppose christ ; and so are antichrists . and without the like interpretation , and taking in the adopted christian kings , ( as with christ typified in solomon psal. ) , it will be hard to be understood , how many of those prophesies of prosperity and outward greatness here and in other prophesies given to christ , can personally be made good in him : considering that mean condition christ himself lived in amongst us ; where he was so far from expressing , or exercising any thing like the throne , or judgement of a king or kings son , that he had not whereon to lay his head . but there can be no more better commentator of the meaning of these promises then david himself : who in his last words cleerly explains to us , that they were prophetick to those thrones which should be established under the types of him and solomon by christ and christian kings in the christian church ; and not by him , and his direct natural seed in the jewish church . for there we shall finde him confessing , that he was but the prophet of these things that should after come to pass ; and not the present object , otherwise then in type : the spirit of the lord spake by me , and his word was in my tongue . afterwards we shall finde , that that perfection of the ruler he speaks of , belongs to his typified son christ , and not to himself : because it speaks of a perfection , and an extent of dominion , which he in his own person was not capable of . he that ruleth over men , or is appointed ruler over mankinde , ( which david nor his natural race as kings of the jews could not claim to be ) , must be just : ruling in the fear of god. and he shall be as the light of the morning , when the sun ariseth : even a morning without clouds : as the tender grass springing out of the earth , by cleer shining after rain . all which are expressions of excellence which david could not personally essume : and therefore he adds , although my house be not so with god , yet he hath made me an everlasting covenant , ordered in all things and sure : for this is all my salvatin , and all my desire , although he make it not to grow : that is , although neither i , nor my present more natural house do thus grow ; yet it is my comfort , that it shall be accompplished in my typifyed son christ , and the christian kings after him . in him , from whom all crowns are derived , and in whom all justice is originally inherent , is this prophesie in the first place to be fulfilled . and then , by vertue of that unction which those other christi shall have from him all the world over , they also shall be enabled , in their several jurisdictions , to rule over men in the fear of god : and , by vertue of their derived power , be as the light of the morning , even as a morning without clouds when the sun ariseth : or after this son of righteousness is arisen : and be as the tender grass springing out of the earth , by cleer shineing after rain : that is , that cleer shining light of justice from him imparted , shall in them spring up like tender grass , in their earthly administrations . and then he foretels the state of antichristianism to follow , and that under the jewish notion of insubjection and rebellion , viz. sons of belial , ( or men without yoak ) : but the sons of belial , shall be all of them as thorns thrust away , because they cannot be taken with hands : that is , because they cannot be kept under by laws , but ( as thornes ) have been troublesom to others , and been ready to raise civil flames of dissention , therefore , as thornes they shall be burnt , or thrust away . but the man that shall touch them , must be fenced with iron , and the staffe of a spear . that is , as he that will meddle with cutting down of thorns , must have his person defended against their pricking as it were with iron , and also must have a staffe or fork to manage them with , and not his bare hands , so , prudence must direct christian princes , to have in readiness davids chelethites and pelethites , and the assistance of their militia , ( typified under iron and a spear ) , and then they shall be utterly burnt with fire in the same place : that is , these thornes of rebellion shall be consumed . that christ and the christian kings were in these promises meant , appears yet more fully by that promise which god makes of the prosperity of his people at the same time ; which could not have likelihood of accomplishment in the jews . moreover i will appoint a place for my people israel , and will place them that they may dwell in a place of their own , and move no more : neither shall the children of wickedness afflict them any more , as before time . which promise was not made good to the israelites , whom the assyrian and other nations did so many times afflict , and whom the romans did utterly subdue and remove ; but was made good after the time of christian kingship : in that this christian church was ever more glorious and strong , then to be oppressed by her enemies . and so david himself farther instructs us : acknowledging these things spoken of his house for a great while to come . in this fore-recited prophesie , and those whereto it alludes , it is farther observable ; that , as it , is the first that speaks particularly and largely of the perpetuity and glory of the church , so doth it also of the kingship that should be therein : coupling them so together , as to make it apparent , that , as the glory of a church and nation doth arise by gods vouchsafeing to own them , and by having a place amongst them , so this owning them , and this place , is still accompanyed with the promise of kingship : nay made subsequent thereunto . for so we finde , that while moses is directing the people to go with their hard controversies ( or appeals , ) from the ordinary judges unto the iudge that shall be in those days , ( meaning that future government of kings , which immediately follows in the same chapter ) he appoints them to go up unto the place which the lord their god should choose . shewing to us , that when god would have his church most eminent , by having a chief and eminent place amongst them ; he will also have one most eminent officer to be his servant in establishment thereof ; who may also more gloriously represent him therein . all which , as it appears in the examples of david and solomon , so doth the words of solomon cleerly manifest it : shewing , that god chose no city out of all israel to build an house for his name , before he chose david to be over his people . and therefore , because the good intention of davids heart to build gods house could not be performed by him , god promiseth to raise up to him a son , that should come forth of his loyns , and that he should build this house to his name . which son of his we cannot think otherwise of , then as having his kingdom purposely made glorious and established , for the encrease of gods glory by this work . and therefore , it was not a work which god required to be done by any of the former iudges : but the height and glory belonging to each church and nation , is to be accomplished under the most glorious instrument . and , by having this future regard to things , we may finde those gospel promises of restitution or reward , ( which could not in kinde be made good to the primitive persecuted church and the oppressed christians therein ) , to be made good to the catholike church , and the generality of christians under the protection of christian kings since . namely , that , in comparison of those former losses , the church hath since been rewarded , ( both in respect of increase of possession , and degree of continuance ) , with an hundred fold , now in this time of houses , and brethren , and sisters , and mothers , and children , and lands , &c. whereupon , we may make the whole issue and interpretation of this forementioned . promise to be , that christ ( typified in david ) , is represented as desirous out of his zeal to gods house , to be as active and forward as he can for advancing of gods own glory ; and also for the promotion of his churches happiness ; represented under the figure of the jewish temple . but because he ( in regard of those victories he was to make over sin and death ) was in his own person disabled to perform it , ( even as david was for the wars which were about him on every side , until the lord had put them under the soles of his feet ) , therefore is he , by god the father promised ( in the person of david ) , when thy days shall be fulfilled , and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers , ( that is , when thou shalt have accomplished the days of thy flesh , and by being seated at the right hand of thy father , shalt have thy foes made thy footstool ) , then shall god make good the word he had spoken concerning him and his house , to establish it for ever . that is , in accomplishing the glory of the church under his adopted sons , ( the christian emperors and monarchs ) ; as the glory of the jewish church and temple , was setled under solomon , and not under david . by which words for ever , we are also to understand christian kingship to be promised to last till the worlds end , notwithstanding all opposition : as we may finde them typified under solomon the kings son , in the seventy second psalm : where the flourishing estate and increase of the church , is foretold to continue to the glory of christs name , by reason of these that held their crowns of him . his name shall endure for ever : his name shall be continued as long as the sun : and men shall be blessed in him : all nations shall call him blessed . that is , each christian monarch ( from him anointed ) , shall be as a son to continue his fathers name for ever : meaning so long as the sun and moon shall endure . for if this psalm had intended , the setting forth of the continuance of christs own name , as the second person in the trinity , and not in relation to his office of christ or king , ( to be accomplished by christian kingship , in the submission of the kings of tarshish and of the isles , that shall bring him presents ) , then this limitation of earthly time had not been so proper , as now , if it had not foretold of something , wherein ( more remarkably ) the whole earth should be filled with his glory : that is , by the glorious appearance of these his deputies , who shall ( on their several mountains and little hills in his stead ) be judging the poor of the people , save the children of the needy , and break in pieces the oppressor : whereby , the rod of his power out of sion being generally manifest , men shall fear him so long as the sun and moon endure : whereas in respect of his own personal dominion over his holy church , it shall be truely for ever : and longer then the sun and moon shall endure . and again , those acts of protection here set down , are the proper offices of kings or gods on earth : as appears by the like duties , appointed for them to do in the psalm : defend the poor and fatherless , do justice to the afflicted and needy , deliver the poor and needy , rid them out of the hand of the wicked . all ( in effect ) declaring , that god being unto them a spirit of judgement , and putting a divine sentence in the lips of the christian kings ( as solomon did prophesie ) , they should now by their due and diligent execution of their offices , bring all these things to pass : and so make righteousness and peace to kiss each other . wherefore now the glory and prosperity of the church , ( gods house and kingdom , ) being thus promised under the blessing of kingship , we are to esteem them antichrists or sons of belial ( most especially ) , that do oppose kings . and by those words of david , the man that toucheth them must be fenced with iron , and the staffe of a spear ; we may understand this opposition chiefly predicted to happen from within her self ; when the church shall have arisen to that strength to be thus fortified . that is , when christs succeeding deputies ( as he foretold to his apostles ) , should have taking to themselves both purses and swords : and so ( under kingship ) make use of those swords , and that mammon : at which time , although forraign force should harm the church no more , yet sons of belial should . and into the onely hands of these deputies of christ any may observe them put , that shall mark this speech at both times particularly directed to his then deputies , the apostles ; and shall farther observe , how these things could be accomplished by those persons that were not to fight ; but ( in their prosecutions ) , to flye from one city to anothher . who were , for attaining their kingdom , that is , in attaining the kingdom of heaven , to sell what they had and give almes : and so provide treasure in heaven that faileth not . therefore in their case of more immediate divine protection , they could not serve god and mammon ; but were to take no thought for their life , &c. but now , because we have before spoken of that prediction of the swords , we shall here speak something more of the other . and he said to his desciples , there was a certain rich man which had a steward , &c. which whole parable , sets plainly out unto us , an alteration to happen to gods stewards in his houshould the church , in regard of their trust : but whether that more immediate way of protection and illumination given to the first stewards , were the sooner taken from them for personal default ( as the parable may seem to denot ) , is not so much material . but we may observe this alteration plainly told to come to pass : and i say unto you make unto your selves friends of the mammon of unrighteousness , that when ye fail , they may receive you into everlasting habitations . in which words the command of making this friendship , being given to them that had not been unjust stewards : and that could neither fail themselves , of the continuance of gods extraordinary trust and assistance , and had again a caveat against the trust to this mammon , it must be understood as a direction and warrant , what those future heads of the church ( whom they did personate ) were to do , when these former miraculous assistances stould fail . at which time , for the preservation of publick peace and good , it might be commendable and lawful for the latter more glorious deputies to support their dignities , by keeping back part of those revenues which were in the hands of their subjects ; since the propriety of the whole was undeniably in that their great lord and master , whose steward he was . and as for the everlasting habitations , it is to be meant that the church and her future heads , should by gods assistance relieve themselves this way unto the end of the world ; as in the words for ever ( formerly spoken of ) hath been noted . that parable where god suffers himself to be put under the notion of an unjust judge , will farther clear to us that the meaning was to foreshew that alteration ; and not the whole withdrawing of trust and protection , as through abuse . for there it is noted , how god in his recess should seem not to hear , because not so apparently and presently , avenging and protecting as formerly ; insomuch , as infidelity should generally infect the earth at christs coming . and therefore this great friend of the church having brought her to a state of self-subsistance , may be supposed to have shut to the door of miraculous assistance , which was formerly granted to those his persecuted children ( now at rest with him ) and will answer ( many times ) but to importunity only . and to shew that this alteration was not substraction of trust of stewardship , it is after added , that the future stewards fidelity in their trust of this mammon , shall make them as acceptable as those that were formerly trusted with goods of more divine nature : he that is faithful in that which is least , is faithful also ●n much . so that now , the glory and protection of christs church , being conjoyned with , and made subsistent by that of its head , and the glory of protection of its head , being now to be maintained also by these helps of swords and mammon ; it follows , that as any do go about to bereave them of these trusts ( by god and christ put into their hands for the good of the church ) they do also thereby rise against the church , and oppose christ himself ; and so are antichrists . and if we look to experience for proof of these prophesies , there is nothing more plain , then that as christian kingship did increase in glory or number , so did the church ( christs kingdom ) increase also ; and that again , as those nursiing fathers of the church , were ( through the insurrections and oppositions of those many , or the antichrist ) eclipsed or lessened , so did heresies encrease , and the truth decay . our own present senses being able to witness , that where this unity is lost , in the person that should represent christ in the administration of power , there also is unity of doctrine lost , and schism is also brought into the church , as well as confusion into the state. the which needs the less to be wondered at in us , on whom the ends of the earth are come , if we consider what befel the jews themselves , when there was no king in israel . for although they had the oracles of god committed unto them ( that is , they had not only more aboundance of divine precepts , but had god himself also ( by his priests and prophets ) always ready to give them express direction in all doubts , as from an oracle ) yet how plainly doth the instance of micahs idols tells us , how subject each one is at such times to fraim to themselves ( not only new forms of worship , but ) new gods of their own devising and setting up . which by little and little , may come to be taken up and countenanced by their divided authority , as that was by the danites , who had many equal to and under them , to be seduced by an evil example , but none above them , to keep them and all others conformable . all which ( well considered ) may instruct us of the reason of our saviours dark answer ( to such as had no minde to believe him therein , when he saith , my kingdom is not of this world . this was true first , in that this worlds kingdom ( being not to be compared to his kingdom in heaven with his father ) did not ( therefore ) deserve comparatively to be called his , or had in that esteem , which they that made this question did think of . and then , we must understand this denial not to reach to his right of kingship , or super-eminence in the church and kingdoms of this world , but to the present execution thereof by himself ; that ( probably ) being the very cause of pilates demand . unto whom , he having been ( by some ) reported as king of the jews , and he beholding his present mean condition ( so unlike that of a king ) it made him scornfully ask , art thou a king then ? aswel as afterwards , scornfully write that he was so . and therefore our saviours answer can import no farther abnegation of his kingship amongst us , then to his own personal execution , meaning not to be by him immediately managed here now , but by deputies , whom he shall own and empower as king of kings . whereupon he also saith , the father judgeth no man , but hath committed all judgement to the son. and he is so far from renouncing his true being a king , and title hereto , that he says , i am a king ; and that the testification of this truth ( meaning his right in this office ) was the cause of his coming into the world ; adding , that every one that is of the truth , heareth his voyce ; that is , he believeth and obeyeth him accordingly . so that we are to interpret this denial of our saviours kingship , to be upon the same reason at this time done , as he had formerly charged his disciples , that they should tell no man that he was jesus the christ. for although he had wrought all those miracles to evince so much , yet would he have them carefull not to cast pearls before swine ; that is , he would have them to be wary , in declaring his divinity before unbelieving jews , as himself was now reserved in publishing his kingship before a scornful roman ; lest he being so straitly bound to another master , might be but the more moved thereupon , to turn upon him with reproach . and therefore they that think that christ did deny his true kingly right and office , by that answer , thou sayest it ; may also , by the same rule say , that at the same time he did also deny himself to be christ the son of the living god ; because he also answereth to that question made by the high priest , thou hast said it . but in this place ( being newly spoken before the other ) he may be conceived to have made answer enough for both ; and so to adjoyn that time of fuller manifestation of his external regency and glory , which was the occasion of their demand ; namely , at that time when he , as son of man shall be sitting at the right hand of the power of god. by which means his deputies shall be endued with power of earthly dominion ; and at that time also when he shall make his own personal appearance in the clouds of heaven , to judge all men at the last day . and that he had openly acknowledged this truth himself before , appears by that request made to pilate , write not the king of the jews , but that he said , i am king of the jews . so that now , unto the deniers or opposers of this truth of his kingship ( by obejection of any other truth ) we may make demand , with pilate , what is truth ? unto which i suppose they can make no answer , but by proposing to us some wilde fancies and collections of their own . for whilst they would make the known duty of charity , producing real good by peace , be interrupted by some of their speculative duties which cause division , and all under pretence of preferring truth to peace , they would have us leave that good which evidence of sense and experience tells us to be so , in hope to enjoy some contemplative good ( by them called truth ) which we cannot apprehend . but we conceive , that when christ , the way , the truth , and the life , is once ( on our parts ) entertained and believed ; when we have once sought and attained , the kingdom of god and its righteousness ( that is , have to our utmost , endeavoured to promote the glory and administration of christs regency in his church , the pillar and ground of truth , then , and there are we with gratitude to enjoy those additional blessings which peace bringeth . then , and there are we to study to be quiet , to seek peace and ensue it , and the like ; which are the proper duties of such , as ( being by gods grace called ) are by the god of peace , called unto peace . and therefore , although the prophet zachery ( speaking of the restauration of the jews , and their receipt of the gospel ) would have them seek peace after truth ; that is , prefer that truth before all worldly blessings ; yet , where this truth is once received , there peace is to be preferred to lesser truths ; according to good hezekiahs saying ( now settled and confirmed in gods worship ) peace and truth shall be in my days . the like was promised to the jews in their restauration , or rather to the gentile church , abundance of peace and truth . and to doth holy david also , put mercy before it in his blessing to ittai , saying , mercy and truth be with thee . and other graces and blessings are elsewhere more often put before , then after truth . nay , of such advantage to the preservation of truth it self and of sanctify of life this grace is , that we shall find it put first , as the way to that , follow peace with all men , and holiness , without which no man shall see the lord : looking diligently , lest any man should fail of the grace of god. that is , lest failing of the usual concommitant and conveyer of grace , ye should , through the lack thereof , lack grace also . lest any bitterness springing up trouble you , and thereby may be defiled . where malice , hatred , &c. ( the attendants on war ) being also set down under the name of bitterness , we are warned to avoid them by keeping peace : for else , these malicious bitter prosecutions , will not only outwardly trouble , but inwardly defile us . and to let men see that , by this peace , the civil peace is meant , it is called peace with all men : and again , to let them see it is wrought by patience chiefly , it follows the large commendations thereof set down in the twelfth to the hebrews . however ( to make answer to some that would have us endanger both peace and truth , by putting the name of truth always in , to prevent peace ) we have made instances of peace , being put before truth , and also before holiness ; yet the truth hereof is , they are so coincident and depending one upon another , that righteousness and peace have kissed each other : they do become inseparable in themselves , and are so inseparably our duties to follow and practise , that we can never truly do the one , whilst we are not highly regardful of the other also ; and must then be guilty , when we prefer ( as some do ) a very uncertain discovery of truth , to a certain loss of peace , and so ( under colour of new gospel-light ) lose the benefits of the gospel of peace , and make it cease to be an evangel or glad tidings . and if men would consider what hath been hitherto spoken , concerning gods owning the seat and throne of christian judgement now settled amongst us ; and so being ( according to his promise ) a spirit of judgement to him that sitteth in judgement , they might thereby perceive , how ( amongst other things of salvation and glory which should come to the church ) that mercy and truth are met together , and that righteousness and peace ( as aforesaid ) have kissed each other : so that now , truth shall spring out of the earth ( as from this earthly throne of judgement ) by means of righteousness that shall look down from heaven ; according to the former prophesie of that good king and typical head of the church , made concerning the churches future state and prosperity ; where it is set down that god hath now given his own mishpat ( or rule of right judgement ) to the king ( christ himself ) and his righteousness ( or justice ) to the kings son ( christs adopted sons of oyl ) that so , in these , there being these unions of mercy and truth , and of righteousness and peace , they may be enabled to judge gods people with righteousness , and his poor with judgement . and having thus far spoken of the antichrist , according to s. pauls description ; we will again re-assume , and speak farther of the many antichrists , mentioned by s. john. although s. paul gives the liveliest discovery of the one ; and s. john only names the other , yet are they both of them ( as ring-leaders in the breach of charity and publike peace ) the subject and occasion of many precepts in holy writ ; the admonitions and examples that way given , taking up a very considerable part thereof ; and being ( for the greatest part ) the object and aim of what our saviour either did or suffered . for as this general good or charity , consisted in , or at least had dependance upon , the reciprocal duties of commanding and obeying , so are we from him furnished with precepts and examples of both kinds : to this end he rides to the temple , and there , by exercising his authority over the temple , ( the type of the christian church ) as a king , he leaves example and authority for the higher powers to demand subjection ; not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake , and that either to kings as supreme , or to others as sent of him . to this end again ( as being the harder duty ) he not only sets down those many precepts of humility , but in his own person becomes the patern ( to all admiration ) of patience and long-suffering : we being to learn of him to be lowly and meek , and in the testimony of our discipleship unto him , to take up our cross and follow him . which we must testifie chiefly , by our following him in our deeds of meekness and patience under subjection ; patience and subjection differing from one another no otherwise then in generality . for i may do many things whilst a subject , which sort with mine own liking , and wherein no patience is required : but i can do nothing as patient , but where subjection must be presupposed . but ordinarily , patience doth define and constitute true subjection , as vertue doth the vertuous . and as heretofore shewed , gods glory is the end of charity , and charity the end of government and subjection ; so is subjection the end and aim of patience : for what need of patience in what i may avoid ? that the formal cause of antichristianism is insubjection to christian headship , s. john makes plain , saying of the many antichrists of his time , they went out from us , but they were not of us ; for if they had been of us , they would have continued with us : but they went out that they might be made manifest that they were not all of us : that is , they were like such as receive seed amongst thorns , go forth and are choaked with cares , and riches , and pleasures of this life ; and so minding division and separation , they do ( for their sakes ) overthrow charity , and bring not fruit to perfection . but nothing can , to my thinking , be a clearer evidence , that this sin of antichristianism is the same with rebellion of one or more church members against their christian head , then to consider that we shall never find this phrase of antichrist set down by any in the plain terms , but by s. iohn , the only person whom we shall plainly and expresly read of , to be in that sort opposed and disturbed . for although s. paul by his corinthians , and others , puffed up against him , ( who had raigned as kings without him ) might be induced ( through the sense of the mysterie of iniquity already working ) to speak so largely of the antichrist to come , yet doth he not name him as doth the other : who is recorded to be notoriously opposed by diotrephes , in his jurisdiction and exercise of church power : in not receiving or submitting unto him , and as loving that pre-eminence , which was only due to the other , their sole head , and not being content therewith , that is , with his own departure , doth neither himself receive , or take into his care and protection , the brethren , such members as have no head : and so doth not make his preeminence , lawful , as over a charge of his own , but forbiddeth them that would ; that is , such as would come to s. iohn , and casteth them out of the church , or takes upon him to excommunicate , where he hath no authority . this fault he warns his beloved gaius against , under the general notion of evil : as though it might be called the evil , as being the occasion of so much evil . by which evil we may know he means antichristianism , by saying , he that doth it , hath not seen god ; that is , hath not god , or the fear of god , by not having or receiving us , and the doctrine of christ , namely , that christ is come or present in the flesh : and so denying the son , he hath not the father , because he and his father are one : for whosoever transgresseth , and abideth not in the doctrine of christ , hath not god , &c. it is farther highly observable , towards the clearing antichristianism to consist in the breach of charity or love ( even by defeating the fruit thereof through disobedience ) that these two fore-alledged writers , that do most speak of this crime in direct terms , are themselves the most plentiful of any , in pressing and commending this duty of charity or love , the latter of them ( saint iohn the beloved disciple ) making it the chief argument of his whole epistles ; and is ( by occasion hereof ) found to be more often stating and discoursing of antichrist then the other . who yet , by reason of his more frequent conversation amongst the gentiles , and those subjected unto the roman emperor , had occasion most to speak of , and discover that great man of sin ( the antichrist ) that should hereafter ( in the churches splendor ) axalt himself above her glorious heads , called gods , even as s. john again ( being more confined in his charge ) had more occasion to speak of those lesser antichrists , that ( for the present ) opposed himself and his fellow heads ; whom , by reason of their smaller eminence in power , he writes unto under the notion of little children , as shall be shewed anon . but although we have not in s. jude the name of antichrist , yet almost his whole epistle sets forth his description , and particularly by that mark of separation ; wherein he doth also refer back to these and like former admonitions herein given from the apostles : remember ( saith he ) the words that were spoken before , by the apostles of our lord iesus christ , how that they told you there should be mockers in the last time , who should walk after their own ungodly lusts : these be they that separate themselves sensual , having not the spirit . where ( by the note of separaters to come in the last time ) we may well account his mockers to be s. johns antichrists . and farther ( to make the same mockers to be like , and coming on to s. pauls antichrist ) he saith , these filthy dreamers defile the flesh , despise dominion , and speak evil of dignities ( the which is like unto seating themselves as gods , above all that is called god : ) yet michael thi arch-angel , saith he , when contending with the devil , disputed about the body of moses , durst not bring against him a railing accusation , but said , the lord rebuke thee . and if the devil himself ( in so clear a case ) must not be reviled , but left to god ; what pretences can subjects have to justifie themselves by , that will strike princes for equity , unless they can prove them worse then he ? by the expression of defilers of the fl●sh , he comes plainly home to s. iohns d●niers of christ come in the flesh , and so he makes it plain he means the same antichrists that this his brother apostle had told should come into the world , and were already entred . for how else should we conceive that defiling of the flesh , should be thus put properly to accompany dispising dominion , dignity , &c. if it were not , that , through christs manifestation in power in these our masters of the flesh , our dispising them , came to be dispising of him . the which their antichristian humour of dispising dominion , is also hinted to grow from the same root of insubjection we formerly noted in isaiah : that is , as men would be there tasting the strong drink of morality , and divine precept upon precept , they should in the end be found of no farther assurance , then such as dream of meat , and behold he is empty , &c. so these , that ( through temptations of fleshly pride and lust , should despise dominion , in hope to gain thereby power to act without control , should be found silthy dreamers also . and as lust and concupiscence is the usual parent of stubborness and rebellion ; so is that a parent to these again ; as heretofore noted in the mysterie of iniquity . and to euince so much , and clear these places or s. iude to intend the crime of antichristianism , he , in his first description of these defilers of the flesh , makes it the same with s. iohns other description of antichrist , which we shall speak of anon ; where they are noted to have been such people as did profess the same faith with others , and that were not manifested to be against christ , but by deserting apostolical communion or authority . so here , s. iude , writing of the common salvation , and desiring christians to conttnd for faith once delivered to the saints ( that is , the faith that is accompanied with patience , humility , &c. ) he tells them that certain men are crept in unawares ; that is , they are such as professing the same common salvation ( or the same jesus ) do thereupon creep into our communion unespied . although their antichristian departure or separation , be not here set down as by s. iohn , yet , because we cannot think them blamable for being of their communion , it is to be necessarily supposed as the cause , for which , these ungodly men were of old ordained to this condemnation ; and then the reason of their antichristianism is plainly set down , turning the grace of god into lasciviousness ; that is , using christian liberty as a cloak to maliciousness ; they shall proceed to the fact of antichristianism , denying the only lord god , and our lord iesus christ ; which is the same with ; he is antichrist that denieth the father and the son . by the title of lord , added to god and christ , we may also gather that their denyal of them was in regard of power . and the two instances following , of the stubborn jews , and revolting angels , do farther manifest that christian insubjection , was the fault which s. jude did here forewarn and reprove . and the disobeent angels being set out to us , as such as kept not their first estate , but left their habitation , he gives us a farther paralel of s. iohns antichrists , they went out from us ; that is , they left that first estate , or habitation they had under christs government , as angels left that they had under god. then s. iude proceeds : but these ( despisers of authorities ) speak evil of those things which they know not ; that is , they know not , or at least will not consider , what is the end or good of humane society , and how the same is preserved by subjection and obedience ; but what they know naturally ( as bruit beasts ) in those things they corrupt themselves . wo unto them , for they have gone in the way of cain , and run greedily after the error of baalim for reward ; and perished in the gain saying of core. in which place ( by cain and baalim ) we may understand revenge , and cove●ousness ( the two ordinary spurs to rebellion , personated ; as in core , we may see pride and rebellion it self , brought by gods justice to deserved punishment , and so also counterfeit and dissembling prophesie , to come to the like end in baalim . these are spots in your feasts of charity when they feed with you ; that is , they are such as would overthrow charity , by overthrowing government , and serving their own ends , and feeding themselves without fear thereof . clouds they are without water , carried about of winds ; that is , all their pretensions of publike good , consists in popular oratory ; whose fruit withereth , twice dead , plucked up by the roots ; being spiritually , or civilly rotten , or dead members , they are sit only , as thorns , for the fire and destruction . by raging waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame : we may understand popular insurrections , which are but to their own shame ; and by wandring stars we may conceive their gidd● leaders ; for whose unrepented sin , is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever ; when , according to enochs prophesie , the lord shall come with ten thousand and of his saints , to execute judgement upon all , & to convince all that are ungodly among them , of all their ungodly deeds , which they have ungodly committed ; that is , of all things done in disobedience to gods commands , and of all their hard speeches , which ungodly sinners , or sinners not fearing god , have spoken against him ; that is , against dominion set up by him . for these mockers , or antichrists , are murmurers , complainers , walking after their own lusts : and their mouth speaketh great swelling words ; having mens persons in admiration because of andvantage . all which sets forth rebellion ( in its cause and growth ) to the life : but the last especially , namely hope of private advantage : this is that which still makes us cry up the heads of rebellion and their cause . the like description of these antichrists hath st. peter : but he is something more express in setting forth the way of their prevalence amongst us : namely , through promises of liberty , and such things as are taking with flesh and blood . and this again they do , as under colour of moral equity or legal right . for ( saith he ) when they speak great swelling words of vanity ( as of the peoples paramount power , and authority ) they allure through the lusts of the flesh , through much wantonness , ( that is , through temptations thereby to enjoy our lusts and wanton appetites ) those that were clean escaped from them , who live in error ; while they promise them liberty , they themselves are the servants of corruption . that is , although under countenance of their right , to be interpreting the law themselves , they do promise liberty unto them , yet it falls out otherwise : for of whom a man is overcome , of the same he is brought in bondage . for if after they have escaped the pollutions of this world , through the knowledge of our lord and saviour jesus christ , that is , pride and lust ( which causeth pollution ) , through the gospel of love , they are again entangled therein and overcome , the latter end is worse with them then the beginning . for it had been better for them not to have known the way of righteousness , then after they have known it , to turn from the holy commandment delivered unto them : namely , that one commandment which christ gave for all the rest , when he said , these things i command you , that ye love one another . saint paul also warns timothy , how that in the latter times some should depart from the faith , giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils : that is , there shall come ent●usiasts , whom the devil shall beguile under the shape of an angel of light , and that these shall thereupon speak lies in hypocrisie , or deceive others under shew of religion . being men so wilfully set to entangle and ensnare the conscienres of others , and lead them to the ways of destruction , as if their own consciences were seared with hot irons : even by prohibiting as unlawful , what was in it self indifferent , or lawfully en●oyned . but more particularly he afterwards sets down the nature and practises of these men , that by their unsociable dispositions shall make perilous times in the last days , when he calls them lovers of their own selves , covetous , boasters proud , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unthankful , unholy , without natural affection , truce-breakers , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of those that are good , traitors , heady , high minded , lovers of pleasures more then lovers of god. of all which this latter age hath had but too true and sad experience , to be the fruits of those that are still putting on a form of godliness and denying the power thereof in their lives and actions : even whilst they are truely found lovers of themselves and their own pleasures more then god , by their covetousness and pride , being lead to blaspheme and dishonor his name amongst men by their daily disobedience to their christian parents and superiors : and thereupon also to be unthankful and unholy in their lives . and while they stand partially affected to one another under the notion of more spiritual brotherhood they come to forget all natural ties and relations ; to the breach of all truce and commerce ; and also by being make-bates , incontinent , and fierce in their despightful usage and censure of such as be good and peaceable , they shew themselves to be traitors , heady , high-minded , &c. but when they are set down for such as creep into houses ( plainly shewing their love to conventicles and private meetings ) , and there leading captive silly women laden with sins , that is , such weak dispositions as are by them frighted with their sermons of damnation , and also such as are led away with divers lusts , or listening after novelty of doctrine , such as are ever learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth , they are yet more lively set forth . for how should truth or obedience be known when these men are ready with their seditious incantations to oppose and resist the ground and piller thereof , the church , and that publike ministers of christ that should uphold it , after the same manner that iannes and iambres formerly withstood mosses . being reprobate concerning the faith , or having but a false and reprobate faith , for want of that true tryal of faith , the work of patience , and work of love ; and so being not able to endure persecutions , they shew themselves to be none of those that will live godly in christ jesus : but evil men and seducers , waxing worse and worse , deceiving and being deceived . but our comfort is in the confinement of their prevalence , they shall proceed no farther , that is , no farther then with such silly auditors ; for their folly shall be manifest to all men as theirs also was : they shall be discovered in their plots against christs ministers , as those that formerly opposed gods ministery in moses . and now farther , to prove that antichristianism is not onely denial of christ as god , but also the denial of him or his power in the flesh , ( that is , as before shewed denying of dignities and fleshly power under him ) , we will note a little of saint johns other description of him . every spirit ( saith he ) that confesseth not that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is not of god : and the same is the spirit of antichrist . and again he saith , many deceivers are entred into the world , who confess not that iesus christ is come in the flesh . he saith not , was come in the flesh , but in the present tense , is come in the flesh ; and therefore cannot mean jews or infidels , or such as openly professed denyal to christian doctrine in matters of faith ; but such , as professing the doctrine of jesus christ , did overthrow it by consequent : especially in matters of charity ; and to endanger the lo●s of that full reward , which this doctrine of christ , or doctrine of love ( by practise of charitable submission to our masters in the flesh ) would bring . when at the last day men shall have sentence according to the charitable offices one towards another : and , in justification of those that have been obedient to christ in the flesh , he ( as king ) shall answer and say unto them , verily say unto you , inasmuch as you have done it to one of the least of these my brethren , ye have done it unto me . under which notion of king , he taking upon him to vindicate the authority of such as he had deputed in the exercise of his kingship amongst us ( until himself shall come in his glory with all the holy angels , and shall sit upon the throne of his glory ) makes it farther manifest , that the very title of kingship was to be the most usual and eminent stile of his deputy . and therefore , under the expression of the least of these my brethren , ( distinguishing these his brethren from other his christian brethren , ( as heretofore noted ) , he makes the exercise and expression of our love or charity , which should be performed to him or his body the church , to take measure and estimation according to extent of that respect and obedience which we have done to these . for they being made instrumental in the day of christs earthly power , as well to make sion or the church the rod of christs strength , whereby to rule in the midst of his enemies , as to settle his worship in the beauties of holiness ; it will therefore come to pass , that as to be against them is to be against him ; so also it must be granted , that what we have done by their direction in matters of love and obedience , is as if we had done it by his . for if we cannot otherwise ( litterally ) conceive , that to do these things to the least christian , or but to one , were in themselves such high services unto him , otherwise then as that one , and that least , were the representatives of many , or all , even so , understanding those particulars of charity or love ( there set down ) , to stand for the whole duty of love , ( the which these deputies of christ were to make useful to all in general and each one in particular , by being our directors , according to that talent in power and trust , which their proportionable charge in each church did require ) , we may then well conceive , how , as christ is not to be wronged but by his members , so then most , when the wrong is done against such , as being more neerly his , their wrong must be more neerly said to be his ; and so reputed antichristianism . and although the ordinary rank of believers , be not in this place distinguished from his deputies ( under the notion of citizens ) as they are by st. luke , ( which might have regard to the jewish nation , who more generally were to refuse the authority of his substitutes , which the gentiles should be but partly guilty of , and partly not , ) yet may we discern a distinction made by their separate sentence : beginning with his servants that had talents of great trust first , before the general judgement of the rest . and we may observe also , that in approving or condemning them , under the notions of sheep and goats , ( the one a creature full of inward love and innocence , and therewithal most tractable and obedient to their shepherd , whereas the other was contrary , ) that as well the necessity of outward obedience , as inward love was intended . and therefore whosoever transgresseth , and abideth not in the doctrine of christ , ( that is , obeyeth him not here as king , as well as hopeth in him as saviour ) hath not god : but he that abideth in the doctrine of christ , he hath both the father and the son. that is , he that acknowledgeth the power of the son , as to that end anointed from the father , doth therewith acknowledge the fathers power also : but he that denyeth him that is sent , denyeth also him that sent him : even as denyal , or overthrow of kingship , is ( to our power ) to overthrow the king of kings power also , who gave them these their offices . and farther , to shew that antichristianism here meant , is not opposition to christian doctrine as such , they are called deceivers , that is , such as did make profession that way , for how else could an open enemy deceive ? appearing yet more plainly to be such , by st. iohns former description : they went out from us , &c. meaning they had been of the same outward profession . and that antichristianism is opposition to the precepts of love , and not matters of faith , appears also by st. iohns former description : where the spirit of antichrist being said not to be of god , he afterwards makes antichristianism to consist in disobedience : he that is not of god heareth not us : hereby know we the spirit of truth and the spirit of error . and then goes on with the description of who is of god : beloved let us love one another , for love is of god ; and every one that loveth is born of god , and knoweth god : he that loveth not , knoweth not god , for god is love . which last words , do knit up the mystical perfection of charity : and shew how from that all things are united and take place . for from the love of god , his creation and benificence to creatures did proceed : and through the inward plantation of charity and love in creatures , providence towards them had its being also . and again , all creatures , according to its measure , ( in themselves received from god ) , came to be more or less participant or resembling of him : that is , god-like . and therefore , if god so loved us , as not onely to estate us happy , but to restore us fallen , we ought also to love one another . for since no wan hath seen god at any time , ( that is , cannot personally requite him ) if we love one another ( that is , his next image in our brother , ) god dwelleth in us , and his love is perfect in us : for he that dwelleth in love , dwelleth in god , and god in him . and then follows our innocence thereupon : herein is our love made perfect , ( that is , brought to its issue ) that we may have boldness in the day of judgement : for there is no fear in love : that is , no fear of future torment ; because of their faith and assurance , gathered through present obedience . and if we consider the persons unto whom more particularly this description of antichrist is addressed , ( as most concerning them ) it will give us full light and confirmation herein . for the warning hereof is particularly given to the apostles , ( or heads of churches ) under the notion of little children : a loving term , which this beloved disciple useth to difference them ; in imitation of his master ( as formerly noted , ) saying , children , it is the last time , &c. and that the persons comprised under this notion of little children , were different from others , whom he therefore stiles my children , and my beloved &c. because he hath begotten them in the faith , appears , in that he writing particularly to gaius , salutes him under these notions . and the matter comprehended under these different addresses , will ( by its difference ) , shew the difference of persons thereby meant . and therefore , when we finde little children spoken to before fathers , it must shew some of higher rank : for if we should have thought him , to have proceeded with the instruction of the lower rank first , then , young men would have been spoken to next , and fathers last of all . but by writing to those little children first , twice over ; and that under such descriptions and representations as were to them most proper , must shew that they were different persons from these fathers and young men : and from those he calls my little children , brethren , beloved , and the like : all which are indifferently used when he is to express those duties which may generally concern all men . and because some of those admonitions and duties , may also concern all in a second degree , which are given to the heads of churches under the notion of little children , therefore do we not finde them set down in restrictive terms . and this , not onely in regard of that common engagement to mutual love and obedience , ( they as others are concerned in ) , but also , in regard care is always taken , not to make the difference too plain : whereby persons in authority might be too proud , or the mystery of antichristianism too much revealed . which may be the reason why our saviour ( speaking of these things ) , would not give st. peter a direct answer , when he asked , lord speakest thou this parable to us , or even to all ; but goes on with the description of their duties , as stewards or rulers over gods houshold : not letting them know their own power ( it is like ) till after his resurrection ; that he spoke of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god. so that when he says , my little children i write unto you that ye sin not , and then tells them that if they do , they have an advocate with the father , we are to conceive them to be such as he had newly converted to the faith , and so needed instruction to know that christ was the propitiation of sins . wheras the others , because they more fully had known the father , ( according to christs former promises ) , might be said ( by vertue of that washing they had from him , and many exhortations made for loving one another and keeping his commandments ) , to have their sins forgiven for his names sake : or to be more remarkably sanctified by the promised spirit of truth , and by gods word to be left in their trust . by which means also , they come to have higher degree of illumination into this mystery of antichrist , according to the following words ; but ye have received an unction from the holy one , and know all things . for no doubt , ( in the number of all those truths they were to be guided into , ) they should have the revelation of this mystery more then other men : which was ( it is like ) , some of those many things christ had to say unto them , which were not fit for their knowledge , till after christs ascension . at which time they might be supposed to expect revelation from the holy ghost , in that particular concerning christs glory ; according to that promise , he shall glorifie me , for he shall recive of mine , and shall shew it unto you : which we may presume to import , something of eminence and power , by the following words , all things that the father hath are mine , therfore said i , he shall take of mine , and shall shew it unto you . twice ( we see ) the word is used of shew it unto you : whereby we may conclude it was not the unction of power onely , but of revelation of something concerning the exercise of that power and function . and this may be farther evinced by the following words : where his departure is made an argument of his greater manifestation unto them . again a little while and ye shall me , because i go to the father : that is , as at by my departure ye shall be sent by me , as i was sent by my father , so shall ye also have farther knowledge concerning your mission , and of those cross accidents which shall accompany it . in which respect , this spirit of truth shall be to them also a spirit of joy : when they shall be enabled to endure those indignities from the world which shall come unto them by reason that christs name is more remarkably set on them , then on others . and therefore , since this anointing could not but teach them of these things , ( in the next mention of little children ) , these heads of churches are spoken to by way of exhortation , to be notwithstanding abiding in him , that is , to be keeping themselves ( like good stewards ) in the just execution of their charge , according to his commandment : that then when he shall appear , they may have confidence , and not be ashamed before him at his coming : as expecting his sentence of well done thou good and faithful servant , &c. and further also , if that abide with them which they heard from the beginning , then shall they continue in the son , and in the father : that is , the power and unction from them received , shall be both their director and protector . according to that former saying of our savior to his disciples , if ye keep my commandments , ye shall abide in my love : even as i have kept my fathers commandments , and abide in his love . as for the next verse , it contains also an assurance to them of uprightness , or justice in the execution of their offices , whilst they continued as obedient children to him that was the fountain of justice or righteousness . if ye know that he is righteous ( or just ) ye know that every one that doth righteousness ( or justice ) is born of him : that is , such as are his particular seed for righteousness sake , and are by him entrusted for administration of justice or righteousness , are by his power and grace so illuminathed and upheld , that the righteousness of their acts , is not to be questioned by any below them . for so are we to understand the next place , where the term of little children is set down : little children let no man deceive you , he that doth righteousness is righteous . that is to say , be not terrifyed at the voice of these deceivers that say , iesus is not come in the flesh : nor let the shews of moral or legal righteousness , of those that would lay a stumbling block for him that reproveth in the gate dishearten you ; for greater is he that is in you then he that is in the world . even so great , that he is both able to confirm you in justice , that are his deputies , and do act in his name , and also to justifie such as do hear and receive you . for the prince of this world ( covetousness ) with his usual ministers and servants , ( legal and moral sanctity ) shall be cast out and judged by the coming of the holy ghost : and the world reproved by a new way of righteousness ; making christian obedience inclusive of all perfection . for as the former way , of legal or moral sanctity , ( to be gained by each separate mans obeying precepts and directions from god immediately received ) , was from heaven concluded in implicite obedience to christ , when there came such a voice to him from the excellent glory , this is my beloved son in whom i am well pleased hear him ; so , upon christs going to his father , and being seen no more , then those former words of he that heareth you heareth me , &c. made righteousness to be fixed to his deputies . whereby , as gods name was glorifyed by the glorifying of his son ; so was christ to be glorifyed by that administration of power and illumination which the holy ghost should give them from him . and if our saviours own speech to his disciples , when he is giving them their mission and power be marked , we shall plainly finde him setting forth the same thing : namely that his minister , and the righteous man are convertible : and that obedience to such an one , doth estate righteousness or innocence to the obedient party also , even as if they had received himself as their prophet or director , or as their righteous man or administrator of justice . he that receiveth you , receiveth me : and he that receiveth me , receiveth him that sent me : he that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall not lose a prophets reward ; and he that receiveth a righteous man , in the name of a righteous man , shall not lose a righteous mans reward : even he shall be as assuredly rewarded for his obedience , as others shall for their alms , to these my present indigent ministers and servants . for so it follows , whosoever shall give to drink to one of tehse little ones , a cup of cold water in the name of a disciple , verily i say unto you , he shall in no wise lose his reward . and although it be no wonder for worldly minded men to be inclined to antichristianism , ( for covetousness is commonly the root of this , as well as all other evil ) yet it is to be presumed , that ( through christs assistance ) those little children have overcome them , that have no higher a support , then that prince of the world , to whom they do homage for these things : and so need not be wondred at for deserting obedience to christ or his deputies , through their service to mammon . for we are to conceive , that as this tempter at first tempted our saviour himself , to fall down and worship him for these things , so are his members every day enticed by these worldly ends , to deserting of christ also : and to yield homage to them , rather then to his deputies and ministers . but that this despising of christs ministers , is deserting of god and christ , and so is antichristianism , appears most plainly by the next verse : we are of god , he that knoweth god heareth us : he that is not of god heareth not us ; hereby know we the spirit of truth and the spirit of error . that is , by disobedience to christs deputies , the spirit of lyers or antichristians is to be known : for as every one that teacheth any doctrine , without the leave of these heads ( whom christ hath particularly promised to be with to the end of the world ) is a deceiver ; so , if his doctrine be against their representation of christs in the flesh , he is an antichrist also . the last mention of little children is to warn them against this idolatry of covetousness : saying , little children keep your selves from idols . that is , since the lusts of the flesh , the lust of the eys , and the pride of life ( being not of god ) are to be most avoided by you that represent his authority , so will covetousness and ambition work greater mischief , being sought after by you that are in high places , then it can do by others . and therefore , are they strictly and particularly charged by our saviour against this vice of covetousness , upon his giving them their first mission : provide neither gold , nor silver , nor brass in your purses ; and the like . answerable thereunto , was that admonition by s. paul given to timothy , the head of the ephesian church under him ; having , food and rayment let us therewith be content . but they that will be rich , fall into temptation and a snare : and into many foolish and hurtful lusts , which drown men in destruction and perdition . for the love of money is the root of all evil : which while some have coveted after , they have erred from the faith ( or been seduced to do , or teach otherwise then becomes the doctrine of faith ) , and pierced themselves through with many sorrows . but thou o man of god , fl●e these things : and follow after righteousness , godliness , faith , love , patience , meekness : that is , add littleness or humility , to thy purity of life and sanctity . for as the man of god ( or gods minister ) , is to be exampler in fleeing youthful lusts , so also in fleeing covetousness , the usual idolatry of age . at that time especially , when things expressing humility and poverty , did best become the mean condition of the church , and her present little heads . which present heads , having been by our saviour warned in especial manner against this vice , and to trust to the care of god whose workmen they were , it cannot therefore seem otherwise then needful , they should have caveats against this fault . and that the not hearing of us ( before mentioned ) is the denyal of god and christ , and is formally the crime of antichristianism , will further appear by consideration of those many places , where christ , delegating his disciples and the seventy with power to personate him in the power of the kingdom of god , doth acount their refusal to be his : he that shall deny me before men , ( that is , deny me by denying my authority in you ) , him will i deny before my father which is in heaven . which , and the like speeches implying , that himself ( being now in heaven ) , cannot otherwise have his authority denyed in the flesh , then by denying obedience to his deputies , it must consequently prove disobedience or denyal of them , to be denyal of him ; and so antichristianism . and the like must be understood of every other succeding little one in the church or kingdom of heaven : namely , that whosoever shall receive one such little one in christs name , receiveth him ; but whoso shall offend , &c. shall have a punishment denoting the greatness of the sin of antichristianism . but now ( at last ) , to appeal from discourse to matter of fact , we may with great grief finde , both the description of the antichrist , and the many antichrists , but too plainly made good in our days . how is this falling away from the life and power of godliness , accompanied with the sad consequences of destroying kings more now then ever ? how doth the antichrist prove himself more and more , as well a man of sin ( by his doctrines ) as a son of perdition , by his many encouragements to , and practises of rebellion and civil war : and in eclipsing and subjecting of monarchy ? by whose cleer revealing , we may think that the day of christ is at hand . for now , more then ever , is nation risen against nation , &c. and not onely so , but to make good that a mans enemies shall be them of his own house , how doth the doctrine of this son of perdition , prevail in setting up civil wars in every corner ? and i would to god , that many that have taken pains in discovery of this man of sin , had not been themselves partakers and guilty of the same sin of antichristianism also . it is not enough to cleer themselves , by crying whore first : for let the pope be the whore of babylon whilst he will , yet if they joyn with him in this doctrine of antichrist , it is not their leaning their heads another way can excuse the mischief and effects thereof : whilst ( like samsons foxes ) they joyn with him in their tayls , by throwing abroad those fire-brands of civil war , wherewith all christendom is inflamed . by which , they prove to be the many antichrists ( heretofore spoken of ) ; and to be real friends to that son of perdition also . so that as we have heard , that in the last time antichrist shall come ; even now are there many antichrists , whereby we know it to be the last time . for as he that did let ( to wit the roman emperor ) was by little and little taken out of the way ( or his seat ) , and as the man of sin therein , and thereupon , did set up and reveal himself ; how many antichrists did ( under aristocracies and democracies ) set up for themselves also in sundry parts thereof ? how have they since encreased , in encroaching not onely thereon , but on parcels of the dominions of other christian kings besides ? and as it is the nature of sin , ( and particularly that of rebellion ) , to encrease and steal on us by degrees ( like witchcraft ) , mark we ( with grief and astonishment ) , to what height and temerity we are now grown herein . so that ( at this day ) , men are not content to pare away from kings some parcels of their dominions , but now they think fit , ( yea and duty ) to take all : and would have it every-where believed , that while they can but pretend christs service , and so ( with a fair corban ) be sitting in the temple of god , they must be all that while doing his will : as though antichristianism were not a sin of fact ; or that to be against , and for christ were the same thing . in that which hath been hitherto spoken ( in the description of antichrist ) , if i be not throughly convincing , it is not to be wondred at ; considering the prejudice which every reader will have against it : he being in some kinde or degree or other , guilty in act or desire , of the encroachment of authority himself . and next considering , that the thing it self is both set down to be , and accordingly delivered to us as a mystery . but yet , since the description and prophesie of his coming , was to warn true christians of his danger , it is our duty to be intent to finde out whom this mystery doth concern . in which doing , the mystery it self is made ( by the good providence of god ) our best help , to discover the persons that prevail by this mystical working : that is , not by open opposition against god or christ , but by being secretly against them , whilst sitting in the temple , and pretending to be most zealous and religious . such were the persons , and such were the practices of the pharisees at first , against the person of christ himself , under colour of serving god. a people so bewitching unwary mindes with their legal pretensions of sanctity , that all christs miracles could not be sufficient to convince his divine authority . and such are the persons , and such are the pretensions of their disciples , and followers , the antichristian zealots of our time . so that besides the antichrist , ( under shew of religious power over the whole temple ) doth bare-faced trample on sacred authority , how cleerly may we ( and with grief ) behold , this form of godliness always most closely put on by the many antichrists now , when any of christs deputies are to be opposed . inasmuch , as there is not an antichristian attempt , which christ is not brought to ovvn , under some religious pretence or other , ) by these kind of men : vvho novv ( against his vicegerents ) , conform themselves unto all the examples of those that at first most opposed himself . thus shall we observe this generation of vipers , ( and who ( like vipers ) are ready to gnaw out the bowels of the church and state that bred them ) , to be hypocrites like them : that is , they say and do not . they binde ( like them ) heavy burthens and grievous to be born , and lay them on mens shoulders : but they themselves will not move them with one of their fingers . even so , how is line upon line , precept upon precept , added as fundamental in religion : that under a cloak of sanctity , greetings in the market-place , ( that is , popular applause ) may be gotten : that they may be called of men rabbi , and to have the chief seats in the synagogues , and the uppermost rooms in feasts ? how ambitious do we still finde them , to have honorable places and esteem in meetings ? but as for loving room at feasts , i think our trencher pharisees , will with their formal long prayers , put down any ancient pharisee : even to the devouring of all widdows houses they can creep into . how do our pharisees resemble old ones , in compassing sea and land to make proselites ? how do they again , in pressing some superstitious observations ; and thereby failing in judgement mercy and faith ? how do they resemble them in straining at a gnat , and swallowing at a camel ? but above all , ( as if by divine providence permitted , to shew of what extraction the antichristian pharisees of our time are ) , how is the corban and the sabbath , ( the two old pharisaical marks of devotion ) , re●●rained and pressed still by papists and sectaries : with such superstitious degree of observation , that they would have men think that their church and sabbath , were inclusive of all sanctity and duty besides . but truely , when we consider ( in the last of these ) , how often the strict observation of the sabbath hath been by christ and his apostles reproved , and never once spoken for in the new-testament ( it looking like a command appropriate to that nation to be kept in remembrance of their deliverance out of egypt , being never kept till then ) and that it should yet remain a mark and cognizance of what these men are ( that so much pretend to follow him ) we cannot but wonder at their imprudent choice , in not laying their formal devotion elsewhere , then on that fatal badge . but , while they are thus drawing neer god with their lips , and honoring him with their mouths , in their works they deny him ; and make it manifest that it is mammon they serve . for , all the while they are so clamorous for a day for god to rest on ( because it costs them nothing ) , they will not allow him a house to rest in , because that will yeild them something . our saviour ( with that other man after gods own heart ) could say , the zeal of thine house hath eaten me up , when as these mens zeal doth everywhere eat up the houses themselves . our saviour drove the buyers and sellers , and such as made merchandice , out of the temple : but these bring in such as are to make marchandice of the temple . and , while they are thus taking to themselves all the houses of god into possession ; and , with sacrilegious hands , robbing him and his ministers of all those honorable monuments of devotion and charity wherewith their more pious and holy ancestors had made christ and his religion honorable in the eys of the world , these men , in relation those bags they carry and adore , are ( with judas ) crying out wherefore all this waste ? a barn , and a cobler , are , in thir esteem , places and persons good enough for the service of that great god before men , whom , in a hypocritical zeal , they so much pretend to reverence and respect . and while we are solemnly serving our father , in houses of prayer dedicated to his worship , they are serving their father and their god , their belly , in places of like dedication : a dining-room or a kitchin ; on a table for an altar , and with a cook for a priest : and yet all this while , that they are thus without god in the world , and denying christ before men , they would be apprehended as the onely heirs of heaven , and so inwardly and heartily addicted to their service above others , that it cannot at all break forth into action of love or obedience . as though holiness and righteousness were contemplative graces onely , or that any one could be a true and worthy member of christs church who endeavored not his praise before men , but were by their disobedient and unsociable lives a scandal to that religion which hath the highest reason and morality in its practice of any in the world . how is that old pharisaical tradition of washing of hands , pots , cups , &c. imitated by the select tones and phrases of our modern pharisees ? whereby ( as by a sort of canting language ) they take liberty ( with their predecessors ) at once to commend themselves , and condemn others : as if in this kinde of devotion ( because they devised it ) all religion were to be put . by this light , and rule of distinction , do our pharisees ( like those of old ) , spie the moats in their brothers eys . and as those of old could boast they were not as other men , so these be they that separate themselves now : rashly judging all that are not of their crew , to be worldlings , ungodly , malignant , reprobate , and what not . and that themselves are not thus carnally minded , they do most evidently declare by fact ; for after , by their devout pretensions , they have seated themselves in that earthly dominion and power they did seem to despise , they will thrust out these their ungodly and worldly brethren out of their legal estates and possessions , as being but usurpers in that right of the creature which is peculiar unto themselves . which antichristian fatal badge of separation , and going out from us , me thinks they should have prudently declined also : not onely because they finde it so often reproved , in their predecessors by our savior , but also by the prophets ; admonishing them to ask for the old paths , where is the good way , and to walk therein ; as the sure course to to finde rest for their souls . but since they have refused to walk therein , or to hearken to the watchmen by god set over them , and are thereupon run into a mutual course of stumbling and perishing , by following their new and private speculations , i see not why any conscientious man should be scandalized with their obloquy : since it is but equal , or short of what their predecessors gave our savior himself . for as this ( on the one hand ) will prove us disciples of christ , so ( on the other hand ) , will it prove them disciples of the pharisees . yes , the true successors , and imitators of those hypocrites of old , are all these whom we daily finde extolling themselves above others , by models and rules of distinction of their own framing . for as of old , those that were rebellious against christ and his gospel , are by the evangelical prophet set down saying to others , stand by thy self , come not neer me , for i am holier then thou ; even so now , how do our late pharisees vilifie and abandon , under the like notions of publicans and sinners , all that are not by themselves cannonized for saints and holy ? for it is not now the being members of christs body the church ; alas , that 's a common grace ; but being of their gang therein , that can truely sanctifie . no , that glorious appellation of saints , in the new-testament given to the houshold of faith in honor of the master thereof , even to such as were sanctified through faith in christ , and equivalent to that of believers ( all those being priviledged with this notion of saint , or son of god that ( at first ) believed on his name : ) as the beginning of most of the epistles do declare , ( addressing them sometimes to the church , sometimes to the saints ) must be no longer appropriate to christs followers , but to their own . not well considering , that that church saint paul is said to make havock of in one place , himself calleth saints in another , confessing to have done it in opposition to the name of jesus . the which appellations ananias also indifferently useth when he is setting forth s. pauls persecution against the church : calling them in one verse the saints , and in the next , such as called on christs name , for handsomness and variety of expression ; and not to make gentile believers to be none , or less saints then jews . no , but , as amongst them formerly , sanctity was appropriate to the circumcision , so , amongst christians , because every one that nameth the name of christ should depart from iniquity , therefore it came to pass that a believer and a saint , came to signifie the same . but let not us now take this ill : for s. paul , s. peter , and other of christs own disciples , ( because not of them ) shall not be by them called saints also : no not so much as mr. paul , &c. whenas , if any author is mentioned by them , he hath the addition of mr. as mr. calvin , or the like . and their excuse for not doing it , is the greatest argument of their pride : which is , because the apostles ( in their parity ) used not to give these titles to one another : therefore are they not to give it to them neither . concluding ( as it should seem ) that because they had now attained an equal pitch of sanctity with them , they might thereupon say our brother paul , peter , or the like . but they should remember , that as god alone is the searcher of hearts , in such sort as to to distinguish between men of the same outward profession and say , behold a true israelite in whom there is no guile , so is it becoming christian duty and charity , to leave men in these censures , to stand or fall to their own master . to him that hath the keys of heaven and of hell , we must leave the judgement and distinction of those persons and their qualities , that are fit for the one or the other . whereas to us , that cannot discover the hypocrisie of persons , nor tell who in the visible church are of the communion of saints , and who not ; it is no ways safe nor becoming , to make these arrogant and deceivable distinctions : so as to call some saints , & count others cast-aways , in regard of any secret tokens of grace and salvation by our selves discoverable . whereas our saviour , that could best foretel of these hypocrisies , bids us have an especial regard to these kinde of men that should come in sheeps cloathing but inwardly were ravening wolves . yes , ravening wolves indeed , even too plainly found to be such , by those seditions and destructive courses which do every day appear to be the fruit of these trees of shew . in which respect , although none on earth can judge of these hidden graces and endowments by which one man is preferred before another as a citizen of heaven , yet so far as men are here to be citizens in christs kingdom the church , in that respect , there are again , certain moral vertues and qualities differently seated and appearing in the meembers of each church : whereby the head thereof may , in reference to publike peace and order judge one man better or more holy then another . but because these sorts of men do usually raise their discipline and tenents by abusing some texts and phrases of scripture ; as supposing them plainly appliable to their uses when they are therein but set down as mysteries , we shall now shew some reasons for the darkness therein sometimes used . chap. xiii . of the mystical delivery of some divine truths , and the reason thereof . some there are , who contend very seriously , and with many arguments , to make it appear , that that work of creation which is to ordinary apprehensions , set down to be the imployment of six days , was wholly effected in one ; chiefly perswading themselves , that the contrary assertions of allowing six days time was derogatory to the almightiness of such an agent as was occupied herein . in those that oppose them , there is as much invention used to shew why we should keep our selves to the belief of six days work ; and that the litteral sense of that story could import none other . and truly , were i to judge , i should assign to these last the greater hold of truth ; as not deeming it a diminution to the sufficiency of any workman , that is not bound by any thing besides his own will , to be as long , or as short a time as he pleaseth in the finishing of what he undertakes ; especially , since it is not therewithal set down , that he had not ability to do it sooner . for , if the dispatch of the creation in one day , should have argued almightiness , more then in six , then , they should have left him but one hour , or rather but one minute for the doing thereof ; if they must suppose him measuring his almightiness in his operations , by the time of their production . therefore , as the only will and good pleasure of god almighty , was at first the cause why all things were by him at all , or in such and such manner created , so was it also the only rule and guid , that set measure and form to the way and means of their preservation , and so consequently was it the reason why the several species of creatures came to be endued with such friendly aspects and inclinations , as that they prosecuting the same naturally and continually should therewith also , preserve and promote the good of their fellow creatures . which affection , although to that end , common to all , was yet only necessarily and insensibly to themselves , imposed on the lower sorts of things ; when as the most noble race of creatures , which had more resemblance to him , had also so much knowledge and will implanted , as to enable them , not only to be so far apprehensive , as to be expresly thankful for these favours , but also to furnish them with power for farther acquisition of things delightful and good , and of avoidance of what was contrary , as hath been heretofore observed . in which course of liberty and freedom of will , whereby the welfare of voluntary agents comes to be referred to their own demeanor and guidance , god makes another manner of condition with us men , then he did with angels : for the angels that fell , he hath so abandoned in his justice , that they cannot rise ; and these that do stand , he hath so surrounded with his grace and providence , that they cannot fall . for they sinning actually and personally , or else , after the same manner continuing upright and obedient , could not but from his justice or goodness , expect personal sentence accordingly ; whereas to us men , that sinned by imputation , as transgressing in the originals and representatives of our kind we ( in our separate persons ) are neither irremediably censured to punishment , nor yet to mercy or reward . for although traduction made eternal death liable to all ( even to such as had not sinned after the similitude of adams transgression ) yet forasmuch as we had not ( like our first parents ) personally so sinned , god appoints us another means and way of deliverance , whereby it should come to pass , that none should suffer for the fault of adam , in his actual disobedience against god , but such as should personally afterwards incur that guilt of disobedience , by renewing it against his son christ jesus ; nor should the bite and contagion of that serpent in paradise , prove mortal to any , that should with the eye of faith , look unto this brazen serpent for cure . but then farther , some of mankind being for their original fault ( as aforesaid ) in justice to be punished , and some again in mercy to be freed , it stood not agreeable to gods impartial rule of administration , particularly to appoint and prosecute any peremptory and unavoidable means of distinct saving of all those persons which shall hereafter be taken into mercy , because even thereupon the rest ( who could in adam be looked upon but with equal guilt ) must have been unequally punished ; but it became expedient , ordinarily to leave them free to the contrary . as therefore , that medicine or plaister , which is made for any disease , doth not cure by being , but by being applyed ; so ( in this common cure of mankinde ) it became expedient , that christ should ( for application ) be freely offered to all ; that each mans destruction might be from his own fault , and the means of salvation not forcably imposed on all that are saved , to involve the rest in inevitable ruine : wherefore , when we read of a pharaoh hardned , or a paul particularly chosen by god , for some special and extraordinary uses ( and to shew gods freedom and power over his creature , as the potter over the clay ) we must not take it as his ordinary course . no more , then when ( in our fortunes and affairs of this life ) we find god sometimes making use of his good pleasure and power , in more remarkably blessing and countenancing some particular nations or persons more then ordinary , we are thence to conclude , that the good or ill fortune of each nation in general , or each person of that nation in particular , is not usually to be ascribed , as left unto the guidance of their , and his own judgement and will. which thing ( well considered ) might silence much controversie in point of predestination . but now ( upon the grounds before shewed ) it appearing fit that this general means of salvation , should be in such manner set forth , as all should not accept , although offered , nor none with just excuse deny , we shall find reason , why the name and notion of mystery , is so often applied both to the gospel , and christ himself : and why our saviour was so frequent in parables . doubted it cannot be , but that it stood within the compass of gods almightiness to have made such inward preparation of mans heart , and to have so encreased the light and evidence of divine truth ( both by continuance of miracles , and increase and plainness of discourse ) that it had been impossible for any one to have denied his assent and obedience thereunto : for so even the unbelieving jews , and malicious scribes and pharisees that could not be convinced and brought to acknowledgement of the truth by those many other miracles wrought by our saviour , are yet professing that if he would ( shew one of their choosing , that is ) descend from his cross and save himself they would then believe on him also : whereas now , by this offer of salvation , in such a way as cannot by all be accepted or refused , his mercy and justice , in saving or punishing part of mankind , are both preserved without partiality . for thus , when we find the gospel preached to any particular nation or people ( whereby god may have a church , or company of men more expresly serving and praising him ) it is yet so ordered , that the necessity of particular and definite persons believing unto salvation , follows not thereupon : for that the many resplendent beams , of divine light and truth in scripture contained , do so dazel and divert mens understandings , that they prove for the most part unable , truly to make use of , and distinguish that direct beam , pointing at their most necessary duties : but pleasing themselves with the forms of godliness , lose the true vertue and power thereof that should bring them to heaven . when as , on the contrary , such sorts of people to whom so much hath not been given , and have not so well known their masters will , shall , by obedience to the substance of the law written in their hearts , prove themselves better disciples of the two . for these , having never refused or opposed , as the others have , must therein be acknowledged as for him , whilst not denying , or against him . and so , because ( in works ) all we can call our own is absence , of ill ; therefore faith being the gift of god , absence of dis-belief frees us from condemnation , where it is with innocence accompanied . upon which grounds , it should follow , that men in their future condition , should be distinguished into three ranks ; that is , first , such as through actual faith in christ , attain remission by repentance , and participation of the reward of heaven , through imputation of good works done in his obedience . the other , of such as dis-believe him ; or else , not knowing him , do ( besides the miss of heaven ) pull upon themselves the deserved punishments of hell ; by breaches of charity in those punishments they bring on others . the middle rank may be supposed of such , as , missing the desert and reward of heaven ( through want of actual faith in christs merits ) do yet avoid the punishment and condemnation of hell , by observing the substance of the law , which is love ; and avoiding those crimes that accompany actual and known disobedience and breach of charity . from which it might be farther gathered , that had man continued innocent , hell had not been for punishments of his charity , nor a heaven appointed for the reward of his faith ; but being then led by the light of his uncorrupted nature , as it would h●●e kept him from guilt , so the good he did ( through charitable propension ) being by her light done too , and she having her object of benefit not higher then here below ; he could not merit beyond an earthly paradise , had not a divine person ( by owning our charity as his ) made them more highly rewardable . for so in the gospel , shall we find our sentence at the last judgement running according to works : and as works also done to , or against our saviour himself ; he answering , inasmuch as ye did it , or did it not unto one of the least of these my brethren , ye did it , or did it not unto me . but because now , all men are more or less harmful , and transgressors of the moral law , or law of providence , this third middle condition is quite taken off : and as men stand differenced in degrees of reward and punishment , answerably as they have been faithful and charitable , or otherwise : so , there being none that can say of himself , he is at all times free from uncharitableness , it follows , that all without christ , must be liable in degree to future punishment also , these things thus stated , we may find reason , why , as there is a hell and heaven prepared for mankind , so those qualities and conditions leading thereunto , should rest for the most part in his own power ; and that , as god is not to be accused for those punishments of the wicked , in what he doth to the glorifying of his justice , so , that the rewards of the righteous may be the more to his honor , in their services and obediences towards him , he will have it done with , and through as great difficulties as humane frailty is capable of , even making his strength perfect in their weakness ; least they doing it , as lead in too plain a way , it might be objected ( in prejudice to gods glory in their obedience ) as the devil did to job ; do these serve god for nought , hath he not put them in such a condition as they could not do otherwise ? to which purpose ( as iob in the fortunes of this world , so ) we , for tryal of our faith , are suffered to have tares and false lights , sowed amongst us by that wicked one , that we from thence escaping , might arise more glorious in the praise of the goodness and power of that god , to whose glory and service we directed it : and to the greater condemnation of him , that in so great a light fell away . nor yet can there be any ground taken from thence for any such impious conjecture ; as that god proposed these lights and truths to his church as in mockery : and with direct intention of rendring them ineffectual through obscurity ; and not , as truly and sincerely therein , purposing their benefit and salvation . for we may confidently affirm , that the discovery of the errors and inconveniencies of atheism , antichristianism , uncharitableness , disobedience , &c. are in nature , and many places of scripture so plainly delivered : and the contrary truths and duties so evidently exprest and asserted , that it were not possible for any man ( whom licentiousness hath not prejudiced , and pre-possessed with the spirit of infidelity , rebellion , malice , stubornness , or the like ) to be ignorant thereof upon any reasonable inquiry . but if the corruption of our depraved nature , helped on with the malice of that wicked one ( most forward to sow his tares in the field of the church , and most ready to enter the places thus swept and garnished ) do so commonly keep us from discerning those truths and duties , which we are so loath to find and conceive to be such , it is not ( as before noted ) to be wondred at . and , to come nearer our own present business by instance ; if there should have been set down in scripture such plain precepts for settling the office and power of monarchy , as should have necessarily and universally , driven men to implicite obedience to that government and none else , it would not only have overthrown our liberty , and rendred all men equally good and bad , as aforesaid , but also have endangered the loss of gods honor ( the end of mans conservation ) whilst it thus , for peace sake , went about to confer it too closely and absolutely on his deputy ; on whom ( as in a kind of idolatry , men might else come to fix those express returns of thanks and praise , which to god himself were only due , as to their fountain and original . these lessons intending as well to enjoyn obedience in subjects , to whom all places of obedience must be understood , as to take off arrogance in princes , and so each one to learn their own parts , not that of others . and therefore , when we shall find christ so obsure in his description of the kingdom of god or heaven , and of his appearing , as to give occasion to some to think the words altogether to imply gods inward kingdom , or christs coming to judgement at the last day , and not his glorious appearance in his kingdom , the church , it is not much to be admired to be misconstrued , and that construction always made use of , by such prejudiced minds as are loath to examine how then it should be true , that the apostles themselves should desire to see one of the days of the son of man , and should not see it : it being unconceivable , how they should not see his second coming to judgement , or not be partakers of his glory therein , as well as of his inward comforts here . upon which grounds we may also find reason , why our saviour was so close and reserved in all those places , where he hath occasion to speak of that power he was to delegate and leave to his apostles ; even so , that he not only forbears to put their authority under the plain notion of obedience , and doth it under the more familiar terms of hearing or receiving ( saying , he that receiveth , or heareth you , heareth , or receiveth me : but also , whilst he is giving them this power , he doth so intermix it with such other discourses ( that may seem , or are common to others also ) that the apostles themselves could not ( it is like ) understand the plenitude of their own power , until after his resurrection ; that he had particularly spoken to them of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god : which things , being the proper duties and instructions of the apostles only , was the reason we find him not mentioning the like to any other person . and when , by reason of this obscurity , s. peter is asking whether themselves or all are spoken to , he neither gives answer i , nor no ; but ( as before noted ) goes on with the description of the duty of their offices , under the notion of stewards . which office , although it must of consequence draw on eminence and power in gods houshold the church , yet he delivers the duty thereof in such expressions as might concern others , as well as themselves . but , when there , or in other places , he is instructing to humility most , we are to conceive it done because the authority of this office is most subject to tempt to pride and oppression . and where we find him so frequent in giving admonitions to mutual love , and particularly , so often giving his apostles warning for loving one another , and so expresly , forbidding them to seek to exercise authority one over another ( as it cannot be construed as excluding their just authority over such as are under them , so ) this admonition is to be conceived of high import to the peace and good of his whole church : which might else , by the disagreement of these several heads , in their divided jurisdictions one against another , draw on perpetual wars , by their ambitious seeking to encroach on their frllow stewards office and authority , and not resting content with their own charge . which gentile imitation , or striving to obtain a sole monarchy in christs whole church ( as formerly the greeks , romans , or others had done in the world ) hath been ( as experience tells us ) not only unsuccesful to the undertakers , but always of high mischief to christendom . and therefore , if this seasonable admonition of mutual service and love one to another do oftner and more plainly appear to be given to the apostles , then the description of their power , there is good and plain reason for so doing . we may also find reason from hence , why the apostles themselves were so mysterious and dark , in declaring their own great power in the church . so that s. paul having been put to it by his stubborn corinthians , doth yet do it as in a mystery : for fear of arrogating too much to himself , and through his too great eminence in power , to prove more obnoxious to the rest of the world , and more scandalous to his new believers . therefore , saith he , these things brethren i have in a figure transferred to my self , and to apollo for your sakes : that ye might learn in us , not to think of men above that which is written : that no one of you be puffed up for one against another . meaning , that as he had mysterously thus avowed his own power , and still used meek and loving intreaties ; whereas he might have come with a rod , in vindication of his power in the kingdom of god , it was out of jealousie of robbing god of his honor , by thinking of men above what was written ; and to leave them also an example of greater humility ; since he that was chief amongst them took no more upon him . having also , by this abatement of himself ( who as an apostle was their chief head ) an aim to reduce them from schism , caused through their esteeming too highly of others that were puffed up , and yet had no mission ; nothing written for their so doing , as he had ; who was endued with power to command them in the lord , or in christs name ; according to the written texts of , he that receiveth you , receiveth me , &c. so that we may see , the mysterie of their duty of obedience to christs minister plainly inferred , when by forbidding to think of men above what is written , it must be supposed their duty , to give what is written . without this way of interpretation , and by consideration and regard had unto the dignity and authority of christs ministers , and the stewards of the mysteries of god , it will be very hard to make the word for to be pertinent in the said sentence , that no one of you be puffed up for one against another : because we are to conceive , that although faithfulness be required in stewards , yet it being not ( as heretofore noted ) subjected to mans judgement , but to gods , whose stewards they are , the people are therefore to refer their censure of their superiors power or prudence to him that is the guide , as well as the searcher of their hearts . when christ , at his second coming , shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness ; that is , shall discover the reason of this mystical way of empowering his substitutes ; and shall then also , by making manifest the counsel of hearts , convince men that many things were by their superiors done upon good counsel and consideration , which they , by hearkning to private doctrines and guides , might misconstrue , and so be led into schisms and seditions , whilst they shall be thus puffed up for one another ( as they stood each one distinctly conceited and interessed in their several congregations and heads ) and thereby come to be really and effectually one against another : in respect of that breach of publike peace and charity which this factious proceeding and dis-respect to one head must produce . and of this mystical delivery of his authority , we shall farther instance in one place , as particularly remarkable , for setting the power of each churches head in such a way , as not to be subject either to rob god of his honor , or to give scandal , by his own claiming authority to himself in too plain a manner . he having praised the corinthians , for keeping the ordinances delivered unto them ( whereby they had shewed themselves disciples , or followers of him as he was of christ : he then adds ( to take off all shew of boasting ) but i would have you know , that the head of every man is christ , and the head of the woman is the man , and the head of christ is god : that is , i would not be understood as claiming this obedience in mine own name , but as under christ , the head of every man : that is , more especially of every man thus exalted in power . for as we cannnot interpret christ to be head of every single man , so as to exclude the whole sex of women , no more can we think , that in regard of power and subjection one to another ( which is the scope of what went before , and what follows ) that every man stands in like relation to christ. but that , although all single men and women ( so far as they are christians ) are alike his members , yet do they differ as they stand in their oeconomy , relating as ministers and members in each particular church . therefore we cannot conceive , that all this serious discourse should be litterally taken ; as driving at nothing but womens covering their heads , or of mens being bare-headed in time of praying or prophesying : as if god cared for the one or the other , as in themselves : but to shew , that ( according to the drift of the former chapters ) there ought to be order kept in all our publike services ; and that also , this order and uniformity is to be directed by obedience . so that by man , we may understand the head of each church ; and by women , the members thereof , and most especially those of the clergy ; who are ( as wives ) to be directed herein by their husbands : and praying and prophesying , we may understand put for the whole outward service . that this was only parabolically spoken of women , with intention that ( under the instance of their subjection to their husbands ) general subjection might be inferred , will appear in that the woman is herein proposed as doing that which she is not permitted to do ; that is to prophesie , and especially publikely . for so we shall find him presently saying , let your women keep silence in the churches , for it is not permitted unto them to speak , but they are commanded to be under obedience , as also saith the law ; and if they will learn any thing , let them ask their husbands at home , for it is a shame for women to speak in the church , in which place , the occasion of the speech was also the same ; namely , the avoidance of schisms , by having all things done decently , and in order ; that is , by means of subordination and subjection , of the second and third ranks of prophets and teachers , unto apostolical authority , which is the first , and so established by christ also . again , it will appear parabollically put , for that the tokens of subjection there put down , are not pertinent to set forth the subordination of women to men ( litterally taken ) but are mysteriously proper to set forth the subjection of each church to that husband , unto whom in christ she is married . for being bare-headed , did not signifie power and freedom ; nor being covered , signifie servitude , but the quite contrary , both in the sense of those times and ours . but if it be supposed not fit , for the head of the church to pray with his head covered , for dishonoring his head ; that is , christ , from whom all his authority is derived ; even so again , by covering , understanding publike church rights and orders , each church is not then to be supposed left bare , and at liberty in these things by her head , as the head thereof is by christ his head : but that she is to observe them as her covering , or else renounce her obedience by being shorn . again , apprehending the duties of obedience and subjection to be signified under signs contrary , we may observe , that the man ought not to cover his head , forasmuch as he is the glory of god ; that is , in his head he is more particularly representing his authority and universal headship , in respect of his government and power amongst us . which his glory , being to arise from that subjection and obedience which these below do give unto him , therefore the woman is the glory of the man. and when it is said , the man is not of the woman , it is meant the commander and his power is not derived from the commanded : but the woman is of the man , meaning the subject from the subjector . and so again , when it is said , the man was not created for the woman , but the woman for the man ; it is to be taken as relating to their respective duties of commanding and obeying only ; and as thereby causing gods encrease of glory , by being more eminently glorified by persons in authority . for else they themselves ( nay in their relations too ) are not for one another , but for the glory of god. but to make god the god of order here below , the woman ought to have power on her head because of the angels : that is , each church and her angels , ought here ( by their obedience ) to acknowledge the power of their own head ( claiming it to gods glory as his image of authority ) even because in heaven , god hath the like done to him by his angels or ministers , and doth therefore require , that the like subordination be observed by those members , which in each church serve as angels to minister unto his vicegerent the head thereof . afterwards , the apostle explains how the head and his angels ( or ministers ) are to be reciprocally supporters of each other . for in the lord ( that is , in the execution of church matters ) the king is not to act without his bishops , nor they without him : even as the man is not without the woman , nor the woman without the man in the lord : and therefore , after the pacting fashion the commanders and obeyers ( in their reciprocal relations ) are not to shut out god : but the superiors themselves should be careful to attribute that honor to god , which they do by his power receive , because all things are of god. for looking upwards to the honor and end of the work , neither he that planteth , nor he that watereth are any thing , but god that giveth the encrease . and looking downwards again , to the object of their imployment , the whole church , all things are theirs also , whether paul , or apollo , or cephas , and they are christs , and christs is god : that is , all things return to god , as having his glory the last end of all power , even as himself was the only efficient thereof . in the three next verses , the necessity of each churches observance of appointed order in her publike service to god , is farther implyed and urged as consonant to ordinary reason : judge in your selves , is it comely for a woman to pray unto god uncovered ; that is , for subordinate men and ministers to frame what forms of worship they please . doth not even nature it self teach you , that if a man ( in authority ) have long hair ( that is , be subjected in church orders ) it is a shame to him : but if a woman have long hair , it is a glory , for her hair was given her for a covering ; where on the other side we may find , that all tokens of subjection are proper for inferiors , and that especially in church rites and ceremonies , being most properly allude unto those under the figure of vail or covering . this allegory is largely continued , and set forth in his epistles to the ephesians , taking occasion there also , to press it in the like behalf of submission and obedience , and in particular , about publike church orders . in which place likewise , , wives were to submit to their own husbands , as unto the lord : but because those texts , may be easily conceived by what hath been already delivered , i shall omit the application of the particular allusions of the power of each churches head , and of each churches reciprocal subjection again , there set down under the figure of man and wife . but plain it is that the apostle doth expresly there set it down not to be meant litterally , but as a great mysterie concerning christ and his church : and so leaves none but the following verse , to set out expresly the mutual duties of man and wife ; viz. nevertheless , let every one of you in particular , so love his wife , even as himself : and the wife see that she reverence her husband ; that is , although i have before appointed each church to be in subjection to her head or husband , as the whole church is to christ , its head and husband ; so now i do litterally intend to direct you in these conjugal duties . all which the words nevertheless , and , in particular , do manifest ; by cutting it off from the other discourse , and appropriating it to this ; implying , that before he alluded to another thing ; even the general relation between each church and its head , but here , of the particular relation of each man and his wife . and by this means we may know how to unfold the mystical delivery of the power of each churches head under christ , which else ( by stubborn persons ) might have seemed so great a mysterie , as not to be conceived farther extensive , then of the catholique church her obedience to christ himself . a thing not to be otherwise performed then by each churches obedience to its own head in his stead , as heretofore declared : nor at all available to stopping of schisms and divisions , by settling of order in each church , which was the drift of the admonitions , but rather to encrease them , as heretofore noted also : where the followers of christ himself are reckoned amongst other schismaticks . nor need we much wonder why the apostle , in setting forth the duty of obedience , should personate the wife ; and allude unto that relation more then any other , since we shall find this perfect obedience to be first enjoyned to wives ; and that , not only to be given upon most strict terms , but as done upon reason foregoing ; and upon the first promise of prevalence of christ and his church , as the seed of the woman : thy desire shall be subject to thy husbands , and he shall rule over thee . so that as the general rule for civil subjection was first given under the notion of father and mother , even so also , the mystical precept for ecclesiastick subordination and obedience , was at first intimated , and since continued , under the notion of husband : thereby inferring , that although , according to these oeconomical relations , men in orders stood not naturally so subjected as others , yet should their more religious and sacramental tye thereunto , incite them unto such demeanor of themselves in gods houshold the church , that they may evidence themselves men of orders , whilst serving and obeying the god of order , by submission to this their spiritual husband , in such degree and manner as he appointed . the case therefore thus standing , between the fear of robbing god of his proper glory , and the fear of destruction of men ( the instruments thereof ) by civil war , as we may see good ground for divine permission of those many changes of families in christian monarchies ; to wit , least too much should be arrogated by them in right of succession , or derogated from gods honor by that continued obedience given to such a race only ( which by gods appearance in a remarkable change is taken off ) so also we may finde reason , both why the direction and precepts for monarchy and obedience should be so many ( as in maintenance of so necessary a duty ) and why again they should not only be sometimes darkly delivered , but why also , there should be some scattered examples , that seemed to speak the contrary , permitted to stand in the scripture without express censure . thus shall you find amaziah slain , and no mention of any justice done by his son on the murthers , as himself had before commendably done , on those that murthered his father joash . thus shall you find david offering to fortifie kelaih against saul ; without any noted remorse , as he had when he cut off the skirt of his garment . thus shall you find eliah , not only disobeying the king in not appearing before him , but ( as in a seeming president for resistance ) causing fire to come from heaven upon the messengers ; until an angel better admonisheth him , and bids him go . the which was suffered to pass uncensured likewise , until the heady disciples of our saviour , would on the behalf of a far greater then eliah have been imitating him in this fiery example of revenge , against a cruel , and more unjust authority . and so shall you find the same revengeful spirit , that had caused elisha to curse , and thereby slay the little children ( in pursuance of mistaken legal justice of an eye for an eye , &c. ) to provoke him also , not only to call his king the son of a murtherer , but ( with intention of returning evil for evil ) to instigate the elders of his city to resistance also , as thereby shewing himself subject to like passions with others . and so farther , as there may be examples picked from scripture , of some prophets reproving their kings , without any express mention of their warrant from god so to do ( which might yet be evidently enough presumed ) so are there such now to be found , as , by vertue of their priestly power , would from thence gather warrant for their boldness to vent their open reproofs in the face of majesty , pride or interest carrying them so headily herein , as not to consider that the very calling and spirit of these prophets was both extraordinary and miraculous , and their power and office , as heretofore noted , was instituted to the very intent of being extraordinary monitors towards the preservation of that nation and kingdom . and therefore if some find isaiah set down as coming to reprove hezekiah , without such express direction as nathan and others had , they will be thence collecting , that those of the clergy may do the like now ; without marking that it is afterwards by isaiah declared as a message to come extraordinary from god , and not by him pronounced by vertue of any text of the law. whereupon , since we shall never find those of the priesthood , who were the statute-officers for instruction and interpretation of law , offering to reprove any prince ; and yet it is plain that these laws have been by their kings manifestly broken ( as in the prohibition of multiplying treasure and horses , and other things ) it is most apparent , that there can be no just claim to any such authority for reproof challenged by any of the priest-hood now , having no pretence of claim to higher authority then those formerly . and therefore from all these and like instances we may ( in truth ) as soon gather arguments for rebellion , as others do for drunkenness , incest , or adultery , from the facts of noah , lot , judah , &c. which are all set down without reproof . but in the discovery of this , and other sins , as there is still plainness enough used , to enable him to hear that hath ears to hear ; so darkness sufficient , to let him that is filthy be filthy still . which was the reason of s. pauls words , when he said , we speak the wisdom of god in a mysterie : but not so to them that are perfect , but unto them that perish . nor need we wonder that these and such like presidents , should prevail with men now , amidst their many worldly temptations , when our saviours own disciples ( as before noted ) would have had him been imitating eliah by fire from heaven , in the pursuit of this revengeful and resisting humour . so that , when we finde the particular instances of jeoiadah , or the peoples sole , or more remarkable intermedling recorded as instrumental in setting the crowns on jehoash and azariahs head , made ( now adays ) by priests or subjects ) as good arguments to wear them when they have doneour ; admiration will be well abated , by consideration of that degree of self-interest and prejudice , which prevails with men usually , to search the scripture and its examples , to serve as proofs of those things they like already , and not to submit their wills to be guided by it : in which respect it is no wonder , if we come forth ten times more the children of wrath then before . for in this case , it will fare with men , balking plain precepts , and seeking to find gods pleasure to be in some other places of scripture signified more consonant to their aims and interests , as it did with balaam : who , being tempted with riches and preferment , and loving the wages of unrighteousness , did thereupon make a demur upon gods plain precept , thou shalt not go with them , and doth therefore upon another enquiry : find god saying , rise up and go with them . even so i say , such as come with pre-possession to search the scriptures , as being blinded with ambition , covetousness , or the like , and are thereupon willing to find god almighty contradicting of himself , shall never fail of an answer in the night , contrary to the plain precepts they received before , the which their worldly lusts and engagements shall make them readily obey in the morning , without farther search , as balaam did . thus , in that plain precept of honor the lord with thy substance , &c. covetousness will prompt them with texts of limitation and excuse against all this waste , &c. the true worshippers are those that worship in spirit and truth , and the like . whereby , under colour of rendring the church more glorious within , the former cloathing of wrought gold and needle work , shall be thought unbecoming a kings daughter . and so again , to elude those plain texts of , let every soul be subject , and that for conscience sake also , and the like , the text of fear not them that can kill the body , and some oothers will readily be embraced as limitations of their duty , by such who being resolved on a course of stubbornness and insubjection , may thereupon think they do still yield obedience to their prince , whilst they obey him in such civil matters as they shall think fit : even as they may think they serve and honor god well enough , whilst they say they do it inwardly and in the heart , and so may carry some flattery of conscience along with them , like unto balaam : who thought he might now go , so long as according to gods direction , yet in such cases , where a plain precept is transgressed , even so plain that every vulgar capacity , like balaams ass , may reprove the madness of the prophet : for men to think of venturing upon their own interpretations , and think they can stop soon enough in their rebellious journey , must be always dangerous : as rendring them subject to be beguiled by the prince of the ayr , instead of an angel of light. and we are by so much the more in danger of abuse and misinterpretation of scripture , by how much the design and advantage thereby to arise is more general , as leaving none to contradict , or bring us to rights therein ; as doth too evidently appear in the interpretation of all those texts where insubjection is aimed at . for each one being himself a subject , and having a desire and interest towards encrease of freedom , it is to be expected that all wayes of plausible addition should be still found out for advancement of a speculation so pleasing to all . whereas in the divided interests and opinions between sect and sect , the violence of one is kept in moderation by the fear of his opposite ; who will be sure to use all the skill and diligence he can to detect him of error , and to extol his own contrary tenent ; even so that an indifferent adjudication may be made between them . and therefore , if we put not on the whole armour of god , and have not our feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace ( that is , with meekness and poorness of spirit ) we shall not be able to stand against the wiles of the devil , nor his stratagems devised , to the breach of charity ; nor be able to quench the fiery darts of the wicked : those many arguments which he and his children of disobedience make use of for setting whole kingdoms , on fire by rebellion . but because many now under the gospel , have been the more drawn into these , and other errors in matter of their practise , out of their mistaken liberty , in the imitations of some such presidents as they find in the old testament recorded without reproof , it will not be amiss to discourse somewhat of their and our different conditions ; that so , making it appear how their doings might be lawful in such things , and how it comes otherwise to pass in ours , we may then take off the ground of so much abuse . after man had taken on him the knowledge of good and evil , he stood thereby obliged ( as heretofore declared ) to the performance of all such explicite pious duties as were requisite for gods service ; and all such vertuous moral actions as were advantagious for the good of others . and albeit under the law these were abreviated , and under the gospel contracted again into one precept , yet until that time it still remained so much their duties , that men were more or less good or evil , as they more or less kept , or violated these rules . and from thence it again followed , that those promises made to adam , as in the state of innocence , and those threats sentenced on him as lapsed , remained , for rewards and punishments , differently due and proper to his race . the first great transgressor in this kind was cain , in the cruel slaughter of his brother : and on him and his race ( as now exiled from gods more particular care and right of the creature ) we shall find the first curse of sterility to be again particularly laid . and so himself understands it ; as appears by his answer , thou hast driven me out this day from the face of the earth , and from thy face shall i be hid , &c. but when seth is born , and his first son reckoned , you will presently find , the distinction of the righteous seed from the other : and that it is said , then began men to call upon the name of the lord : and then , we may next gather him and his , for this cause estated in the right of their fathers promises , as the other was of his curse : for it is after said , that adam beg at a son in his own likeness , after his image , and called his name seth : so that he being represented in his sonship to adam , under very same expressions of image and likeness as adam was made the son of god , we may conclude their undoubted propriety . but when afterwards these sons of god began to mingle , and learn the vices of the other , then by degrees did the whole world become corrupt : and had been universally involved , in natural death and destruction by flood , had not noah ( as a person upright in his generations ) found favour with god , and to stopped specifical ruine . so that we are henceforth to look , that those promises made to mankinde in adam , should be renewed to him and his righteous seed . amongst whom , we may again find this separation made , and men still to be distinguished , in regard of more eminent acts of justice and iudgement , until the promises come more remarkably to descend , and be conferred on abraham , and on his seed : that is , to the particular nation of the jews . unto whom , those common blessings of nature , were so often particularly promised , as if they were their onely right : whereas we shall find little mention in holy writ of the rest of the world , other then as in relation to their affairs with this peculiar people . in which , we shall find them blessed , as they were to them more kind , or punished or destroyed , as to them more malignant : as the utter overthrow of amaleck , and the compleating of those many prophesies , against all nations that had any ways distressed them , makes it plainly to appear . these considerations being well weighed , we may find reason for that right which the israelites had unto the land of canaan . we may finde a good right they had unto the egyptians goods . and of that right also which moses had of being a god unto pharaoh , in demanding liberty of him for the israelites departure : to wit , because these things were done and enjoyned in the name of that god that was supreme lord of all , as it was both to the israelites and pharaoh evidenced by miracles . and so we may find a good right iacob had unto the amorites goods too , although his sons had unjustly taken them away ( because done without his authority ) and so of divers other instances , which would be by men ( now adays ) reduced into practise ; not considering our different conditions , and how our saviour ( the second adam ) took not on him to restore , or establish the rights of any particular people or nation , but dyed for all mankind : and that in him , the right of the creature became equally and universally restored . for that now , the wall of separation being taken down , there is no distinction in these things , between the posterities of cain and seth , or cham and iaphet : but as the christian duty of faith , is of a more spiritual allay then that former covenant of works , so is their promises of a higher nature also . insomuch , as we shall not find any where in the gospel , that there is warrant given to make these things the object of our aims or hopes , as to the jews was usually done , but rather to the contrary . whereupon we may say , that however a church or particular members may ( as additional blessings to the righteousness of the kingdom of god ) expect these blessings to follow , yet have they no such particular right , as ( for gain sake onely ) , to dispossess the greatest infidel . and much less can particular christians , under colour of distinctions by themselves made , have right against one another : and so make god , the author of peace , to be the author of confusion and civil war. and as the scriptures and their meaning are thus difficult , and subject to misinterpretation , in regard of the temporal promises made in the old-testament , so are the more spiritual promises of the gospel and new-testament , ( for want of due regard to alteration of times and difference of persons ) , made the occasions of much abuse and disquiet also : through mens hasty and partial interpretations of all things , as relating to their particulars , and to their own benefits onely . to avoid which , we are to observe a difference of persons : and to know , that whereas our saviour usually addressed his speech to his disciples , ( as those he chiefly intended to teach , because they should teach others ) , so many of those speeches concerned them as present teachers and guides chiefly , and not their successors : as that place , fear not little flock , &c. and the directions following it , sell what ye have and give alms , &c. some again , concerned their successors and not them : as those places before mentioned , of taking the swords , and making friendship with mammon . some things again , concerned both them and their successors : as the power of the keys , whatsoever ye shall binde on earth , shall be bound in heaven : and the power of mission and instruction , as , he that heareth you , heareth me , &c. thereby making a necessary difference between such as should teach and govern , and such as should learn and obey . which distinction hath been of late so little considered of in the world , or rather so preposterously practiced , that those that should be , by their places , obeyed as governors and teachers , are now made the only objects of discipline and instruction . for there is not the meanest subject or artisan but are daring to censure and direct both prince and priest in performance of their duties : as if these texts do all things without murmuring and disputing , &c. and obey them that have the guide over you , &c. had been purposely spoken to kings and preachers ; that thereby they might learn submission and attention to their subjects and and auditors . some things were spoken that concerned other christians also , but themselves in the first place , as whosoever will be my disciple , let him take up his cross and follow me , &c. and lastly , some things are generally set down , as concerning all men ; as the doctrines of faith , love , humility , patience , obedience , &c. although men may differently be concerned in the outward exercise of them , as heretofore related . as concerning such promises and precepts , as had different regard to christians through alteration of times , we shall finde some that concerned the primitive believers , and not those that followed in the latter age : as in those glorious signes promised to accompany believers , to cast out devils , to speak with tongues , to heal the sick , &c. the which , and other miraculous assistances and ways of inspiration and illumination , heretofore promised and granted to such as should ask in christs name , and had but faith to the quantity of a grain of mustard-seed , some in these latter times , have been vainly boasting of ; whilst others , have as disconsolately expected : and for want of them , been ready to think they must want faith also . not rightly weighing , how necessary these miraculous signes and wonders were to be then shown , for the honoring christs name from above , which was as yet had in so little repute here below . insomuch , as , for that very cause , we shall finde the gift of miracles granted to him that cast out devils in his name : who , for ought we finde , pretended neither to follow , nor at all to believe on him . nay , to shew these extraordinary endowments were not sure signes of faith , we shall finde our saviour condemning them that had them . but when his name should be the most glorious of any , and his church should have attained that degree of strength and learning , as to be able to provide for its own safety and illumination in an ordinary way , then came the time again , when ( upon the contrary reason ) , these endowments to private persons ceasing , we are to construe some admonitions as chiefly proper to christians in the last times , and to happen when his service shall be an honor : as are these admonitions , to beware of ( pretenders to new lights , ) such as shall say , lo here is christ , and loe there is christ , &c. and having hitherto so largely endeavoured to prove our assertions out of the texts of the holy scriptures , and having done it with such strength of evidence , as to me seemeth of value to convince any that hath real and firm belief that they are truely proceeding from god ; or that rather , there is indeed any god at all ; it seems lastly necessary , for conviction of both these sorts of men , that is , open athiests , and such secret ones , that confessing a god and the authority of scripture , ( the better to serve their own turns thereby ) , do yet in their works deny him , to say something for conviction of deity , and the daily exercise of divine providence amongst us . the which , shall serve by way of addition , to our first enterprize therein at the beginning of this work : which , for haste to other things , was but cursorily there handled . chap. xiv . of athiesm . as the nature of all kinde of vertue is to be operative , so , by the degree and extent of operation , is the proportion and extent of the vertue to be measured . for , neither to do by help , is so powerful as to act alone ; nor to do one or few things , as many or all . again , as extent of ability is best measured by extent of operation , in the objects it undertakes , so is the proportion of vigor by distance in execution : even as that loadstone that can attract at greatest distance is best ; and that fire that can heat or burn farthest of , is so also . and as potency and vigour , are to be thus measured by distance between agent and patient ; so much more , when that distance shall be so encreased , as the presence of the agent shall not sensibly appear , as to the present work ▪ but a weak or unlike thing , ( having of it self no effectualness thereunto ) sh●●l by its power , be made the author of his proper execution . thus , when ● knifes point empowered by touch from the load-stone , or an iron or oth●r thing heated by fire , do in such degree draw and burn , as if the loadstone or fire were present ; it must undeniably , argue more strength in that case , then where , without personal presence , the same could not be performed . and , ( to proceed in examination and comparison of the causes of things according to distance ) , if there could be found , a load-stone or fire of such efficacy , as to have empowered or heated any iron to such perfection as it should have continued that vertue without itteration ; or could again one load-stone or fire , without so much as touch but only with one efflux of power , have at distance so strongly impowered all iron , that each piece and part thereof can now , ( as of an inherent and proper vertue of its own ) , effectually and perpetually burn and attract , without farther immediate communication with its first cause or original power , it should then happen , that the power of that power must be acknowledged so much greater in it self : although its efficatiousness herein , must ( through its distance in operation ) , be in a manner wholly concealed and clowded from our knowledge . even as in our sports , that gamester that can make one bowl or ball strike another , and that another , in such certain places successively , as to cause the last of them to rest or move as he desires , is more to be admired for his power and artifice , then he that can do it but with his hand : and he most , that can do it at greatest distance , and with most itteration and repetition of successive stroaks , in the bowls or balls . after the same manner we may conceive of deity , making one thing the cause to another , for the effecting of that course of providence he determined . in which doing , his working in , and through all intervenient causes and occurrents , without being seen in any , and making them to do it with so great ease to himself as not to be seen therein , must discover as well his real being , as our ignorance in not conceiving it . for to fix and fasten those effects we daily behold as issuing onely from nature , chance , or i know not what occult quality , ( without through light into deity and providence , as the prime cause ) , is as if one cast at dice or bowls , were more from chance then another : and not necessarily depending on , and following that strength of casting , and those occurrences of bounds , rubs , &c. as well as others : but these having turns beyond our expectations or notice , we put them on chance ; because we cannot see through all that variety of intervenient causes that must make them such . for as the several motions , and change of place in the particular cards , in shuffling , and cutting , if leasurely demonstrated to us , would make those dealings we count most strange and depending on chance , seem most reasonable ; even so also , ( were we artificial enough ) , when the hits of a bowl or bound of a ball is shewed us , we might by estimation and measuring the effect , know and measure the cause , and say , that bowl or ball that did it , must come from such and such a point , and be projected with such and such a strength . in which regard as we finde such different abilities , even amongst our selves in the comprehension and practice how these things are or may be effected , so may it easily be conceived that , by degrees of proportion , he that could not be by any defect impeded in notice or comprehension , no more then in act and execution , must have both his existence and providence made apparent hereby : for as the bowl or ball have no power to act of themselves without our impulsion or a forraign mover , even so the elements of which they are composed , cannot without the influence of a deity , be reasonably presumed to have power to move and act also . although these instances of fire , of load-stone , and of sports , may serve to bring to our conceits something of the manner of appearance of gods omnipotency in his works of providence and government of the world , yet , being themselves but created bodies and vertues , they must in proportion of vigor , ( even in that kinde wherein they so much excel all other things ) , be infinitely excelled by that power that caused it : and that , even by the same reason of ability of power before mentioned , namely working at greater distance . for as the load-stone doth excel in vertue of attraction , that of the touched knife , ( as being thereof the formal cause ) so must that again which was the cause hereof in the loadstone , excel in power that also ; ( especially , being the cause of other things besides ) ; and so on , till we come to the universal cause of all things and their vertues : who , as the more distant from the immediate effect and execution , must proportionably , have the prime , and highest degree of energy and power ascribed unto him . and then again , although absence from present execution prove distance , and distance prove power in that cause which is the cause of any thing , yet , because unto men , the inward and formal causes of effects are seldom known , but our knowledge is meerly experience , ( that is to say , from the experience of so many constant effects proceeding from such or such an immediate agent , to conclude that to be the sole cause thereof ) . it is therefore hard for us to look beyond that present cause : ( especially if its cause had but few effects , and those hardly remarkable ) , and so to look on , till we come to god the cause of all . as for example , could the effect of the load-stone upon iron , or the mariners needle , have been to invisibly repeated , as no man could have by present sense known it to be the cause , we should ( beyond all peradventure ) from the constancy of effects proceeding from the same needle , have imagined it the sole cause thereof . so then , we , that can neither from true inspection into the formal nature and activity of heat , and of the influence of the superior bodies , nor susceptibility of the lower elements , as severally mingled , tell from thence that such and such species must be produced ; or that again cannot tell , that these principles we finde in nature , were necessarily to be such and so many , for maintenance of the effects of unity and propriety of place , ( as those were again for maintenance of creation ) , we ( i say ) , cannot be wondred at , for not being able to forejudge more , or other species in nature , then those we know by sense ; and that also , in productions neerest us . and since in our most ordinary and familiar sports ( as aforesaid ) , we cannot judge of events , although their true causes be within the compass of present sense , we are still less to be wondred at , when ignorance and doubtings shall often arise of a cause so far of : which is never , but by way of miracle , made the author of any immediate effect . whereas , in truth and plain reason , this ascension and progression of causes , must ( as elsewhere declared ) , end in an omnipotent author : whose power is more rationally to be concluded the prime and sole cause of all things , as standing in that supreme order he now doth , then if he should be acting beneath ; and of but one thing at once . and as he is more admirable in his own throne of power , ordering all things by his sole word and command , then if he should descend to be personally doing of every thing , so , ( could we rightly consider it ) , any one thing , is ( in it self ) as miraculously and powerfully wrought , in that kinde of efficiency which we call ordinary , as when done in an extraordinary way . so for example , if wood should have been by god endued with power to draw iron , or one iron to draw another , as now the load stone doth , would not the ordinary effect that way , have made the load-stones attraction as great a miracle , as it seemeth for wood to do it now ? and if none can give reason , why other things should not have as great attractive force as these , why should it not be a greater proof of deity , to be constantly powerful in all and every operation , then to be so but now and then : which is all the proof that miracles have ? and therefore , as men of riper judgement and experience , would much laugh at the folly and weakness of such , as ( beholding the mariners compass ) do ascribe the effect of the needle to some hidden quality , or secret property residing in it self : and as again , the ascribing and occult quality unto those operations of the load-stone , ( without farther knowledge or derivation of its cause ) , is but a ( shift of ignorance , as the setting down of all other hidden causes are ; ( each thing having a cause beyond it self , so is there none but fools that say in their hearts , or really think , there is no god : because they cannot discern his efficacy through , and beyond intermediate causes . and they are ( at most ) , but middle witted men : for that , albeit they can ( from a little farther experience ) , tell of causes above the lowest degree of men , yet are they not wise enough to search farther . so that athiesm is always bordering on folly and narrowness of comprehension : being nothing else , but a stubborn relyance on present sense : as from the certainty of effects in things we ordinarily behold , concluding those causes within reach of our observation to be the most supreme . and farther , thinking that if a voluntary agent were in those things universal cause and author , he would ( as fancying his inclination by our own ) be more personally appearing for his greater credit-sake amongst us : and make his present operation serve to direct our acknowledgements unto him . not duly considering , that it would be so far from encreasing the worth , as it would redound to the actors disesteem : as arguing decay of the vertue of agency , if the supreme and higher cause , should ( for want of strength otherwise ) , be forced immediately to work on a lower effect : for that , ( hereby again ) the supreme cause ceasing , ( by becoming an intermediate one ) , it must follow , that as causes were fewer , effects and creatures must be fewer also . and when all is done , that supreme cause that is now intermediate in operation , would by its constancy in so doing , be as far from discovering a deity , as the other was before : unless they could imagine , that for their onely satisfaction sake , causes of things should not have been constant and uniform , but on purpose various , to have drawn on their notice . again , if god almighty should have been disabled to the degree of an humane artificer , and have been ineffectual farther then where his own hand hath been express , ( as is the workmans in making the watch ) , then it must next follow , that either creatures must have been so few and perishable , as watches made by one hand , or else they must have supposed , this agents power advanced to such degree , that , as a monarch can manage a kingdom by his laws , ( so as the same needed not to be afterwards guided by him , but by instruments obedient to him ) , or as the artificer can frame and contrive a watch , to go for as long time as he pleaseth , ( so as the same can now go without his appearance ) in like manner , there should be also such procession of the first cause of operation and motion in these things , as they shall be infinitely continued . if this course could have gone on , this first cause would have been a god : because his operation and existence must have been eternal . but on it could not go to any degree of eternity ; inasmuch as all progressive operations and motions must be finite and determinate : in regard that that end and rest , which caused motion through desire of approach , must cease it , having now attained it . and therefore , to make things continue , there must be a circulation of causes and effects allowed : whereby , each individual thing having attained that proper end , ( for which its last cause or next agents produced it in nature ) , must return into its first matter , through corruption and alteration of its last specifick forms ; and be ready to obey the more general causes in nature , and the laws of that matter which is most homogenius unto it ; in correspondence to the next more proper and powerful agent . even as in the affairs and atchievements in kingdoms , ( although the hands of the lowest sort of individual officers is most immediate in the work , yet these , having their power from the next general officer , and so he again from next above him , till these officers ( growing higher and fewer ) , do at last terminate in the king , as fountain of all their power ; so , ) any of those next perishable individual officers deceasing , that formal power that made them such , returns to the hands of those next officers above him : who constitutes others , and those more or fewer in these places , as they finde the exigence of that kingdoms affairs call for in relation thereunto : no otherwise then as ( with us ) , a constable dying , the justices ( as the more general officers ) , do by vertue of their commissions and derived power , constitute new in the place . in which course , as the affairs of the kingdom , is ordinarily managed without the prince his appearance , or again , the spring can move the several wheels of the watch , without particular touch of any but that next him ; why may there not , nay why must there not be a deity ; to be the first mover in things of this universe ? who , ( according to his good pleasure ) , ordering that the appointed continuance of this world , should be maintained by perishable individuals , hath in his providence ( to that end ) ordered that the corruption of one thing , should be still progressive to the generation of another . why may he not again ( in the doing thereof ) , be yet as far , or more removed from our notice in ordinary operations , as the cause of government , or the motion of watches ( or the like ) , is hid and unknown to the weaker sort of people , and to other creatures below us ; and are of them thought to proceed from no farther cause , then what present sense can discover ? for should the king be as much hidden from our bodily sence , as god is , and should we again know no more of the commissions and powers granted to justices in each kingdom , then we do of the laws of matter and internal forms in nature , it would be as hard to apprehend any prime agent above those justices in the kingdom , as to conceive the power and existence of deity in the world . a supposition that may be well made good , if consideration be had of those strange conceits of the form and figure of kings , which are entertained by some ignorant people , that as yet never saw any , nor heard them described . and the reason is the same , for our ignorance in appearance of gods operation in creation , providence , and natural causes , as is for the ignorance of these before mentioned , in the knowledge of the causes of political or artificial productions with us : unless we shall impiously , as well as arrogantly conclude , that we should have knowledge in this life in such perfection , as to see him intuitively : as angels do now , or as our selves shall do hereafter . of the reason of the present course of gods proceeding in many particulars both of creation and providence , we did speak in the beginning , and other parts of this work : in which we declared the divers sympathies and natural propensities wherewith vegetatives and inanimates are indued : all of them tending to specifical , and mutual preservation and providence . we also shewed , how sensitives were provoked by the affection of pleasure , ( naturally implanted in them , and accompanying things beneficial ) , to be continually active in pursuance of what was to themselves : and others behoof-ful . we also manifested , how rational creatures ( by the affection of love and desire of beneficence , and by the thirst of honor accompanying them as their reward ) , were provoked also unto the like continual endeavors towards mutual good and preservation . all of them infallibly concluding that there must be an author or prime agent , of such universal concern , and such continual care in constituting and ordering these things , as to be their original cause , and perpetual guide and support according to the method of his own good pleasure . for should there not be these natural propensions to love and pitty , nay to acts of justice , and of submission therein to others , as to honor parents and the like , it would come to pass that through that too great thirst of self-seeking heretofore spoken of , and through anger and envy of being crossed therein , no one man would now be left alive : inasmuch as there is no man but is by one or other so much hated as to cause his death to be heartily desired , were not manifold hinderances by divine providence and appointment put in , to keep off execution . and in this regard , was may also collect another strong proof for deity and providence , from that awful and reverential respect which is by each one born towards authority . for experience every day tells us , that those very persons that are come to that height of daring , as to challenge and enter the field for a lye , an abuse to their mistress , or the like , ( where , besides the equal hazard of their lives in present , they must have a certain expectation to suffer according to law , in case they do out-live the other ) are yet so kept in order by that divine and providential terror by god impressed on his image of authority here on earth , as not to have courage to withstand the attachment of a publike officer . whereupon , our discourse formerly , and ordinary reason it self always testifying , that these his works , and the way of government of them , are such as cannot be bettered ; why should we think , change and alteration any ways convenient ? for if it be an act proper to goodness , wisdom , power , &c. to make things well and good , and afterwards to dispose them so , will not constancy herein , be as commendable to the same goodness , wisdom , and power , in their continuance in that order , as it was for creating and thus stating them ? and so , if god had not made and ordered all things so as cannot be bettered , he could not have been god : and if he should not keep them in the same order , whilst they remain the same things , he should not be god neither : wisdom in designation , requiring constancy in prosecution ; and irresistible power being the necessary attendant of both . and having thus far spoken in defence of the constancy of the course of nature and providence , against such as would not believe a god , because since the fathers fell asleep , all things are alike till now , so also , for conviction of such , as from inconstancy and irregularity of the actions in voluntary agents , and gods permission of sin and oppression , would conclude against deity too , according to that divine aphorism , because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily , therefore the heart of the sons of men , is fully set in them to do evil , we shall now farther speak . in this saying of the wise man , we may apprehend the two usual grounds that make men lean to atheism . the first is , in thinking all the acts and works of men evil which they cannot apprehend as good : not being many times able , to look through the mistaken or present particular suffering of some few , unto that real and more lasting good , thereby procured to many . the other , in thinking that the acts permitted unto , and proceeding from humane judgement and will , ( as it is seated in divers persons for the guidance of their own affairs ) , should be alike constant to those of god , in the government of the world and course of his providence ; who hath an uniform end to cause steadiness of his actions therein . unto which an answer may be also made , out of the same consideration before spoken of : namely , the sufficiency of the one above the other . and if they wil allow any creature to be so perfect , as to have will and understanding separate , they must in order to their specifical freedom of will , allow them variety of actions also : especially , since their private ends must differ , as before noted . and therefore , as we must conclude gods works must be uniform and constant , in reference to his unity of will and end to design , and all-sufficiency of power to atchieve ; so , we must allow to things submitted to the power of inferior voluntary agents , ( if at all you will grant them voluntary ) , freedom unto variety of productions and execution : and that in bad , as well as in good . unless we shall at once , and against sense conclude , all men are alike good , wise , or powerful : and that , from such plurality and disparity of judgement , interest , and will , we should think that constant procession could be expected . from which liberty and freedom of action , in good or bad , guided according to the true light or corruption of humane judgement and will , it must also follow that the evidences and directions given for mens guidance , should not be in such continuing and pressing manner repeated to each single person as that by peremptory conviction to good , his liberty to ill should , ( as heretofore noted ) by consequence be debarred . but that god should be as mysterious and reserved in the dispensation of his providence in nature , as in his precepts in scripture . it is enough , that there is moses and the prophets , such sufficient revelation already given to all men in general , as to save any one in particular : when as a miraculous extraordinary defeat , or conviction of every evil action , like one risen from the dead , destroys not onely mans liberty , but will look like partiality : yielding hereby , greater light to direct evil persons , then was before given to good ones . and , to instance in that which yet comes neerer our present business , ( for the conviction of the demi-athiest of the world , ( such as oppose god , in that god he hath placed over us ) if there should in all such enterprises new advertizements from heaven be given , to prevent , or always infelicity follow , to deter , then could no such things as loyalty and rebellion have been existent . whereas now , god permitting the stubborn and obdurate hearted sometimes to prosper in that evil , as he thereby leaves us to our freedoms , so yet , by means of those many precepts against it , and examples of punishment , he leaves us unexcusable for all our attempts therein : notwithstanding success may for a time attend this , as well as it doth other sins . which success , we may well conjecture also tolerated for a just punishment , as well to subjects rebellion , which on their parts caused it , by having the woe of many princes , as also for a common punishment to other princes and monarchs themselves : who , out of their greater hatred and malice to one another , and covetous desire of gain , have suffered these common disturbers and enemies to them all , thus to settle and prosper , divine permission ordering those things in such sort , that we may well believe , that , as an adequate punishment for these faults on both sides , these lesser antichrists shall , like the great one before noted , continue in the world till christs second coming in brightness also . again , as the essential freedom of will must produce variety of actions , so must the privacy thereof and of its inclination and aym in atchieving them , cause or endanger such mens mistake , that undertake to judge and censure them , either to good or bad . and the like must also happen through ignorance of circumstances accompanying the acts themselves ; and also through ignorance of former merit or demerit in the parties now prosperous or unsuccessful : all which may alter the state of the present event , from what we now see and apprehend to be called just , or otherwise . besides , since the best of humane actions cannot be in full degree perfect , if , evil ones had not been permitted , all would have been not onely naught comparatively , as being much beneath the perfection of god or angels , but naught also in the highest degree ; as having none worse . whereupon , gods justice against sin might have lighten upon whole mankinde , as equally evil and guilty , and the work of mercy in saving some , could not , for want of disparity , take effect , without partiality : whereas now , by his fixed rule of providence , he hath so bounded the power of the most wicked as they cannot make destruction in this life to any great height . and this , because the pleasures and appetites of food and generation , the natural affection of storge , pitty , and sense of honor , will be so perpetually prevalent to the advance and preservation of specifical and personal being , that the most malicious and tyrannical athiests cannot make any contrivance , or have any certainty to be generally prevalent to destroy others , but they shall ( withal ) thereby injure themselves here , besides most assured destruction ( by this means ) brought to themselves hereafter . at which time , the good shall also have their reward : it being unreasonable , that that sentence and reward which must have respect to the actions of mens whole life , should be expected until after it is finished . and therefore , as to the other part of the wise mans reason given for entertainment of athiesm and wickedness amongst men , namely gods forbearance to execute sentence speedi●y against and evel work , as the forepassed reasons may in part satisfie why he should so do , so is there a farther ground thereof . which is , our inconsiderate measuring gods time and motives in execution of justice to be the same with ours ; and according to our own present sense thereof . for because , when any thing is done against our commands or authority , we should our selves be presently and personally shewing our mislike , and proceed to correction or reproof , even so we may imagine god should do also : not duly weighing those differences between him and us that might justly make alteration herein . as first , we our selves , being personally and more immediately affected with the injuries which are wrought unto us , must , out of natural desire and delight in acts of revenge , needs be more personally and presently pressing to self-repairation : and that , without thought of the prejudices of others to arise thereby . whereas god almighty , being not patible himself , nor otherwise to be prejudiced then by those harms done to others of his creatures , and that disturbance which our sins do cause in the course of his providence , cannot be imagined to be so hastened in the course of his punishments , as thereby to cause a greater and more general harm to ensue : but , as he doth punish but in order to universal care and providence , so , to contrive and watch such means and opportunity for doing it , as may best advance the general good of all . again , unto us that have but an uncertain and momentary time of abidance in this world , it must therefore seem necessary that we should be always as speedy as we can in execution of all acts of justice , for fear it will not be after in our power here , and knowing it will not be at all in our power hereafter : whereas these hazards , being not compatible with gods eternity , both in existence and power , as well in this life as that to come , he cannot thereupon be streightned in time like us . whereupon , since a thousand yeers are with him but as one day , therefore are we to answer these scoffers with s. peter , that that which some men count slackness , is not to be attributed to god : but we are rather gratefully to admire his long-suffering to us-ward , not willing that any should perish , but that all should come to repentance . and could men but silence or suspend that partial respect and estimation which each one is ready to cast towards the justice of their own cause , and also that natural impatience and thirst of present revenge and reparation which he expects should appear in maintenance of his right , and in vindication of his sufferings , he might then finde great reason why god should not expresly appear in his redress ; although his case should be as deplorable , and his usage as injust as himself doth now judge it to be . for since these injust and oppressive acts are usual amongst men ; nay since in all kinde of judicature and dealing , one party or another will think himself defrauded or oppressed , if therefore divine justice should interpose in all cases where wrong were done , it must also proceed to reparation of the party wronged upon him that did it , to the utter disheartening and defeat of humane judicature : where , many times , for want of sufficiency of judgement or information , wrong sentence is given against their wills. or should god appear but in some more remarkable occasions of redress , how would their discontent be hereupon increased , who were not in their distresses so righted and relieved also ? each one being to be presumed to carry as partial a valuation of his own merits , and to be as impatient in the sense of his own sufferings , as he must be presumed to be separately persceptible of them by his proper understanding and sense , and not that of another . it must therefore come to pass that either god almighty , by his remarkable appearance in some mens causes , must consequently leave others but so much the more discontented : or else , altering that more majestick way of providence and government he now exerciseth , descend to judge in every case whatever . which done , what neerer hope of general content ? since even therein the verdict and sentence can but pass on one side still , and must thereupon leave the other as it were directly discontented with god himself : and it will besides submit the justice of his proceedings to the censure of every one also . whereas now , the party that by prosperity enjoys the things of this world , is not at all taken off from the acknowledgement of gods supreme guidance and favour ; and the other , laying his misfortunes on humane partiality and corruption , is the more stirred up to seek and relye upon supernatural redress and sustentation : the sense of affliction and oppression here , being by divine providence made the most ordinary and effectual means , of any , for the bringing men to be religious , and to acknowledge both himself and his goodness , as heretofore declared . and then again , why may we not , from example in our selves , finde reason ( on the other side ) to conclude both for gods existence and providence ; and that , even from this his concealment from present sense in this case likewise . for is it not usual with parents , masters , and persons in authority , out of design to reap to themselves the highest assurances they can of the loves and faithfulness of their children and servants , wholly to leave unto their full dispose the execution of some commands and directions ; and then so to withdraw and conceal themselves , as that the parties put in trust herein shall suppose them without the compass of any knowledge of theirs , whether they have in these things done their duties or no ? and again , is it not with them usual , as to fix this tryal upon such objects and imployments wherein they had first used such providence and circumspection that , in case of failance of duty , the evil thereby to happen should neither be general nor great , so also , it is usual not to take notice of the performance or neglect of duty in the present act : but to suspend the reward and punishment thereupon due , to be expressed in a fuller measure afterwards . even so may we conceive of god almighty , as , on the one side , trying our love and respect to him through these great obscurities and difficulties , so also , respiting our punishments or rewards till the world to come . beyond all which , as that divers necessary regard which humane preservation doth require should be thereunto continually had with due respect to men as they are either naturally or politickly to be considered , will , in the conduct of these things , lay such an exigence of having both a continual and steady , and yet of a secret and impartial care , so , when it shall be well weighed , it will be found a work proper and superable by almightiness onely , between things and actions , in themselves so jarring and enterfering , to carry so even and respective a hand to both , that man shall neither be pined through want of care in one , nor suffocated through indulgence in the other . should that natural thirst to pursue and obtain things pleasurable , be unto men permitted , as unto other sensitive agents , without any stint of positive rule or law , how soon ( as heretofore shewed ) should we finde this heady pursuit of each ones delight to prove each ones torment and ruine ? or if , again , in all the actions and emergencies of mans life , he should be onely considered as a sociable agent , and by strict rules of polity , be wholly limited in his desires and attempts by the good of others , and not permitted to follow in any thing his own pleasure , must it not then follow , that as each single man did , by this way of restraint , come to be defeated of his separate content , so ( consequently ) must all men want it : since all must needs want that which no one man could have . and thereupon , that natural way of serving and honoring that great god of all beneficence , must , for want of relish and more fresh resentment of the particulars of his bounty , come to be smothered or lost . as the necessity therefore of having regard to both , is the reason ( on the one hand ) of all those natural instincts and abilities , and of those large affordments of the creature for mans use and delight , so ( on the other hand ) is it the cause of all those positive edicts and precepts , whereby , in reference to society , we come to be directed and bounded in their use . when therefore we finde god almighty , in the general way of sustentation of his creation , both working at distance , and also by second causes , and yet doing it so strongly and assuredly as to manifest both care and almightiness in him , ( through weakness of the intermediate agent and constancy of operation ) so , in rules of government and society , and in those ways and directions to be set for mens restraint , it was ( on the other side ) likewise expedient , that he should be no more apparently and convincingly express , then in the other : but ordinarily , to submit and entrust to his authorised deputies , the execution of those affairs which he held necessary for prosecuion of that course & degree of providence which was by him appointed . in the atchievement whereof , as the prince or magistrate , without his supreme influence and sustentation , could be no more effectual to preserve mankinde politikely , then second causes could , of themselves , preserve them naturally , so would it seem partial and destructive for god to appear more express in one then another : as well as it would be a derogation to his almightiness , to be ordinarily express and personally working in either sort . even as we see , in kings and governors , the greatest difficulty to rest in their even carriage between acts of severity or indulgence : in such ordering of positive laws for preservation of mans life , that , through their abundance or rigor , his happy life be not defeated . and , no otherwise then as it rests as the highest proof of each single mans judgement and ability , to carry himself in such a just and seasonable moderation between epicurism and stoicism , between natural enjoyment and vertuous restraint , that neither the vigor of youth may be suffered to defeat its own or after pleasures by intemperate abuse , nor the too great care for enjoyment hereafter , not onely needlesly deprive him of present possession , but render him unfit for delight for the future , like him that hath lost his stomack through too long fasting : or like him that hath borrowed beyond ability to repay . all which reasons seem to me of so much weight , that i cannot but in humility joyn with that unerring wisdom and truth , in esteeming him a fool that saith in his heart there is no god : and all because they are become corrupt and abominable in their own doings , being ignorant wherein true pleasure doth consist : and because also they would with greater freedom act in their own way of licenciousness , and continue in their rapine and uncharitableness : eating the people of god as they would eat bread ; and then flatter themselves with a belief that god seeth it not . for religion must be acknowledged the onely thing that can steadily keep loyalty and and all other vertues in perfection . for the terrors of shame and the law may , through secrecy , power , and corruption of manners be many times wholly defeated of their force of restraint : but , to him that believs the eye of an all-seeing god is perpetually over him , as no severity can be found sufficient to scare him from goodness , so no encouragement can arise valuable to entice him to evil . no , no , no certainly , let men boast of their godliness , or of eying or seeking god while they will , if they were but so far removed from atheism as really to believe his power and continual presence over them , those daily acts of disloyalty and uncharitableness would not then be so frequently sounding in our ears . can we think , that if any one did verily believe , that to resist the higher powers were to receive to himself certain damnation , that he would then adventure his salvation upon such nice grounds and distinctions , as , for any temporal hope or gain , to make doubt of obeying his king as supreme , did not his belief of gods veracity , and this fear of offending him grow slack , and ambition , pride , or covetousness , ( on the other hand ) more forcibly draw him on to perpetrate such actions , as he had stronger belief should yield him a present gain , then was that terror of forbearing them , out of a more remote and less feared punishment to ensue . in the mean time , however want of conscience may make such as these forget god , yet generally , such as have more real thoughts and aims of publike good and humane conservation , are , for want of sufficient judgement and insight wherein general and more publike good doth consist , led to the mistake of divine providence : even when the private sence of the sufferings of themselves or friends , amidst those changes and calamities which are incident to the sons of men , do press them to be impatient for want of present redress . yet , could we separate our selves from our passions and interests , why might we not plainly see , that rebellion , civil war , and the like ways of humane destruction , were , like plagues and famines , many times by god sent and permitted for the general good of men also . for these , naturally and ordinarily happening but unto such places and people that are so crouded with company that the blessings and benefits of nature cannot , through the envye and strife of neighbors one towards another , be by any one truely and quietly enjoyed , why may we not in this case suppose god , even by way of providence , to make use of our sins and the punishment of them ; and hereby to cut off and take away such as are most haughty and entermedling that the more meek and patient may , through their more free and quiet enjoyment , have greater cause to praise him then before ? nay , why might we not herein perceive him to be most truly and impartially vindictive also ? for since himself , in his good pleasure and secret wisdom , and for reasons heretofore given , had determined not to be personally and expresly intermedling in the present judging and vindication of humane affairs , what cleerer way could there be to argue , both almightiness , justice , and providence , then to make the sins themselves to be the constant punishments to the offenders ? thus , personally , may we finde that lust , intemperance , and the other exorbitances which each person entertains contrary to the rules of vertue or modesty , are to himself prejudicial also . and so , in polity again , disobedience , insurrection , and all disloyal acts , which are introductive of publike disturbance and civil war , are , by means of the same civil war , a certain punishment to the authors . wherein , although those that have perhaps had the least share of introducing them , may , for tryal of their loyalty or patience , be the greatest sufferers , yet , as none can say but he hath suffered far under his deserts , and may well think themselves happy that in this life their portion of punishments and afflictions have been shared , so are the other , in the life to come , to expect that fuller measure of punishment , which their more full contribution in these violations of charity may claim from the divine and impartial justice of that great presever of men . in the mean time , because none , as bearing gods image , and because of that inward plantation of love , can be without some charitable deeds and intentions , therefore , as that their portion of prosperity which they shall be in this life possessed of , may be understood as a full reward for what hath been by them well done here , so is that measure of happiness they therein have above others , but like the advantage that fatted oxen have above lean : even while they , in their jollity , are filling up that measure of wickedness , which may provoke divine vengeance , both to deprive them of life here , and also bring them to eternal punishment hereafte . thus far have i laboured , in setting forth that perfect harmony which is between the voice of scripture and reason ; and declaring ( as far as was to our present purpose necessary ) how they do joyntly conspire and point to the same ends , gods glory and mans good : ●etween which too great a divorce hath been hitherto apprehended and made use of , by some , who , discovering how in some particulars they seem to cross and turn several ways , have thereupon in a hasty zeal , followed one alone , with such neglect and direliction of the other , that they have not endeavoured to finde where they do again meet and unite . thus , because it hath been often observed that men in the prosecution of their own benefits or pleasures , do interrupt or grow careless of gods service and glory , a conclusion is thereupon presently drawn , that mans profit or pleasure is to be laid aside , as we do in any case aim at the honor and glory of god : whereas , if they had but ability or patience enough to consider it , they might finde how both of them do still meet in that very point of humane content and preservation , as heretofore declared . and so again , such as have reflected upon the many self-respects and designes by some princes practised after they attained unto their great pitch of power ; and that , without due regard to gods glory whose servants they are ; or to the good or welfare of their subjects , one main end of their greatness , they think that they have then arrived at no small height or reputation , when they have so far abased that worth and respect which is due to him , in comparison of what it due to god ; of men shall , in a manner , be brought to judge them as enemies and contrary to one another ; and to conceive there is no duty or respect due to them at all . not duly weighing how these things do-again meet and conspire in the same end : and how it is not the honor or good of princes ( personally and separately considered of men ) which is hereby aimed at . but that it is to be given him in reference to that representation of power he hath from god himself , and in respect of that preservation and good of man-kinde by this means brought to pass : which is gods end as well as ours . and having so far proceeded in giving proofs and reasons to confirm those propositions we have delivered , our next work shall be to shew those grounds whereby many shall come to receive prejudice against them , and think them otherwise : which we shall do in that which follows . the fourth book of government and obedience , as they stand grounded on , and relating to each ones natural inclination and affection . the introduction . as that general good to arise by publike peace and agreement was the end of this whole undertaking , so were those many and sad examples of civil disturbance every day set on foot upon the score of religion , the cause also why , in the passed book , i made such particular discourses on that subject ; that upon a short view of religion , as in it self , and a more strict enquiry into such texts as did look most directly that way , it might be found whether these wars and fightings could be rightly attributed to that faith which we profess ; or were not rather to be imputed to our lusts which war in our members . by the which , suffering our selves to be too impetuously swayed , it doth thereupon come to pass , that when authority doth oppose us in any thing of our desired enjoyments , we do presently cast about how our cause may be made gods , that so , under colour of more near relation and subjection unto him , we may shake off all that our bounden duty which by the laws we owe to our prince , his vice-gerent . that pride and interest , and not desire of any self-reformation , is the usual cause of mens extraordinary search of the scriptures , may appear from the manner of choice therein made ; even for that no places are so much quoted and insisted upon , as those that are prophetique and most mysterious ; such as are those texts of the revelation : a book the most controverted of any other , as being the greatest stranger to the apostles times ( which some would seem wholly to relic upon ) and having in it least instructions of any how to steer our selves in the course of our lives . but because the understanding hereof is generally acknowledged most difficult , and because again , by reason of this mysteriousness , no good agreement can be yet found where justly and precisely to fix those descriptions of the beast , the whore of babylon , antichrist , and the like , therefore , as well for renown and glory sake in the discovery , as for anger and revenge against those they most hate , shall we find some so resolute and peremptory in their expositions , as if they would have us believe that these prophesies were but respective to their interests , not only to bring them honor by interpretation , but thereby prove thems●lves the saints and people of god there spoken of . in these following discourses , i shall therefore let men see how our natural and proper constitutions , educations , customs , &c. nay our own interests also , do inter-weave themselves in all we do ; and that as w●ll our opinions and tenets in religion , as those in polity and government do take tincture from these . so that , as in my second book , i took that political body again into pieces , which i had reared up in the first , to handle and examine its grounds according to such notions and parcels of policy , as were vulgarly entertained and insisted upon ; so now , in further proof of this third book , i shall take man himself into pieces , and search him in his very first principles , and the natural rise and cause of both his appetites and affections and of his dislike & aversions ; to the end that each one discerning how these things come to be framed in us , and how , all along , they receive such influence from our breeding and manner of life , a● easily to pre-occupate and mislead us , he may be the sooner induced to an ingenuous review of his own opinions , and before he grow too magistral in any thing , be careful he is not overtaken by any of these prejudices . but then , as in this tract , i bring in these more philosophical speculations , but by way of illustration , and farther proof of what was formerly handled in the d●scourses of religion and polity , so is it not to be expected , that i should here deliver any thing of this kind as in an entire treatise ; or make any such long stay , as generally to accommodate them with a proper method or demonstration , or with definition of terms , since they are now only to be probationers and remonstrants themselves ; and , in that kinde , to be attendant on that which all this while hath been our main argument . book iv. of the causes of like and dislike of content & discontent ; and whether it be possible to frame a government in it self pleasing and durable , without force and constraint . in many of the discourses hitherto , government hath been treated of , as having its rise , and also its efficacy and support , from constraint and force ; that is , from the exercise of the power of the governor upon the governed ; which being the occasion of that continual reluctance and resistance in the subjects , and consequently the author of all civil broils ; it will not be amiss to enquire what remedy may be herein found , or whether any may be found or no ? it may therefore be doubted , since ( as before shewed ) the love of our selves was only purely natural , how those forraign affections come to hav● their rise and being . whereupon , we must again consider , that as gods praise and glory was the end of all things , and accordingly ( as heretofore shewed ) the reason why things naturally done should be pleasurable also , to wit , that the creature thereby exulting as in a benefit received , god might be honored , as having performed the work he intended , even the expression of his power goodness ; so now , men being to live in society ( that the honor and praise of all , as his onely due , might therein be increased also , it was expedient that our content should by natural instincts and rules be affixed most to what was most usual amongst us , and our discontent upon such things only as were but few , and of rare event . all things do hereupon come to be loved by custom and acquaintance : for so , i love an english face better then another , and think that worst that most differs . out of which custom also , doth the blackmore prefer his colour , flat nose , great lips , &c. to that which is contrary in us . from this reason also , we come to set particular affection upon some faces ; and ( although we have forgotten it ) to place most affection , and to be soonest taken with the like face unto that of nurse , mother , or such we conversed with in our youth . which inclination and strength of appetite , being by custom made familiar ( although by such various and insensible degrees as we did neither heretofore consider , nor do now remember ) comes for want of farther knowledge of its original , to be stiled sympathy ; and that which is hateful upon contrary reason of disaquaintance , or from some extraordinary composure of our fancy to dislike at the time of its first impression , to be called antipathy . for we must not say , that god made any thing ill favoured or mis-shapen ; but our oftner sight of the same , then other creatures , makes us even love their shape better , then of such things as be hiders , and do seldom appear . not , but that the shapes of rats , hedge-hogs , snakes , frogs , owls , bats , &c. are as good as those of horses or dogs ; or that the braying of an ass , is a worse noise then the crowing of a cock ; but the new and unusual presentation of these things to our senses , puts our already settled and composed fancies , to a sudden startle and new labour . therefore , when we will paint a devil , or set forth any thing as ugly , the usual way to do it is by most unusal shapes . but , because nothing can come from the pencil , but what was before in the fancy ; nor from fancy , but what came in by sense , we are constrained to make up this deformity by misapplication of members in the intire constitution of a body , together with some unusal figure or colour ; all which apart , and in their proper creatures or posture , had been nothing terrible or strange . so that , to put wings to a beast , or four feet to a bird , a mans head to a beasts body , or a beasts head to a mans , cannot but disaffect . and if any shape hath in it self priority , then mans would have it ; and thereupon , the ape , a creature most like him , would be handsomest , which now , with us , not used to such a shape , is esteemed ugly , upon the same reason that devils are painted white by blackmores . and as several species and shapes come to affect by their own oftner appearances one above another , so do they by common resemblance one to another ; whereby things most like come by this means to be oftner in presence then things of more proper shapes . thus hogs , though we may be more used to the sight of them then deer , are yet from their different shapes and qualities to that of other four footed creatures in general , esteemed less lovely ; upon which ground , bears appear more ugly then lyons or leopards . so again , though those women , &c. that are accounted most beautiful , are more rare and few then the ill-favoured ; it is to be conceived that they are so only as to the general and whole number of them ; but , divide the ill favoured ones into sorts ( according to their likeness to one another ) and you shall find fewer of any sort of the ill favoured , and greater difference between those sorts ( compared one to another ) then between handsome faces compared one to another . and with us that use not to go naked , a man is not so comely naked , as adorned with cloathes ; which also by custom of wearing , is distinguished into fashions ; and so made pleasant . and those people that cloath not themselves , have their accustomed decorums of painting , or the like , for setting forth of their shapes and bodies ; shewing that custom , and not natural shapes of themselves please us . and so farther , although there be more ill then good hands written , yet the best hands are those that come nearest that copy which is in each country esteemed most perfect of the kind ; which must thereupon be more like one another then bad ones ; because they maintain method , through evenness of line , and equality of distance and proportion in the letters ; which bad ones do not ; and so come , more or less to disaffect . as we see that those coloured horses which we call pye-bald , are because of strangeness , called and counted ugly : for first , few horses are of these so different colours in their bodies , in such sort placed and mingled , but are usually of one and the same colour , and with like marks . and then again , these pye balds have as great difference amongst themselves , as they have to the rest . whereas spaniels , that are not usually of an entire or like colour and mark , do please in this varity . a tune takes above other confused noises , for that because of the method therein used , we are able to remember and conceive it : but an outlandish tune is unpleasant at first to us , and ours to them , as they differ from the usual ayrs of each other . nor are they , nor any new tune made pleasant , until by our fancy they are apprehended and made familliar , in such degree , as we are able to conceive the cadences thereof before they are founded . and those fashions and tunes which we ordinarily call new , are but small variations from those generals formerly entertained ; and yet please us not at first sight or hearing , so well as afterwards . so that custom frames appetites ; and appetite provokes the will to particular applications of good and bad , of like and dislike . besides our wills , there is nothing that can be properly called ours ; for the desire of property and enjoyment of others things is but in order to that ; nay , my very body and the parts thereof , are valued as they are useful to the reaching and fruition of such content as fancy offereth not to be enjoyed without them . so that , should i want arms , legs , or any or more parts ( not depriving me of life , and so of will ) i should yet be i ; and those parts reckoned as additional , not essential ; even as they are my arms , my legs , &c. and we may properly enough say , my body , my soul ; because the will arising from the harmony of both , is not either of them ; but the individual is there only , where the unity of direction and application is ; whereas in separated parts , the general laws of nature ( in corruption , alteration , &c. ) take place , and local motion ceaseth , as to proper and intern direction . and from the usefulness of members and organs , comes their number , posture , and symetry to be such and such , each creature and thing being handsomest , that hath that shape which is most usual : whereas all distortions , pluralities , and defects carry ( by their strangeness to us , and difference amongst themselves ) a loathing with them . but if that will which ariseth from collections in our selves , may be called ours , what shall we think of those affections which we call innate , as almost all so●ts of creatures to fear men , lyons , &c. and birds to fear hawks ? this only proceeds from the like grounds , namely , from unusualness of shape , deportment , and countenance ; and is proportionably entertained according to our conceits of that their supposed power to harm us ( appearing in those individuals we now see ) and not from innate knowledge of any thing truly formidable in the species feared . and hence our first fears are usually bigger or lesser , as the size of the feared thing is . for a bird in the nest , or which never yet saw bird but its dam , will be then more afraid of a goose , then of a hawk . but after it hath observed its dam or others to be scared with the last , and not with the first , it is otherwise . but if a hawk be brought to hatch a pidgeon , or harmlesly associate another bird , these birds fear not hawks afterwards . and so , we see creatures that are not used to the sight , nor are able to know that a wheel-barrow , or other such engines , are not living creatures , stand more scared because of the bigness and strange appearance of these things ( which they could not so much as fancy before ) then of other living creatures which they are used unto , and which may indeed , and do sometimes really hurt them and creatures fly us not after they have been sometimes conversant amongst us , which we call made tame , even as upon trial of indemnity , birds and beasts come to relish the company of haws , lyons , bears , &c. well enough ; but if the first sight or usage of any thing , or if formidable and strange report hath made an extraordinary a version in our fancy , then we carry to that thing a particular hatred a●d dread . and although all sorts of things are at first equally feared , because new born creatures ( till they have observed so far as to make difference ) must fear and trust every thing alike ; yet when experience of security hath once passed under the power of any thing , we thereby come to fear other things as they do there-from differ ; nor can we forbid our selves ( out of natural desire of safety ) to fear all strange things , accounting a stranger and an enemy the same . and however the passion of fear be natural and common to all , as tending to each sensitives preservation ; yet , as touching the choice of the particular objects of its dread , custom and prejudice , and not nature nor reason do usually bear sway : for we find that weakest creatures , and women , and children , are most subject to these antipathies and aversions ; for as they have least knowledge and observation elsewhere , so as from sense of security from other inductions , to stop themselves in this particular fear , so they may be observed to be so over-mastered by extreamity of this sudden fear even of that very object now before them as not at any time too look wistly upon it , or to acquaint their sense therewith ; but they still flying it , it must thereupon be kept from ever being familiar ; for else we find they are , and may be won by degrees , if they will intend it . and , that fear is the beginner of all dislike ( and attendant to the first sense of new differing objects ) we may conclude from our proneness to startle upon sudden occurences ; and then most especially , when least resolved against it , or apprehending our selves least secure ; and although ( in strong and confirmed impressions ) the name of hatred and dislike be drowned in the passion of fear : yet these always follow and are where fear is . for so experience tells us , that subjects do at first ordinarily contract greater dread and dislike against the goverment of kings and monarchs , then against polarchies , even because of their greater distance from them , whereas the more near familiarity and converse with the other is a means to abate of their dread . and generally those laws and governments are by subjects most disliked , that carry greater strictness against offences : and anger is dislike with courage , as fear is dislike without courage . and as this fear may keep us from seeing or conversing with any thing ( and so from loving it ) so , after things have been loved , a violent or unexpected strangeness may dilete ( by its difference ) all former conception ; and consequently induce loathing of the thing ; which usually we see come to pass in meats , after surfeits and sickness gotten by them , or in them , or other things upon occasional discourses . and yet have we our proper tastes , whereby ( according to our accustomed feedings ) we are able to like and relish such things as are of neerness of savour , above what is otherwise . upon which score again , such subjects that have lived under monarchy , and upon some insinuation of tyranny , oppression , or the like , have been induced to a change thereof , are afterwards , by experience of the benefits and enjoyments received under that regiment , brought the more strongly to affect it again , and all things that lead , and are like thereunto . but some affections seem altogether hereditary , especially such as are proper to the species or sex : in which we must look for custom farther off , to wit , that those portions of the parents spirits , that now find in the womb fit matter and temperament for action , put themselves into the same method of operation , they were before habituated unto : and so producing a like creature , produce also those stronger affections and impressions . whereupon all creatures have like natural voyces and gate to the rest of their species : for as the like motion of the generative spirit produceth like shape and posture of parts , so doth the same again continue and adapt them to like motions of limbs and instruments of voyce , they having nothing objected to their appetites to introduce forraign imitation , as men do in their language and gate . when birds build nests , it taketh its first instigation from hence : and also the young ones lying therein till they can fly , learn by sense to do the like for their own broods afterwards : and therefore we may observe , that those birds that soon run when they are hatched , build no nests , or such as have little workmanship . and all birds of a kind build nests alike , whose artifice , and the webs of spiders , silk-worms , &c. in all things , beyond necessity , is the procession of custom and fancy . for fancy , to its utmost ability , produceth method ; and as long as it can be able to hold on in that ( as a thing comprizable ) it proceeds with eagerness and delight ; but where it cannot be master of method , it undertakes nothing . the pye , crow , cucko , and such birds as have differing noats from the ordinary , have not in our ears the same pleasure as the nightingal ; who resembling in her several noats , that which is usual in other particular birds , differs only in generality of perfection and imitation ; and though the proper voyces of pyes , crows , &c. are as usual to us as those of the nightingal , separately and apart considered , yet are they not equally usual to those of the nightingal , and all other birds besides of like tone . and parrats displease in their own singular and unusual tones , but please us when they speak and resemble ours : and then most , when most imitating . as for musick , we see little children , not yet acquainted or used to one voyce or tone more then another , as soon stilled and pleased with any other noise , as that which we have reduced into a method , and call harmony : discords and concords take them alike , and a sixth is as pleasant as an eight . but now , as pleasure ariseth from custom , so pleasure from continuance and custom , may again decrease , as to the present sense thereof , and become that which we call nature , which is nothing else but custom upon custom : as we find it come to pass in matter of food , aswel in choice of quantity as kind , where custom manytimes so prevails upon appetite , through frequency of admittance , that from thence , more then from sense it self , now decayed , it covets still to acts as formerly , to the great prejudice of health : for although the direct profluence and evaporation of the spirit is its most natural way and means of release , and thereupon yields greatest ease and delight : yet is there a delight also arising from that freedom and exitation in motion which they are put into by means of those vapors that arise from the stomack , whereupon it will come to pass , that through custom of being so moved , at such time as the stomack is so filled , they wil be prompting him to the like degree of feeding through memory & the former pleasures thence arising , until by degrees it pass into such an habitual affection to delight , that the thought of insufficiency , or subsequent harms come to be unconsidered . no otherwise then in kingdoms , where the benefits arising from peace and government it self , or the particular indulgences of princes , are for the time our sense of want is fresh , and our only guide taken with gratitude and true delight , which when use and necessity are satisfied , and coming to be desired by custom only , do afterwards in our desires , both exceed use , and ungratefully and covetously are entertained , as well to our own , as that kingdoms ruine : like as rich and great men also , who , from the custom of their voluptuousness and freedom of life , are still impetuously pressing to fresh or like enjoyments , even after the loss of their wealth or honor . and the like may be also affirmed of pain , grown otherwise by custom of indurance : prisoners , millers , and musicians , distinguish little of dislike or content , in those sents and noises they are habituated unto . and so comes the motion of heart , brain , and bowels to be undiscerned , and the touch of one finger or limb against another , to pass without notice . and yet is custom the relisher of new objects ; those smells and those colours , that have greatest affinity to ayr and light , do most please , because these things are perpetually objected to the sense ( when any thing is ) and are the conveyers of other objects to the senses ; but yet the excess and quickness of pleasure and displeasure , arising from particular smells and colours , encreaseth or diminisheth by usuage and continuance : for children we find at first little affected with any particular sort of them ; and dogs , which are creatures of quickest sent , and can best make distinction , do not yet choose or avoid any object or place for the smells sake only , the smels of roses , violets , and other sweet flowers , pleasing them no better then the various and more differing smells of those scarcer plants which we call weeds : and this , for want of customary usage sufficient , whereby to make some sents affect above others : for they stand not affected or dis-affected to any smell , as of it self , but as it came into notice , or hath usually accompanied the prevalent appetites of food , or resentment of the kind . which hath also great prevalence in men ( and things of longer life ) both to provoke to particular like and dislike of many objects out of no other rule but what ariseth from these or like customs and inducements ; for good smells and tastes in plants , is the resemblance to what we use , and therefore call esculent : but wormwood , rue , &c. cannot otherwise affect them , through particular custom as tobacco doth . in which cases forestalled prejudice prevails no otherwise towards like and dislike , then when by reason other interest , we are wont to rate or set forth the praise or dispraise of any person , calling him honest or vertuous whom we love most , and who , by relation or benefit , are nearest unto us , and rating otherwise again , all such as disoblige us , proceeding therein according to proportions and rules of self-consideration and charity only ; whereby , out of private regard we impose upon persons the names of those vertues , which have their true worth only by generallity of performance . for so we are wont to find out abatements , or denials of vertues themselves , or to impose or insinuate what odiums or scandals we can on our enemies and competitioners against the first , because we would give reason and satisfaction why we hate them , against the latter , because we would satisfie why we should be preferred before them , in each condition striving to make publique good and concern to cover , and be the same with ours . after the same manner , may be observed , that the rank of subjects that is most commending and aiming at democrates , &c. are such as have greatest hopes and probabilities to be governors of others therein : in which case , our inbred pride and stubbornness may through the frequent contemplation of benefit therein to arise , provoke to action as the smell or sight of food may excite and awaken the stomack . and as thus in persons , so in actions and things , we strive always to have the like commended to what we have or do , and so on the contrary . for let a vice be cryed out upon , unto which we are subject , and we cannot forbid self-consideration to step in with some excuses and abatements ; making it look like vertue , or let any vertue be extolled , of which we are not in practise or ability , we are then as prone with our abatements towards vice . as for example , when self-consideration and advantage hath caused us in civil factions and disturbances to choose one side before another , we are then become prejudiced and shut up against all arguments to the contrary : for to discommend our cause , is to discommend us , and we can be no more desirous to be satisfied by others whether we do justly or no , then to be satisfied whether we intend our own benefit or not ; for as we are ashmed to confess to seek the latter without regard to the former : so there is no remedy , but to endeavor so to clear and set forth our practise and intentions to publike utility and justice , that our private aims and endeavors may be therein excused or hidden . and as smells ( as aforesaid ) do affect from general agreement with ayr , or resemblance to food , or the like : so also do tastes affect from salt , because from salt they have entrance upon the pallat , and yet hath particular custom prevalence herein , so as to make some things more pleasant then others ; and those that are most different , are most offensive to such as have been least accustomed unto them . all which is of as great use for the avoiding of pain , as the satiety of pleasure ( through long custom ) is for procuring new pleasure : for if one thing should have always and alike pleased , we should have had no encouragement to variety , but might have ingratefully past over those many other things by god and nature afforded for our use : and again , love and hatred , honor and shame , pleasure and displeasure , being stated and encreased by comparison of one another , it is necessary that some things should be occasionally and for a time hateful , dishonorable , and unpleasant ; for if all things , as they are alike good in their kinds , were alike lovely and pleasant to us , there would be , for want of choice , want of will ; and for want of will , want of action ; and such a thing as a rational or sensitive creature there could not be . upon which grounds , and from custom of indurance beforementioned , it comes to passe that patience , humility , and other hardships accompanying obedience and persecutions , have such efficacy and force ; both to the sustaining of afflictions , while present , and also to the relishing of all such enjoyments as the party is possessed of , with higher and more steady delight then those persons can whose custom and expectation hath always run a contrary way : divine providence so guiding these things to general good and content , that since no man could be without crosses , nor the greater part without many of them ( through reluctance of the creature , and pride and covetousness of men ) therefore it is made come to passe , that all , ( at least the greater part of men ) are by making a vertuous use of necessity , enabled to raise to themselves pleasure out of what is in it self otherwise , new custom dileting the old . now again , to enquire after the pleasingness of custom and method , we will make instance in musick . we find the scale to be reckoned from one to eight , these notes of unison and diapason , including the method of all the other , do come thereupon within most notice : no otherwise , then the turnings and angles of knots and borders in gardens do , which maintaing order and method , come more readily and delightfully to be looked upon , then the streight intermediate lines , or the flowers that are inclosed amongst them . which flowers have usually greater delight , considered apart , then the herbs or other particulars whereof the knot is made ; but because they have neither method amongst themselves , nor do share in the common method , they must so far be defective of beauty : for they can have none but what must arise from separate consideration of method in their own leaves and colours . as in the stars of the firmament , in which we can comprehend no order , because their postures have no affinity with any method usual amongst us : we therefore take in them no delight , but what ariseth from their excellencies in themselves considered : even so on the contrary , musick being a thing abstracted , and consisting in juncture and method only , must consequently have the first and eight most lovely , as the borders and foundation of this method : for so the unison and diapason falling out to be terminators , do come to have the same or like sound to one another , as the meeting of two lines make one angle , which no two of the other notes have , and will thereon ( according to equal succession of notes in the same scale ) come to be oftner repeated , and ( thereby ) win more delight : but the second and seventh that are farthest from one another , are the worst in the scale . if musick had gone to ten , as arithmetick doth , the tenth would then have been a concord to the first , as now the eighth is , and so would also the sixth , if it had ended in that number : even as a ring of six or seven bells is as pleasant as that of five or eight , rung either in peal or changes : and are more or less delightful , as men are accustomed to hear the like bells or way of ringing , which is called understanding them . and so might arithmetick have ended in eight , as musick doth , or in any other number short , or above ten : so that eight times eight , or twelve times twelve might have been called a hundred ; and eight or twelve of them again call one thousand , and so on . for ten is but ten units , and one thousand is but ten times ten unites : so that one and ten fall into one another , and are the foundation and termination of all number ; and come oftner to be repeated , even ten times to one above any other number . for after you have reckoned from one to ten , you begin from ten again , as you did from one ; so that twenty is two times ten , as thirty is three times ten , and so on : ten still keeping his denomination , not only in order after nine , but in computing of one and thirty , two and thirty , three and thirty , four and thirty , five and thirty , &c. ) the number of ten comes to be reckoned ten times to each one of the digits or single number . so in the scale of musick , you may suppose the same itteration , although not so apparent , because musick is not so far progressive as arithmecal numeration is . for the cipher put to one , makes it ten , although it be stil but the same figure of one ; and we properly call the other a cypher , having no value of it self ; but ( by its numbers ) shewing the numbers of tens . so in musick ( which is but numbers played withal ) the diapason is an unison with a supposed cypher , and comes in ascension and descension ( according to the usual method of teaching schollars ) to be eight times repeated to any other note . for all tones are but measures of distance , or difference of rise and fall from the first note : as a third is measured by one between , the fourth by two , and fifth by three notes between the first and him , and so on . in which doing , the first note being terminas à quo , and each other note terminus ad quem , and the terminus ad quem being not computable ( as to method ) but from terminus à quo , the first or unison comes ( as aforesaid ) to be reckoned eight times for once of all the other numbers . as for example , in reckoning sol , la , mi , and then sol , mi , and , sol , la , mi , fa , and then sol , fa , and so on , the first note being itterated severally to each other , comes to be as often mentioned as them all : the like may be observed , on the part of the eight , when you come to descend and go back again . now for the pleasantness of the third and fifth above the fourth and sixth , and for the pleasantness of fourth and sixth above the second and seventh , we are to consider that as all things please by often presence ( where by they become familiar ) , to this presence and familiarity may be made either by often repetition and succession in the fancy , or by length of abode there ; as for example , by the iteration of four footed beasts in my fancy , i come to esteem those sorts handsomest that come nearest to the most agreeing and usual form : so again , by oftner and longer seeing the shape of a man then them all , it may please better , as more seen then their shapes altogether : and so also the barking of dogs , though a noise singular to that creature , yet it is tollerable by often hearing it , nay it is musick to huntsmen that hear it very much : but the howling of dogs , being in all kinds rare , is unpleasant to all . and so farther , although handsomness and beauty usually move affection , because it is the most usual and uniform feature , yet through familiarity and often presence , i may come to like better of a face or person differing from the general rule , and commonly co-habitation proves a match-maker ; and frequent notice is the most effectual means which lovers can use , even as we see other creatures made friendly and loving hereby : for two pidgeons , although at first never so disagreeing , will mate and like one another , being a while enclosed . so now ( to return to musick ) the second and seventh are but used as transient notes , and have not usually above the eight part of time allowed them for their prolation in the ear and fancy , which the other notes have : for proceeding ; from the unison or first term , i cannot make a stop at the next , it being so near the first as there wants a note to measure the distance between them ; for all harmony being made up of proportion , there will want a middle term to proportionate the extreams . so in sol , la , mi , la is the measure between sol and mi , and serves but to number withal : nor can i make such a stand at la , from sol , as to make a musical tone , until i come to a note of greater distance : for should i say sol , la , and stop at la , as i do at mi , when i say , sol , la , mi ; sol , mi , musick would not be harmony or proportion , but numeration only . so , in descending the scale again , the note that was seventh to the first , is now second to the eight . but then , although in thus scaling of notes , for teaching of young schollars , we use but one sort of time to all of them , yet when we come to make such musick as we call tunes , we must use difference of time , and make the greatest stops at the most methodical and useful notes , which by this means will also farther come to be most pleasant . and as a second is the numerator between the first and third , so is the fourth between the third and fifth ; unto which third , the fifth is a third also , and the fourth is a second , but the fourth is as much a better note then the second , as the unison or diapason are better then the third : for goodness being but by comparison , as the second is more ill then the fourth or sixth , so is the first or eight better then the third or fifth . if a seventh should be a concord , as being a third to the fifth , then would there want a discord to set off other notes , and the eighth would be imperfect by wanting his discord : for these seconds are never used , but ( by time and way of quaver ) as slides and passes to eights . a fifth hath priority of a third , as having more proportions in it , and ( being more distant ) hath less debasement from the unison or eight . all which we have spoken more largely concerning musick , to shew how ( in respect to method and harmony ) some notes must be oftner used then others ; and how in regard of this usuage , and the longer stay upon such notes ) they come to be more pleasant : and again , for that musick ( being a thing disputable how its pleasure should arise , might by being thus discoursed upon ) serve to illustrate other things . for from hence we may ground the chief reason why we come to be so wedded unto those customs and opinions we have been bred in and used unto , especially in matters of religion , which ( having little proof from sense ) relies chiefly on this course of prevalence , namely to affect by inculcation of doctrines and tenets , as the experience of sermons and preaching makes good : for thus god himself being first and last in religion , is as the unison and diapason , terminating all things ; and as in musick , the sweetness of those notes above others , ariseth from their longer continuance and oftner repetition : so in religion , the more we press , and oftner we mention gods glory , gods worship , gods commands , &c. that which we utter besides is the more acceptable , even as those things are in value above others , and that especially , if compared to any thing in our selves ; whereby god appearing so much above us , our perfections appear so much worse as his is better . and this is wel known to undertakers for church reformation , first to cast into gods service , gods glory , &c. all that they would have acted in pursuance of their own designs , then to put such laws and customs as oppose them on the score of humane inventions , that so by the answerable disproportion in goodness ( as between an eight and second ) all that they like not may be disliked of others also . but then again , if an eight should be always stricken ( without other variety ) it would cease to please : so , to say nothing but gods service , gods glory , &c. would not make a harmony to please above the degree of children : and therefore faith , charity , and the like , are taken in , as thirds and fifths ; according as their usage and esteem hath made them preferrable in each country and sect : for where solisidians are , there faith is the fifth , or best note , and love and charity is made the worser ; and on the other side , where charity is rightly understood , it is made chief as the end of the other . and as for the other duties of humility , prayer , repentance , zeal , &c. they are placed in the composure of the harmony of each religion , as they have different esteem in the authors thereof : whereupon , as the tunes of our country please us beyond others , so that form of expressing our devotion which custom hath wedded us unto : but as we may fancy other tunes by degrees , so other forms that have their differences at first small : nay , we ordinarily have a natural itch to variety ; and it may be observed , that as the the same tune always played , causeth weariness : so , to such as cannot understand the true reason of things that religion soonest cloyeth , whose exercise or doctrine hath least variety and most confinement , and therefore set forms displease ordinary capacities , as grave set set musick to those that are unskilled in the art , pleaseth not so much as a jig . and as musick being an abstracted method is not examinable by any thing but the ear it self : so in religion , the farther you sequester your self from charity , so much the more you confine its grounds to custom and opinion : for if it be placed all in the ear ( as musick is ) then ( being only a spiritual method ) it will follow , that that method we apprehend best ( and consequently that religion we are most used unto ) will without more ado please most ; and thereupon each person must be rendred an uncontrollable judge therein : but so far as love and charity shall be taken in , this ( being operative ) will make it fall within notice of other senses , and so become examinable by other method : for charity having its ground in reason and nature ( as it is made to stand in harmony with them ) it may serve to justifie or condemn religions , as the goodness of the tree may be judged by its fruits . to enquire into the reason of comprehension and method a little farther , we are to conceive that the brain in each man being the common sense to discover what is of benefit or damage , hath the nerves as so many scouts and centinels for information : now as any thing is by these apprehended , some impression is made in the soft substance of the brain . this at first coming must make an unusal dislocation and posture therein , and so displease within , no otherwise then distortion of any member doth displease without . and knowledge and comprehension is nothing else but the ready turning and cession of the brain to such figures as are offered : and reasoning and discourse is succession of configuration , according to such concomitants and appearances as have accompanied it ; which now more or less readily appearing and answering , as they were formerly oftener seen or fancied therewith , come thereupon to be esteemed more or less reason . but all new ojects must for a time displease , according to their strangeness ; for that this common sensory , being thus wholly imployed , and as it were , imprisoned and confined in apprehending and configuring this new guest , hath not time to watch and attend other informations , that might be by sense offered to it at the same time . for so we find , that in great agitation of mind , and when our fancies are intent on the contrivance of things more eminently pressing , we are heedless of what else is presented unto us : and hence it is that two things at once cannot be studied on , if they be so differing as not comprisable in the same method . pain is more external , and differs from this inward offence ; being the stoppage of spirits in their methodical motions in the parts of the body ; whereby , being hindred from recourse to their fountain the brain , the place that obstructs them will ( through their irregular motion therein ) find pain ; and pleasure is , when these spirits are excited in motion or evacuation with their proper humor . when any violent or unusal posture is offered to the nerves , diffused in the senses and exterior parts , the brain is sensible through them , no otherwise then the spider is of any thing that toucheth any part of her web ; in which , every forraign touch makes her sensible , by altering the posture of those threds unto which she is joyned . for as the spider sitting upon the center and ●oition of her work with her body , and having her legs extended to the several angles thereof is hereby made preceptible of those touches and impressions which forraign bodies do make upon it ; even so the brain , by those his long legs of nerves , every where dispersed through the body , may be conceived to be much more sensible of those several forms of twitching and convulsion made in its membranes , by the like impression made upon its nerves by any forraign touch . and as by degrees , and many tryals from our infancy , our senses are enabled to conform themselves unto outward figures and objects : so is the brain also by degrees brought to receive and retain those : and doth as easily fall into the like posture or figure , when those objects shall be raised in the fancy which did usually accompany them . if there be alteration in the body of the brain it self ( without forraign touch of feeling ) it is not then called pain , but horror , confusion , amazement , or the like . for the spirits ( used to watch in the senses themselves without ) are now here extraordinarily imployed in putting this new object into method , whereby it may be capable of memory and use , and do thereupon for a time make disturbance , as in a crowd . so that pain and pleasure are properly only in touch or sense of feeling : the objects of other senses being by them immediately let into the brain ( as having the nerves that serve them more contiguous to his substance ) they impart not pleasure and pain to it , as directly from themselves , nor are capable thereof , as senses , but as outward parts and organs , to be affected by forraign touch . now health is negative to sickness , as pleasure is ( for the most part ) but absence of pain ; and is when each individual body hath its humours enjoying their wonted proportion , seats , and motions , according to the proper constitution thereof , so as the spirits may not be inwardly stopped to make us inwardly sensible , as pain makes us outwardly . but sicknesse affects more generally , because the obstruction being in common passages of all parts of the body , the sense thereof must be more universal then in pain , where a single nerve it may be , is only affected . but then again , pain is more quick , as more intire and unite . for in sickness ( till it be mortal ) there is not a total stoppage , because the bowels and other passages have some recourse left them to the stomack , &c. and thereupon those nerves that attend them can be but in part stopped . but usually sicknesse hath some pain , as having some part or passage more obstructed then another . when i see a heavy thing tend downwards , it is a motion so conformable to all other , that ( as a thing whose operation and concernment is al●eady fully known ) it is passed over with content of security and mastery : but the operation of the loadstone , seeming proper to it self , distracts and puzzles us for want of ability to conceive ( and consequently ) to apply it to knowledge and use . for knowledge refers to use , as truth doth to goodness ; for from the observation of the motions and operations of loadstones , men apply them to nautical , and some other uses . and bonum differs from verum but in application , things being true as they are real , and good as they are modal : whereby , that which at first had entity and existence by creation , in respect of those affections , and that serviceableness it carries to other things , comes afterwards in the rule of providence to be held as good . and my will differs from my understanding as knowledge abstracted doth , from that which hath reference to me and my use . and it is as natural for the understanding to affect truth and enquiry , as it is for the will to affect good , and the exercise thereof . and therefore as i may want personal liberty to perform my will , so may i want liberty in my understanding , when i want method to conceive , or variety ( suitable thereunto ) for making farther discovery , being then subject to be lead by the judgement of others , which is indeed the greatest thraldom of any . but the want of this i cannot know , because the want and the wanter are all one , but experience will inform in the other . so now we may call method an art proper to every fancy , of registring its own particular observations in a kind of total . for after that i have , from induction , observed , that every single man is more rational then other creatures , i conclude also ; thereby differencing men from other things . and when again , i come to observe that he agrees with them in the search of things pleasurable , i then conclude this done as out of some principle common to them all , wherein they must agree as sensitives . for as knowledge or memory precedes , being the observation of things in particular , so method succeeds in collecting these particulars , and placing them in totals with other things of the same kind , and agreeing in properties . and when fancy hath an object not so placed already , or comprisable in some rank or classis of our entertained method , it is troubled . for if it be a thing altogether unknown , so as i cannot discover between the homogenial and heterogenial properties thereof , or if those properties are not reducable into some classis of comprehension of that method i have already framed , what use or pleasure can i make thereof ? and all those arts and sciences we have entertained , are but methodical collections of those distinguishable inclinations , effects and properties of men , creatures and things , which authors have made and agreed upon , and are true or false as they are more or less comprehensive , and exactly discussive of all those particulars they undertake . in which course of proceeding , the subject is usually considered as it hath reference to pleasure and benefit . and those arts and sciences that seem most speculative , have yet ( through method ) pleasure in speculation : but generally knowledge and enquiry look to good , as mony doth to commodity ; that is , although it be not pleasurable in it self , yet is the general ready thing for procuring what is so , humane benefit being the end of the art it self , and private gain or honor of the artist . now as all men have aims , and those higher or lower , according to their way of breeding , so have they their proper method and means for accomplishing them answerable to their understandings . and although the true aims of great men , in respect of honor and generosity , may not be discovered by the vulgar , yet the greatness it self , and the advantages thereof being necessarily always observed by them . hence it comes to pass that their conceptions are still running along , to fancy their method and aim to be according to their own . thus children that for want of engagement and observation are not yet able to apprehend the true benefit or value of riches or honor , or to conceive upon what inducements men are led to most of their actions , must also want method and understanding in themselves to approve and like of what they do , for play and liberty being their end , and having fancied other things as they stood in order thereunto , they cannot be imagined to bend their studies to the attaining of food or apparel : because they always found these things ready ; when as being debarred in the other , it caused them to use contrivance therein . and therefore they are not able to conceive that their parents should be put to such labour and study in getting their maintenance ; but do think that in these acquisitions , and in their commerce with other men , they are but following their own liberty and pastimes , as themselves do with their play-fellows . and so again , the vulgar sort of men , having only riches and some other more sensual enjoyments in their aims , and having also another and more short way of getting those things amongst themselves , must needs be as much at a loss and mistake in their censures , when they come to look into the actings of great men or their governors . for being themselves neither able to fancy the way and difficulty of getting this greatness , or of protecting them therewith ; nor the true end and use of this power ( more then children do apprehend the difficulty and cost of their breeding and maintenance ) they are ready , according to those conceits within themselves , to think that these things came by their good fortune , and were accordingly no otherwise useful then to enable them to live splendidly and deliciously , and to exercise arbitrary power in extolling or abasing some few as they saw good : because , if themselves were in like condition , their aims should not be other then the reward or punishment of friends or enemies . and if at any time they be brought into some speculation of the means of entrance , & end of this power ; this , as being a thing altogether beyond their own comprehension , they must be supposed as well implicitely following those methods which ambitious heads have put upon them herein , as also delightfully and eagerly doing it ; even for that the method and satisfaction which they now find therein , must needs fill them with the belief of so much knowledge , as to think they have arrived at the top thereof . and therefore being not able , for want of sufficient observation and insight into divine or political matters , to discover the true ground and reason of things , they presently judge all those actions which are not agreeable to those rules of scripture , of pacton , of consent , or the like , which they find interpreted and scholied by their guides , to be superstitious and unjust . the which also is much helped on , aswell out of desire to avoid the shame of being ignorant , as out of vain-glory to appear wise and knowing in things of such difficulty . and this peremptoriness of opinion and judgement is most incident to our first inlet into these discoveries . for then it is to be supposed that we are most swayed with delight of these new speculations , and do also most want time to examine whether the particulars we now apprehend are every way agreeable and comprehensive of those things we undertake to judge , or no : or else that we are not carried on by our own partialities and interests , so as to judge that person a tyrant , an usurper , or the like , whom we have no interest in , nor hope of : but by our partial ( that is to say , our short and weak methods and collections ) we are subject to proceed too hastily to the liking or condemning of a government or governor , upon the like sudden apprehension as the barbarians did of s. paul : who must one while be no better then a murtherer , & presently again concluded for no less then a god , from single indications and accidents , and such as had no coherence with that which they would apply them unto . upon which ground it may be observed , that princes and great men are by vulgar judgements never permitted to go under a middle censure : they are still extreamly good , or extreamly bad . for being by some sudden accident brought to alter that conceit they had before entertained as suddenly and ungroundedly of his vertues or vices , it is no wonder if they hereupon become as hasty and extream in their censures of him this way , as they did the other way . for it being to be supposed natural unto man to affect farther discovery and knowledge , it comes therefore to pass that the delight in contemplation and prosecution of what is now in view , keeps him for the time inconsiderate of what more may be had , and so it must consequently leave the weak and empty comprehension as full and peremptory ( as to its self and its own satisfaction ) as he that hath more and better ground to go upon . the which we find verified upon mens first undertaking to read and expound the scripture : the many examples there found of gods miraculous attestation and reward of some such as have been eminent for goodness and piety , presently raises in us a conceit of our own deserts herein also ; and men are usually thereupon ready to fancy and expect ( even to a degree of temptation ) that god should in some like manner appear in the honoring and acknowledging of them . and , upon a contrary rule again , finding many examples therein of gods displeasure and punishment of men for oppression , injustice , and other notorious wickedness , they are as ready , out of the conceit of their own wrong suffering and subjection at the hand of their own enemies or superiors , to make a paralel of the one with the other ; and think that neither patience nor obedience is on their part due , to these so apparent enemies to god and goodness , as their prejudice and ignorance doth now judge to these so apparent enemies to god and goodness , as their prejudice and ignorance doth now judge them to be . the which is most especially instigated from the example and insinuations of persons of greater repute for learning or judgement then themselves ; who having many times ambitious or factious aims , are ready ( as we said ) to cast before them such forms of examination as shall be sure to leave a dislike in them towards the actions and commands of their superiors , and consequently intice them to siding with them : which must prevail , because they are so far defective of observation and experience of their own , and consequently entice them to siding with them , which must prevail , because they are so far defective of observation and experience of their own , as to find and frame just methods to themselves , and so to examine how far these and other particulars are , or are not agreeable and comprisable within the true rules and limits of religion and polity . and of these kinds of deceits , taken up upon too easie examination and credulity , i can speak more confidently , having had so great experience of them in my self , and that in both kinds . for i believe that no man was more averse to episcopacy , and church orders and ceremonies , and such like , then my self in my youth , and while i continued to converse with such only as had these things in detestation ; and all because the method of examination which was then put into me for to try cases of this kind by , ( as to their approach to evil ) was to search whether papist used them or no. so that i , not having then knowledge or experience enough to examine how those things stood grounded in themselves , or to understand that papists , even as they were christians , could not choose but be in the right in somethings , was thereupon in danger to abandon some christian truths and duties , because i found them within my rule of dislike , as being acted and believed by papists . being once prepossessed with these and such like short rules and methods of distinction and adjudication , i was quickly tainted also with the pharisaical humour of judging for my self , and those of my belief , against such as differed , thinking that all that were not as invective against the thing called popery ( which truly for a good while i understood not ) and as conversant in sermons , and some select phrases and demeanors , were ( notwithstanding their unblamable lives otherwise , and that according to christian faith ) to be esteemed but bare moral men . their outstripping me in the real duties of general love and beneficence to men , and in the rendring god more honorable by their publike and more solemn adoration and acknowledgement of him before men , were not , as i thought arguments comparable to prove them of the number of the godly and saints , as were those rules of distinction which i had framed to my self . and so again , in matter of government and political speculation , none more pleased and taken then my self , with all those fine maxims and rules of examination , which , in the beginning of our unhappy troubles , were set on foot for tryal and control of the actions of princes . my thought i was now much elevated in my rank and ability , being enabled to give a just censure of all that was done by one so much above me , and whom i had ignorantly hitherto thought should have guided me . when he acted in civil matters , the law of the land was to be his bound and director ; and when in affairs of religion , the scripture . if i had staid there it had been well . no , as i was told that it was not fit that kings should be unlimitted and arbitrary in their rule ; so also , that his single judgement or conscience were not to be trusted herein neither , therefore i did next fancy , that the judges were to determine the meaning of the law , and the divines of scriptures . in which i was not yet so far out of the way , but what a few caveats might set right . but i proceeded farther still in pressing onwards , that i at last thought none to be trusted in these high powers but the people themselves : the judges and divines , alas , they might be corrupted , but a community could not wrong it self . and therefore , over all , as the paramont power , i conceived there was to be a parliament , to give final determination , and see execution done . this at first i thought to import the king in parliament ; afterwards i was lead to believe it was the king and parliament ; afterwards it came to be the two houses of parliament which were apprehended to be the supreme authority . and as the pleasing speculations of paction and derived power from the people did generally take & encrease , so came the lower house to be the upper house , & afterwards the sole house of parliament ; as being thought the peoples only true representors . so that , at last , a king beset with all these limitations , did look like a duck in a garden , brought to eat up the snailes and worms , and then tied up by the leg , for fear of trampling over the flowers , or meuting in the walks . but the examples of inconveniences arising from kings exorbitant use of power ( by their strong and fresh impression ) making me on the sudden heedless , how by bridling his power to do ill , i did also take away the power of doing good : and then also there having been no president in stories of a perpetual or unlimitted parliament , and consequently of any evil thence arising , i came to be so taken up with the apprehension of the good they might do , according to that power they had anciently practised , that i did not then consider withal ( i mean for a great while i did not ) that if one man , that did acknowledge himself subject to law , could by his power do so much mischief , what then might be feared where a multitude shall joyn in a mischief , who shall say they are above law. but it fareth with men in entertaining those narrow schems for comprehension of any thing , as it doth in making knots and plats for gardens or building , which each one at the time of doing , will think done after the best manner , because done according to advisement of workmen or the like , and according to that stock of materials he then knew of , or stood furnished with : but when he shall make observation farther , and find both other materials and other methods more fit and capable of their receit , he will then alter his own method of adjudication also : for it is to be conceived that in this course of methodising , our fancy carrieth the form of a pyramid , wherein the particulars observable in nature make the basis ; which lessens towards the top , as the particulars unite and agree in such generals as we may call notions . but then , as these notions come to be imployed and to receive approbation from experience , they are again , for ready ease and use , collected into other totals called affections ; which , having obtained settlement from the harmony of experiments , come to guide us in what we do without reference back to particulars , more then he that can now read should be put to make use of spelling . for so , beauty , honor , &c. have place in my desire , but the particulars out of which i did at first come to the general liking of them , are out of my memory ; nor indeed could their variety and repetition be remembred , being the observation of my whole life , of the common rate and esteem of these things by others ; which could never serve us for use and proficience in knowledge , unless we did proceed to this way of abreviation . for particulars , whilst they are remarkable , are the objects of memory , but after they are made familiar by instances of the like kind , they are amassed altogether , and pass into notions and affections . unto the constitution of which notions , as each sense carrieth his part , so are they soveraigns in their own order ; that is , where they are not in particular objects dependent upon one another , there their inductions pass as peremptorily and uncontroulably into affections one as another . even as we formerly noted in religion , and the opinions and doctrines thence derived , which ( having not charity for their object , but depending on the ear only ) come ( through often repetition and commendation ) to prevail and pass into affections and sciences , upon the same grounds that ( by sight ) this or that figure , fashion or face comes to please . and so it is in the particular smells and tastes we are accustomed unto ; wherein ( former repetitions growing too numerous for memory of particulars ) custom is ( then ) uncontrolable , and begets affections and science in inductions proceeding from them , as observations from sight breed affections in things objected unto it . in this way of discovering causes by various coincidence of effects , and of common causes to them again , according to their concurrence , until we come to the prime cause of all things , gods glory , we seem to reintegrate our knowledge and comprehension , as if received from the fountain by intuition . for hereby , if rightly proceeded in , we are able to judge of all things within the verge of humane sense , even as taught by themselves . and as we learn upwards , so we judge and discourse downwards ; that is , from general notions to particulars . we will ( for better instance and application in these things ) look more nearly into our learning it self , and the labour therein used . we that read now ( having forgot the difficulties that attended us in our learning thereof ) do wonder at the backwardness of others : first , in distinguishing letters one from another , then in knowing and distinguishing their several values and pronounciations : then , having understood their agreements and disagreements amongst themselves , how to collect , apply , and place them in syllables : then how ( in like manner ) to make of these syllables , words ; and of these words again , to frame sentences or notions . and lastly , how to apply and judge of these sentences , as they shall seem consonant and proper to those several artificial methods by me entertained already , which we call affections ; which having good for their object , do accordingly relish and transmit things to the common affection , the will , to determine how it stands in interest with other affections , and also to have the approbation of the understanding whether it be attainable or no , for will disputes not whether the affections propound what is good ( that is to say , pleasant ) or no , but whether this pleasure be so continuing and attainable as to make it good . but it is to be considered , that the fancy doth differently imploy itself in the methodising of particulars towards the constitution of affections and passions , over it doth in methodising and retaining such other particulars which are to be imployed by way of discourse and reason . in the first way , particulars are amassed according to their genus , and so , from a broad foot or basis ( as we said ) do agree and point in streight lines towards the constitution of some affection in us . the which affection , being that which provokes us to delight and action , doth , as the end , by degrees instigate the fancy , and fit it self therein with a proper method of comprehension , how , amongst all the other observations made and collected , things may be so chosen and so ordered and placed , as to be instrumental and serviceable to the furtherance of this end . so far as impressions are topically , figurately and particularly retained , they have still reference to the objects , and do penetrate the brain only , being used but as instruments and servants to the attaining of that which each affection doth prompt to the enjoyment of : for each affection and appetite hath its proper method of judication and acquisition , as it had its own method and way of amassing from particulars , whilst it was making its inward impression and resentment in the heart ; which is now its seat , from whence the brain is set on work as a minister to produce figures conformable when an object of import is presented . each affection rangeth particular objects in her method , as the gardener doth flowers in his knots and borders , even as they are accounted prisable and delightful . however , we have used the terms of fancy and method severally , yet they are the same ; being the orderly collection and configurations of particulars in the brain , contrived for the use of each affection . and so again , we may conceive memory and imagination to be the same , being the impresses and representations of particular objects and figures , whereby the often or serious observation of them , as presented to the sense from without , doth cause us to imagine we still see , hear , &c. them in the same manner and form within . and as affections did at first arise from particular outward objects , relishing them according to experience of the pleasure accompanying them : so also do they take encrease from the methodical application of objects as a means to this end . and thereupon also , as figures were first impressed from particular and more distinct objects , and did thereupon by degrees come to the comprised in methods and configurations amongst themselves : so likewise do they unite and become serviceable towards the constitution of other , or new methods : even as the several persons , ranged in a scene or antimask , may be comprehended under one figure : or as the several hounds in hunting may be considered as one pack , or their several barkings taken as one cry . whereby also , through use , that which was at first cast into this method for the use of other affections , may become an affection by it self . for it is to be supposed that the same figures & impressions of the brain may stand diversely considerable and affecting us , as they have already passed into affections by their use , or else are no farther pleasurable , then what the now use and application of them in some methodical course must afford , towards the service of some affection . in one sort they are considered as true ; in the other as good . the figure of a letter is a different thing from its value , the which continues the same as to its use in making of words , although the letter it self may be figured in a diverse character , and those words and sentences made of them , are differently considered in the spelling and pronounciation , over they are in their signification and import . as affections do come to be thus bred in us from outward objects , and also by degrees to encrease in strength , so there is more reason for will to follow the guidance of affections , so bred in estimating good and bad , then is for it to follow authority ; for the inductions framed by my self are the observations of mine own sense ; but my grounding on the discourses of others , is grounding on their senses , which is not farther prevalent , then corresponding with mine own . and inductions from authority , move as other inductions by uniformity and consent , and that according to such paterns of truth as are fore-conceived ; else a single authority , by joynture of my former affections and inductions may prevail in my acceptance , as over-numbring the contradictors . like as we may find in particular it fareth with the weaker and more credulous sort in matters of belief ; unto whom ( as not able to contradict from contrary collection and experience in themselves , or to apprehend their reasons and arguments ) those few authorities they imbrace , come to be followed as of unquestionable power and force . for these sort of people being not able to apprehend many things of divinity in general , or indeed any principle on its true ground and foundation , have their hopes and fears ( for the most part ) terminated in certain select phrases and expressions of scripture , which ( themselves not well understanding ) they are ( through their ambiguity ) brought to fancy them in all uses , as carrying the sense of the whole scriptures themselves ; and thereupon to make use of them in judging of what is fi● and lawful for themselves or others , in all kinds of actions and deportments , as though they had been the very particular directions which were proper thereunto . insomuch , as where the translator is at a loss for rendring the genuine and true sense of an hebraism , or the like ; they are wont to take up those phrases and expressions so affectedly , as to f●ame , in a manner , a new religion to themselves out of their customary use and approbation of them . in which case it fareth with them , as it doth with children who are by way of sport , turning themselves often round , not only for pride and affectation sake , to see who can turn oftenest , but on purpose also , that they may then stand delighted with those transient and giddy figures and apprehensions which are then made in their brain . even so it befalleth those sorts of men in these vertigoes and intoxications made in them by their affected use of unintelligible and insignificant forms and phrases . when as , out of pride to excel others in degree of speculation , whom they see already so much before them in the ordinary and intelligible course , they are thereupon lead to fancy this course . which having in it no correspondence or ground-work in nature or reason , both because the terms themselves are destitute of figure and comprehension , and because they cannot be configurated by other real bodies and figures neither , they must consequently remain like men in a maze , without a clew of method to direct them . but they become hereupon so wedded , that whosoever , in offering to convert or farther instruct these people , shall not , for admission into their conceits , hide his meaning under these their familiar expressions , shall lose his labour , and that not only as being unconceived by them for want of sufficient prenotion , but as contradicting , as they conceive , such plain truths , as ( by the customary use of these phrases ) they conceive their opinions as to be . and as observation and practise of particulars become at last affections in such things as are performed and fancied in our selves , so also the the often sight and notice of the signs and figures of these affections in others come by degrees to affect also so far as to promote and induce the same in us ; even as yawning affects to imitation both of that action and of the drowsiness it denotes , and the signs and attendants of the lust and fear of others affects thereunto also . no otherwise then the ●xamples of success and impunity of persons in their courses of stubbornness , or the conversation and discourses of them , are strong motives for other children and subjects to do the like . but then this works not in children and creatures very yong , until practise and contemplation , hath so rooted and conformed these affections in our selves as they have strength to take rebound from others , which in them cannot be , as also they must want observation of the signs themselves , and motives unto them ; both for want of time , and for want of that affection that should spur thereunto . nor can these signs be of much force again on men or creatures very ancient ; where want of spirits in the brain must leave the appetite and affection to these very dull and almost delete , and leave also the nerves and organs of the body so empty and hollow , that they represent not with any steadiness or strength , as also the experience of danger to arise , must make them slow in new undertakings . but to return to enquiry , after the rise of knowledge and reason , from instance in reading and learning . at first every letter must by its often admission through the vissual nerve , receive an answerable impression and figure in the brain , before any difference can be estimated and valued between it and another letter by comparison ; for else could there be no difference put between any thing but what the ey● could see at once . and this comprehension cannot be well made at first sight , but according to appliableness of the organ , and intention of mind in the learner ; and therefore in teaching of birds and beasts , we use watchings , corrections and rewards to make them attend . in children , that have their brain of a more tender substance , and less distorted by former figures , and have also ( according to their bigness ) more store of it then men , we find how easie it s to teach them to read over older folks ; notwithstanding they have not usually the like desire and intention of mind . so that the first step to knowledge is to feel and see well , and to have good senses ; the next is to compare and make differences . younglings coming first to see , look upon every thing with like amazement : but , because the light is the most usual thing they behold ( for the various session thereof makes colours ) they therefore , after they have by custom past over its first dislike ( caused through strangeness first like the brightest , and such colours as shew it most lively . and hence they come to be pleased with glasses , candles , &c. before shapes and figures ; and babies come to be but after-plays to toys of shew , for they see nothing without light , but many shapes and figures besides those of men and women ; which shape again , as being oftenest notified in comparison of all others , comes to be most familiar & pleasing . and upon like reason , come yonglings to like of that particular party that is most present to their sense , it being much encreased by experience of indemnity : so ducks will follow the hen that hatched them ; and so children that nurse , or other body that is most conversant , familiar , and kind unto them : and they like and dislike others of the same kind , as they resemble or differ most from these . the pleasure of motion which young ones have in being rocked , or in playing one with another , seems to affect from that accustomed tumbling they had in the womb ; for feeling is the first of senses , coming with life it self , if not the same . but then , as the brain and animal spirit of each creature stands chiefly imployed in the womb in the motion and sense of feeling of the limbs and outward parts , and doth thereupon prompt to exercise and delight in like agitation and motion afterwards , yet , when objects from the senses do afterwards come to imploy the brain and spirits inwardly , and when sense from the inward parts do draw the fancy and intention that way , then by degrees doth the exercise and delight in the motion of the limbs cease , and men become not only sedentary and studious , as in relation to figures entertained in the brain , but also to be strongly affected with the pleasures of eating and drinking , and such other enjoyments as may be performed with least shaking and dislocation of the stomack and other inward parts . those loud and harsher noises that prevail in quieting of children , that cannot please from custom , do take their effect from diversion ; that is , by recalling their imagination from the sense of some other suffering , to attend this strange noise now in their ears , and not from pleasure of the noise it self ; which can please but by comparison of a less affliction to a greater . but all our delights , while very young , are most corporal , and have , like to other sensitives , reference to our own sensible customs : but when we come to observe what rate the sense and custom of others put upon things , persons or actions , we then , according to our own particular sense of the ability of the persons so rating them , judge and conclude of their worth , or otherwise , which we call honour and dishonor . and hence it comes that bigger childrens most eager sports are usually made in imitation of what they see men do ; and the end of them to aim at victory and pre-excellence one above another . and as we come to be in liking of persons , and then of actions , so children , at first , are imitating the actions of such they most converse with , and take notice of : so that sometimes they are washing , sweeping , making fires , or the like ( from their converse and familiarity amongst servants : but , when they come abroad into the world , persons of greatest honor , come , through the observation of the respect by others given that way , to be most observed by them , and consequently , those actions that are performed by and to them , to please above other actions : for these having uniformity , as being regulated by law and custom , must affect above the lose , incoherent , and disorderly actions of others , as handsome faces and good hands do above those that are common : for it is not the persons , but the dignity we affect . and all actions and things , that refer not to sensible good , refer to honor ▪ and things come to have esteem as attendants and causes of honor : for as honorable actions draw on our observation and esteem , so self-respect leads us to affect and pursue the causes of them : but , unto the observation of the causes of honor children seldom reach , for the effect must first so highly please as to provoke to ambition . and therefore with them , and the more ordinary sort of people , flattery is apprehended to be the same with honor : and , for want of observatoin and intelligence wherein true honor doth consist , they take all kind of praises and commendations to be the same with it . and , upon this score , they may well indeed conclude that honor is in the honoring first , and not in the honored : for that there being no true cause or reason in the party this way honored , why this praise or honor should be given , but the cause and design of it taking issue from the flatterer , it must thence follow , that as honor is in the honored first , so flattery in the flattered first . from the custom of feeling ( before spoken of ) it is that very young infants or creatures , finding nothing under them for support as they had in the womb , do , when we would make shew of letting them fall , put their bodies and parts into posture of resistance and aversion : not against falling it self , as knowing the danger or damage to follow thereupon ; but because they find their present posture strange and uneasie : and therefore for want of the like sustentation to be left under them , they are teady to catch at new hold and support . for to a childe new born , that hath not apprehended the difference of sights , the fright of falling from a precipice will be but equal to that of falling out of its nourses lap : and children receive displeasure at first from lying on any thing that makes them not sensible of a like general and equal sopport they had in the womb . and therefore we find them laid on beds and laps made even , and yet hardly enduring the unequal application of arms or legs under them , until they are so swadled up that these partial supports seem thereby to be equal and even . for the motion of gravity or propriety of place , being a necessary property of all bodies and their parts , it will follow to be soonest , and so consequently , most universally known : therefore this strugling of children is caused through sense of feeling to avoid a present injury it now feels through uneasiness , and not out of innate conception of danger , as some do think . for if such instincts and knowledge were , then would children be afraid of drowning , or burning , or the like ? this instance hath been prosecuted , to give occasion to discover how we may come to be habituated and affected to certain postures in the exercise and enjoyment of our minde and will , as well as of our bodies ; and how that thereupon , those restraints which government imposeth upon our liberties in the one , most cause reluctance and desire of release , as well as in the other ; and that sense and experience of alteration and discomposure is the cause of dislike in our wills aswel as our bodies . when therefore these things are ascribed to nature , it must be understood of secondary or acquired nature . for children or creatures new born , for want of experience and observation , stand affected from no sense but that of feeling . nor do the objects of other senses please or displease at first , unless they imprint and move so violently as to induce feeling , by affecting the heart and other parts and habits of the body , by means of those inward pares of nerves . whereupon the humors and parts within do heighten ( as it were , by their proper experience ) the relish of that figure or object in the brain , to like or dislike , after the rate they stood themselves formerly made sensible thereof from it . and therefore time and experience being required to make fear or other passions strong , we find that mandkind till they come to ripeness and tryal , stand not apprehensive or averse to government . after which , sense and knowledge of its use and benefit , and also of his own suffering thereunder , makes him ( proportionably ) contented or reluctant . proportionably ( i say ) for that as reason and religion do out of sense of duty more or less bear sway over the more natural and bodily sense of suffering , and restraint of will , so will government be to each one more or less offensive : there being but these two great motives for children and subjects obedience , sense of benefit and interest , and sense of conscience and duty . for want of true experience and knowledge whereof , the family as well as the kingdom comes to be troubled with mutinies and insurrections , even for that ignorance and incogitancy of the benefit or harm to arise to themselves by obedience , or the contrary , leaves them to be lead by the present sense of trouble in being guided by the direction of another , which must thereupon come to be by them that are not able to apprehend their own advantages by peace and submission , nor that their benefits are reciprocal , interpreted as done out of private interest and design of their prince and father only . nor need we wonder , that , in the course of our lives , custom should bear such sway , since life it self is but custom ; that is , a methodical and customary motion of an active spirit , which by means of his circular and regular course , is diverted from eager pursuit of penitration and ascension . for the heat of the sun or parental body , by degrees turning into spirit or ayr , such portion of seed or first matter as is apt to sublime , this spirit ( according to its lighter nature ) grows presently motive and restless , as seeking a more high and open habitation : but partly out of similitude of the matter whereof it was bred , and the similitude and constancy of the same degree of heat it now hath to that which begot it ; and partly through the present succession of skinny enclosure , arising from the slymy nature of the matter it self : and partly through those other inclosures of skins and shels , in wombs , eggs , &c. it is invited and contented , at length to satisfie its proneness to direct upward motion , with this circular passage : as being from habit cozened to take and choose this easier way , rather then to press earnestly any more to that direct course , in which it had been so often diverted by such high difficulties . and as this spirit is by reason of its tenuity made motive and naturally desirous of enlargement and aire , so again , by reason of its smaller and more indifferent degree of sublimation , as being generated by that moderate heat of the body , of a substance which is neither suffered to addle through cold , nor harden through heat , it is therefore kept so well allayed , as to be retarded both in ability and desire of penetration . which is also holpen on by the closeness of those vessels and cells where it is contained , and by the likeness and proximity of that matter whereof it is generated , and wherewith it is accompanied : which is not only the same with that whereof it was begotten , but also is but one degree beneath it in thinness . for it is to be supposed , that the chylus being turned into blood , as it doth attain some degree towards sublimation it self : so also that most attenuated and concocted spirit which is in the cells of the brain , doth likewise still retain a good degree towards condensation : even so , as , according to course and vicissitude , to be again apt to be turned back into s●eam , and so into blood . like as also the blood , on the contrary , stands ready and affected to turn into steam , and so into spirit , in their circulation and passage up and down the body . in which course of version and transmutation they are holpen by the mediation of the humour remaining in the arteries , being as it were a mixture of spirit and blood , caused through the refinement of the blood in its passage through the heart : whereupon we find that nature hath provided a thicker coat for them then for that thicker blood which is contained in the veins , even as the finer animal spirit in the brain , hath its whole substance , besides its two coats , for inclosure . and therefore it is to be considered , that as the first spirit generated of the egg , or the like , was homogenious unto it ; so , by degrees , as bodies , and the humours in them do receive mixture and alteration , the spirit thereof generated doth suffer change also , until , in age , the one do become as heavy and indigested as the other : and the spirit to be wholly suffocated and lost in the humours . but the first quickning spirit being by the means aforesaid raised up and invited unto a regular motion , doth then , through habit of so moving , make it self the organical continents and enclosures of heart , arteries , brain , nerves , &c. serving as well for methodical motion , as for places of test and rendezvouz to the spirits and humours , being then called life . and it is to be supposed that this confinement and imprisonment of spirits in bodies , is in it self unnatural , and at first a causer of pain : and living creatures are by degrees only released of the sense thereof , through custom of indurance and diversion ; by the means of maintenance of this methodical inward motion : so that so long as this is kept orderly and free pain is avoided : but if it be excited through too great and unusual proportion of spirits , as we find after drinking , where the strength of the liquor doth excessively turn into spirit , then the membranes of the b●ain being extraordinarily pressed , the party grows , from their restlesness , to be restless also , and prone to ways of evacuation , as to venery and motion ; the one causing greater delight , because it affords a more free and methodical delivery , the other less and more insensible , because more slow and difficult : as forcing through the substance and coats of the nerves themselves . in like manner as a commonwealth is enlivened and preserved , by having the natural vigour and spirit of the people kept in a regular and methodical motion , by the due observation of such regular customes and laws as shall be by the prince thereof established ; when as the intemperate use of things , accordding to their own several and occasional likings , would be subject to bring on change and alteration , to the destruction of the body politique , as well as the natural . and , in the kingdom , we may account the nobility and gentry as answering the humour in the arteries ; and , by their middle temper and condition , carrying great force to unite the other extreams ; that is , that more sublime spirit remaining in the head thereof , the prince , ( which is chiefly swayed by sense of honor ) and those more gross humors of the ordinary sort , swayed by more earthly and sensual delights . when as they , being participant of both , may attemperate the prince against so great sublination in attempts of ambition and vain glory , whereby to put his people into too violent heat and feverish motion ; and also raise up and quicken the more slow sense of the people , from their aguish dulness in matters of obedience , to be more apprehensive and respectful of their princes commands , even as the natural members are to the directions of their head . like as also doth the degree of yeomanry unite the gentry with the peasant ; and thereby impart some influence of courage and civility into those of the lowest rank , who else become heartless and unserviceable , as experience tells us of those countreys where they are not . through custom of walking we make it so familiar , that the fancy need not alwayes intend that action by expresse direction , as in the extraordinary running it must : but custome of so doing , having made a fit collocation in the brain , it is able , while it continues that posture which is unto this notion requisite , to intend other objects also . but in this faculty of going , we may , from the daily observation of the practise of children herein , be put in minde with what trouble we are at first reduced from our natural proneness to be leaping with both feet at once , and from thence to be taught to set down one foot after another , after the manner of going . the which whilst it was in doing as a matter of great difficulty , did ( although we have now quite forgot it ) take up the whole imployment of our fancy ; the trouble thereof abating by degreees , as custom and practice made it easie , and secured us against fear of falling , incident to that first trust to a new support , as well as fear generally is to all new objects : but these things now over , the custom of walking keepeth my brain from trouble , as it doth my limbs from weariness . for it is not any naturalness in this motion of walking , that makes it thus easily indured . nay , it seems that only birds , that have indeed but two legs , are inartificial and upright walkers ; and that this posture in mankinde is at first forced . for the infant comes from the womb with the knees up ; and what pains with swadling do we take to stretch his body in length , and kept it so ? with what aversion doth every one of them submit to this inforcement , and how pleased are they when released , so as the knees may be gotten up again ? when we come afterwards to teach them to go , how ready are they to lean forward , and set their hands to the ground ? what strange footing do they at last make in this uncoth motion ? and after we are men we may finde the naturalness of four-footed goings still pointed at . inasmuch as the arms , when they are at liberty and not otherwise imployed , do in our several gates keep pace with our legs , especially in fast walking ; wherein , greater strength being required , we may observe men moving their arms answerable to their legs , and that cross ways , after the fashion of a trot . and so again , when they are to run , the arms are gathered up close , as ready to move in an exilient or leaping manner : which is the usual way of procession of such things as have their hinde legs long . in swiming also man imploys all four , like other things : especially like such as have broad forefeet and the hindparts long ; as frogs and such like . and as for any difference that is in the joynts , between men and apes , &c. they may well proceed but from custom , as crookedness doth : in which case , experience tells us how that continuance and usage of any posture , whilst the bones and gristles are yet tender , will cause the same so to fix afterwards , that unto that party , it will be as it were natural , and so encrease by traduction also . and we may further observe , that the legs and thighs of infants are so bent , as not to be too long for the armes : the trunks of their bodies being then also proportionably much longer ; and the plants of the feet so turned , as to be accommodated to a four-footed motion well enough , especially after a leaping fashion . and therefore mankinde seems only incident to crookedness , in the distortion of the joynts of the back-bone : for although shortness of the trunk follow this peculier erected posture , yet for further ease of the weight thereof ( wanting support like other creatures that use four feet ) , some way of leaning and standing comes to be affected , bringing on crookedness ; and so farther shortning the trunk also . upon which consideration we may suppose mens limbs fitted for upright going even as parats have one claw turned backward : that is , because the whole race of them , feeding out of their feet , and not being able to hold their meat to their mouths without turning their claws , it came at last so to settle : although the distortion be still apparent . and yet why may not men naturally enough go on their hinde feet onely , as we see some horses born amblers ? for as in them custom and habit do often pass by traduction , so , all men being goers , why should not children be naturally walkers ? and since it may be presumed that adam and eve were set upright , why not their posterity , insomuch as there should be no sort of people without this posture ? it may be so , if we could have spoken without teaching ; but as adam was to have his knowledge infused , and not acquired from childhood , so the faculty of upright going also if he had it ; otherwise it is like he would not have so gone , more then spoken . but this gate ( no doubt ) is of great advantage to mans use in some things : and that even in the exercise of the faculties of his minde and judgement , because he is hereby able to carry his head and neck more steadily then when they should be prominent , and hang out fore-right ; whereupon the senses nerves , and parts of the body may have a more direct and steady entercourse with the brain , so as to hold on , and keep fresh such objects and figures as shall be entertained therein ; that so , by summoning all its concomitant impressions , after each parties artificial way of topical method and adjudication , a full discovery may be made to serve for instruction or use , against another time , before that figure be parted with . and therefore we may observe that while we are in great inquiry and study concerning any thing , we hold our heads very steady : whereas those that have a loose carriage of their necks , are proportionably weak in their intellectuals : and truly , to be a good peripatetick is a great step to be a good philosopher : because , in this erect gate , the bones being in a straight line , do bear the weight of the body ; so as the brain may not be diverted from its inward work and agitation , to any great supply of the nerves and muscles without . and besides this , we have some advantage to knowledge by keeping our hands by this means more tender , whereby to imprint more exactly by feeling with them . but then again , there is no doubt but in many bodily exercises , the other motion and gate would be advantageous ; as in leaping , running , climbing , and all sorts of nimbleness . and for tryal sake hereof it were not amiss that some children were so brought up and nourished , as to be without sight of company , that they might take their natural course herein , until some degree of years , at least those that come to them , to feed or teach them to speak , should come upon all four , and then sit , after the eastern fashion ; but the greatest and best advantage would be , if men could conveniently be brought to use both ways of gate upon occasion ; but this by the way . now as there is an creation of body , so is there an erection of minde ; wherein ( indeed ) the pourtrait and image of god is to be sought . and unto this estate of upright walking and looking towards heaven , we are by more slow and difficult degrees reduced , in our souls , then we are in our bodies : even because of those natural and inbred affections of pride , covetousness , sensuality , stubbornness , and the like , whereby we are carryed with a perpetual delight to lye groveling on the things of this world . the first great help to this straightness of minde are those swathings of precepts and discipline , wherewith and whereby , from our infancy , and from the same time we begin to go , we have the rebellion and irregularities of our nature rectifyed by the laws and rules of our parents ; by the due application and exercise whereof , while our affections ( as well as our limbs ) are yet pliant and tender , we come to be well fitted and prepared to undergo and act , as christians and subjects in our political relation , that measure of duty and submission which , in our oeconomical relation , we had been habituated unto as children ; when either our heavenly father , or the father of our country shall have farther occasion to make tryal of our growth and steadiness in perfection , by those afflictions and hardships which through humility and obedience to them , we shall be put unto . so that there will be these differences between the erection of the body , and that of the soul. all the difficulty of upright going , in the first sort , rests in our infancy , even in keeping the limbs of our body straight ; whereas the difficulty of upright walking , in the other sort , is chiefly afterwards ; when , by reason of obdurate natural stubborness and crookedness of disposition , we stand in more need of the ligaments and tyes of laws and discipline then before . after we come to growth , the elevation of our minde is helping to the body , in continuance of this his elevation , even through pride and affection , as striving to excel in that which we see to be so generally practised ; whereas to the true elevation and upright walking of the inward man , the pride and haughtiness of the outward man is altogether averse , and there is no surer way to the true raising and dignifying of our mindes , then by the depressing and keeping under of our bodies : when as by due applycation and use of afflictions and patience , we may make those true christian graces of humility and lowliness of minde , in our own and worldly esteem , to become our true glory and exaltation in the sight of god. for it is to be considered that there are ghostly and gracious habits , as well as bodily and natural ones : and that these , as the more worthy , ought to take up our chief endeavour . to proceed farther into search of the degrees of knowledge and comprehension , we may observe , that those that can perfectly read are past the trouble of spelling : and those that can do that well , do it so without disturbance to their fancy , that they can intend the matter treated of ; without distraction , ( through notice of the words ) more then the action of walking doth disturb the party , from entertaining other objects and thoughts . as for the usual tryal and difficulty of rubbing with one hand , and patting with another both at once , it proceeds from want of custom , whereby the brain cannot accommodate it self to both actions at the same instant : but through practice and custom both may be done , and yet the fancy have ability and leisure to intend something else ; even as turners and spinsters can use hands and feet in different motions , and yet think on other things at the same time . for those different motions come at last to be but one , because the brain ( by little and little ) findes a posture accommodated equally to supply those nerves that serve the muscles in both motions , and that at once , as he that hath been sufficiently enured to the shapes of a , and b , can be brought to make one syllable of them , and as well say ab , as a first , and then b ; so , another syllable may be added to that ; and yet ( making but one word ) the brayn may joyntly intend them as one work . and farther , if it have more to do , that , or more words , may , through habit in reading , be so kept from disturbing the fancy , that the sense of them , and not the particular words , shall occupy the minde . even as in arithmetick , which is learned for things sake , and not for pleasure of seeing the figures of , , , , &c. the things thereby wrought , and not the instrument comes to exercise our fancy . no otherwise then the tools of carpenters , &c. please but in relation to the work . yet men seek to have their tools fitting : which handsomness accompanies , as the most usual form : but , to have a good work done by ill favoured tools , or an ill work by handsom ones , can hold no comparison in the artificers choice . so the skill in arithmetick may be a thing pleasing in it self : as also the arts of good printing or writing , and the well forming and placing of figures and letters , may be pleasing in themselves , considered apart ; but come they once to be brought to use , then , not they , but the things which they signifie and import , take up our fancy . so in musick also , the tune and harmony is attended , and not every eighth or fifth : nay there may be ( and usually is ) progression : and that tune may prompt us to some song made thereafter ; and that song again minde us of some mirth , company , or other accidents that accompanied it in the times of our hearing . for the ends and utmost discoveries of things are always coveted ; and where knowledge and the figure is already sufficiently comprehended , nature is progressive in her enquiry , and cannot , out of common duty , be idle . and things are kept in memory as they were let in ; that is with their most usual , or which is all one , with their strongest concomitants . as we see it come to pass in dreams ; what strange progression will they make ? so as fancy , in her method of transition from one thing to another , will make as it were an history ; if the affections move not to such height and passion as to awake the party . and the object that begins therein is commonly that which we last went to sleep with , if it be of much concern ; but then , that quickly runs into things and objects of strongest impression : and therefore the stage and company is usually what our youth was accustomed unto , because then , as things came with greatest notice , so they have greatest settlement . for although many times , in the morning , we remember not the series and coherence of our dreams , because these ( it may be ) made little impression , yet a method of transition they must needs have had . all which will inform us that affections arise not from present objects as now in themselves , but as in relation to our collections , and memory of their former abearance towards us , which is not grounded on one , but many observations ; except that one were equivalent to many in strength : for it is all one to have a dead or absent party in remembrance because of long acquaintance , as it is to remember another for some extraordinary favour and obligation . for he that brings one stone a day for one hundred days , make the like heap to him that lays down one hundred all at once . and , so also , a repitition of stroaks upon the forehead , with an egg or the like , will at last make as great a swelling as one greater blow with a stronger thing ; even for that the blood and humors , by little and little arrested in their passage by the small stroak , do by degrees amass equally to that more total stopage made by the great contusion . as the outward parts stand affected and sensible by the recourse of the humors and mediation of the nerves and annimal spirit , so much more the brain . and as he that hath had the gout doth again remember and know the precise pain thereof upon the recourse of the same humors , even so is the brain put in minde and made sensible of its impressions , as well from the motion and recourse of the humors therein , as from outward objects . so that in sleep our dreams take often rise from hence also : and from those vapours arising from the stomack ; which do commonly minde us of the same thoughts then , as did accompany the like food or disgestion in the day time . from these strong concomitant impressions accompanying objects , it comes that the weaker sort of men are so impetuous in religion . for they , relying on authority of particular persons , their zeal and devotion is heightened according to the passion and fervency accompanying the preacher in his delivery , and not from the reason of what he propounded . whereupon impression and custom moves in religion as it doth in other things ; that is by constancy and asseveration : for looser men , though more , are not so remarkable , for want of sedulity and asseveration in what they do . and as that side hath most sectators that hath most zealous patrons , so also state alterations are swayed by the numbers of such as are most uniformly active : and although such as dislike the order of things established and done by them , may be of far greater number , yet if they be not unanimous in their number , so as to agree to choose another before it , and to agree in fervency of opposition , they are as like to hinder one another , as them . now as to know is little more then to remember , so conscience is but the memory of things , actions , &c. as they relate to morality . for the brayn ( from sense ) taking objects entire ; conscience picks thereout , what future hope or fear may make of concern , and puts them into his own method , as other affections do . for conscience hath not onely her rule , as other affections , but arising from all things that have morality , ( which accompanyeth every thing in one kinde or other ) is an affection upon other affections . and therefore conscience comes not until yeers of discretion , that other affections have some growth : all which she masters , according as hope and fear master her . and so conscience , in her jurisdiction , is a will or general affection by her self ; having reasons proper . for reason is when memory holds forth two things at once , that by comparison of them , according to their usual effects and consequents observed formerly , conclusion may be made of the like to happen again . and , as conscience is memory of things , as to religious fear , so honor is memory of things , actions , persons , &c. as to civil hope . conscience hath not his correlate ( as shame which is opposite to honor ) unless the passion of hope be taken in . honor and shame respect reward and punishment present , or rather carry it with them ; conscience , that which is hereafter . and thereupon , one regards the sentence and judgemen of such as have present power , the other the commands and power of such as shall judge for the future . so that one sort of good conscience may be want of memory or unaccusing , but honor must be active . absence of guilt contents the one , but the other must be possessive . and as conscience is an affection upon affections , as they relate to guilt and punishment hereafter , so honor governs affections as they have judgement of things , &c here : and as the known will of that god i fear , can onely oblige me in the one , so the will of those men i esteem , in the other . and indeed , all our affections are ( as instigated so ) governed by hope and fear . for under these two , as under the desire of attaining good or avoiding bad in the general , all things are included : and all other affections in the choice of objects have respect towards them , that is , ( from observation ) to judge what expectations of good or harm ; that is , pleasure of sense or honor , or pain of sense or shame , here or hereafter , is like to proceed from them , or their different managery and application . but then , as more go to heaven by the way of hell , and we had rather have our commendable actions suppressed then the contrary much divulged , so fear is stronger then hope ; for although pleasure be the object of the one , and pain of the other , yet because pleasure is never so perfect as pain , nor can be so fixed and continuing ; nor again without fear of loss , it must therefore belooked upon as the most general and steady guide of our actions . upon which ground we need not wonder at the commonness of superstition ; nor why , as children are scared with hobgoblins , &c. so some men ( little differing from them ) should be so obnoxious to the terrors and affrights of such as they credit . in which case it may happen to these that are negatively superstitious , as being scandalized at some ceremonies which they understand not themselves , but which their guides are pleased to blast , as under the notion of humane inventions , or the like , as it doth with that way of affrightment of children also , by telling them of raw head and bloody bones : for as to them that for the present understand not that all living things should be so , these things are apprehended as really dangerous and terrible because terribly delivered ; even so , under the odium of humane invention , popery or the like , are we many times brought to be superstitiously flying those things that are in themselves good : and are also by so much the better , as being by christian authority approved , & as having the more ancient and catholike president of the christian churches usage . for ( doubtless ) they cannot be so weak as seriously to believe that those that do refuse communion with the papists , even for that very difference sake which is in many things between them , should at the same time they account them erroneous in the service of god and in matters of ceremonies also , implicitely follow them in some other things ; and upon no other score but because they do so . but by these and such like arts it is usual with seditious persons to steal away peoples hearts from their own church guides and rulers . for upon the same reason that a second dis-affects ( so far as to spoil the whole harmony ) so one crossing and unexpected fear raceth that whole method of belief and perswasion we stood before possessed of , as to the goodness of our religion , or of our practice therein . and that fear is more pressing and prevalent then hope , appears in that our hope to attain good can never want our fear of missing it ; nor can the possession of pleasure want the fear of deprivation . we may also observe that deaf men do ever suspect things are spoken to their ill or prejudice , even when they may as likely speak to their good . the like jealousie is entertained when any whisper in our company , or speak to one another in a language we understand not . nay pleasure is but absence of pain , especially that of sense : and then we need not wonder why a positive thing should affect more then a negative . for pain being ( as before noted ) when the spirits are stopped in their wonted motions , and it must still happen but they should be more or less so , pleasure can neither be high nor lasting , but ( at best ) mixed ; and be but by comparison of a less pain to a greater . upon knowledge and due consideration of the prevalence of this passion of fear towards the guidance of men as in a state of subjection , it seemed good in the eye of divine wisdom , to rank his service , and all our returns of duty and obedience , as under that notion . nay we may observe that he doth not onely set down the commendations of such as have been dutiful and obedient unto him under the oppression of such as feared him , but also , for the encrease of this return of duty and service towards himself , he is wont to promise a new increase and implantation of fear into the hearts of those parties and people from whom he expects it , as being the only steady grace that is effectual herein . if we look unto creatures below us , we shall finde that onely such of them are disciplinable , and to be made tame and cohabitable as can be brought to be made sensible and subject to our corrections , and also kept in such a continual fear of us , as not to resist , or rise against us to our prejudice : whereas lions , wolves , foxes , and the like , which cannot be constantly awed , are called salvage , amongst which sort we come to reckon mankinde it self , when it shall once arive at that degree of temerity as to be incorrigible and disrespective to law and government , being then become indisciplinable and impolitical . for as to be informidable , is to be indomitable , so to be indomitable is to be unsociable . because if it were not for this mutual fear , every man would be daily affronted and injured by every man. nay , the boys and youths as we passed the streets might be inclined even for sport sake , to abuse us with dirt or stones or the like , did not the terror of punishment to come from us or their master keep them in aw . in which case , as it is to be considered , that as they are most ready to offer these abuses to other boys or those of their own rank , because less to be feared either for personal revenge or complaints , so , were it not for fear sake , especially for that fear which must come from authority , no society could be maintained ; especially in cases of great import ; where revenge is ready to work more high . and therefore those that say a prince ought to rule by love onely , understand not what they say ; but , out of an hasty affectation to be eminent in a popular expression , forget that absurdity that attends it . amongst equals , it is in vain for any man to expect that another should be serviceable unto him , who stands not by natural relation , it is not by some antecedent obligation , brought to a degree of loving him : in which case it may be called , a return of gratitude and not of subjection . that prince also that is to attain a principality or new empire it will be necessary that he should in like manner demean himself towards those he intends afterwards to rule as subjects . but as there is a manifest difference , both in material and fashion , between the stirrup by which we get up , and the saddle by which we ride , so is there between that relation he had to them before they were subjects , and that which he hath to them afterwards , being then their equal , and now their ruler : and therefore it cannot but be thought that a different managery belongs to him that is to command , over it doth to him that is to entreat . when any one is actually seised and estated in an office of rightful power , he can then be no otherwise loving as a superior , then as the other had first merited of him by his submission and obedience . in which case , as power and command must precede the return of duty and obedience , so must that approbation which must come from the superior in the acknowledgement of the desert of one more then another , be esteemed a reward in requital of some work done by the person , and not an affection to the person , without any such consideration . so that although princes may have their peculiar friends or favorites , ( like other men ) , yet , in reference to the act of government and obedience , the eye thereof cannot be firm without law , nor law without fear ; until such a golden age shall be light upon , wherein the edicts and commands of superiors shall be to the will of every one , at all times , so pleasing and conformable , as that the commander shall not be distinguishable from the obeyer . so that this passion of fear being so necessary , both for making of us sociable , and for keeping us fitted and prepared for a due return of obedience according to our relation of subjection , we are not onely to conceive the total privation thereof to be a total defeat to government and its force , but that proportionably , as there is a course taken for substracting or lessening of this fear , from that person that can onely immediately claim and make present use of it , so is there a proportionable stop given to the efficacy of that government which he is to execute . as for example , in the divisions and distinctions of obedience into religious and civil , and active and passive , formerly spoken of : whereby men are brought from reckoning the breach of their prince his commands to be a thing of such terror as was formerly thought : and in the latter of these cases , to wit , in the distinction of obedience into active and passive , their haste to be rendred famous in so popular a speculation , hath made them become frivolous or unintelligible . for i would fain know , if he that did sit still , or keep at home , according to his prince his command , were not to be called actively obedient unto him , as well as he that was put to the greatest labour and toyl in the performance of what he was enjoyned ? or ( on the contrary ) whether he were not as well passive that did suffer punishment for being active , when he was enjoyned to be quiet , as he was that endured punishment for being quiet and forbearing , when he should have been active and stirring . and the truth is , to say actively obedient , is none other then a contradiction : for government being it self to be looked upon as a work ayming at an end , as then the prince must be looked upon as directer and agent , so can the subject in all offices of imployment he is put to herein , as well for motion as station , be considered but as instrumental and passive onely : and so far as he suffers for neglect or contumacy , he cannot be called passive as in relation to his obedience , but as to his stubbornness or disobedience . and therefore they should consider that since the benefits of government and polity are not to be had , unless some as instruments shall submit to have their wills guided by the wills of those that are to direct , so is there no steady way but that of conscience and fear to make voluntary and sensitive agents continually ready to be directed by the judgements of such as are above them ; after the same manner as other instruments do depend on the hand of the artificer . these passions of hope and fear , although most prevalent , yet are not innate : but arise from experience of objects pleasurable and painful . for children , till some collection of knowledge , hope not , nor fear not , as before noted . as remembrance of pain , at first , causeth fear ( for pain is the thing feared ) so men that have thin skins , and are thereupon more sensible , have more fear then other creatures ; and those creatures that are most docible , are as we see most fearful and attentive , as dogs , parrats , &c. and as wise men have tenderer sense of feeling then fools , so , more sense , more fear , and consequently , more wisdom ; for fear causeth enquiry to be rid thereof . but as thus , fear makes men generally come to be more wise , ( insomuch as all wise men may be observed fearful , ) yet this being in more things then fools , whose ignorance and inexperience will not let them know the danger of many things , this their generality of fearing of more things according to truth , keeps the fear of fewer things from being so superstitious and intense . for as all superstition comes of ignorance , so zeal that should be according to knowledge , should not put a man besides his senses : and if men had more wisdom , god might be more rationally served then usually he is . and if our zeal and exercise of region be not according to knowledge , ( so as to be called our reasonable service of god ) we cannot rightly be said to serve god as men and reasonable creatures . for after the ground-work is laid , and we have transcended sense in apprehending christ ( with his mysteries ) in our hearts by faith , our outward service and worship is so much the better , as the more knowing ; that is , in imploying of our abilities in discovering of what the true sense of scripture , or the light of reason will afford : as the next and best direction to attain what we desire to know or practise , as truth or good . nay , as we are in search of the scriptures to imploy our own utmost abilities , so are we not wholly to relye upon them ; but , having in the first place freed our selves of all prejudice and prepossession , and in humility implored divine illumination and assistance in all things , we are then to proceed according to the rules of christian faith and love in all deportments and actions , not otherwise directed by our superiors : who also are in this case to be looked upon as the authorized interpreters of the scriptures , as heretofore noted , else it will fall out , that each one undertaking to examine and interpret them according to his own wilde fancy , and weak and ungrounded method of comprehension , and being also strongly , through education or interest forestalled in his judgement , there will arise to be as many religions and opinions , as men and interests . and that which is yet worse , mens natural pride and vainglory will prompt to such presumption of extraordinary revelation , that even things blasphemous and destructive of humane society , shall , in despite of the church , reason , or authority , be set on foot . whereas , in truth in things of most private and separate concern , the sense of the church , and the analogy of faith is to be venerably regarded , even as the supreme christian magistrate is also in all things of publike concern . for in this case we are again fallen within the limits of moral care and consideration . and therefore , as each mans reason is in him the best guide of what to do in the course of his own affairs , so publike reason in that which hath publike respect to the end , that from the knowledge of what is there done , there may be a fit and a constant way left for attaining moral prudence and obedience : and that according to a well grounded experience and observation of moral and political directions and edicts . whereby each subject may , from the constancy of the measure and manner of application , used by his prince in rewards and punishments , come to frame to himself political methods and schemes of comprehension and knowledge of his duty and benefit in civil deportments , as well as he may learn philosophy by observation of that constancy which is kept up in the course of nature . for she being preserved and governed by uniform rules and laws , the same causes must ever produce the same effects , if the agent and patient be in themselves and circumstances alike vertuous and the same , the which wisdom must discover , from a well grounded observation of constancy in her observations : for should not natures course be constant , species and individual things could not have any steady provision for existence and benefit , but causes being indeterminable , effects would be so also . for it was from the constant observation of one thing following another , in all respects alike considered , that i come to know any thing ; even as by continually observing heat to accompany fire , i know fire to be the cause of heat . and from this constancy in nature it comes also to pass , that what is most naturally done is most uniformly done , and so most handsomly and delightfully done . which coming to be imitated by us , will be also most vertuously and wisely done : but what is not done in natural imitation ( as following no rule ) is vitious and ill favoured . for folly being a short and false observation in the course of things , it concludes to act upon half premises : whereupon the irregular processions and effects thereof , come through inequality to be inequity . for as truth can be but one , but errors divers : even so ( as we noted formerly of beauty and handsom faces ) vertuous actions have more likeness to one another then vitious . for all virtuous actions are done by certain rules and copies , and as they agree to these measures , their goodness is known : and as they differ therefrom , they do differ from themselves also , and approach to vice . things being thus stated , it will follow , that more reason , knowledge and understanding , is but more observation , and that an uncontradicted observation is taken for a supreme reason in it self . for so ( for example ) the motion of gravity , because it is observed to accompany all things , none , or few search the reason of it , for there is not a more general or uniform rule in nature to examine it by ; all proof going from things more generally observed and known to such as are less . whereas to believe the antipodes , and that men , upon the same reason of motion of gravity , should tend in the same line towards us , as we do towards them ; this seems as difficult for belief , as it is different from the usual tendency of things , as to our appearance , which we call upwards and downwards . nor can it be conceivable to any that will not take pains to get it comprehended from observation elsewhere . in which case , if men have made and methodized observations aright , it may appear that the sum and superiour bodies move in spheres , even because the time they are absent and unseen is equal to that they compleat in compassing that half of the sphere which is seen , from whence , and the observation of eccilpses , the earth must be supposed to be spherical also . and if this be farther enquired into , we shall find that this motion of heavy things downwards , is but part of a more general motion , and to be so concluded from that more general observation of union : and is but the appetite thereof made more observable through this more apparent motion toward union after separation . for the common knowledge and observance of boldness as they are unite , and keeping close together , as by so much more general then the motion of gravity , as rest it self is more general then local motion , for indeed what is usually called motion and rest , are but these two : but it is not so observable as the other , because rest , or union already made , hath no variety to cause intent observance , as variety of motion doth in the other . and therefore it is onely discoverable to such as can un-ravel nature in their contemplation , until they come to the bottom and first ground-work thereof . for then they shall find both this constant practise of union or adhesion of bodies , and also the cause thereof to be ( the general cause of all causes ) that is , the will and law of god in order to his providence . and although inanimates have a kind of specification amongst themselves , whereby defire of proper union hath some force ( as may be seen in that active part of earth , the loadstone , in his variation , yet they follow in their whole mass ) the general law of matter , in the common and general thirst of union . for should there not be a common centre of gravity , whereby all earthly things , as they stood differenced in weight by dense and rare , might have and keep the proper places assigned them , chaos and confusion would follow . and therefore , this motion of heavy things to the earth being both necessary and natural , both for affording a place of receipt and production of creatures , and for leaving all without , so rare and transparent , that the influences of superiour bodies might approach them , we must conclude , that as the whole earth is more then a part , so hath it this attractive force of union , greater also in the whole then apart . and therefore for a stone ( or the like ) to tend that way , and not to be diverted by the desire of union through proximity of a like less body , is no wonder . and , as it is to the whole , so it is to the centre or middle part of the whole , that this desire of approach is annexed . and hence it may easily be conceived , that with our antipodes this motion of bodies to the centre , in their hemisphere , is but the same with us , in our hemisphere . for the desire of union is equal in proportion to all parts of the whole mass , as well in the greater body attracting , as the lesser ( which we may call passive and ) attracted , and is from centre to centre in both . and as the centre of attraction governs thus in all natural motions , so doth the centre of resistance in all violent motions . but as there , they imploy their force to union and agreement , so here , to repulse and victory . for the ballance , the leaver , the wheel , and other mechanical instruments have their force , and are appliable to use , from the just computation of distance from the centre , in the parts where the strife lies in each of the opponents ; whereby that part of the ballance , leaver , &c. that is , shortest , and so nearest the centre of the whole opposition , will consequently , as most oppressed with its burthen , have least force in resistance ; and the other , upon contrary reasons , will have most force : and this both of them proportionable to their distances in things of like weight and resistance : even as in fencing , he that is to put by the sword of another , will find proportionable ease , as there is difference of length between so much of the sword which the party incloseth in his hand , and of that part beyond and without it . for the upper part of the hand ( where the defendants forefinger joynt is ) being the centre of opposition , it will follow that the assailant will have difference of force , as he hath difference of distance from it ; that is , answerably , as the length of the sword without his hand , is longer , from the place touched by the assailant to the handle , then the defendants hand is broad . we before said the brain to be the common sensory , and the senses the scouts and intelligencers for information and knowledge : for colours , figures , &c. may be said to be by the brain felt , through the windows of eyes ; and savours and sounds through the nose and ears . but , of the forraign intelligencers , the eye hath most advantage to knowledge ; being capable of more variety of objects , and that at once ; and of apprehending them at greatest distance . now since , between men and beasts , there appears little , and but occasional difference in the number or excellence of the senses , and that all knowledge is acquired in us , and acquired by help of these senses , it would be known how this ability is attained . in which discourse we will begin with sight , whose object is a luminous or an opacous body , and that by means of beams of light directly issuing from the one , or reflected from the other . after the first way i see the sun a candle , &c. after the other way , all opacous bodies that return their beams ; in both cases the beam of light being the object of sight , colour , figure , &c. are but its concomitants . there may be thought another way of discovery , that is , by eclypse , where the body is discerned , not by reflecting or discovering the beam , but by impeaching and hiding it . so the moon , in the suns eclypse , discovers her own body , not by sending , but by preventing the light : and indeed , colours so far as they are in degree distant from white or light , unto black or dark , in which last the beam is wholly entred and lost . so far , and all that while doth the beam suffer degree of eclypse , in the different penetration and return it finds in the superficies of that body . but although light beams be the only proper objects of sight , yet hereby is the opacous body differenced in the manner of perception six ways . by figure , by motion , by colour , by magnitude , by number , and by scite or posture . all which properties are so inseparably adjoyned unto every material body , that neither in themselves , nor ( consequently in our contemplation , a body can be without them , nor they without a body , except it be motion , for we may see and imagine a body endued with colour , proportion , or figure without motion , but a body with , or without motion , wanting colour , figure , dimension , &c. we cannot apprehend , because there can be nothing in the fancy , but what was first in the sense ; and therefore since no body was ever seen wanting these properties , it cannot enter into the imagination without them , nor they without it . true it is , that i may conceive a body of a different figure , proportion , &c. unto any that i ever saw , as to the whole fabrick , yet must it be made up and have analogy unto some figures formerly represented . for so let a traveller tell of some strange beast , he must ( to make it conceiveable ) give it some resemblance of head , feet , back , belly , or other shape , to the likeness of lyon , dog , horse , or such like ; whereupon having finished his discourse by such similitude , you have a body figured in your fancy of such a shape as entire you had not before , but not so of the several parts . but now , to imagine a body void of colour , or a body of such a colour as i never saw , is impossible , because this property is descernable by sight only , and must have come from thence , or not at all , even from the divers observance of colorate objects . and although , i seldom can remember the instance or shape or the body that gave me this colour , because the variety of figures is more then that of colours ( and thereupon not so easily retained in memory ) even so colours may remain after the figures are abolished . and for a little better discussion and satisfaction herein , we will examine and instance in the miracle christ wrought on the man born blind , who ( upon his eyes opening ) said he saw men walking as trees . to satisfie which , we are to know , that figure , motion , proportion , &c. are not the proper objects of sight , but of feeling : for although i cannot remember the particulars , yet i did at first feel the different shapes and figures of things , before i could distinguish them by sight ; and if we observe children , while they are very little , all their learning is but a conference between their hands and eyes ; that is , to instruct their eyes to make true estimation of figure , proportion , &c. for after that by feeling they have observed the different shadows were made in rounds , flats , corners , and all other shapes and dimensions whatsoever , they are consequently ready to make observation for all figures following . so now this blind man having ( it is likely ) upon some occasion been left to rest himself under , or against a tree , he could not but ( thereupon ) be knowing of the shape thereof : and therefore the erect stature and size of men , in his new illumination , seemed most to resemble that of trees , of any other which he could know ; for it is to be conceived he could not reach beyond the trunks of them . and therefore feeling being the next informer of the understanding ( or rather understanding it self ) is to be looked upon as the original and most exact sense ; sight and other senses being only necessary for the quaintity and extent of its information : whose reports , having but respect to the appearances of things , are not farther capable of evidence and certainty , then as consenting with , and controulable by feeling . which sense , as it began to be with our selves , and shall last leave us ( as being the assurance of that life by which we are we ) so is to us the assurance of the realities of things in nature ; even by making us perceptible of that which is the foundation and original ; to wit of that their principle of existence or being . for hereby onely we come to gather our assurance that any thing at all really is : whereas by the other we do but discover farther of the manner how ; which must proportionably have dependance on the truth of the existence or being of thing it self . and therefore is the eye is of largest contribution to the intellect ( not from generality of object and receipt at distance only , but ) because it can take in more of the figure and appearance of the object , then the others ; by means of those several colorate rays emitted from the several corners and object parts of opacous bodies , into the expanded end of the optick nerve spread round the puple of the eye . even so , to the encrease and extent of mans knowledge above beasts , in the sense of feeling , we are advantaged by our hands , which serve to inform the brain by the spinal marow , as other senses do by their inward pares of nerves . and then this paradox may be brought in , that mens hands are greatest outward advantages to their knowlesge . for in them men having excellence above other things , do not only excel them as mechanicks , but by them they are able also to understand more . and even as cats that play most catch best , so also , because we are by them , and the speading of the fingers , made perceptible of divers parts of the object body at once , and thereby able to make more full figure thereof , as the retina tunica doth to the visual nerve . whereas in the touchings that are apprehended by other parts , so small a circuit of the object body is placed upon so small an extension and portion of the nerves of my body , that no such perception of difference can arise between touch and touch , as to beget knowledge and affection to one thing much above another . and therefore we may observe that men cannot let their hats remain on their heads in the same posture they are put on by others , but must again place themselves to that kind of settlement they were accustomed unto . for the hat , covering and pressing the head round and in divers parts at once , must render it in a higher degree perceptible and affected with differences , then where , in that and other parts of the body , forraign touches are in so small measure received . but because each sense can but inform in its own proper sphere and object , we will see a little how they lead to error , when brought from the controul of feeling . the sun and moon , &c. have neither , to fight , their true dimensions nor figures , and this because nothing could be felt at distance . an oar in the water , hath such a different posture or scite , that mine eyes alone can never inform me , that that part which is within , and that part which is without the water , do make but one streight piece : and multiplying glasses deceive us by numbers , as travelling by water doth deceive us in motion ; and this upon no other reason , but because the same direction and crossing of lines is made by my passing by the trees and land , as would be if they passed by me , or one another . and the like is for hearing and other senses , which ( having their single proper objects ) must refer to feeling , for science and assurance in other things not proper unto them . for although a perfect sight , hearing , smelling , or tasting , can never fail ( with due mediums ) in differencing of colours , noises and savours without and beyond controul of feeling ( which hath nothing to do with these things , but by these his proper organs ) yet can they not know farther then as from and for him . and the more remote any thing is from feeling , the more uncertain its discovery . which happens to sight chiefly because it undertakes at greatest distance from it . whereupon we find , that colours come to be lost afar off , and pictures , land-scapes , &c. do make things that are plain and even , to seem such risings , as by sight alone ( having reference to like shadows in faces and things that had such risings ) we might be deceived . for different session of light or colour making figure conceivable in our sense , and not any real quality in the object , as the painters art ( which is able to express all figures by colours only ) doth clearly demonstrate , it must follow that figure and all the rest are ( as we said ) truly demonstrable from feeling only ; which also deceives the brain in crossing of nerves , as it is deceived by sight in crossing of lines : for from hence it comes to pass that one bullet felt by two fing●●s a cross seems to be two . but now although motion be not so inseparable a property of bodies ( and so ordinarily the object of sense , as some of the rest ) yet , because it is of so great variety in its self , it gives the greatest information to the understanding of all others : for that it denotes more of the inward qualities of a body ; and again , you cannot conceive any one figure or proportion not capable of divers motions . but then , though a body is many times seen , and so may be imagined without motion , yet , as it was never seen alone , so motion cannot be conceived without a figurate body ; and therefore although again , this property of figure be not so directive , as of it self , yet it is more necessary , as to method , by its presence and assistance , because my fancy cannot be comprehensive of any object without a figure . and this we cannot forbid our selves in the contemplation of god himself , and all other spiritual substances , namely , to fancy them under one shape or another , wherein we conceive those attributes , and operations we ascribe to them should be most fitly exercised . which , as it was the main rise to idolatry , so was it of heresie , schism and superstition also ; mistaking gods attributes under a wrong figure : which always coming far short of expressing his ability to act , must fall short also of rendring his almightiness in all kinds of due esteem in our understandings . and again , as these our conceived figures do differ from one another , so will there be difference in the opinions of the par●ies that do frame their conceptions from them . and although men now grown to some years , can remember names and words without their figures that first imprinted them ; yet ( as experience tells us ) we cannot remember the name of any single or distinct thing or person , but his shape will first come into our fancy ; shewing , that as natural notions and the comprehensions of separate things arose and were confirmed in us from frequent or intent admittance through outward sense : so the peremptory conceipt of the fitness of method and rules of adjudication framed thereupon , must arise also from divers essays and observations of the analogy and correspondenc● between them . and in childrens learning to speak , the articulation of words is not so great a hindrance as want of fancy through want of impression of some figure of that thing which these words should express ; for paria●s that can articular well enough , are for this cause uncapable to speak many things , or indeed any thing , but what must arise from large itteration , which must serve to them , as an affection arising from height and sharpness , or manner of sound and impression , through often hearing of the same tone , and not as an object of memory so distinctly figured by it self , as to mind him of the object whereof he speaks ; although indeed their speech is usually brought on by way of memory from figure , as by the sight of persons or places that did teach or accompany their learning . as the eye is the sense of largest supply to feeling and memory , so ( through variety of its objects ) fancy hath more ability to conceive and distinguish the impressions thereof , then by any other of the senses . for sight hath all varieties of figure , number , proportion , &c. for its observation ; whereas the other senses are , for the most part , single in their objects : nay , figure alone is of such variety , as there cannot be such exactness between any two things , take them of leaves of the same tree , stones ; or what natural thing ; you will , but some such difference to the eye may still be discovered , as a man may be said to know them by it . but savours and sounds , being , like single colours , without such remarkable difference , can seldom so imploy and affect the fancy , as to be remembred distinct from one another , as of themselves ; but as accompanied with that figurate body , or some other sensible accident at the time of their admittance . and hence comes another advantage men have to knowledge abeve other creatures , namely , this greater variety of induction , by relying on sight and feeling more then they . for smelling ( which is the sense they most relye upon , and make use of ) is capable but of little variety of impression ; and their knowledge and instruction gathered from difference herein , serveth seldom to other imployment then to distinguish food by , it being indeed but as one and the same sense with tasting , or being but tasting at distance ; even as tasting again is but the proper sense of feeling for one part , namely the stomack . and it will hence follow , that as the variety of the objects of sight exceed those of smell ; and as the variety of feeling with the hand exceeds that of feeling with the pallat ; so doth mens advantage to knowledge exceed , even in this respect also , that of other creatures . and again , as beasts ( relying and usuage of these more confined enquiries of taste and smelling ) can produce ( thereupon ) but little knowledge , so such men or such creatures , as are in their senses most confined ( whether in this kind , or in any other ) must be also most confined in knowledge ; as on the contrary , they that are intent on figures , have advantage to memory ; and so to knowledge . and therefore we can never remember that which happened unto us in our infancy , or very young , because we had not as then throughly learned to distinguish and retain figures . but then , although smelling have hereupon least influence upon us , as to our intellectual and moral habits ; yet , by reason of its vicinity and entercourse with the spirits themselves , it is most strongly operative for introducing affections in us , as in our natural condition , and thereby to move us more strongly to liking and action then the other senses can . and however we are not , like other sensitives ( that are not capable of making use of figurate objects , and receiving impression from them ) lead to fancy , and distinguish particular things and persons from custom and usage hence only arising , but are able from those greater and more observable agreements and disparities which appear to sight and other senses , and from the oftner imployment of them thereabouts , many times to put a stop and controul upon what is approved by the other , and to choose and stand affected from them , and not from the other ; yet in those things that depend upon more general acquaintance and commerce , and where long conversation hath grown up into habit and custom , without controul or notice of other senses , there the sense of smelling doth with us , as well as them , so far prevail as to pass into that we call nature : for and towards the liking of such sorts or species of creatures , with whom we are most conversant , by means of those vapours and spirits that flow from them . and hence it is , that as all creatures do from their more usual association , come to like those of their own kind more then others , so also do they by degrees do it ; even as each individual of the same species attains to full growth and perfection , whereby they may be reciprocally enabled both to give and take from each other these more strong impressions . upon which ground each sensitive at the time of its ripeness comes to be imbued and possessed with correspondent degree of delight in each others company , and also with that high desire of more near personal union and congression ; even so far , until by means thereof , and of that mixture of more spiritous parts therein made , a third creature of their own kind is made up and generated . that this inclination is but emergent from that natura naturata , those laws of matter which the great natura naturans did at first impose , for and towards the mutual preservation of the universe and its species , and not from such discreet instinct and original perception , as that each thing ( as by a kind of miracle , or as being a god to its self ) should be knowingly led to choice and discrimination herein , will plainly appear in those mixtures which are produced from those meetings of creatures of several sorts at common watering places , or the like . the which we might well think would be much more common and strong , if any thing from its birth should have been kept to herd amongst those of that kind , then can be now , where at the meetings at nilus , or the like , there is but a short and occasional acquaintance , and that not till some maturity neither , when we must presume each thing necessarily imbued before with the relish of its own race . but were any creature from the time of its birth brought to herd amongst those of another sort , there is no doubt but that creature , at years of full growth and perfection , would have had its spirits so assimulated to those of that herd , as to choose congression there before any of its own kind , which it did but newly or suddenly meet with . although therein again , some allay and impediment must be supposed , from that aversion which each one of that herd would bear towards this single creature , from that greater familiarity and converse they have one towards another . not but that as there are degrees of likeness of flesh and humors in the several kinds of creatures one to another , and so consequently of that steam or spirit thence generated , and issuing out of the nostrils or pores ; even so also are we to conceive that each thing is soonest won to the liking of that which is most near to its own kind : as the ass ( a creature that is more subject to stray then herd ) is to choose a mare ; whereas she again , that is used more to heard with those of her own kind , yields not but upon force or necessity . upon which score , and also for that all creatures both in the nest and litter , and from conversation and nourishment by their dam , are possessed with an early tincture , they do ordinarily come to receive a greater impression towards the future liking of one another in the same kind , then can be afterwards dileted or taken off , without a very long tract of time . as for distinction and choice of sex , it proceeds from precedent discourses or practical experiment , and not from natural instinct or knowledge . for two dogs or other creatures will , in their play , while they are mutually more affected by the nearness and heat of each others breath , be ready to ride one another , till experience have told them their mistake : not but that , as there are times of maturity in vegitables and fruits , so in sensitives also ; at which time ( no doubt ) two individuals in a herd , or the like , will have degree of perception and inclination towards each other ( as to knowledge of natural ripeness and perfection ) from that degree of quantity and fervor of vapour and spirits reciprocally emitted , in which case , a short experience , in so plain a difference , may teach the male ( who is commonly the assailant and chooser ) easily to distinguish that female from the rest which is fittest for him , even by his sense of smelling . nay , as nature hath furnished us with a sense of tasting proper for our stomacks ; even so may we observe all sorts of sensitives to be saluting each other with billing , smelling , or the like ; whereby , as by a natural way of complement , a farther tryal might be made of that liking and agreement which was already induced by the eye . now although mankind stands not so wholly obnoxious to be captivated by these affections which are induced from the sense of smelling only , even because he hath affections stirred up in him from other senses also which are likewise prevalent in his actions , yet that naturally , and as men and sensitive agents , we come to be hereby also provoked and swayed , is not to be doubted . but true it is , that in us these affecting vapours do make their entrance more imperceptibly , because of that weakness of our smelling faculty , caused through rawness and indigestion in the stomack ; whereby the same foulness and crudity that doth make a stinking breath , is also thereby hindred from the smell of that , or any thing else which is not very strong ; which yet doth not hinder the receipt of those insinuating vapours , whereby the humours and habits of the body may come by degrees to be embued and affected . from what hath been hitherto spoken , we may also know how to put a difference between those two several affections which use to pass under the same notion of love. for that appetite before spoken of , may more properly be called natural lust or desire , and , being more sensual , is not proper to man as man , but affects him as a sensitive : whereas the other , taking its rise and ground from figure and impression in the fancy , as all sorts of knowledge doth , it may be called noble , as to its beginning , as well as heroick and divine , as to its aim and end . and although it be true that they are usually heightned by each other ( as to particular application ) yet may they be one without another : for i may love like a man , without lustful thought , and lustful thoughts may again sway me beyond personal liking ; neither of them being to be known ( as to perfection ) but when they are alone : for that love is but small that must be enlivened from thought of sex , or continued by youth only ; and as great a defect in nature it must also argue , to acquiess but to an eminent beauty . as both these affections take their rise and growth from generals , so have they general and specifical aim and intention in the eye of providence and nature : but when they come to be reduced into act , they have in us personal inducement and design ; at which time those affections that were amassed from many , cannot shew their proficience and full strength but to one at once . and therefore to keep them from being destructive to their first end , they ought in men ( especially so far as they are sociable ) to be bridled and guided by reason . in which doing , that more rational and noble affection of love is to precede and give direction to the other , as to the person , with respect had to law and charity . which love again , although ( as in it self considered ) it cannot be too high to any one , yet for fear least that general duty of love and charity which we owe towards all , should by too great intention towards this one come to be diverted or neglected , we are both to take our own reason along with us , and also that of the publike , as heretofore noted . and farther also , for fear least too great sense of contrariety and difference from those we so entirely love should ( besides the espousal of personal quarrels and injuries ) contract in us a consequential hatred and dis-affection towards others , we are in this case also , to take to our guidance the rules of religion also ; whereby we are taught to love all alike . and indeed , more controversies , quarrels , and publike disturbances do arise from too great fondness and indulgence , then any thing else . when as , through too great love and care to provide for those that have relation to us by family or friendship , others come to be neglected or injuriously dealt with ; who otherwise would still have been looked upon as friends ; there being more hatreds and discontents raised upon second and relative considerations , then from any primary difference , which the parties have to one another , in reference to themselves apart , or to the rules of vertue or goodness . and hence it comes that we not onely stand liking and disliking others as they are friends or enemies to our prime favorite , but because love and hatred do arise and encrease by comparison , it may be also observed , how that in the same family , that greater affection which one brother or servant carrieth towards another above the rest , doth by consequence draw him into as great hatred and dis-esteem of others in the same relation , upon that onely consideration : insomuch as we shall find anger and revenge no where so implacably prosecuted as by one brother against another . no otherwise , then as subjects in the same kingdom , are ready to break into factions and sidings through those diversities of sects and opinions amongst themselves ; whereby we see it come to pass , that , by reason of that continual exasperation which must arise from the daily sight and discourses of such things wherein they stand contrary , this repeated difference doth more strongly engage them to mutual discontent and deadly hatred , then it doth against strangers , and such as do more differ from them . insomuch as there are more christians slain by one another , upon the score of religion , then are by them upon others ; or those of all other religions upon them , upon the like ground : nay , we too truly find it , that , even in the sub-divisions and sects of christianity , those that have lesser differences , will yet , by reason of vicinity , be drawn into more and more dangerous quarrels against one another , then against that sect which differs most from them both . in which case , if the publike rule and judgement for determination be not regarded , it will fare with them as it doth with men falling out about a mistaken word , gesture , look , or the like ; even that ( for want of a sit means of reconciliation ) the discontent and hatred will daily encrease , until it come to be determined in the field . the names of sympathy and antipathy are usually given to the affections of both sorts , as well to those strong likings and aversions introduced at the nostrils , as those at the eyes ; but if we respect more occult naturalness herein , then those of the first sort may be onely called natural , because they take their impression so inwardly , and by such insensible degrees , as seldom to admit controulment by other senses , or the impressions drawn from them . whereas the other , that hath its rise from more artificial collections ( as loving or liking other things according to their conformity to these figures or ideas of perfection , which , in each kind , are raised in mens fancies ) may in both respects be brought to be controuled and examined by other figures and methods , as they shall be called up and judged by the spirits and humors ; which in the other case cannot be , because these spirits themselves do , in the affections that way brought in , become tainted in their own nature and substance . those kinds of aversions which proceed from sight , as from difference and abhorrence of figure , may be easily reconciled and made familar by an ingenious patience ; nor is it dangerous to give them of that food to eat . whereas those things that have contrariety to the particular humors or temperament of the stomach , are not in that kinde to be jested with ; for that although outward smell or taste should not be perceptive of difference ( which many times it wonderfully is in that case ) yet it is not to be questioned but the vitiated stomack of the party will quickly nauseat and disgust it ; and therefore we find that these sorts of longings or aversions are incident to the weaker and more sickly constitutions . here and in other places we have been the more copious for setting down the more concealed causes of those operations which use to pass under the rank of natural instincts , that , by placing every wheel of providence in its due order and motion , the real existence , wisdom and power of god might be more readily seen and acknowledged . the usual ground that leads men to atheism and doubt whether there be any god at all , being many times scandal taken at the vulgar and ordinary assignation of effects unto god himself , as if they were by him immediately done : when as they , coming to find the same , like other things , to have their own natural cause of production also , they thereby come to think that men are mistaken in the one , as well as the other . when as by help of a through insight and sufficiency of their own , to discover how no●hing is by chance done , but that the greatest and most important things being by divine wisdom and order brought to pass by those things which to us do appear most weak and contemptible , they may thereby , and by means of that obseavable gradation of causes , come to discern a god at the top of all : from whom , as they did at first take their source and original , as being in their whole mass but rays of divine bounty , so do they , in all their variations amongst themselves , still make some expressions and demonstrations of that perfection and simplicity which at first gave them their being . thus the natural desire of union ( induced through custom ) is by providence directed towards variety and multiplication , as before declared . in which again , as the individuals do through their natural pursuit of pleasure attain to their several perfections , they do then again , as in pursuit of the highest of these natural provocations , aim at a new union and coition also . by successive repetitions whereof , as each man , and each sensitive seems to reintegrate it self into that first parent of their kind , so doth the submission of them , in their several kinds , to the same common laws of adam , or first matter , bring on a confession also that there is a common parent and cause of union for them all . in which course , custom and variety are affections semblably made use of for the sustentation of sensitives , as motion and rest are for prrservation of naturals . whereby it comes to pass , that as matter doth naturally affect closeness and settlement , which is answerable to union and rest , so doth it , by customary degrees observed in motion , release it self , in , and of that tendency to separation , which its own sublimed part , ( by means of heat ) had forced upon it : all things cheerfully dancing those rounds which are by divine rule and providence appointed unto them . as we are thus prevailed upon by custom to cast a different choice and liking towards things and persons , as they are in their naturals , so come we , through custom and constancy in company and conversation , to stand diversly affected towards them also , as in relation to their morals ; there being a gracefulness and winning insinuation taken from behaviour , as well as from person . and this especially towards years , when as time sufficient hath passed for making observation of difference herein , and naturalizing our fancies to those garbs and habits which cohabitation brings within our notice ; at which time the other affections induced from personal beauty , &c. do also abate of their vigour , so as not to divert in these . hence it comes , that old folks are ever condemning , not only the present fashions , but the manners and deportments of men also in the present age , over what they were formerly , even because , from continued impression , and that taken whilst they were young , they must stand already filled and prepossessed in their fancies against any figure that can now be offered . the which prejudication is most holpen on by compliance of interest and opinion , as we find by that ready assistance which each one of a sect casteth towards his fellow , as supposing himself holpen in that help which he yields unto them . and so again , in matters of moral opinion and conversation , we are inclined and won to fancy and practise the like principles in matters of polity and obedience , as do the rest of our familiars and acquaintance . that child , that servant , that hath observed others of his brothers , or fellows , or others in others families , to gain liberty or any thing else , or to pass without punishment or reproof for dis-respect to their parent or master , will thereupon come to be inclined to desire and attempt the like . after the same manner , such subjects and people as are wonted to hear and read stories of the commendations of such as have been tyranicids , or have boldly opposed their princes in their commands , or that have thriven themselves into the fancied liberty of free-states , they do thereupon also come to be addicted more then others to the like degree of boldness and temerity . and indeed , there is nothing more dangerous in a state , then too much toleration of philosophical discourses and books of this kind , it being one sure step to disloyalty and civil disturbance . for as no man can come to any great height of evil on a sudden , so , in matters of obedience , we are brought to be rebels upon these first grounds of dis-respect and irreverence cast towards superiours , when , by too ordinary and familiar discourses , subjects shall be informed of their princes faults or weakness , and that he is not otherwise to be respected then as prosecuting the good of his people , whose servant he is , or the like . by which means the judgements and affections of people come to be forestalled and prejudiced against their present government and governors ; no otherwise then a vitiated stomack , as before noted , doth through its own inward corrupt humors contract an antipathy and loathing against wholsom food . in respect of the danger of such like company , and such like doctrine , is that divine saying to be understood . can a mon touch pitch , and not be defiled therewith . to make us the better apprehensive of the rise and derivation of our knowledge from figure , we may take another instance in our learning to number also , when as those characters of arithmetick , which we call figures , are used in an artificial way , as outward helps to enable the fancy and memory to make comprehension and numeration inwardly of such natural things as were themselves the original ob●ects , whereby , as well as wherefore , the number themselves were framed . for as we finde children , one with another , making it one of the first tryals of their abilities to pose each other in mental addition of numbers , so is it to be conceived , that as they did at first learn from fight and experience that any thing single was called one ( because none can be presumed to know what one is , that was never by sense made perceptive of any one thing ) so come they by degrees to comprehend , from the posture and form of two , three , or four ones placed together , that these are the numbers which do answer the artificial computation of two , three ; four , &c. and therefore having the question asked them how many two and three do make , or the like , they do at first help themselves herein by real natural figures , as by calling into memory the figure of any three and two things so and so posited ; and so , by comparing them do know what they amount unto . or else they help themselves in their numeration by an outward figure , as by counting on their fingers , or the like . and hence it is that other sensitives are very little apprehensive of numbers , because they are so little apprehensive and intent on figures . for although from sight they are loosly able to configurate and remember the forms and shapes of such particular things as they account of concern , yet want they both time and inducement to remember what kind of figure three , four , or five of these did make when they were placed together , which is the prime way whereby fancy doth measure discrete quantities . from whence we may conclude , that algebra is more natural and solid then arithmetick . some persons can remember great numbers of strange words that have no import or figure , but they do onely , as parrats , remember them as impressed from syllables and tone of delivery . if this be done by children , they must repeat them in the same order they were heard : in which case , the brain succeeding in its motion according as it received impression from the articulation of the several words , doth then perform that office which is called memory . but some can also repeat them out of that order , as backward , or the like , and can also remember and give an account of multitudes of different things seen presently one after another , in a different order also to what they saw them in ; the which cannot be done , but by such as have attained years of ripeness ; who , by that time have framed artificial common placs and receptories in their brain , whereby to help themselves in the art of memory . which art we find may be holpen and attained by the use of outward figures , directing men to fancy common places of this kind , even as arithmetique and the art of numbring is holpen by its figures : and we now see books written on this artificial way of recognition , by proposing schemes to that purpose . but usually boys , in repetition of a lesson , or something without book , or any thing which they understand not , are holpen by memory of the different forms of some of the letters , lines , and part of the leaf , where the same is set down . insomuch , as the remembrance hereof , all along , directs them in repetition of what is therein contained : even so , that they can tell you what page , and part thereof they are now saying ; and when the memory of this figure fails , the other fails also . and so in all other things whilst a figure can be held , it serveth the understanding as an index for discourse , and farther discovery of things accompanying it . but all discourse and arguments upon subjects not figurable , produce nothing but mazes and intoxications , as it fareth in some metaphysical notions and speculations . by what hath passed we may know what things and arts are the objects of science , and what of probability onely . for as they depart from controlment of sense , they depart from science ; and if they come to be entertained as affections , upon repetition and authority only , they must take their hazards to be more or less true and reasonable , as these figures were more or less fit for them which the party makes use of in his fancy to conceive them by ; for the diffeence of abilities in apprehension of abstracted things wil be in choice of fittest figures . for example , as we have helped our selves in the conceipt of superiour bodies and their postures and motions , by representing them in globes and spheres ( by remembrance of whose shape and linemeants , we can remember and conceive the others ; for so , if we would examine the question of diurnal motion ( between copernicus and others ) we are then fancying ing the earth and heavens turning round , as we have seen these globes do . and so , to make us mindful and observant of matters of high and special import as coronations , ordinations , witnessing of deeds between party and party , or the like there are certain remarkable tokens exhibited unto the eyes ; by whose order and sensible method of performance , the thing by them expressed comes to have proportionable esteem in our fancy , above other things that have not such ceremony used about them . nay , of such force are these sensible expressions , that religion it self would soon vanish without their use in many things . for although all our outward worship and expression of devotion and obedience , as sacraments , prayer , alms , &c. may be called ceremonial ( as they are but expressions of that inward root of charity and love of god , we have in our hearts ) yet must they be all acknowledged as necessary , to the quickning & supportation thereof . and so again , to the supportation and enlivening of these , must such ceremonies as are unto them proper , be allowed also ; our minds and devotion being not otherwise able to conceive and attend what they are or do import . and as for those that do so bitterly inveigh against ceremonies as humane inventions ( for such they must be , as heretofore noted ( if any be ) they are not themselves able to keep up their own devotions without them ; and although they make not so much use of expressions to the eye , they requite it in sedulity and constancy of what is performed by the ear , and the numbring sermons and other select phrases of theirs , as papists do their prayers upon beads , serves with them to the like end , namely , to keep their devotion in exercise . besides , all men , to secure themselves against this strong and importunate affection of fear , must always be ready , according to the pressure thereof in their consciences , to encrease the other affection of hope , by all such actions as they conceive to be their duties ; which prevailing upon , and passing into affections , by itteration and custom ( and so much the sooner and more firmly doing it , as they are more sensible and methodical in themselves ) we need not wonder why those that most decline and cry out against ceremonies , and set-forms of worship , as superstitious , are themselves most superstitious ; that is , most fearful and scrupulous of having ( in general , or in any particular ) served god , so , or otherwise then they ought : for as there is no comparison ( in assurance of a work done ) betwixt those evidences that flow from sight , and those that come from hearing , so ( the performance of holy duties consisting in actions ) there must remain greater security and satisfaction of conscience , to him that hath performed in most sensible , solemn and orderly manner , those duties he conceived were enjoyned him , then to him that imployeth not himself in practise of his devotions , in such serious and deliberate form . to search a little more nearly into the cause why affections should be so strongly raised in us from reiteration of tenents , and inculcation of doctrines received from others only , of which we never had experience in our selves , nor are impressible from proper figures , we are to consider , that although those collections can be only properly called science , which do arise from real figurate and perceptible objects , and were thereupon gathered into notions , and thence into affections , even because in this case onely the affections ( in their disputes amongst themselves , and also for the satisfaction of others by tradition , and giving a reason or demonstration of things ) may have recourse to the brain , to receive a judicious and deliberate determination , according to such evidences as the senses have there laid up , yet , as to the introducing of an affection , the often repetition of any thing to us under the classis of hope or fear , prevails towards the belief of what is thereupon offered and presented , in as high manner , as if it had been impressed by a figurate object of its own ; nay more , in all likelihood , because the ground and reason which it takes for its support , to wit , these passions of hope and fear are there strongly placed and proved already : whereupon , being set so much onward on his way , as towards affirmation and proof , there is nothing can hinder its progress towards assurance , but plain sensible contradictions , or strong preoccupations . as we formerly instanced how a repetition of strokes , made by an egg or other like thing on the forehead , would by degrees make as great a tumor as one greater blow given by a stronger or harder thing : so may we conceive onward , that by successive continuance of these strokes , the same may be still more raised , untill it exceed , by far , that other swelling taken from the one only stroke : especially when it is to work upon a tumor and impression already made , like as tenets and doctrines usually doe ; insinuating themselves as under the consent and command of prenotion and demonstration already conceived and assented unto , by the help of similitudes , types and figures . that blow which logick gives with its conclusion from premises newly represented ; however it may , for the sudden , strongly affect , by its more pointing and entire stroke ; yet can it not raise an impression or swelling , answerable to those repeated blows made upon the affections and passions themselves ; whereby , as building upon a groundwork already made and laid , it may well be supposed to proceed more thrivingly and assuredly for setting up a compleat fabrick , then can be expected from a figure and idea impressed by it self ; which must , on the other side , be supposed to be continually declining in its presence and force in the fancy , for want of progression or repair . for a syllogism can give but one blow , and so depending on figurate induction , cannot produce higher assent then they can yield ; which in wise men may be by observation contradicted , and by fools , for want thereof , unapprehended . whereas relying and grounding upon the strength of affections already made , a discreet pressure can never fail of receipt and encrease . logick must clear his way to the will by the understanding , and must appeal to the indicative mood before it can make use of the imparative ; when as those things that enter as rhetorical impressions , by their insinuation and mixture with those affections and passions that do already rule and command us , cannot fail of a constant power to govern & guide us also : and thereupon they , depending not so wholly on sense , but being usually above its controul , are not in like danger of a defeat by a negative from thence . for logick must assertain us by the rule of all or none : whereas the other needs but look like truth , and , by joyning with that which hath been so fully assented unto already , stands always generally proved , where it is not totally contradicted . to prove that there is a god , a resurrection , and future judgement , and the like , faith is enabled , by absence of negatives from sense , by degrees to silence doubtings , and to contract a positive assurance . in which case when that which , from authority or report of others , or conceit raised in my self , is at first apprehended as a thing that may be : it will afterwards , through absense of dissent or denial , shake off its first state of doubting , and become as a certaine conclusion of that which most assuredly is : when neither experience in my self , nor sufficient aurhority elsewhere , doth or can demonstratively contradict . demonstratively , and highly demonstratively it must be also , after such time that this opinion hath once fastened it self upon these prevailing affections . even as we find that children will be so far scared by formidable tales , and the apprehensions of such objects & things as they could never from sense have notice of , as to avoid being in the dark , lying alone , or the like : and although these conceits were first entertained from the ungrounded reports of such persons as are of much less credit with them for ability and learning , then those that do contradict it , yet can it not take off the prevalence of that which hath so steady a support within , and hath not strong experiments to contradict it from without . this steady and effectual way of prevalence , it pleased the all-seeing providence to make use of in the propagation of the gospel it self , divine wisdom never overthrowing nature , but by his grace steering and directing her . for although , at the first , for the remove of pre-occupation , and making an impression in the hearts and affections of men , he did extraordinarily appeal to sense by miracle , yet had the encrease of the christian faith its ordinary and next dependance on this effectual way of preaching , even as that had again on the efficacy of the holy ghost . towards the furtherance whereof , as well in the first receipt , as growth afterwards , it pleased god almighty also to make that natural thirst to be always living , and that imbred sense of morality , ( accompanied with that continual humor of each mans adjudication for his own merit , and for the demerit of others ) to serve as steps and degrees whereby to enter , as well as preside in the belief of mankind ; and that in a more high and steady degree of energy and effectual operation , then could be done by any doctrine brought in , and made dependant on such philosophical disputes as were then raised in the grecian schools . for although it be not hard to prove both a deity , and the excellency of the christian faith by such like disputations as s. paul once used in the school of tyranus ( which may also be sometimes necessary for conviction of such as are capable of impressions that way soonest ) yet considering that even the wise and best learned are swayed by natural affections as well as others , it is not to be doubted , but that the reliance on these two mastering passions of hope and fear , would render the instructer to be most generally and steadily prevalent , even by proposal and pressing upon them rewards and punishments of so great height , as were above the degree of any former comprehension . in which case of exaltation of , and pressure upon these affections ( especially that of fear ) we shall be often drawn to seek or avoid benefits or dangers which are neither present , nor can have other sensible assurance that they will be ; and in the mean time , stand neglectful of those which sense it self demonstrates both to be , and to be formidable . for there is none that can have equal assurance of the reality of purgatory or hell fire , as of that which is in his kitchin , yet , by reason of this so often and pressing presentations thereof to the fancy ; and so to the affections by fear , he will , through the instigation thereof , have his will inclined to take notice of that which he believes is most to be feared ; and so consequently will prosecute or avoid all those courses which he is made believe will acquit him of the danger hereof . these things well considered , there will be good cause found , even in reason also , for that prevalency and spreading ability which attended the professors of the protestant religion , over those of the church of rome . for those more nice and retired speculations of the schoolmen could not , with all their fine subtilties , so accurately delivered in their books and disputations , be reasonably presumed half so efficatious for conviction in those things where reason was but subservient , as was those more familiar insinuations which the protestant preachers applied themselves unto in their sermons , made suitable to the affections of their present auditors . for first , there are more that hear sermons ; then read books ; and again , the preacher can better know and distinguish the temper and inclination of his auditory , then the writer can of those that shall read him : and besides , there is a great efficacy to be attributed to elocution and gracefulness of delivery . and in the sub-divisions of protestants again , we find that side still most prevalent and encreasing , that is most sedulous in this course of preaching also : and that also in the plainest manner . for that language and exact method that would hecome a sermon made at s. maries , would be unfit and ineffectual to be used in a country auditory : in the first it is expected he should be exact in his observation of order and scholastick rules and expressions ; whereas he that makes a sermon , or writes a book of a vulgar address , it behoves him to be more copious and plain in his delivery , even so far as he conceives his hearers or readers not fitted with pre-notion enough to conceive and understand him in a more compendious and exact method ; and in case he find them possessed with strong aversions and pre-occupations he is then to enlarge himself , and to make use of repetition and inculcation of doctrine ; whereby he may be able to convict at several times , and by degrees , such as could not or would not be won at once , and on a sudden ; the which i hope may serve as an apology for my self in those itterations and ways of pressure i have used all along this present treatise ; by which or by transferring and reflection on my self , if i have become a fool for truths sake , and for conviction of such as are puffed up against one another , and against christs ministers too , i am not wanting of good authority and president therein . but to return to the discourse of figure , although particular words did arise from , and were made conceivable by particular figurate things and their accidents , yet when we can make notions and sentences , by joyning particular words , it is because many figures may be by use so brought into one , as to be conceived all at once ; even as the whole story of any thing , wherein are several figures painted , may ( by often sight ) be brought into one figure in our fancy , in such sort as if it were but one figure , as it is now but one whole piece . and as again , in this whole piece or figure we are able to distinguish , upon occasion , the several figures therein one from another , according to their several postures and scituations ; so , in each figurate body , these adjuncts of number , scite , habit , proportion , &c. are but parts of figure it self , as constituting his whole form . nay motion it self is not otherwise conceivable , then as altering the figure of a body from what it was while , it was resting and quiessent : and therefore as any of them are change , the whole figure must be changed also , in regard the lines from thence issuing to our sight , will not be the same they were before . whereupon it will also follow , that as that party shall never so little alter his standing , or divers other persons , shall be beholding the same object , it must : by means of those several lines issuing from the diversly scituated parts thereof unto the eyes of the several beholders , put on a differing representation of shape and figure , except it be in pictures , or the like , which have such real levels and smoothness , as not to make an alteration in the return of the beam through inequality of the object . as words and figures , so sciences collect into totals in our fancies , under the general notion of good and bad , and useful or not . for we can no more seriously consider any thing without respect to our selves , then we can see with other mens eyes , or judge of them by their reason , for particulars had their admission through hope and fear , like or dislike . and from hence it is we find that subjects ( especially such as look not to have share in the mannagery of them ) are ever finding fault with the execution and rigour of the laws , and will ever like those laws best that themselves may interpret and mannage . and hence it is also that merchants , and such as propound to raise themselves by trade and action , will not be brought to attend the discourses and speculations of schollers and contemplative persons : nor they again descend to the imployment of the others , each of them having long fancied their honor and benefits to arise their own way soonest : which they now apprehending themselves skilful in , are not to be expected so far to remit their intention of benefit their own way , as to divert to an imployment that can but betray their ignorance . although , as we said , knowledge flow from sense , and beasts have them in equal number with us , it will not follow that therefore they should be as wise . for first they ordinarily come short of us in quickness of feeling : and although they have equal acuteness of sight , yet they usual trust to smelling as aforesaid , which can yield little observation or variety , but chiefly they want time to learn : for they are at their perfection before children ( of like years ) have learnt any thing . but most of all , they want so much quickness of sense , by reason of their hard breeding and thick senced skins , as to make them sensible of want . and again , their appetites are so few and cold , that they want spur to enquiry , and so to knowledge . which last consideration appears in innocents , who are always laughing , and so far pleased with what they get or see , that they put not themselves forth to any enquiry after the possession or removal of any thing , whereby to encrease their understanding . though this stupidity have its original cause from numbness of feeling , as beasts have ( for we find that they will endure pain or smart better then wise folk , who are commonly thinnest skinned ) yet the nearest reason is easie content and satisfaction . and as we see beasts of prey to be the wisest , of such as live not with us , because their food is of hardest acquisition , so of those that are domestique , those that through necessity of getting food from us , do observe us most , are consequently most crafty . for craft is but particular wisdom , as theirs is : which reacheth only at getting food , or avoiding of blows . but wisdom beasts cannot have : for it must be a general know and compleatness of comprehension , in some measure proportioned to humane ability . for as all things in nature are dependant upon one another , so no one can be throughly known without something be known of all : in such sort as nothing may be left to stand so far wanting or negative , as to the spoiling of our method . and therefore as in the mathematicks , he is to be held for the ablest architect or engineer , that , through natural sufficiency and foregoing observation , is endued with a capacity to retain , and most exactly to comprehend in his brain the entire and precise models and methods of several buildings and engines , whereby , upon occasion of erection of house or engine , he may be able out of those frames and plots conceived in his fancy , by way of theory , and out of knowledge of the true nature and use of materials , to contrive afterwards such a house or engine as may correspond with his end and desire , or to know whether it be feasiable or no : even so , in matters of polity also , they are to be held as the most sufficient artists that , being most knowing of all those several parts whereof the political body is framed , and of their true nature and use , can frame to themselves the largest and most comprehensive methods and schemes of government ; even such as by an entire configuration may include each several rank and order of men , so disposed of and set on work , as that the whole political frame or building may be held up unto that way of work and rule which is fittest for it . whereas he that will go about to contrive an engine for motion , or the like , without precedent knowledge of the trochlick and statick principles , and of the true natures of those materials whereof it is to be framed , and without full and exact comprehension of every part useful and necessary to his work : or he that will undertake to reform or set up a government without fore-consideration of the true differences and properties of command and obedience , and of the natural tempers and inclinations of men in their several orders , and how they may be made appliable and useful therein ; and who is not also entirely comprehensive hereof , so as in his scheme or model , to place every one in such a proper station , as by union and application of endeavour , the whole frame may be preserved and kept in motion , without neglect or leaving out of any , or suffering them to croud one upon another , even he shall find himself as much mistaken in his politicks , as the other in his mathematicks . and the danger of falling short , and running into mistake , is by so much the more to be feared in making schemes and methods of this sort , then of the other , by how much we are less capable of autoptical figures and means of connection and juncture here then there . for he that is to frame an engine , cannot but from sight and experience be informed how one board or piece of wood is ordinarily joyned to another , by taking part from one and part from another , and so making them even , and as it were one intire piece ; and also how that is holpen on , and upon occasion farther secured in fastness and strength , by pins , nails , plates of iron , or the like . whereas , to the framing of polity and society , it is not so easie to conceive how the natural implantation of love , is by precepts of religion , enjoyning to bear one another burthens , made efficacious for fastening of one man to another ; and how again the application of divine and positive rules and laws , like pins and bolts , for the farther and more orderly securing of this political fabrick and structure , are necessary to be applyed also : for accomplishment of the entire frame , according as he that hath charge and oversight of the whole work shall think fit . vulgar capacities can easily make to themselves a representation of a king riding abroad , and occasionaly righting or relieving of a single person , because these and such like stories use to be figured and represented in tales and ballads ; and they can also , because of instance in themselves , and their own prompting desires and hopes , be able to raise a figure of two persons appealing before him in his judgement seat , to give sentence between them , in like manner as the two harlots are painted before solomon his majestical throne ; when as yet , it will be very hard for such as have not been conversant in histories , and often ruminated on the causes of civil disturbance , to fancy how the whole people may be divided into two parties and factions , even as it were two persons ; and how in that case there is no way to peace , and to prevent the danger of the whole by their quarrel , but by their joynt submission to the same soveraign power also . but most of all they want prenotion enough to conceive , & wariness enough to consider , that the most common and usual way for men to be lead into these sidings and divisions amongst themselves , and into associations and insurrections against authority , is from the doctrines of dis-affected persons vented in private meetings and congregations . in which case , to hope that the seeds of separation and discontent shall not be farther sowed by such as from dislike of what is already publikely taught and allowed , have already begun and set up this division , is as if one should permit those fires that used to burn publickly on the hearth of his house , to be now carried into several corners thereof , on belief that , in requital of this liberty , it will now be neglectful of its own nature , and amidst variety of combustible matter , obey him , saying , good fire , burn so discreetly , as not to endanger that fabrick wherein thou art maintained . so that as men , from the time they begin to be apprehensive and knowing of morality , do stand affected with a different sense of honor and conscience , so do they accordingly proceed to make methods and collections towards the satisfaction of those strong affections of hope and fear , and that in their several kinds . in which doing , as we come to attain knowledge and discovery in the nature and course of things from the instigation of appetites to attain satisfaction , so do we differently attain wisdom and knowledge , as these appetites and affections do differently , engage in discovery , and in ploting of means and methods for attaining them , and do more hardly or easily arrive at satisfaction . so for example , a fool can neither be much or stadily covetous or ambitious ( especially the letter ) or indeed have much of any virtue or vice , which grow chiefly from society , because things of society are by him little regarded and understood , farther then to the outside and pride thereof : and so also must want virtue or vice , because so far as he wants understanding , he wants will. so then it should seem necessary that the concupiscible and irascible appetites should precede knowledge ; and that i must have sense of want before i can have instigation to attain the means of content . for he that is content , and cannot give a reason of his content , is a fool , and the more content , the more folly , and the less hope of wisdom : and the more sense of want , the more enquiry ; and the more enquiry , the more wisdom : and therefore as the proverb is true , that of an unknown thing there can be no desire , because ( as before shewed ) observation and knowledge of particulars do grow into affections and appetites , so is it true again , that of undesired things , there can be no knowledge , because none will contrive or invent any means to attain any thing which they have not first a liking unto . but as wisdom is generally found of such as seek her ; so , in every particular , men are more or less knowing and crafty , as their desire to the thing hath made their diligence and attention to exceed . and towards our instigation to knowledge and discovery , we are much holpen on by the humour of choller ; for by its irritation , we are kept , as it were , awake and intent on objects , and provoked also towards action . but then again , for wisdom and moderation in our actions , we are beholding to the humor of melancholly ; for by its dulness and fearfulness , we are brought to hesitation and advisement . hence we may learn what insinuations are best for youth , towards their proficience in wisdom ; namely , things of hardest acquisition , and that have their benefit arising through engagements to largest enquiry : and these are chiefly sense of religion , and sense of honor , for these oblige us to diligent attention and search in all things , and all the circumstances of them also ; insomuch as nothing can be looked upon but as through these considerations , both generally , and differently concerning us in our benefit or harm . and these two may well go hand in hand , fixing them upon right objects , that is , works of beneficence and charity ; for as conscience directs us to love , and to do good to our neighbour , in obedience to god ; so doth honor prompt us to do the like , by encouragement and direction of the laws and rules of our prince and country . by these means all engagements will be taken in , because intervening , with their concerns , in all we do , we shall in those secret things and occasions where honor cannot reach , be tyed by conscience to hearty performance also . but then we are to consider , that conscience is of far more advantage to knowledge then honor ; and that , not only , as more strongly terrifying and engaging , but also as more universally doing it . for there are more things which in conscience i stand bound to perform , then those which honor takes notice of : whereas there is nothing truly honorable , but what conscience doth encourage and accompany , even as its best guide and surveyor . and this especially in matters of society , and our moral deportments therein , because men , out of interest or prejudicate custom or education , may make things honorable which are not , and may also make that honorable at one time which was not so at another , the which may prove thereby also dangerous to mislead us in matters of duty and obedience . whereas , by a due regard had unto conscience , we shall be always kept both upright and steady . yet then again , by that which some call conscience , men may be both kept and led into error ; for if religion be made to consist on a few slothful observances , or if , by dividing mens duties , you separate some of them from the religious tye of conscience , and so make their concern less : or if lastly ( through flattery ) men be made proud of what they have already , by too soon assuming to themselves the title of saints , or believing they cannot sin or fall away , or the like ; then , i say , knowledge must want of its extent , by how much each one is more easily satisfied then otherwise he would be . and from hence , we seldom find great heirs , notwithstanding the advantage education might afford them , become so eminent for wisdom or ability ; as those whose harder breeding and greater wants , engage them to invent and study means of supply and encrease ; for the first , thinking only of enjoying what they have already , grow proud , without search of more honor . so for religion , too strict relyance on set tasks may well induce slothfulness ; nor it is not zeal alone that can attain wisdom , because it may be too implicit and negligent ; that is , it may be placed in the observance of a few private directions and precepts , and not in the general observation of all devout and charitable actions , according to the laws and rules of his country . and therefore when many men , appearing of great tenderness and scrupelousity , are yet known to be fools , it ariseth for that they ( as all fools else ) are slothfully implicite , and want such general scrupelousness or enquiry of their own as they seem to have . for when , they with most ardency , enveigh against the opinion and practices of some other person or order , it is but out of implicite belief of others , and not out of precedent enquiry and satisfaction of their own ; no , not in these very things they practise or condemn : and their devotion being still fixed but upon a few observations , and the rest carelesly rejected as abominable , they must so far want wisdom , as they want general zeal and enquiry , and can ( at most ) be but religious craft . and therefore as in covetousness , and appetites of less general engagement , their discovery can amount to no more then a stare of craftiness ; even so , when these greater engagers are not closely followed , they produce neither wisdom nor craft in any perfection . we see then , that to resist affections and passions altogether , is to dilete our natural and individual beings . for if the diffused observations of things should not at last collect themselves into affections , it would not be possible to have any promptness towards pursuit & desire , for want of present appearance of former particulars therein concerned , or to have any steady rule for discourse within , for want of union and agreement amongst the notified observations towards determination : but they being now transmitted into affections , carry so general and ready a sway in judging and willing of all things else , that it is not to be supposed that the doing or not doing , having or not having of any thing , can be equally sought or avoided , and not differently , according to the degrees of instigation from them proceeding . and from this ground do passions proceed , which as they rise from affections , as being heightned from extraordinary concern in objects , so is one passion generative of an other . and therefore the wisest men ( although it be part of their wisdom to conceal them ) have the most and most eager passions ; which may be easily proved bp their breaking out upon pressure or sudden occasio●s , wherein discretion cannot , or is not warned of concealing them . affections work more inward , passions more outward , because i must like or dislike first , before i can act accordingly ; and therefore mens affections are seldom truly to be discovered , but by their passions ; even as those again are best by their actions . actions without passion , differ from passionate ones but in measure , for all proceed from affections ; the first only proceed from affections counterpoised by comparison of one to another , which we call discourse and reason , these from one violent affection alone . when the affections move toward the enjoying any thing , called desire , the prosecution outward is accompanied with the passions of joy , love , jealousie , envy , ambition , covetousness , &c. and when they are averse to any thing , called hatred , they are ( in their outward means of avoiding it ) accompanied with grief , anger , scorn , malice , revenge , &c. amongst all which government finds so few steady supporters , as she is forced to make use of those including and commanding passions of hope and fear , under whose force she is able , by means of rewards and punishments , to keep the other within rule . we cannot forbid our selves affections by reason , for they and reason are all one : for as they did first proceed from the same root of in induction and experiment ; so when they come to provoke to action , they point at the same end , my particular good . but this consideration of my particular good may , from new observation , forbid the prosecution of an affection in some present thing . and affections , if they be violent , do turn into passions , and so sometimes awake a contrary affection to stand up against execution , if his enjoyment be more then proportionable to the others , and this may be then called an inward reason for so doing , as a new argument or induction may be called an outward : for the many passed inconveniencies sustained through violent prosecutions , create in us a ready fear , to make stoppage till farther enquiry ; but if against this pressing affection , no other affection appear then what have heretofore been remitted as unvaluable to stop the other , then this affection passeth uncontrolled afterwards , as to that affection ; these two affections uniting and becoming one as experimented inductions do . and so affections become satiate upon use , when particular objects have not proficiency , so as to persist in pleasing by variety ; even as observation grows satiate and weak , upon itteration of the same inductions and experiments also . so then , will differs from other affections as a double to a single , and is the issue of two reasons or affections aiming at precedence . for although the greater affection hath always mastery , yet is it not so entire as to the others total defeat , having no more pressure or prevalence for execution , then he was exceeding of the less affection in the promise of good or pleasure , or in the threats of avoidance . and as a greater affection may over power a less , so many less affections or reasons may do one that is greater , or a greater affection may over power many lesser ; the will enforcing execution but ratable to the excess in difference . for though appetite ( as appetite ) covet infinitely , yet , upon conference with another reason or affection , the will assents and acts but so far and much of them as is attainable ; and that , as it is conceived undestructive to other appetites . but then although each object and thing have its peculiar method and affection for comprehension and estimation , yet because these lesser affections , for readier use and guidance of the will , do , through usage and custom , unite and place themselves in and under those general affections called hope and fear , it therefore falls out , that these two are the most general and express appearers in all we do : appetite or hope of pleasure usually leading and provoking to to act , and fear of pain and prejudice to forbear , except where a sudden temptation , or a sudden affright doth violently move to present enjoyment or avoidance , without all kind of deliberation ; in which case a man may be truly said to be guided by passion , and not by will ; that is , by the violence of a single affection . but generally , fear is the affection that keeps us in rules of wisdom and moderation ; for else hope would lead us to do all and every thing presented under the apprehension of good or pleasure . and without it , religion and loyalty would quickly be at a loss heretofore noted . and thus comes wisest men , that have most pressing affections and passions to have them ordinarily best regulated , because through knowledge and experience the one is still used and made a stop to the others extravagancy , unless when the pressure to sudden execution , as we said , gives not time to consider them . but towards years , most affections lose their height , because the experirience of their hindrance ( through other affections ) makes them press us but rateable to that abatement . and therefore cannot aged persons be so strongly in love , both because the object cannot print so deeply as before ; and also because the affection it self is now grown less that should entertain it . and the reason why young folks are not wiser at their strength of years and affections , then afterwards , is because their affections provoke in their full strength , without any allay from fear and experiment of inconvenience : onely in age the affection to that particular covetousness of riches , doth encrease upon a contrary reason , namely , experiment of convenience and use of them , having seldom any abatement to the contrary . by what hath been hitherto said concerning the rise and beginning of knowledge and perception , we may be informed what to judge of that peremptoriness which the peripateticks and galenists do take against each other . for if the enquiry should be , in what part of us this discovery is first made , and by which part the knowledge of each thing is first attained , the answer must be , in the brain : because in that , as the first sentient , the figures of things are first impressed , and a discrimination made by comparison , before any of the more inward parts can be made consentient and stand affected therewith . but if the question should be , from whence that act of adjudication and determination towards action doth proceed which in us is the guide of all our essays ? it must be answered , from the heart and affections ; for from these the brain is instigated to raise figures , and to continue and pursue them as as they shall be judged to be of concern by the other . for the brain may be said to apprehend and regard objects , as they are in themselves separate and absolute , but the heart , as they are modal and respective to our selves ; it is a different knowledge to know and distinguish a man as a man , and as he is a friend or enemy , or the like . whereupon we may make the brain the seat of understanding and discourse , and the heart of the will ; we may place natural philosophy and the mathematicks in the one , and moral philosophy in the other ; because this points to good as the other doth to truth . but then again , as the desire to know is for honor or other benefit sake , and my desire of acquaintance and knowledge of things is for some ends of mine own ; so these ends having place in some affection in the heart , it may , in that respect , be called the original of knowledge also ; especially of all that points to action . again , as we instanced how outward senses might be deceived , so must we say that feeling it self cannot be called full and steady , as in the brain ; but so far as the heart is consentient therewith . so that as the heart is the first and chief of life , so of feeling ; for upon his resentment of any thing , as from experience , we have the highest assurance of the realities of things which our nature can afford . but if we respect the contemplative part only , then is it true that the brain is the seat even of moral knowledge also , because when any is to deliver any thing on that subject , that method by which he proceeds must be first conceived in his own brain . to which , notwithstanding the affections must give trial and judgement ; even by comparing and estimating how his own appetites and affections stand inclinable in the case . for as in water face answereth to face , even so doth the heart of man to the heart of man. the which is as necessary to direct him in making his method for the tradition of moral philosophy , as a due consideration of the ability and capacity of the present hearers or readers , is pre-required to be rendred intelligible and effectual in both . for as he that is not advertized and respectful of the prenotions and comprehensions of those he would instruct , may , by too great assention in his discourses above their sense , be rendred but as if he had spoken non-sense , ( by appealing unto and relying upon principles and premises which were never by them apprehended and granted ( an error ere-while noted in preaching ) ; even so , success , cannot be in moral discourses ; much hoped for , where the instructer or preacher hath not due knowledge and regard of the present affections and inclinations of his hearers . it being ( indeed ) the highest help and proof of ability , to excogitate and examine at home , by what steps and degrees he came himself to attain to the knowledge of things ; and by what inducements he hath been brought to the liking or aversion of them ; and also upon what grounds and considerations he hath been again brought to entertain contrary thoughts , towards those things which he liked or disliked before ; that so , upon a due comparison of his condition to that of others , he may make a true estimate and judgement of a method , and way of discourse and delivery , most fit for the others instruction therein . from all which we may discover that some of late have been too inconsiderately hasty in their censures put upon those ancient assignments of wisdom and knowledge to the heart . there is no doubt but when god calls for , and claims mens hearts to be exercised his service and worship , and when solomon prays for an understanding heart to know good evil , but that both of them did very well know whence our actions and indeavours took their source and original , that is , from the affections : and as our moral abearances , as well one towards another , as in carrying our selves in a right and steady course of subjection towards god , was the thing chiefly aimed at , and not philosophical speculation , so may we finde reason why we should be so often minded of searching and examining our hearts ; because from them , and the affections therein abiding , the issues of life and death did proceed . and certainly , had solomon been endued with a little more melancholy hesitation , and suffered the passion of fear to have been more often made use of as a stop and temperament to those jolities and enjoyments which in his greatness were so frequently presented unto him as the objects of hope and desire , and had not so inconsiderately trusted to his own heart , he would have proved himself more wise , then by that book written of all things from the cedar in lebanon to the moss on the wall. if he had i say but suffered the reverential fear of offending god to have come in with an arrest of judgement , and so , by its counterpoise , call him to a deliberate examination before execution , he would then no doubt have been as happy and famous for the wise guidance of himself , and for giving a right sentence between his passions and affections within and at home , as he was in that sentence he gave between the harlots . in which case of advisement and deliberation , we may look upon the brain as the judgement-seat , where the affections in competition , being by the heart summoned to plead , each one calls up and assists it self with such figurate presidents and examples as it thinks fit to imploy as evidences on its own side ; the heart , as from a majestick throne or tribunal , may be supposed to give that determination which is called will. but it is by the way to be conceived , that when the ancients attributed wisdom to the heart , as the seat of affections , and the source from whence appetites and actions did proceed , they then reputed it as the noblest and chief of the inward parts ; and did not thereby intend to deny that serviceableness , both for raising and resenting of objects , which come from the stomack , the diaphragm , and other membranous and highly sensible parts ; nor how other affections , by long contract may be induced upon other parts of the body ; even as that more natural resentment of the kinde before spoken of , may be by this means well thought seated in the liver . but now to make farther application of some of these discourses ; since affections have arisen ( for the most part ) from society , and the example and imitation of others , it seems most requisite that ( in society ) such means of prevention should be used , that their exorbitance be not the destruction therof . our general custom of living is that which pleaseth us , even upon no other reason but because it is so , and is the ground of what in each nation called fundamental and common law , that is to say , common custom . now although a man may love his own home or manner of living better then another , yet to be confined to the same house , food , &c. would be but imprisonment , so the desire of liberty ( in sociable living ) is the same with that of variety in private usages ; and liberty in government is nothing else but freedom of choice to follow mine own will in the various prosecution of mine own customs . and publike law is nothing else but the restraint of this liberty in some particular usages . for the laws of no government prescribe to men all they shall do or forbear ; but onely direct and stint them in such and such practises , wherein custom and affection to some things above others , were otherwise like to prevail upon them to publike prejudice . and so again , since understanding is ( as beforeshewed ) so fallible , and must be so differing in its grounds , it will appear necessary , for avoiding contention and disturbance , that each one in things of common concern , do submit to a common understanding . for in this case we may regard the appetites and affections as they are conceived in the subjects , in their separate orders and factions , to be unto the prince , as those single figurate objects or inductions conceived in each ones brain ; which are not to carry any peremptoriness of conclusion , as in themselves , but to serve as evidences and instances of choice unto him how to proceed in the execution of them , as they shall be found agreeable and approved by his experimented method and rule of publike good . so that in all differences which shall arise between one order and another , or between party and party in the kingdom , the king is , in the body politick , to resemble the heart in the body natural , in bearing sway and determination between the disagreeing affections and interests of his subjects ; after the same manner as solomon did between the harlots , as before set down . by which means subjects enuring themselves to a constant way of decision and reconciling of differences , and thereby also being reduced into a constant course in the observation of uniform and fixed laws , custom of observation and practise will make the same generally pleasant , upon the like reason that ( through use ) each mans particular customs were to him pleasant before : insomuch as it may be a doubt , whether all customs were not from positive laws at first : so that men having , from the usual practise of their superiors commands , throughly habituated themselves therein , they may ( at last ) be thought to perform them with delight , the law it self becoming exolete and forgotten , as to its letter , and affection and custom serving to the upholding thereof . and this may seem the reason also why not onely one kingdom differs from another in customs and fundamentals , but divers places of the same kingdom do differ amongst themselves : namely , from divers authorities which have therein born sway . and as in nature we may observe , that such creatures as have dread of others , are ( notwithstanding ) by cohabitation brought to liking of each others company : so when the first terrors of oppression and severity ( which all government is accompanied with ) are by indurance made familiar , ( as commonly coming under the rate they were feared , ) it comes then to be so pleasant also , that all governable people will be found averse from change . whereas else , if the publike and general way for decision of common justice and good should be interrupted , it would procure sickness and disease in the body politick , no otherwise then obstructions do in our natural bodies . for as each body hath its proper constitution and habit , for measure and motition of its humors , so hath each kingdom its proper method and proportion of laws and politick executions ; the which , when accordingly followed , doth not onely keep that kingdom in health , but also , by their free passage according to custom , administer content and delight to all the members . and this is made most apparent in those two great objects of government , liberty and property . it being evident that the happy and contented estate in either of them , is not in greatness of extent and proportion , but in that pleasure which custom bringeth . for since the greatest possessors in these kindes have desire of addition , and since in the lowest possession natural necessity is supplied , all the rest will be but as coveted for credit or honor sake : which honor and estimation , being more sought by great and rich persons , ( thereunto used ) then by the low and poor , it will follow , that the condition of the servant and poorer sort of men hath generally more steady and equal content ; and that therefore , the stating and measuring the publike liberty must be referred to publike judgement and care ; and that the grants herein must regard the real benefit of all , and not importunity of demanders onely . in which respect of judging and estimating of the reality and value of publike benefits , the prince , as the heart in the body politick , is again to be looked upon as doing that other office , as in the body natural before set down : that is , by vertue that life and soul-ship whereby he animates the whole kingdom , to be ready to give true evidence and demonstration whether the things disputed and stroven for , are things that have real beings and entities , or are not fictions and apparitions , entertained by weak and credulous persons : and how far also they are practicable and conducent to publike benefit . else it may happen , with easie princes , as with indulgent parents , who , to still their children , leave them knives or the like , which instead of use turn to their dammage : no otherwise then uncontrolable priviledges of subjects turn to their ruine through civil dissention , as heretofore observed . and therefore we see by experience that those very children , that have their private wills and affections least satisfied , are , in the general , best pleased and contented , as being least crossed through least coveting : whereas those that have them most , are most restless and clamorous for more . for as that course and manner of life must be much more uniform and constant , that is , directed by law or one universal method or order , then that which ( having no certain and determinate restraint , but being at liberty to and chose as it thinks good , in objects that concern others as well as himself ) is left irregular ; and must consequently have more crosses , by how much he deals with more objects and aims to hinder him : by which means , his liberty proving his restraint , it were much better and happier for him , to have his present liberty subjected by one , to his momentany discontent , then , by taking it upon him , to have it crossed by many , to his continual torment . for as an unusual posture will at first displease , which yet , through custom of enduring , may become as pleasant as walking it self : so when i , using liberty in many things , am thereby put to many postures of restraint , this must continually displease , no otherwise then when the parts of our natural bodies are put into any other method or posture ; then hath been hitherto familiar . and as a natural body is not an individual longer then it is guided by a single will , no more is the body politick this or that kingdom , that is guided in publick actions by more wills then one . and as again , the parts separated in a natural body do not by their absence demolish the essence of the whole , while those that remain continue subject to uniform direction , whenas , by being seperate , they fal , like as natural divided parts do , into the general accidents of corruption : even so politick parts fall into anarchy , after their separation from the common affection and will : but while they remain conformable thereto , they will , like bodily members , gain to themselves joint content , and the reputation of symetry and comeliness . for if subjects do at at any time finde fault with their government , it is either occasioned through some new and extraordinary injunctions , in not keeping a way of government constant enough , ( which makes arbitrary government so much cryed out upon ) , or else , because some other particular interest or pleasure draws their appetite so strongly another way , that it grows weary and insensible of this . no otherwise then dogs and other creatures , who having the acquisition of food and generation only in pursuit and contemplation , stand affected with those smells onely that tend thereunto : through eagerness herein , being made unapprehensive of the danger of runing into new pastures , nor delighted with the content and security they enjoy already . and the like as is said of liberty , may be said of property ; wherein covetousness provokes to the same inconvenience which too much liberty doth ; for as one is covetousness of riches , so is the other covetousness of will , and then as sense of want must precede desire , so all covetousness is poverty : and in these two cases men must be looked upon , as so strongly respective to their own interests and concerns , as hastily to fall upon schemes and methods of adjudication and contrivance , without any equal regard to comprehend or take in the interests of others . for if the partial desires of any party , order , or faction of the people should be suffered to pass and act for it self , in relation to liberty or property , or the like , it would soon be found that all others would be thereby dis-impropriate and made slaves . and this upon the same ground that , in the course of nature and providence , the good of succession and posterity would be defeated , if that natural desire not to die , might be fulfilled to such as are for the time alive . for men that can , from the pressure of their own affections , well enough fancy themselves possessing of such a part of the earth , and of being thereon , as on a stage , acting their parts amongst amongst divers others ; cannot yet be ( ordinarily ) ingenuous and comprehensive enough to consider onward , ( by enlarging of their figure ) that divers other persons are thereon to act their successive parts also : and that thereupon it must necessarily follow , ( as well for order sake as to make room for others ) that each person must withdraw when that part is acted which was assigned him ; for as himself is now possessing of his fathers stock and possession , upon occasion of his death , so must he , by his death , make room for the possession of others , else the whole plot must take end and fall into confusion . even so , in a stare , we may easily conceive how soon the constitution and welfare thereof would perish by disorder , if the statute and determinate rule of the soveraign were not inviolably observed : for subjects would forget to do as they would be done unto , in regard of those liberties they would leave to posterity and their fellows ; as men , in nature , are usually inconsiderate , that since their fathers and progenitors death made way for them , so ought they to do the like for their children . in which case of restraining the general actions of men to be guided by the same uniform rules and politick laws , as natural agents are in their courses , although the number of those that would be thereby offended , would exceed any number of men offended by particular crosses arising from prosecutions of their own devisings , because a far greater number were this way ruled then the other , yet let the discontented parties of the whole kingdom , governed by no other restraint then what they occasionally make one upon another , be compared to those in any kingdom of the same number , where an uniform constraint is imposed , and the persons in the first sort restrained will be more , and also ( because of unexpectedness and want of order ) their restraints will be more unpleasant in the kinde then the other : which hath now through custom of induration , lost the sense thereof , even as millers and jaylors , of those noises and sents they are used unto . for as we finde by experience , that the onely reason of the discontent of the subjects of one kingdom above those of another , is for that there is difference in their governments and customs , it must be much more likely to happen between subjects and the same kingdom , where the different usages and customs must be in the continual notice of one another . and thus it fareth not onely in case of licentiousness ( or where no government is ) but upon the like reason ( when authority doth make restraint in any thing ) it will follow , that as this restraint is more or less , ( that is , as the subjected parties have more or less possibility of breaking it , ) so will the continuance of obedience be more or less also . for although appetite affect pleasure and custom of each sort , yet , when such high difficulty or inconveniency shall appear , the reasonable will doth soon decline it ; and being thereupon turned to the choice of an object or action for the present less affected in it self , doth through custom therein bring it ( as aforesaid ) into pleasure ; and make our obedience prove our liberty . and the very reason why men living under one government are many times affected with another , is not from unpleasantness of that uniformity they are under , but ( on the contrary ) supposing a greater uniformity of actions set by law in that government they commend then indeed there is . for in this case , usually considering their own contrivances onely , which must be regular ; and that without just estimation , how the contrivances of others might , or do cross them , they mistake pleasure , by plotting an uniformity in the fancy which can never be in act ; and so come to pursue pain and trouble instead thereof . for it is not variety , as variety , that affects , but it is custom varied , which will imply custom and not variety : because to affect variety of customs , is to affect custom . and therefore when men through the often contemplation and contrivance of an idea or platform of government in their fancy , come thereby to attain an affection and will thereunto ; this comes no otherwise to pass , then if a remarkable object should , through often presentation in the fancy , come to pass in the extream of love or hatred , according to that relish it was at first entertained with , and thereupon be called sympathy or antipathy ; even so also , this apprehension takes sometimes with men , as if by sensible practice and induction their likings had been won ; and they may ( thereupon ) be as well said to be guided by custom to like and approve that unexperienced form , as that they live under : and it may be more , as having oftener and more attentively considered it and its benefits ; when ( on the contrary ) the inconveniences and the pressures of the government under which he lives , work so strongly towards the abatement of his affections , through the allay of fear , that he becomes not so intent in his relishes that way : and peradventure , out of that general love every man carries to his own contrivance , the inconveniences of the government he now fancies , are as far removed from his conceit , as sense . and it fares ( in this case ) with government upon tryal , as with any other beloved and much desired object , namely that they never answer ( in possession ) that measure of delight they were coveted with , because the idea in our fancy was the thing which we were in love with : which , as it was oftener seen in our fancy then the original in our sense , so was it pleasanter ; and it was perfecter also , as being contemplated without those inconveniences , which are now found in the others enjoyment . and besides this , our senses themselves are cozened with the inconveniences of things ; for as each person ( in their natural affectation of glory and reputation ) is willing to appear publikely without faults , even so each government , ( and the people therein ) do their utmost to set forth their power , riches , freedom , peace , honor , &c. but their sufferings they so strive to conceal , that we may be , and are as often deceived in judging a good government , or a happy and peaceabele state or kingdom , as of a vertuous , rich , or honest person : or in discovering the many discords any marryed couple may have , by those outward kinde appearances that may pass betwixt them . the like reason leads for regulating and stinting men in the exercise of religion : which , as it is taken of much more concern , must be made equally acceptable and pleasing to all by set and positive rules ; or else , through necessary exasperation ( which difference wil beget amongst subjects ) their discontents will be higher then in other things : encreasing , as it were , by a continual antiperistasis , until it break forth into the thunder and lightning of civil war and commotion . for to be divided in sect and opinion , must by degrees turn into a division in love and charity : even because , as there is a coincidence between faith and charity ; so is it , as well the beginner of quarrels , as the highest proof of uncharitableness , upon unauthorized grounds and suspitions , to censure or condemn any one in respect of his judgement or belief : and if done by any towards that church whereof they are members it is undutiful also . and this discord we shall finde arising , even from natural and necessary grounds also . for since the will must follow the light of the understanding , how shall any be thought willing to associate and accompany those that do amiss ? and since the reason why those of any church do order their discipline and practise different from that of another , is but because they do proportionably differ in their belief and judgements in matters of doctrine and discipline , must it not then be presumed , that so far as the members of each christian church shall decline in their reverential regard towards their churches soundness and veracity , even so far will they conquently judge it fit to divide themselves by seperate congregations , or the like ; whereupon , since a christian church and state are but the same ( as heretofore proved ) , it will soon be found that this schism in the church will be the same with a revolt in the state ; and wants but strength and opportunity to actuate its dislike into a rebellion . for although they may at first , for a countenance to their actions , and to draw in associates , make use of that deceivable distinction of religious and civil affairs , and so pretend that they intend not at all to trench on the civil jurisdiction , yet when by strength of allies and confederates they shall once have arrived at their desired degree of power , it will then appear that they which at first did intreat to be independent in relation to the church , will now practise to be so in reference to the state too ; and so by degrees to be super-eminent and command in both . for must it not be expected , that that thirst of ambition and rule ( by them called zeal and charity ) which first caused them to draw in sectators , as the objects and trophies of their glory and power , should ever stoop to any stint or moderation afterwards ; whenas , in order to spiritual things and religious cognizance , it is so easie a matter to draw in state affairs also ; and then , as christs immediate ministers , to preside in them without controle . and must it not then be expected , that that greater and higher tye of terror and fear by which men are kept in obedience , as in a religious subjection , must also make them , in case of difference with their civil head , to seem regardless of terror from him , as having but power over the body onely ; and so consequently , stick fast to the obedience of the other against him . for if the separation was not at first made upon such grounds as were hazardous of salvation , why was it made ? and being made and continued , how can it be expected they should be thought less ? so that when opportunity shall leave men at liberty which side to follow , they will certainly choose that which they acknowledge for right in the main . although some have in these cases stept in with an apology , and thought tolleration of dissent from the church allowable where a breach of charity was not presently made by schism , but the points in question were meerly speculative , yet will the example of the arrians and others of old , and the remonstrants and others of late , truely satisfie us of the danger hereof ; and how by degrees it will also arise to civil faction and commotion . for in this case as formerly noted , the discontented preacher is to be looked upon as fire , and the people in their natural thirst to dislike and insubjection , to be looked upon as fewel . and therefore although instance may be made , and hope may be gathered , that these tolerations have not arisen to a civil war ; yet can none make instance , nor reasonably presume that publike discontents should not be hereby exasperated and encreased , even to a due height and fitness to break forth into open insurrection upon any fit opportunity : for as in our bodies natural , there is an amassment of corrupt humors and habits from intemperance and irregularity of diet , exercise , &c. before some extraordinary cold or the like discover any thing in a feaver , or other formal disease . even so , they should do well to consider that civil war and rebellion in states and kingdoms , are never to be feared to work to any strength or continuance , where there is not a precedent amassment of discontents : by which there may be a juncture made to obstruct the ordinary course of regiment upon a revolt , and it is in this case to be highly observable , that the discontents of religion , are ever chief and ringleaders . for as it is natural for mankinde to know , so also to be known to know ; in such sort that we many times covet to know but through pride to appear knowing ; it must therefore be presumed that the authors and abetters of each sect and congregation , seeking to make themselves famous by the number and quality of those proselites they shall gain from one another , that therefore , in order to this encrease , and that of their own reputation , they must vilifie and deprave the judgement and practise of their opposites ; and thereby , of necessary consequence , draw on exasperation and breach of charity ; and if the separation be made from the whole church it must introduce disobedience also . for faith , love , and obedience , as they have a natural coincidence , where there is some equal respect carryed towards them , so have they as necessary a separation and loss , where any of them is slighted or omitted . for as that love and obedience we are to give to god , doth depend on that belief we have of his power , goodness , and truth ; so also doth that respect and obedience which we are to give to the church his representative power on earth , depend on our perswasion of its veracity and authority . so that if men can be once brought to to dis-believe her soundness or insufficiency , ( even so far as her communion may be hazardous and damnable ) , obedience to her in any sort is not to be long expected . and therefore although god have reserved to himself the prerogative of trying the heart and reins , and princes can have no cognizance and jurisdiction over the thoughts and belief of men , yet so far as these their thoughts and perswasions do by words or actions make open tendendency to the seduction of others in a course of sedition , contrary to the rules of charity , so far are they censurable by the present higher power . and in this case saint pauls admonition will be proper unto them , hast thou faith , have it to thy self before god : that is , let not the desire of eminence and practise in thy different judgement make thee neglectful of charity and those things that make for peace , as is largely in that chapter set down : but rather know that for this very end thou art for conscience sake also to be subject to the higher power ; as is also largely commanded in the chapter foregoing . and although it be true again , that in many matters of religion , princes cannot command as law-makers , and in their own names , as in more civil matters he doth ; yet , as the supreme magistrate entrusted from above with the interpretation and execution of these laws and rules , he may command under god , with the same authority which a high constable , lieutenant , or other supreme state officer , doth in the absence of himself . and upon the same reason that civil laws would be fond and useless things , if subjects should be thereby only told their duties , and not to have magistrates to see them do it , and direct them in cases of doubt ; the same would also happen , in the laws of god himself : which , considering the blindness of our understandings , and aversion of our wills and affections to obey at all , as well as difference in doing it , have much more need of such direction and constraint . the prince being always to be regarded as the living law , that is to say , the life thereof ; because law without an interpreter to give it understanding , and an inforcer to give it will , is but a dead letter ; and ( for the most part ) useless . so that , since laws cannot live or go without the two supports of reward and punishment , if there be not a present powerful judge to see these kept up , the performance of law will be but arbitrary ; for why should any fear a punishment , or hope for a reward from a present authority that is uncertain or unable . nay , unto those very laws which by god himself are sent for our government , what from incredulity , and what from natural reluctance , little observance can be expected , whilst his minister shall be thought to bear the sword in vain . for can men once find means to avoid his coercion therein , they are then left to the partialities of their own interpretations , to make them signifie but what they please . and then ( considering the general infection of atheism , and the wrong and partial conceits of divine retribution , what likelihood of terror or hopes of prevailing , when the evil day , or day of judgement shall be put so far from them ? since experience tells us , present terrors cannot many times do it . upon no other consideration then this , namely want of present appearance in acts of terror and government , it doth fall out ( as before noted ) that the divisions and differences between child and child , and between subject and subject , do by degrees amount unto such deadly heights ; they being nothing else but the mutual encroachments of censure and controul exercised upon one another , after an extemporary and occasional way of rule and authority , for want of a common and present superior government for restraint of this liberty in them all . for as it is most true , that each one stands strongly perswaded towards the goodness of his own actions and enterprises ( or else he would not do them ) so must he of consequent dissent from those of others , and also do his utmost for reducing them to conformity with himself ; which being nothing else but the execution of power and government , it must follow that such families and kingdoms which are under such indulgent parents , or milde and fearful princes , must be perpetually in danger of such mutinies and quarrels ; because , for want of those bands of reverential fear and respect towards him , that mutual ●ye of love towards each other comes to be dissolved . for it being the nature of love ( as all things else ) to gather strength and steadiness by that confederacy and union which is made against it by an outward and common fear of disturbance , so must it fall out , that there being now no such binding dread of authority kept up , for the uniting and associating of them to one another , through consent and fellow feeling of equal condition , that thereupon there will be time and oportunity left to those natural apperites of censure and rule to break forth to publike disturbance . for as the prince or parent shall defist , or neglect to make use of fear and power , ( those his proper instruments to rule by ) so consequently must subjects and children be supposed ready to take them up ; and , in contention thereabouts , to forget and neglect their own equal ties of love and charity . and to speak directly , if gods and natures laws have not a living coercive force for obedience ( even as positive constitutions of the supreme magistrate ) they will be of much less avail to guide us in outward deportments , then the civil constitutions of the prince ( without subordinate magistrates ) to determine their civil suites ; inasmuch as the prince ( being more personally present with us ) might decide many of his subjects differences himself . and therefore as god would have all obedience to him go by the name of fear , and threatens even such large temporal punishments to the breakers of his law , ( as well knowing that we should be more certainly guided , by an affection of such universal and near concern , then by any other more private affection , which would be but of doubtful concern ) so must it follow , that as this fear will be more or less , as it is more or less present , there must therefore be some present minister for our good , or f●r wrath , to execute rewards and punishments here accordingly . for since , in this life , ( in respect of reward or punishment executed by god himself ) none is able to distinguish of good or evil of all that is before him ; so that we may observe ( with the wise man ) that all things come alike to all , there is one event to tho righeeous , and to the wicked , to the good , and to the clean and unclean , to him that sacrificeth , and to him that sacrificeth not : as is the good , so is the sinner , and he that sweareth , as he that feareth an oath . it must therefore be granted , that fince these laws were made for our guidance here , they must have their living magistrate here also , to reinforce them as to execution , in respect of those rewards and punishments which , in regard of his present power , he is enabled to make use of . and therefore , in reference to this essential support and relation which fear carrieth towards the establishment of subjection and obedience , we may call obedience a correspondence ef●action , and deportment of the inferior , according to the command of the superior , through the sense of duty and fear : for as sense of duty or conscience must keep up obedience , so sence of fear must keep up conscience . by which definition , as we may know how to distinguish between that subjection and obed●ence which other creatures give , who obey out of fear only , and not of sense of duty , as wanting understanding to apprehend it ; so may we also perceive that since sense of duty must bring on a submission of will , that therefore hope can be very seldom , and love never made the proper cause of obedience , as heretofore noted . for hope of benefit or advantage to arise by any thing commanded to be done , being the proper end and motive by which the superior was led to make this his command and direction , it must therefore follow , that hope of benefit cannot be also directly assigned as an end to him that obeys . but here again , degrees are to be admitted and considered of , and that according as the commander is more or less all-sufficient and powerful in himself , or defective and obnoxious . when god commands any thing , as he cannot in himself be any ways respected as indigent , or necessitated for assistance to the atchieuing his designs ( as to those very instruments and agents which are now commanded and set on work ) even so the benefit thence arising , being intentionally theirs , voluntary creatures may in the performance of his edicts be well said to be sometimes guided by hope also ; and that , not only because hope cannot be then so much esteemed the commanders end , as the commandeds ; but also in reference to that greater power and readiness of reward and retribution which is in god above others . next unto whom , princes , as most representing him on earth in office and power , and as having honor their end ( whereby in their commands to be kept from justling with their subjects in the end of their obedience ) may be also said to have obedience given them with more willingness , for those very hopes sakes ; or rather , because of hope , to be given with less reluctance ; for there may be degrees of aversion in dislike of one government more then another , but none of willingness towards the choice of any government , as government , which , as we said , must make his steady reliance on fear . and it is observable , that in these very laws and edicts that do make their enforcement through hope and promise of reward ( which are but very few in comparison of what build upon terror and punishment ) they may be reckoned as grounded on fear also ; as being but negative to that , and seldom other then promises of exemption or limition in the execution of government and power , so as not to proceed to substraction of some benefit , as well as to the imposition of some evil ; as by those examples of promises of obedience made in the old testament under the theoraty , and that made by saul , of making his fathers house free in israel , that should slay goliah , and by observation of the usual constitution of other nation may appear . for as hope , as we formerly said , cannot be without fear of loss and missing ; so in things already possessed , fear to to lose is antecedent to hope to enjoy , and is thereupon its ground also . and as for that mixture and influence which love carrieth towards obedience , it is to be considered , that when , like other irrational agents , we do by natural propension and instinct only , pursue in any thing those general rules of providence , whereby particular and mutual preservation is aymed at ; in those cases men being looked upon ( like other sensitives ) as involuntary , or in small degree so ; the name of obedience is not to them assignable in a proper and strict construction ; because , for want of a known explicite precept , and sufficiency of understanding to apprehend sense of duty and direction in relation to a superior power , and for want of understanding to discover that oeconomy and relation creatures bear towards god , as well as one towards another , they may thereupon be said to want , as well the tye of fear , as of love also . when again , or so far at least , as we do attain to angelical perfection of comprehension and understanding , so as throughly to know , as well all the several relations which creatures do mutually bear one towards another , as also that relation and respect they all of them joyntly bear towards god their fountain and original ; in that respect again , as no external precept and direction seems needful to provoke to do or avoid that which its own understanding hath cleared unto it already , so may that performance of duty which was practised and given in that condition , be called love indeed ; which cannot be in the other . so that to man alone , as seated in a middle rank , between creatures irrational and throughly intelligent , this notion of obedience is most due ; even because he , in those multitude of appetites raised from observation and converse with other things , and want of true knowledge of his reciprocal relation to other things , together with his and their joynt subordination and dependance on god , is in both respects to have his love and obedience led on and directed by express law and sense of duty : in which his middle station , as having here that more perfect comprehension which angels now have , and himself shall hereafter have , but in part communicated unto him , he may also in some degree be said to be guided by love in those commands which he performes ; and that , not only as led by natural and charitable propension , but knowingly and gratefully led by sense of obligation to god ; even as also sensible creatures below us , and whom we have occasion to imploy , may in our discipline over them be stiled obedient , when brought to the performance of our wills by awe and terror . there being nothing but sense of duty and gratitude that can reconcile love and fear ; because else , obedience and fear do ( as in their own nature ) draw on hatred . and in heaven alone , they shall be throughly coincident , when our inlightned understandings shall be able truly to apprehend gods favour and our own steady condition of perseverance and continuance therein ; and then only can it be truly said of us in our obedience , that perfect love casteth out fear . but here it is to be considered , as was formerly noted , that all things at first , and while they are strange , do move to fear , and also to hatred and dislike , and that they do by so much the sooner and more strongly do so , as each sensitive doth conceive that first seen or known thing to have more or less power to hurt him , and also apprehends it self more or less within the danger thereof . as therefore experience of indemnity , and sense and experience of acceptance and reward for yielding of obedience to this object of fear and power , doth by degrees abate of that , and make it looked upon as an object of love and goodness , so doth it therewith testifie , that love was but the consequent of former obedience , even as obedience was of former fear ; and so farther also , that the love of the commanded is subsequent and dependant on the love of the commanding , and that , not for obedience and imposition of the command it self , but for his kind resentment and acceptance of the obeyers duty . so that then , to make a difference between that grateful return of kindness which passeth between equals , and friend and friend , upon the score and sense of good nature only , and that return of respect and service which any , as in the state of subjection , doth yield at the appointment of a superior , and as fearing punishment for defailance : we may farther say , that obedience is begun in fear , continued by sense of duty , and perfected in love ; and also , that the terror for performance and observation of laws , ought to be , and is still proportionable to the greatness of the law-maker . and therefore , in the constitution and promulgation of the moral law , or ten commandments , we find those terrible apparitions made , that gods fear might be so before their faces , that they sin not . as for promises , not a word then , as being but tokens of his love to such as had been regardful of this his fear . and so it must still follow , that those that are by office of command most powerful and terrible , are also soonest , and in the highest degree rendred most lovely in their service , as having ( by reason of this power ) their own ends soonest sasisfied . thus god , that hath no direct service to be done him here as to himself , is the best master ; and neither he nor others having need of our service hereafter , love and thanksgiving shall make up our obedience . in all which respects princes are most resembling him of any any terrene power ; and so can most truly ( of any ) said to be served by love ; which indeed they ought always to seek , but never to trust to . and therefore , since our observations ( as before noted ) come at last to be collected into affections , and that when these affections come to interfere one upon another , they are guided by the general affection called will : so it is also necessary for ceasing of strife in the publike body , that the affections of particular orders and persons , should be guideded by the publike will of the king , against whom there is no rising up . for he can only be supposed competent judg , which , and what affections ought to take place , and how far the granting to the desires of some , may stand with the desire and good of others . and none but he can be the common and entire sensory or centre of attraction and preservation ; but subjects affections , being guided by several interests ( even as they are severally collected in several persons ) must make ( in their dealings with others ) several centres , which must thereupon be centres of opposition , that is of division and civil war. and as the will , so the exercise of passions ( the necessary attendants of will ) must be in him onely ; for if anger and hatred be at private dispose in punishments , they will proceed too destructively ; and ( as having no regard beyond self-consideration ) turn to malice and revenge . and so again ( whilst these affections are in prosecution ) how may covetousness , ambition , jealousie , envy , &c. make us ( through partial respect only ) to be common disturbers ? whereas he that hath whole and equal concern , can no more proceed distructively to his subjects ( in that relation of subjects ) then to himself . for when publike good is crossed by any , his anger and hatred of the author will be terminated in justice , as to any punishment ; because no man can be too severe to himself ; where he hath whole interest . and since ( as we noted ) observation and knowledge must arise from concern ; so publique good and peace being of nearest concern to him , his understanding must be supposed ordinarily more able to judge and determine what it is , then such as have private concern only to looke after , who therefore , in publike things , can only have craft . when as he , having his honor and benefit intermixed and emergent from all things rightly and duly done towards publike benefit , must be supposed always intent thereon , even for his own interest and advantage sake . whereby it is to be supposed , that he shall be not only rendred the most able in understanding and judging how publike expedients may be best attained and managed , but also , by reason of often observation of the consequents and events of things , and which of them in possession hath proved most beneficial and pleasurable and which not , he may be justly also esteemed as the centre of political consensation , as being enabled , in regard of his great share and general experience and presence in all publike dealings , to give the truest report of publique liking and inclination . for it is to be supposed , that political bodies have their proper genius and constitution , as well as natural ones have , and that then he , as the life and spirit thereof , can best judge , and soonest discover how the humor of the people stand generally tainted and affected . so that when the inclinations and desires of subjects , in their dealing one with another , shall obtain his consent , it will then prove a coition towards the encrease of publike good : but so far as they shall undertake to act on one another without his liking or assent , so far will they rendred not only barren of any good issue , but ready also to be productive of those monsters of civil war and rebellion . and as thus to the resentment of the general affections of the people , so to the differencing and discovering of the perfections and beauties of separate persons in regard of excellency and fitness towards publique imployment , he is to be looked upon as the most proper and able judge of what is in that kind lovely also . for as external feature and decorum hath its excellency measured by conformity to the most usual figures and shapes of the kind , the which they must be acknowed the most able to judge of that have made the most exact and general observations , even so the perfection and fitness of publike ministers being to be estimated by that conformity which is between their breeding and ability , and those imployments they are to manage ; it must thence follow that the prince being most conversant and interessed , and having again most general acquaintance and knowledge of both publike persons and imployments ( as being in himself both the perfection and epitome of such officers , as well ) as the centre of such offices he must be consequently thought the best judge of what persons are in this kind beautiful , and fit to be entrusted or rewarded with offices and badges of honor ; the which we may call political or publike love . by conformity unto the prince his commands and directions , as to a standing examplar and copy , it will also come to pass , that there shall be such things stated as vertue and vice in morality , and righteousness and unrighteousness in religion . for when there is a certain and determinate rule set down in both , according to divine and natural precept , it will follow that that which comes nearest to it will be most vertuous or righteous , and that which most differs will be most vitious and sinful . and then , by reason of this uniformity , not only peace and agreement will be secured , but our fancies being for a while accustomed thereunto , content and delight will follow also . even as ( on the contrary ) we see discontent , distraction and civil war , most frequently to follow those places , where least constraints to uniformity is kept up . for there is a beauty and handsomness arising in actions and deportments , in keeping a method and order in them according to their rule and copy , as there is a fairness and comliness in writing according to copy also . we shall therefore , for conclusion of this quere , whether government and peace may be preserved without force or no , say , that since obedience , as obedience , will always displease , and since power and authority will be always affected and sought after ; it will be evident that superiors shall be more or less such , as they are more or less endued with power and irresistability ; and that , as power is necessary for the governor , so is fear for the governed , as heretofore noted ; even for the necessary preservation of those relations , according to that saying , if i be a father , where is mine honor , if i be a master where is my fear . for although a willing and hearty service be most acceptable , and onely rewardable ( as to the doer ) yet the benefit of others will many times be gained by the deed itself ; whereas a known impunity will , by example , and as it finds hope to attain the like , procure common detriment , both by neglect of the deed it self , and by common invitation to disobedience . but if the subject , from his own or others experience , once find that his obedience , in respect of other damages and inforcements in the princes power is unavoidable , he must be supposed even through discreet willingness to submit , and then through custom of so doing , to arrive ( at last ) at a state of natural willingness in obedience it self , experience telling us that steadiest loyalty is in such subjects as have been used to greatest subjection , and most discontents and rebellions in such families and kingdoms , where children and subjects have been most free . and it will ever be a most certain truth , that that obedience which must unavoidably be given , will ever ( in equal things ) be more ready , free , and unreluctant , then that which may have hopes of avoidance . conclusion : but it is now time to have done , having perhaps as much tyred others as my self in these tedious discourses , driven so vehemently on to the cure of that evil , which , while men are men , can never enter into a steady thought should be wholly done . for when all is said , government will have its faults ; and when in the rule of nature , we see it sometimes come to pass , that the stobborness of the matter is such , as will not admit of that form which to her policy in general , or to the production of some more perfect creature were in particular species necessary , ( but that pestilence , murrains , mildews , &c. ) to the destruction of men , beasts and vegitables ; as also monstruous and imperfect shapes ( incident to the generation of each race and kind , do sometimes happen ) why should we wonder at ineffectualness herein ? when , besides matter , there is a perpetual aversion of will in the governed ; and ( alas the while ) the workmans skill or care in this , is too often so to seek , that , through his default also , the malady is increased . since therefore nothing in this life can be to us perfect and without its inconveniences , we can only call that government good which is best , and which , upon tryal , hath fewest and least settled mischiefs ; as not arising from its form , but contingent accidents in its ministration ; and this is that which i have propounded as the drift of this whole treatise . yet then again , as the many unavoidable diseases of our natural bodies , are not at all to discommend or excuse the physicians care and pains for their mittigation or removal , so i hope in this grand disease of the politique body ( called civil war ) although i cannot attain to a perfect or constant cure , yet if the application of those remedies i have proposed , shall sometimes cause diversion , and sometimes mittigation , i shall have comfort in my labours . but in this ( as all things else ) we must leave the success to god , whose work alone it is , to still ( as the raging of the sea , so ) the madness of the people . even that mad and raging humor of liberty , which being blown to a rebellious height by the breath of seditious oratory , as seas by the wind , it is none other then if ( in our natural bodies ) the allurement of our pallats should tempt us to that food which should bring us to a feavor . and as these surfeits seldom come but from such things as are best , and then again loathing of that very thing doth follow ; so in the politique constitution ( though nothing more necessary and commodious then peace ) yet nothing more incident to mans fickle nature , then , in a giddy thirst for variety , to grow weary thereof ; which , as a thing bringing kingdoms and states to their fatal periods , no otherwise then bodily surfeits and sicknesses do single persons to their natural deaths , shall we say that as they are permitted for the punishment of our sins ( which we can never want ) so to this end also . and then , shall we say , that not so much in consideration of ours , or our progenitors sins , as that the will of god might be made manifest , are these things befallen us ? shall we say , that since none ( of themselves ) can be called righteous or good , that it may therefore be a reason that wickedness and vice are thus suffered , as to the estating us good by comparison , and that even again in government , as to the adorning loyalty and other civil vertues , disobedience and rebellion is permitted also ; and to make us thereby more sensible and thankful when peace shall again be restored . but be the reasons what they will ( our duties of obedience and submission being plain enough ) it is our parts to look to that , and to leave these hidden things to god , whose judgements are unsearchable , and ●is ways past finding out . for sure i am , that however god for the punishing of a sinful people , permit their princes , as he did david in the fact of numbring , to fall upon such unwarrantable acts as may bring on their punishments , yet can this punishment never warrant any active resistance of his authority . or be the king not good , as david was , but such another as saul was , yet since he is our king , and the lords anointed , who can without sin lift up their hand against him . and why should we be more impatient of enduring those punishments from god , that come from the hands of evil kings , then those of pestilence , famine , or the like , that come more immediately from nature , since all come from the same hand , and to the same end , the punishment of our sins . and since god owns the giving of them in his anger , and the having their hearts in his hand , and turning them wheresoever he pleaseth , why should we think of resisting one more then another ? thus is wicked pharoahs heart hardned , and his subjects the ●gyptians thereby plagued . and thus , as aforesaid , is good davids heart stirred up to number the people , and these people thereupon punished with pestilence . and who would have thought a three years famine so long after sauls death , should be the punishment of surviving subjects for a past fact of zeal done by a king so long dead ? or that the house of jehu , and his people by consequent , should be threatned with gods punishment for the execution of that his justice upon the house of ahab ▪ three hundred years after the fact done ; when as yet the very fact it self was so plainly appointed and warranted by divine authority . in which examples of kings sins being made causes of punishing peoples sins with plagues , pestilence , famine , civil war , or the like , i would know if resisting of kings had not been resisting of god , or if any such thing could have averted their punishment , but rather aggravated their offences , by adding this rebellion against their prince , to their former against god , and so breaking more of his laws . for suppose the people never so innocent , as in some of the alledged cases may appear , or suppose as all of us are ready to flatter our own hypocrisies , that neither we nor our fathers have sinned , as to those punishments , but that the will of god might be made manifest , oh let us not resist that will , who owns all the evils that befalls each city , that is to say publike evils ; lest while we will not be punished , as he appoints , by a king in his anger , he , by suffering him to be taken away , should , by anarchy , plague us in his wrath . in tender sense of publick peace and charity , and the blessed condition of the peace makers themselves and those that are promoters and assistants in it , i shall now appeal to the consciences and judgements of all such as are wont to gild over their own covetousness and ambition with the shews of justice and religion , and are so forward to kill all that will not submit and joyn in opinion with them : you that will undertake to controle heaven in its dispensations , and under colour of tyranny or usurpation , of wrong rule or wrong entry , will at your pleasure be withdrawing your own and others obedience from your present prince , give me leave to summon your thoughts to a serious consideration of all those sad consequents that must attend it , that by calling your self to an accompt before the time of that general accomptcom , you may be both eased in your own reckoning then , and have your conscience here eased of those sins and miseries which your stubbornness must produce . suppose then that you , with all those fair declamations of law and justice , or of religion and zeal , which you , in your popular oratory , are so copious and ready in , shall be able to seduce and draw to your party such a considerable number of your fellow subjects , as to form the same into a civil war , wherein thousands must lose their lives as well on one side as the other , suppose i say , these several parties through thy perswasion slain by each other in the height of uncharitableness should now present themselves before thee with their wounded and macerated bodies , and all besmeared with gore and blood , and with grim and ghastly visages stare thee in the face as the horrid spectacles of thy confusion and amazement . but this is not all ; seest thou that throng of desolate widdows and orphans , and of disconsolate parents , who , as in sacrifice of thy ambition or avarice , are by the death of each other bereft of comforts , and left to a necessity of dying while they live ; and so the never dying monuments of thy cruelty and rebellion . let the shrikes and yellings of defloured and ravished virging and matrons , the groans , the tears , the sighs , of such as are in every corner , after the manner of civil war , murthered , plundered , imprisoned , or otherwise dispoyled of life , or livelihood ; let all those arise to thy remose . if not , nor the thought of that forrest-face which thy native country must now put on , in respect of that destruction which must be introduced on its goodly edifices , corn , and cattel , can move thee , as in honor or charity , yet let piety : piety i say , if thou hast any , the sense of the honor of that god thou seemest to worship , let this move thee to think how in these civil wars , those publike oratories and publike places of worship dedicated to his name , must be alway in danger of ruine and sacriledge also , and how then canst thou persist in a course that must at once destroy all bonds of love , loyalty , and religion ; that must at once , and that with so high hand , offer such violence , the utmost violencence in thy power , to thy neighbour , to thy prince , to thy god. doth not thy heart yet feel remorse ? heark , the trumpet calls thee to the judgement-seat of that great god himself , whose honor and authority on earth thou hast so often slighted and offended . now for a mountain , now for a rock , to cover thee from the face of the all-incenced deity . dost thou not now finde that the common cause of condemnation against christians is made for living and dying in hatred and malice ? and how many are there now eying thee as the author of , and ring-leader in those civil disturbances where christian against christian have by thousands killed each other in the height and heat of uncharitableness ? and seest thou not again how the sentence of blessed runs to the meek , to the patient , to the peace-makers ? & while thou art setting forward thy trembling limbs , and stepping in , with an apology for thy rebellion , how hath new confusion seized thee , at the sight of that king and prophet who did so often flye from his persecuting prince , and had his heart smiting him but for cutting off but the hemn of his garment ? what seest thou now ? where are thy texts of scripture thy pretexts of law ? see if thou canst make thy warrant and call unto publike authority and command , in any degree apparent and equal to his , or canst make thy sufferings equal to all that other ( therefore ) glorified company of martyrs and conf●ssors , who , amids all those dismal persecutions , even for the most righteous cause of all , and plainly so , durst not lift up against him that was but a heathenish prince , but chose to follow both the precept and example of him , who is now in the highest throne of honor , as a reward of his patience . oh horror of horrors , what is thy judge become a party too ; a mountain , a mountain , a mountain . no sooner hath thy all-dispairing soul caused thine all confounded eys to sink and settle on objects below , but , oh torment of torments . who is this that is now to be thy prince , and under whose dominion thou must now for ever live ? thou shalt not need here to study pretensions of tyranny and oppression against thy prince , nor invectives and standers against his officers and ministers . what is it which thou truly feelest now ? oh — if this be the expectation , as ( without repentance ) it can be none other , of all that are promoters of civil disturbance , how necessary then is it that we should timously thinking of bridling our covetous and unruly appetites , and learn patiently to submit unto that regiment and condition of life wherein providence hath places us . when discontent of any sort assaults us to impatience , think we then , this is not our rest . no happiness to be here expected , all things in this life comes to us mingled ; as well to manifest and draw down our acknowledgement of deity and providence for the receipt of what is good , as to wean and withdraw our affections from this world to a better ; in such sort that those very things wherein our greatest temporal preservation and good doth consist , are attended and accompanied with such as are of greatest mischief . from the food with which our bodies are nourished , do we contract the most of our diseases ; nay from those sorts of it which are best too , do we by intemperance , draw on those maladies which are most desperate and deadly . from that very root of love , and desire of beneficence and thirst of honor , ingraffed for mutual comfort and assistance , do we daily finde contrary effects to be produced ; when by too strict and irregular fixation and use thereof , according to the particular interest and guidance of our private appetite and discretions , we are led into faction and civil war. and so lastly , from that course of prevention and restraint which by divine appointment was setled amongst us as the onely soveraign remedy and cure of these exorbitances , namely the constitution and power of monarchical government ; even this doth , together with the cure , make us lyable and obnoxious to those fatal mischiefs of tyranny and oppression also . against which as we have neither reasonable or lawful remedy but that of patience , so shall we finde it a true remedy indeed , and to usher us into an habitation and kingdom where neither a natural distemper , nor a civil distraction shall any more afflict us . no , no , all cause of fear , either of loss or punishment is now banished ; our obedience is become all love here , for a full comprehension of the pleasure of our present soveraign , together with a full assurance of his continual ready acceptance , as well as of our own continual ready ability of performance shall make all apprehension of power stand as it were forgotten in that of goodness . and whereas we now know neither our own duties , nor gods love and acceptance but in part , seeing them as through a glass darkly , then shall we know him , as to his will and good pleasure , even as we are known of him , as to our hearty desire of serving and honoring him ; and this , face to face . we shall not longer wait on tedious inductions and observations for some slender and fallible comprehension of these things , but at such time as charity shall make up our obedience , our knowledge shall be inherent , arising from presence and intuition . there is no such opacity here as to necessitate us to rays of light to discover , ( at most ) but skin-deep into the qualities of things ; no , then the true nature of things shall be as soon known as their names ; and their inward , as their outward form . and therefore what cause then of fear that any thing should separate us from the love of god our present soveraign ? where there shall not be so much as a false accuser left to appear in that kingdom ; whereby to disturb us in our civil life , more then a disease to disturb us in our natural . the life and health of our then refined bodies shall no more run the hazard of either famine or surfeit , by relying on such food as could not nourish us until dead , nor but bring death by nourishment . our then no longer sickly nor mortal bodies , shall now have their more spiritual life and perfection secured and encreased from a food far more spiritual and perfect then our selves . in this true paradise shall we finde the true tree of life it self ; that bread of life that once came down from heaven cloathed with our nature , that we might be made capable and participant of his . with this food shall we be always delightfully fed , never full ; always satisfied , never satiate . as thus to our selves , so to our present society : instead of those thwartings and injuries which used to come from the hands of competitors or enemies , we shall , on all hands , be saluted with the ready offices of complacency and love , for how can envy or malice have either author or object , where encrease of eminence or property cannot be so much as wisht for ? our enjoyments then shall not be purchased or endeared at the price of want and difficulty : for fruition shall here antecede appetite , even so , as there shall not be so much as time or room left for a wish . and whilst thou shalt be thus steadily compleat with happiness in thy self , so as neither to have cause to hope more , nor fear wors● , and that through the gift and participation of divine love , so shalt thou finde this love so much refined also , as to be universally and reciprocally efficacious , not onely to procure the possession against fear of intrusion through others wants , but to encrease it through consensation of like benefit in them . each one that could not as one , contain more content , shall , by this union , contain all . we shall not then know one another by our old dividing relations of consanguinity or friendship , whereby petty unions were made destructive of the common , and introductive of general disagreement : no , every one is lookt upon with the heightened affection of a brother , by means of that more close tye and relation to be derived from that our father which is in heaven . hath any one been so heroick , as but to taste what it is to be truely in love with any person here ? let him then think , that every one now shall be that he , or that she , but withour thought of a he or a she . not so hazardously now beloved as to relye on the courtesie of a idea , from the intent observation of whose perfection in our conceit , the imperfections of the original might come to be clouded . no , as we shall no longer depend on the help of deceiveable notions , nor affections or passions for our comprehension and understanding , so shall we not be in danger to be captivated with the glance of a single sense ; and that from an outward perishing and deceiveable figure . our understanding and intuistive knowledge shall now make way for our will ; it shall not stand to the issue of two contending passions here . where nothing is farther to be hoped for or feared , all such composition must cease . we shall not in this place love at the hazard of our discretions , nor endanger the loss of our selves by the love of another : for in this society every other shall be truely known to be an other self , even so much thy self , that thou shalt not be to thy self , but in that self : for we shall be so like and so much one another , as not to know distinction or separation but what number must make . oh that happy practice of love below that prepared thee for this blessed enjoyment of love above ! oh that happy performance of obedience to thy former fathers in the flesh , although unto death , that hath now redeemed thee from death , and fitted thee for this subjection unto the father of spirits unto life ! oh happy participation in a cross that makes thee now a sharer with thy saviour in his crown ! thy former bread of affliction and tears of sorrow shall be by thy blessed savior here turned into wine of comfort and food of life ; not to be now tasted in a sacramental sip or broken piece , and then onely in a topick communion ; but , in this true and real communion with thy redeemer himself , thou shalt totally and eternally enjoy that catholike and blissful communion of saints . truely blissful now indeed , and that in act and possession ; free from the resentment and fear of all those persecutions and afflictions which formerly gave abatement to that fulness of joy which in the militant communion could be expected . for here thou shalt , in and with them , in a continual and triumphant manner , be made a more neer and firm participant of all the gracious influences of deity : whose blessings and bounty can now be no more denyed or hid from thee , then thy most blessed meditator can be again separate from that nature of thine , which was by him for thy sake assumed . but thou , thou ravished and exulting soul , what canst thou now finde to do , when thou hast found thy self thus full and hast found others thus full also , even to such a mutual encrease of joy and fulness ? why then thou and they must run over . yes , yes , that thou shalt yet finde a new joy , nay thy greatest joy , in acknowledging thy joy . thy grateful spirit shall now run and croud into the chorus of the heavenly host , and there cheerfully accompany thy fellow saints and angels in symphony of alleluiahs to that inexhaustible fountain of goodness . when thou hearest the cherubin and seraphim crying out holy , holy , holy , lord god of sabboth , how will thy heart leap ? how readily wilt thou also thrust thy self into the glorious company of the apostles into the goodly fellowship of the prophers , and into the noble army of martyrs , and there joyn with that triumphant church , in a magnificant or te deu● , or other publike forms of doxology ; and therein acknowledge him the god of this thy rest and rejoycing too : for our bibles themselves shall now shrink into ps●lteries , and our prayers into praises ; and as our greatest delight , so our greatest strife shall now be to be foremost in the quire , and to be standing up and as eminent as we can in those grateful and uniform acclamations , of glory , glory , glory ; and again , and again , in the same words , glory , glory , glory , &c. eve● to eternity giving glory to those three most blessed persons ; to whom be praise and glory here on earth both now and for ever , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e jer. . . notes for div a -e gen. . . rom. , &c. num , . psal. . . rom. . . isa. . . iohn . . matth. . psal. . acts . . king. . . esther ● . . job . , . psalm . , . job lev. . , , &c. exod. . , . exod. . . exod. . . exod. . . exod. . . mark. . . exod. . . epes . . . exod. . . exod. . . exod. . . exod. ● . . vers. . verse . . gen. ▪ . cor. . . psal. . . col. . , . gen. . . act. . . tim . . ibid●m . ephes. . . king. . . prov. . . isa. . psal. . isa. . . matth. · . chron. . . rom. . . psalm . . deut. . , . psalm . . . vers. . psalm . . . joh. . , . psalm . . vers. . rom. . . dan. . . dan. . . vers. , . dan. . . gen. . . deut. . . vers. . gen. . . numb . . . vers. . sam. . . joh. . . luk. . . dan. . . luk. . . tim. . . psalm . . sam. . . cor. . . pet. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . gen. . . verse . verse . gen. ● . . luke . , , . act. . . ephes. . . cor. . joh. . . act. . . isa. . , & . .&c . dan. . , ● . verse . rom. . pet. . . ibidem . pet. . . pet. . . ibidem . rom. . . pet. . . rom. , . pet. . rom. . . dan. . . deut. . , &c gen. ● . . verse . gen. . . gen. . , deut. . . deut. . . judg. . . deut. . , verse . sam. . : sam. . exod. . : sam. . . sam . . sam. . . sam. . . ezek. . . ezek : , , , chap. . . ch . , sam. . . isa , . . psal. . . ezek. . psal. . verse . sam. . . sam. . . king. . . d●ut . ● . . v●rse chron. . gen. . . sam. . . sam. . . chron. . . chron. . numb . . . judg. . . sam. . . sam. . . chron . verse . eccl●s . . isa. ● . job . . sam. . . verse . verse . sam. . . joh. . . eccles. . . king. . . chro. . . chap. . . verse . chap. ● . chron. . . chap. . . king. . . king. . . chron. . . verse . eccles. . ● . chron. . jer●m . ● . . isa. . . deut. ● . ● . verse . sam. ● . . eccles. . verse . rom. . prov. ● . . chap. . . pet. . , : p●t . , , , ●● . ve●s . ve●s . . ma● . . ● , ●● , mat. ● . p●t . ● . . ●s●l . . . sam. . , . ●am . . ● . chron. , &c. sam. . . sam. ● . king . . sam. . . sam. . . notes for div a -e jambri signifieth rebellious . gen. . . gen. . , . gen. . . gen. . . isa. ● . . judges . . judges ● . prov . ibidem . prov , . . eccles. . . isa. . . verse . ibidem . verse , &c : vers. , , luke . . jam. . . isa. . ● . exod. . . exod. . numb . . . psal. ● . . verse . vers. . ners . , . king. . . king. . king. . . . chron. . . king. . . king. . : sam. . . king. . . king. . . job . . prov. . . ibidem . verse : john . . rom. . . exod. . . kings . . exod. . . act. . . exod. . . lev. . , , &c verse . cor. . . prov. . . rom. : . numb . . . king. . . mat. . . rom. . . ibid. heb. . , . vers. . luk. . . deut. . , verses . , , , , . deut. . .&c . luke . , . heb. . . act. . , . sam. . , . verse . psalm . . . gen. . prov. . . prov. . . prov. . . verse . prov. . . prov. . . verse . sam. . . sam. . . sam. . . sam. . . &c. prov. . , · prov. . . prov. . , , , &c. verse . verse . king. . . sam. . . gen. . . james . . prov. . . john . . cor. . , . luk. . . gen. . . jam. . . gen. . . chro. . . sam. . . verse . verse . ibid. vers. . vers. . sam. . . chap. . . chron. . . vers. . sam. . . chron. . . ibid. kings . . chron. . gen. . . heb. . . isai. . . pet. . . joh. . . matth. . . matth. . . act. . . matth. . . mark. . . act. . . cor. . . gen. . . tim. . . matth. . . verse . luke . . matth. . . notes for div a -e 〈…〉 psal. . . psal. . . psal. . . matth. . . reclesi . . . matth. . . heb. . . job . . . verse . verse . pet. . , . john . john . . rom. . . act. . . gal. . . heb. . . matth. . . luk. . , tim. . . rom. . . rom. . john. . . rom. . . luk. . . gen. . . levit. . , . exo. ● . , , . exod. . . lev. . , . exod. . . heb. . . cor. . ● . gen. . . cor. . , , . cor. . . rom . . ● cor. . . mat. . . vers. . vers. ● : col. . ▪ rom. . . mat. . . john . . john . . heb. . . john . . cor. . . ●om . . . ●om . . . mat. . . rom. . heb. . . ibid. vers . . vers . . rom. . thes. . . heb. . . heb. , verse . verse . verse . mal. . . luk. . . ibid. luke . . ibid. mala. . heb. . . ●ohn . cor. . tim. . . ve●s . . mat. . . h●b . . ● . mat. . , . phil. . . verse . verse . chap. . . pet. . . phil. . , . verse . vers. . chap. . . chap. . . vers. . ●ers . . ●ers . : ●ers . . chap. . , . vers . vers. . phil. . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . mat. . , &c john . act. . . cor. . . act. . . vers. . . joh . in the saxon tongue picoster , in french prestre ; even so petroselinum is by the dutch called peterselly , and by us persly . tit. . . cor. . . pet. . . tim. . . pet. . . john . cor. . , cor. . . acts . . tim. . . mat. . . esay . . psal. . . deut. . , , . heb. . . sam. . . eccles. . . chap. . . eph. . . isai. . . hosea . . verse . verse . . hosea . . judg. . . teraphim were little i●ages in ●he eph●d by which god did sometimes make answer . hos●a . . psa . . ephe. . . col . . eph. . , · tim. . . tim. . . acts . . tim. . , cor. . cor. : . rom. . ● . ●uke . . lev. . . phil. . . vers. . phil. . . verse . verse . verse . verse ● v●rse . verse . verse . mat. . ● . ibidem . luke . . luke . . eph. . ▪ ibidem . pet. . . pet. . . mal. . . deut. . . cor. . . john . . john . . phil. . . vers. . acts . . col. . . cor. · . tim. . . vers. . tim. . . acts . . cor. . act. . . mat. . . vers. . john · . luke . ● ▪ john . . cor. . . mat. . . verse . mat. ● . ● . cor. . : acts . . cor. . . mat. . . gal. . eph. . : mat. . , . mat. . , . mark . . mat. . . mat. . . mat. . ● . mat. . ● . verse . verse . mar. : . psal. . . verse . deut. . . mat. . . cor. . . mat. . . ibidem . ibidem . mat. . , john . . verse . ibidem . chap. . chap. . . john . . c●ap . . . chap. . . tit. . . verse . rom. . . rom. . . cor. . , . gal. . , . jam . gal. . . cor. . . col. . . heb. . . john . . john . . verse . heb. . . gen. . . rom. . . john . ● . matth. ● . . john . . verse . verse . . chap. . mat. . . john . . verse . verse . mat. . . james . . exod. . . mat. . . luke . . mat. . luke . ● . isa. . . luke . , . luke . . gal. . . rom. . . john . . gen. . . rom . . rom . . verse : rom. . . rom. . . rom. . . ibid●m· r●m . . . verse . col. . . pro. . pro. . . job . . ● . eccle. . . verse . mat. . rom. . . mat. . . verse . john . . john . . rom. . . mat. . . verse . verse . tim. . . john . . eph. . , , . luke . . mat. . . verse ▪ mat. . . prov. . . mat. . . cor. . . cor. . . ephe. . . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . chap. . . verse : verse . chap. . . ibidem . verse . chap. . . verse . ephes : . . cor : . , ephes : . . chap : . thess. . ●● tim : . . verse . verse . verse . gal : , , . col : . . verse . col : ● . verse . verse . verse . verse . ve●se . verse . col : . . verse : verse . verse . verse . chap : . . chap : . . verse ● . verse . pet : . . col : . , : verse . rom : . , , . gal : . . verse . deut : . , cor. . , . verses , . vers. , , col. . , . verse . thess : . . verse . chap : . . chap. . chap : . ● . verse . pet : . ● . thess : . . chap : . . verse . vers● . ▪ thess : . verse . verse rom : . . rom : . , . chap : . , . verses , ● . isaiah . . verse . isaiah . . chap. . . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse · verse . chap : . . matth : . . mark . , &c. isaiah . . verse . verse . chap : . . chap : . . verse , verse , verse , verse . prov. . . joh. . ● . rom. . , . chap. . . verse . . chap. . . vers. . vers. . chap. . . verse . verse . king. . . chron. . isa. . . verse . verse . verse . verse . isa. . . verse . psal. . ▪ matth. . . verse . matth. . . matth. . . matth. . . jer. . . isa. . . verse . verse . v●rse . verse . verse . verse . matth. . isa. . verse . cor. levit. . . . &c. deut. . . isa. . . verse . hos. . verse . verse . verse . amos . . verse . ver. , , . prov. ● . : phil. . . verse . eccles. , . thess. . . rom. . . verse . john. . . iohn . . verse . matth. . . mat. . , . mark . , . iohn : : matth. . , . matth. . . phil. . . cor. . . tim. . . deut. . . psal. . . psal. . : james . . rom. . . phil. . . matth. . . eccles. . . psal. . . psal. . . psal. . . phil. . . psal. . . psal. . . deut. . . psal. . . mark . . verse . rom. . verse . ver●es . . verse . luke . . hebr. . . pet. . . verse . verse . heb. . . rom. . . prov. . . prov. . . joh. . . heb. . . sam. . . heb. . . sam. . . coloss . . matth. . ; &c. cor. . . &c. matth. . . verse . eccles. . . luke . . jam. . . verse . rom. . , , . heb. ● ● . pet. . . ibidem . vers. . vers. : rom. . , & tim. , . tim. . . gen. . . rom. . . heb. . . verse . verse . verse . verse . col. . . heb. . . . . heb. . , . col. . , , &c. verse . deut. . , , . . eccles. . . chap. . : phil. . : pet. . : ephes. . . gal. . : gal. . . heb. . . &c chap. . , ▪ isa. . . deut. . . isa. . . cor. . , chap. . . chap. . . verse . verse . verse . rom. . . cor. . . verse . verse . verse . chap. . . verse . chap : . , ● . verse : verse . verse . verse . verse chap. . ▪ verses , , cor. . . cor. . . . cor. . . cor. . . ephes. . . verse . verse . chap. . . verse , . cor. . . pet. . . acts . . acts . . cor. . . heb. . . verse . cor. . verse . cor. . . acts . & ● . . deu. . , john . : acts . . isa. . . chap. . . ibidem deut. , ●● gal. . . colos. . . rom. . . exod. . . cor. . . chap. . . chap. . . chap. . . verse : tim. . , psal. . . john . . 〈◊〉 . : deut. . . joh. . . joh. . , . cor. . . mat. . , . isa. . . ●att . . . ●om . . . ●rov . . . rom. . . verse . matth. . . verse . ibidem . deut. . : exod. . . exod. . . verse . prov. . . prov. . . ephes. . . coloss. . . john . . mal. . . sam. . . john . : luke . verse . verse . luke . . verse . act. . . verse . verse . luke . . john . luke . . chap. . , matth. . . luke . ● . verse . . matth. . . cor. , , . luke . . luke . luke . . ibidem . isai. . . verse . heb. . . ephes. . . verse . verse . matth. . ibidem . matth. . . verse . verse . dan. . . psalm . . tim. . . matth. . . psalm . . heb. . . cor. . . numb . . . cor. . . verse . verse · verse . psalm . verse . verse . verse : luke . . chap . . john . . psalm . . . john . . luke . . verse . verse . verse . verse : matth. . . john. . . luke . . cor. . : verse . chap. . , . verse . luke . . sam : . . chap. . , chap. . ● isa. . . acts . ● . phil. . : ● thess. . . acts . . exod. . . deut. . . ibidem , psal. . . thess. . . verse . verse . chap. . . verse . joel . verse . verse . verse . verse . thess. . . verse . ve●se . verse . vers. , . verse . chap. . . gal. . . verse , . psalm . . . ezek. . , . jer. . . verse . isa. . . verse . verse . verse . isa. . . verse . verse . isa. . . verse . jer. . . &c. psal. . , &c. sam. . . chron. . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . psal. . . matth. . . sam. . . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . ibidem . sam. . . vers● . deut. . . verse . king. . . verse . chron. . . verse . marke . . king. . . sam. . . verse . psal. . : verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . psal. . , . isa. . . psal. . . matth. . . luke . . matth. . , luke . . verse . luke . luke . , . luke . . iudg. . . rom. . . judg. . . john . . verse . john . . john . . matth. . . john . . matth . . matth. . . chap. . . verse . ibidem . 〈…〉 j●hn ● j●hn . matth. . . tim● . th●ss . . pet. . . psal. . . rom. . . co●● . . jer. . . kings . . sam. . heb. . . verse . psal. . . isa . . psalm . . verse . verse . psalm . . verse . rom. . . pet. . , . matth. . . luke . . john . . matth. . cor. . . verse . john . john . john . john . . john . . john . jude , ver . . verse . verse . verse . verse . prov. . . john . . john . . jude , ver . . verse . jude . ver . . ibidem . john . iude , ver . . verse . iude , ver . . verse . verse . verse . verse . pet. . verse . verse . pet. . . joh . . tim. . . verse ver. , , . . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse , . john . . john . verse . matth. . verse . psal. . , . john . ibidem . joh. . . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse ● . verse . joh. . . john . ● . john . . chap. . . chap. . , , luke . . joh. . . verse . ibidem . verse . john . . chap. . . joh. . . chap. . . joh. . . joh. . . joh. . . verse . verse . verse . joh. . ● . verse . joh. . ● . joh. . . chap. . joh. . . joh. . , . . pet. . ● m●tth . . . luke , & joh. . . joh. . . chap. . . matth. ▪ verse . verse . john . matth. . . john . . verse . matth. . . john . john . . chap. . . matth. . . tim. . . verse . verse . verse . tim. . . matth. . . matth. . . marke . . luke . & chap. . . matth. . , . thess. . . verse . john. . . matth. . . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . exod. . . deut. . matth. . . luke . ▪ jude . jer. . , . verse . mat. , &c isa. . act . . john . . cor. . . act. . . act. . , . act. . . v●rse . m●tth . . . rom. . . mar. . , . mar. . , &c. mat. . , : cor. . . luke . . mar. . . luke . . acts . . luke . . mat. . luke . . luke . . cor. . . ver. , , &c. verse . verse . verse , . cor. . . verse . verse . cor. . . verse . verse . chap. . . cor. . , . verse . verse ● . verse . verse . verse . verse . verse . chap. . . chap . , . cor. . . verse . verse ▪ eph●s . . verse . verse . cor. . . gen. . . exod. . . kings . . verse , . sam. . . chap. . . kings . . luke . . kings . . kings . ● . cor. . . verse . chap. . . ephes. . . numb . . . verse . ibidem . verse . prov. . . pet. . , . jude , ver . . it is observable , that in both these places balaam is ranked amongst the hypocrites and rebellions . ephes . . ephes. . . verse . gen. . . verse . chap. . . gen. . . luke . . gen. . . luke . . verse . mark. . , john . . matth. . . luke . . matth. . , matth. . . pet. . . psal. . . verse . verse . psal. . . notes for div a -e cor. , , , &c. rom. . .